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[
"Because it is extremely dangerous to conduct such research on an airplane.",
"Because it remains a mystery what wavelengths are liable to be interfered with.",
"Because research scientists have not been able to produce the same effects in labs.",
"Because experts lack adequate equipment to do such research."
] | Why is it difficult to predict the possible effects of electromagnetic fields on an airplane's computers? | The biggest safety threat facing airlines today may not be a terrorist with a gun, but the man with the portable computer in business class. In the last 15 years, pilots have reported well over 100 incidents that could have been caused by electromagnetic interference. The source of this interference remains unconfirmed, but increasingly, experts are pointing the blame at portable electronic device such as portable computers, radio and cassette players and mobile telephones.
RTCA, an organization which advises the aviation industry, has recommended that all airlines ban such devices from being used during "critical" stages of flight, particularly take-off and landing. Some experts have gone further, calling for a total ban during all flights. Currently, rules on using these devices are left up to individual airlines. And although some airlines prohibit passengers from using such equipment during take-off and landing, most are reluctant to enforce a total ban, given that many passengers want to work during flights.
The difficulty is predicting how electromagnetic fields might affect an aircraft's computers. Experts know that portable device emit radiation which affects those wavelengths which aircraft use for navigation and communication. But, because they have not been able to reproduce these effects in a laboratory, they have no way of knowing whether the interference might be dangerous or not.
The fact that aircraft may be vulnerable to interference raises the risk that terrorists may use radio systems in order to damage navigation equipment. As worrying, though, is the passenger who can't hear the instructions to turn off his radio because the music's too loud. | 396.txt | 2 |
[
"is in favor of prohibiting passengers' use of electronic devices completely",
"has overestimated the danger of electromagnetic interference",
"hasn't formed his own opinion on this problem",
"regards it as unreasonable to exercise a total ban during flight"
] | It can be inferred from the passage that the author ________. | The biggest safety threat facing airlines today may not be a terrorist with a gun, but the man with the portable computer in business class. In the last 15 years, pilots have reported well over 100 incidents that could have been caused by electromagnetic interference. The source of this interference remains unconfirmed, but increasingly, experts are pointing the blame at portable electronic device such as portable computers, radio and cassette players and mobile telephones.
RTCA, an organization which advises the aviation industry, has recommended that all airlines ban such devices from being used during "critical" stages of flight, particularly take-off and landing. Some experts have gone further, calling for a total ban during all flights. Currently, rules on using these devices are left up to individual airlines. And although some airlines prohibit passengers from using such equipment during take-off and landing, most are reluctant to enforce a total ban, given that many passengers want to work during flights.
The difficulty is predicting how electromagnetic fields might affect an aircraft's computers. Experts know that portable device emit radiation which affects those wavelengths which aircraft use for navigation and communication. But, because they have not been able to reproduce these effects in a laboratory, they have no way of knowing whether the interference might be dangerous or not.
The fact that aircraft may be vulnerable to interference raises the risk that terrorists may use radio systems in order to damage navigation equipment. As worrying, though, is the passenger who can't hear the instructions to turn off his radio because the music's too loud. | 396.txt | 2 |
[
"Talking to them.",
"Trusting them.",
"Supporting their careers.",
"Sharing housework."
] | What is most wives' main expectation of their husbands? | I was addressing a small gathering in a suburban Virginia living room-a women's group that had invited men to join them. Through out the evening , one man had been particularly talk ative, frequently offering ideas and anecdotes, while his wife sat silently beside him on the couch. Toward the end of the evening, I commented that women frequently complain that their husbands don't talk to them. This man quickly nodded in agreement. He gestured toward his wife andsaid,"She'sthetalkerinourfamily." The room burst into laughter ;the man looked puzzled and hurt. "It's true," he explained. "When I come home from work I have nothing to say. If she didn't keep the conversation going, we'd spend the whole evening in silence."
This episode crystallizes the irony that although American men tend to talk more than women in public situations, they often talk less at home. And this pattern is wreaking havoc with marriage.
The pattern was observed by political scientist AndrewHacker in the late1970s. Sociologist Catherine Kohler Riessman reports in her new book Divorce Talk that most of the women she interviewed - but only a few of the men - gave lack of communication as the reason for their divorces. Given the current divorce rate of nearly 50 percent, that amounts to millions of cases in the United States every year - a virtual epidemic of failed conversation.
In my own research, complaints from women about their husbands most often focused not on tangible inequities such as having given up the chance for a career to accompany a husband to his, or doing far more than their share of daily life-support work like cleaning, cooking, social arrangements. Instead ,they focus edon communication : "He doesn't listen to me,""He doesn't talk to me." I found, as Hacker observed years before, that most wives want their husbands to be, first and foremost, conversational partners, but few husbands share this expectation of their wives.
In short, the image that best represents the current crisis is the stereotypical cartoon scene of a man sitting at the breakfast table with a newspaper held up in front of his face, while a woman glares at the back of it, wanting to talk. | 1631.txt | 0 |
[
"generating motivation",
"exerting influence",
"causing damage",
"creating pressure"
] | Judging from the context, the phrase "wreaking havoc"(Line 3, Para. 2) most probably means . | I was addressing a small gathering in a suburban Virginia living room-a women's group that had invited men to join them. Through out the evening , one man had been particularly talk ative, frequently offering ideas and anecdotes, while his wife sat silently beside him on the couch. Toward the end of the evening, I commented that women frequently complain that their husbands don't talk to them. This man quickly nodded in agreement. He gestured toward his wife andsaid,"She'sthetalkerinourfamily." The room burst into laughter ;the man looked puzzled and hurt. "It's true," he explained. "When I come home from work I have nothing to say. If she didn't keep the conversation going, we'd spend the whole evening in silence."
This episode crystallizes the irony that although American men tend to talk more than women in public situations, they often talk less at home. And this pattern is wreaking havoc with marriage.
The pattern was observed by political scientist AndrewHacker in the late1970s. Sociologist Catherine Kohler Riessman reports in her new book Divorce Talk that most of the women she interviewed - but only a few of the men - gave lack of communication as the reason for their divorces. Given the current divorce rate of nearly 50 percent, that amounts to millions of cases in the United States every year - a virtual epidemic of failed conversation.
In my own research, complaints from women about their husbands most often focused not on tangible inequities such as having given up the chance for a career to accompany a husband to his, or doing far more than their share of daily life-support work like cleaning, cooking, social arrangements. Instead ,they focus edon communication : "He doesn't listen to me,""He doesn't talk to me." I found, as Hacker observed years before, that most wives want their husbands to be, first and foremost, conversational partners, but few husbands share this expectation of their wives.
In short, the image that best represents the current crisis is the stereotypical cartoon scene of a man sitting at the breakfast table with a newspaper held up in front of his face, while a woman glares at the back of it, wanting to talk. | 1631.txt | 2 |
[
"men tend to talk more in public than women",
"nearly 50 percent of recent divorces are caused by failed conversation",
"women attach much importance to communication between couples",
"a female tends to be more talkative at home than her spouse"
] | All of the following are true EXCEPT. | I was addressing a small gathering in a suburban Virginia living room-a women's group that had invited men to join them. Through out the evening , one man had been particularly talk ative, frequently offering ideas and anecdotes, while his wife sat silently beside him on the couch. Toward the end of the evening, I commented that women frequently complain that their husbands don't talk to them. This man quickly nodded in agreement. He gestured toward his wife andsaid,"She'sthetalkerinourfamily." The room burst into laughter ;the man looked puzzled and hurt. "It's true," he explained. "When I come home from work I have nothing to say. If she didn't keep the conversation going, we'd spend the whole evening in silence."
This episode crystallizes the irony that although American men tend to talk more than women in public situations, they often talk less at home. And this pattern is wreaking havoc with marriage.
The pattern was observed by political scientist AndrewHacker in the late1970s. Sociologist Catherine Kohler Riessman reports in her new book Divorce Talk that most of the women she interviewed - but only a few of the men - gave lack of communication as the reason for their divorces. Given the current divorce rate of nearly 50 percent, that amounts to millions of cases in the United States every year - a virtual epidemic of failed conversation.
In my own research, complaints from women about their husbands most often focused not on tangible inequities such as having given up the chance for a career to accompany a husband to his, or doing far more than their share of daily life-support work like cleaning, cooking, social arrangements. Instead ,they focus edon communication : "He doesn't listen to me,""He doesn't talk to me." I found, as Hacker observed years before, that most wives want their husbands to be, first and foremost, conversational partners, but few husbands share this expectation of their wives.
In short, the image that best represents the current crisis is the stereotypical cartoon scene of a man sitting at the breakfast table with a newspaper held up in front of his face, while a woman glares at the back of it, wanting to talk. | 1631.txt | 1 |
[
"The moral decaying deserves more research by sociologists.",
"Marriage break-up stems from sex inequalities.",
"Husband and wife have different expectations from their marriage.",
"Conversational patterns between man and wife are different."
] | Which of the following can best summarize the main idea of this text? | I was addressing a small gathering in a suburban Virginia living room-a women's group that had invited men to join them. Through out the evening , one man had been particularly talk ative, frequently offering ideas and anecdotes, while his wife sat silently beside him on the couch. Toward the end of the evening, I commented that women frequently complain that their husbands don't talk to them. This man quickly nodded in agreement. He gestured toward his wife andsaid,"She'sthetalkerinourfamily." The room burst into laughter ;the man looked puzzled and hurt. "It's true," he explained. "When I come home from work I have nothing to say. If she didn't keep the conversation going, we'd spend the whole evening in silence."
This episode crystallizes the irony that although American men tend to talk more than women in public situations, they often talk less at home. And this pattern is wreaking havoc with marriage.
The pattern was observed by political scientist AndrewHacker in the late1970s. Sociologist Catherine Kohler Riessman reports in her new book Divorce Talk that most of the women she interviewed - but only a few of the men - gave lack of communication as the reason for their divorces. Given the current divorce rate of nearly 50 percent, that amounts to millions of cases in the United States every year - a virtual epidemic of failed conversation.
In my own research, complaints from women about their husbands most often focused not on tangible inequities such as having given up the chance for a career to accompany a husband to his, or doing far more than their share of daily life-support work like cleaning, cooking, social arrangements. Instead ,they focus edon communication : "He doesn't listen to me,""He doesn't talk to me." I found, as Hacker observed years before, that most wives want their husbands to be, first and foremost, conversational partners, but few husbands share this expectation of their wives.
In short, the image that best represents the current crisis is the stereotypical cartoon scene of a man sitting at the breakfast table with a newspaper held up in front of his face, while a woman glares at the back of it, wanting to talk. | 1631.txt | 3 |
[
"a vivid account of the new book Divorce Talk",
"a detailed description of the stereotypical cartoon",
"other possible reasons for a high divorce rate in the U.S.",
"a brief introduction to the political scientist Andrew Hacker"
] | In the following part immediately after this text, the author will most probably focus on . | I was addressing a small gathering in a suburban Virginia living room-a women's group that had invited men to join them. Through out the evening , one man had been particularly talk ative, frequently offering ideas and anecdotes, while his wife sat silently beside him on the couch. Toward the end of the evening, I commented that women frequently complain that their husbands don't talk to them. This man quickly nodded in agreement. He gestured toward his wife andsaid,"She'sthetalkerinourfamily." The room burst into laughter ;the man looked puzzled and hurt. "It's true," he explained. "When I come home from work I have nothing to say. If she didn't keep the conversation going, we'd spend the whole evening in silence."
This episode crystallizes the irony that although American men tend to talk more than women in public situations, they often talk less at home. And this pattern is wreaking havoc with marriage.
The pattern was observed by political scientist AndrewHacker in the late1970s. Sociologist Catherine Kohler Riessman reports in her new book Divorce Talk that most of the women she interviewed - but only a few of the men - gave lack of communication as the reason for their divorces. Given the current divorce rate of nearly 50 percent, that amounts to millions of cases in the United States every year - a virtual epidemic of failed conversation.
In my own research, complaints from women about their husbands most often focused not on tangible inequities such as having given up the chance for a career to accompany a husband to his, or doing far more than their share of daily life-support work like cleaning, cooking, social arrangements. Instead ,they focus edon communication : "He doesn't listen to me,""He doesn't talk to me." I found, as Hacker observed years before, that most wives want their husbands to be, first and foremost, conversational partners, but few husbands share this expectation of their wives.
In short, the image that best represents the current crisis is the stereotypical cartoon scene of a man sitting at the breakfast table with a newspaper held up in front of his face, while a woman glares at the back of it, wanting to talk. | 1631.txt | 1 |
[
"students working on a program",
"students using computers to amuse themselves",
"hard-working computer science majors",
"students deeply fascinated by the computer"
] | We can learn from the passage that those at the computer center in the middle of the night are _ . | It is 3A.M. Everything on the university campus seems ghostlike in the quiet, misty darkness - everything except the computer center. Here, twenty students rumpled and bleary-eyed, sit transfixed at their consoles, tapping away on the terminal keys. With eyes glued to the video screen, they tap on for hours. For the rest of the world, it might be the middle of the night, but here time does not exist. This is a world unto itself. These young computer ""hackers"" are pursuing a kind of compulsion, a drive so consuming it overshadows nearly every other part of their lives and forms the focal point of their existence. They are compulsive computer programmers. Some of these students have been at the console for thirty hours or more without a break for meals or sleep. Some have fallen asleep on sofas and lounge chairs in the computer center, trying to catch a few winks but loathe to get too far away from their beloved machines.
Most of these students don''t have to be at the computer center in the middle of the night. They aren''t working on assignments. They are there because they want to be - they are irresistibly drawn there.
And they are not alone. There are hackers at computer centers all across the country. In their extreme form, they focus on nothing else. They flunk out of school and lose contact with friends; they might have difficulty finding jobs, choosing instead to wander from one computer center to another. They may even forgo personal hygiene.
""I remember one hacker. We literally had to carry him off his chair to feed him and put him to sleep. We really feared for his health,"" says a computer science professor at MIT.
Computer science teachers are now more aware of the implications of this hacker phenomenon and are on the lookout for potential hackers an d cases of computer addiction that are already severe. They know that the case of the hackers is not just the story of one person''s relationship with a machine. It is the story of a society''s relationship to the so-called thinking machines, which are becoming almost ubiquitous. | 3226.txt | 3 |
[
"Most of them are top students majoring in computer programming.",
"For them, computer programming is the sole purpose for their life.",
"They can stay with the computer at the center for nearly three days on end.",
"Their \"\"love\"\" for the computer is so deep that they want to be near their machines even when they sleep."
] | Which of the following is NOT true of those young computer ""hackers""? | It is 3A.M. Everything on the university campus seems ghostlike in the quiet, misty darkness - everything except the computer center. Here, twenty students rumpled and bleary-eyed, sit transfixed at their consoles, tapping away on the terminal keys. With eyes glued to the video screen, they tap on for hours. For the rest of the world, it might be the middle of the night, but here time does not exist. This is a world unto itself. These young computer ""hackers"" are pursuing a kind of compulsion, a drive so consuming it overshadows nearly every other part of their lives and forms the focal point of their existence. They are compulsive computer programmers. Some of these students have been at the console for thirty hours or more without a break for meals or sleep. Some have fallen asleep on sofas and lounge chairs in the computer center, trying to catch a few winks but loathe to get too far away from their beloved machines.
Most of these students don''t have to be at the computer center in the middle of the night. They aren''t working on assignments. They are there because they want to be - they are irresistibly drawn there.
And they are not alone. There are hackers at computer centers all across the country. In their extreme form, they focus on nothing else. They flunk out of school and lose contact with friends; they might have difficulty finding jobs, choosing instead to wander from one computer center to another. They may even forgo personal hygiene.
""I remember one hacker. We literally had to carry him off his chair to feed him and put him to sleep. We really feared for his health,"" says a computer science professor at MIT.
Computer science teachers are now more aware of the implications of this hacker phenomenon and are on the lookout for potential hackers an d cases of computer addiction that are already severe. They know that the case of the hackers is not just the story of one person''s relationship with a machine. It is the story of a society''s relationship to the so-called thinking machines, which are becoming almost ubiquitous. | 3226.txt | 0 |
[
"the \"\"hacker\"\" phenomenon exists only at university computer centers",
"university computer centers are open to almost everyone",
"university computer centers are expecting outstanding programmers out of the \"\"hackers\"\"",
"the \"\"hacker\"\" phenomenon is partly attributable to the deficiency of the computer centers"
] | It can be reasonably inferred from the passage that _ . | It is 3A.M. Everything on the university campus seems ghostlike in the quiet, misty darkness - everything except the computer center. Here, twenty students rumpled and bleary-eyed, sit transfixed at their consoles, tapping away on the terminal keys. With eyes glued to the video screen, they tap on for hours. For the rest of the world, it might be the middle of the night, but here time does not exist. This is a world unto itself. These young computer ""hackers"" are pursuing a kind of compulsion, a drive so consuming it overshadows nearly every other part of their lives and forms the focal point of their existence. They are compulsive computer programmers. Some of these students have been at the console for thirty hours or more without a break for meals or sleep. Some have fallen asleep on sofas and lounge chairs in the computer center, trying to catch a few winks but loathe to get too far away from their beloved machines.
Most of these students don''t have to be at the computer center in the middle of the night. They aren''t working on assignments. They are there because they want to be - they are irresistibly drawn there.
And they are not alone. There are hackers at computer centers all across the country. In their extreme form, they focus on nothing else. They flunk out of school and lose contact with friends; they might have difficulty finding jobs, choosing instead to wander from one computer center to another. They may even forgo personal hygiene.
""I remember one hacker. We literally had to carry him off his chair to feed him and put him to sleep. We really feared for his health,"" says a computer science professor at MIT.
Computer science teachers are now more aware of the implications of this hacker phenomenon and are on the lookout for potential hackers an d cases of computer addiction that are already severe. They know that the case of the hackers is not just the story of one person''s relationship with a machine. It is the story of a society''s relationship to the so-called thinking machines, which are becoming almost ubiquitous. | 3226.txt | 1 |
[
"affirmative",
"contemptuous",
"anxious",
"disgusted"
] | The author''s attitude towards the ""hacker"" phenomenon can be described as _ . | It is 3A.M. Everything on the university campus seems ghostlike in the quiet, misty darkness - everything except the computer center. Here, twenty students rumpled and bleary-eyed, sit transfixed at their consoles, tapping away on the terminal keys. With eyes glued to the video screen, they tap on for hours. For the rest of the world, it might be the middle of the night, but here time does not exist. This is a world unto itself. These young computer ""hackers"" are pursuing a kind of compulsion, a drive so consuming it overshadows nearly every other part of their lives and forms the focal point of their existence. They are compulsive computer programmers. Some of these students have been at the console for thirty hours or more without a break for meals or sleep. Some have fallen asleep on sofas and lounge chairs in the computer center, trying to catch a few winks but loathe to get too far away from their beloved machines.
Most of these students don''t have to be at the computer center in the middle of the night. They aren''t working on assignments. They are there because they want to be - they are irresistibly drawn there.
And they are not alone. There are hackers at computer centers all across the country. In their extreme form, they focus on nothing else. They flunk out of school and lose contact with friends; they might have difficulty finding jobs, choosing instead to wander from one computer center to another. They may even forgo personal hygiene.
""I remember one hacker. We literally had to carry him off his chair to feed him and put him to sleep. We really feared for his health,"" says a computer science professor at MIT.
Computer science teachers are now more aware of the implications of this hacker phenomenon and are on the lookout for potential hackers an d cases of computer addiction that are already severe. They know that the case of the hackers is not just the story of one person''s relationship with a machine. It is the story of a society''s relationship to the so-called thinking machines, which are becoming almost ubiquitous. | 3226.txt | 2 |
[
"The Charm of Computer Science",
"A New Type of Electronic Toys",
"Compulsive Computer Programmers",
"Computer Addicts"
] | Which of the following may be a most appropriate title for the passage? | It is 3A.M. Everything on the university campus seems ghostlike in the quiet, misty darkness - everything except the computer center. Here, twenty students rumpled and bleary-eyed, sit transfixed at their consoles, tapping away on the terminal keys. With eyes glued to the video screen, they tap on for hours. For the rest of the world, it might be the middle of the night, but here time does not exist. This is a world unto itself. These young computer ""hackers"" are pursuing a kind of compulsion, a drive so consuming it overshadows nearly every other part of their lives and forms the focal point of their existence. They are compulsive computer programmers. Some of these students have been at the console for thirty hours or more without a break for meals or sleep. Some have fallen asleep on sofas and lounge chairs in the computer center, trying to catch a few winks but loathe to get too far away from their beloved machines.
Most of these students don''t have to be at the computer center in the middle of the night. They aren''t working on assignments. They are there because they want to be - they are irresistibly drawn there.
And they are not alone. There are hackers at computer centers all across the country. In their extreme form, they focus on nothing else. They flunk out of school and lose contact with friends; they might have difficulty finding jobs, choosing instead to wander from one computer center to another. They may even forgo personal hygiene.
""I remember one hacker. We literally had to carry him off his chair to feed him and put him to sleep. We really feared for his health,"" says a computer science professor at MIT.
Computer science teachers are now more aware of the implications of this hacker phenomenon and are on the lookout for potential hackers an d cases of computer addiction that are already severe. They know that the case of the hackers is not just the story of one person''s relationship with a machine. It is the story of a society''s relationship to the so-called thinking machines, which are becoming almost ubiquitous. | 3226.txt | 3 |
[
"Technological developments",
"The impact of foreign immigrants on cities",
"Standards of living",
"The relationship between industrialization and urbanization"
] | What aspects of the United States in the nineteenth century does the passage mainly discuss? | Matching the influx of foreign immigrants into the larger cities of the United States during the late nineteenth century was a domestic migration, from town and farm to city, within the United States. The country had been overwhelmingly rural at the beginning of the century, with less than 5 percent of Americans living in large towns or cities. The proportion of urban population began to grow remarkably after 1840, increasing from 11 percent that year to 28 percent by 1880 and to 46 percent by 1900. A country with only 6 cities boasting a population of more than 8,000 in 1800 had become one with 545 such cities in 1900. Of these, 26 had a population of more than 100,000 including 3 that held more than a million people. Much of the migration producing an urban society came from smaller towns within the United States, but the combination of new immigrants and old American "settlers" on America's "urban frontier" in the late nineteenth century proved extraordinary.
The growth of cities and the process of industrialization fed on each other. The agricultural revolution stimulated many in the countryside to seek a new life in the city and made it possible for fewer farmers to feed the large concentrations of people needed to provide a workforce for growing numbers of factories. Cities also provided ready and convenient markets for the products of industry, and huge contracts in transportation and construction - as well as the expanded market in consumer goods - allowed continued growth of the urban sector of the overall economy of the Untied States.
Technological developments further stimulated the process of urbanization. One example is the Bessemer converter (an industrial process for manufacturing steel), which provided steel girders for the construction of skyscrapers. The refining of crude oil into kerosene, and later the development of electric lighting as well as of the telephone, brought additional comforts to urban areas that were unavailable to rural Americans and helped attract many of them from the farms into the cities. In every era the lure of the city included a major psychological element for country people: the bustle and social interaction of urban life seemed particularly intriguing to those raised in rural isolation. | 1853.txt | 3 |
[
"working",
"processing",
"arrival",
"attraction"
] | The word "influx" in line 1 is closest in meaning to | Matching the influx of foreign immigrants into the larger cities of the United States during the late nineteenth century was a domestic migration, from town and farm to city, within the United States. The country had been overwhelmingly rural at the beginning of the century, with less than 5 percent of Americans living in large towns or cities. The proportion of urban population began to grow remarkably after 1840, increasing from 11 percent that year to 28 percent by 1880 and to 46 percent by 1900. A country with only 6 cities boasting a population of more than 8,000 in 1800 had become one with 545 such cities in 1900. Of these, 26 had a population of more than 100,000 including 3 that held more than a million people. Much of the migration producing an urban society came from smaller towns within the United States, but the combination of new immigrants and old American "settlers" on America's "urban frontier" in the late nineteenth century proved extraordinary.
The growth of cities and the process of industrialization fed on each other. The agricultural revolution stimulated many in the countryside to seek a new life in the city and made it possible for fewer farmers to feed the large concentrations of people needed to provide a workforce for growing numbers of factories. Cities also provided ready and convenient markets for the products of industry, and huge contracts in transportation and construction - as well as the expanded market in consumer goods - allowed continued growth of the urban sector of the overall economy of the Untied States.
Technological developments further stimulated the process of urbanization. One example is the Bessemer converter (an industrial process for manufacturing steel), which provided steel girders for the construction of skyscrapers. The refining of crude oil into kerosene, and later the development of electric lighting as well as of the telephone, brought additional comforts to urban areas that were unavailable to rural Americans and helped attract many of them from the farms into the cities. In every era the lure of the city included a major psychological element for country people: the bustle and social interaction of urban life seemed particularly intriguing to those raised in rural isolation. | 1853.txt | 2 |
[
"foreign immigration",
"rural life",
"the agricultural revolution",
"famous cities of the twentieth century"
] | The paragraph preceding the passage most probably discuss | Matching the influx of foreign immigrants into the larger cities of the United States during the late nineteenth century was a domestic migration, from town and farm to city, within the United States. The country had been overwhelmingly rural at the beginning of the century, with less than 5 percent of Americans living in large towns or cities. The proportion of urban population began to grow remarkably after 1840, increasing from 11 percent that year to 28 percent by 1880 and to 46 percent by 1900. A country with only 6 cities boasting a population of more than 8,000 in 1800 had become one with 545 such cities in 1900. Of these, 26 had a population of more than 100,000 including 3 that held more than a million people. Much of the migration producing an urban society came from smaller towns within the United States, but the combination of new immigrants and old American "settlers" on America's "urban frontier" in the late nineteenth century proved extraordinary.
The growth of cities and the process of industrialization fed on each other. The agricultural revolution stimulated many in the countryside to seek a new life in the city and made it possible for fewer farmers to feed the large concentrations of people needed to provide a workforce for growing numbers of factories. Cities also provided ready and convenient markets for the products of industry, and huge contracts in transportation and construction - as well as the expanded market in consumer goods - allowed continued growth of the urban sector of the overall economy of the Untied States.
Technological developments further stimulated the process of urbanization. One example is the Bessemer converter (an industrial process for manufacturing steel), which provided steel girders for the construction of skyscrapers. The refining of crude oil into kerosene, and later the development of electric lighting as well as of the telephone, brought additional comforts to urban areas that were unavailable to rural Americans and helped attract many of them from the farms into the cities. In every era the lure of the city included a major psychological element for country people: the bustle and social interaction of urban life seemed particularly intriguing to those raised in rural isolation. | 1853.txt | 0 |
[
"Five percent",
"Eleven percent",
"Twenty-eight percent",
"Forty-six percent"
] | What proportion of population of the United States was urban in 1900? | Matching the influx of foreign immigrants into the larger cities of the United States during the late nineteenth century was a domestic migration, from town and farm to city, within the United States. The country had been overwhelmingly rural at the beginning of the century, with less than 5 percent of Americans living in large towns or cities. The proportion of urban population began to grow remarkably after 1840, increasing from 11 percent that year to 28 percent by 1880 and to 46 percent by 1900. A country with only 6 cities boasting a population of more than 8,000 in 1800 had become one with 545 such cities in 1900. Of these, 26 had a population of more than 100,000 including 3 that held more than a million people. Much of the migration producing an urban society came from smaller towns within the United States, but the combination of new immigrants and old American "settlers" on America's "urban frontier" in the late nineteenth century proved extraordinary.
The growth of cities and the process of industrialization fed on each other. The agricultural revolution stimulated many in the countryside to seek a new life in the city and made it possible for fewer farmers to feed the large concentrations of people needed to provide a workforce for growing numbers of factories. Cities also provided ready and convenient markets for the products of industry, and huge contracts in transportation and construction - as well as the expanded market in consumer goods - allowed continued growth of the urban sector of the overall economy of the Untied States.
Technological developments further stimulated the process of urbanization. One example is the Bessemer converter (an industrial process for manufacturing steel), which provided steel girders for the construction of skyscrapers. The refining of crude oil into kerosene, and later the development of electric lighting as well as of the telephone, brought additional comforts to urban areas that were unavailable to rural Americans and helped attract many of them from the farms into the cities. In every era the lure of the city included a major psychological element for country people: the bustle and social interaction of urban life seemed particularly intriguing to those raised in rural isolation. | 1853.txt | 3 |
[
"expensive",
"exceptional",
"supreme",
"necessary"
] | The word "extraordinary" in line 12 is closet in meaning to | Matching the influx of foreign immigrants into the larger cities of the United States during the late nineteenth century was a domestic migration, from town and farm to city, within the United States. The country had been overwhelmingly rural at the beginning of the century, with less than 5 percent of Americans living in large towns or cities. The proportion of urban population began to grow remarkably after 1840, increasing from 11 percent that year to 28 percent by 1880 and to 46 percent by 1900. A country with only 6 cities boasting a population of more than 8,000 in 1800 had become one with 545 such cities in 1900. Of these, 26 had a population of more than 100,000 including 3 that held more than a million people. Much of the migration producing an urban society came from smaller towns within the United States, but the combination of new immigrants and old American "settlers" on America's "urban frontier" in the late nineteenth century proved extraordinary.
The growth of cities and the process of industrialization fed on each other. The agricultural revolution stimulated many in the countryside to seek a new life in the city and made it possible for fewer farmers to feed the large concentrations of people needed to provide a workforce for growing numbers of factories. Cities also provided ready and convenient markets for the products of industry, and huge contracts in transportation and construction - as well as the expanded market in consumer goods - allowed continued growth of the urban sector of the overall economy of the Untied States.
Technological developments further stimulated the process of urbanization. One example is the Bessemer converter (an industrial process for manufacturing steel), which provided steel girders for the construction of skyscrapers. The refining of crude oil into kerosene, and later the development of electric lighting as well as of the telephone, brought additional comforts to urban areas that were unavailable to rural Americans and helped attract many of them from the farms into the cities. In every era the lure of the city included a major psychological element for country people: the bustle and social interaction of urban life seemed particularly intriguing to those raised in rural isolation. | 1853.txt | 1 |
[
"foreign immigrants and domestic migrants",
"farms and small towns",
"growth of cities and industrialization",
"industry and transportation"
] | The phrase "each other" in line 13 refers to | Matching the influx of foreign immigrants into the larger cities of the United States during the late nineteenth century was a domestic migration, from town and farm to city, within the United States. The country had been overwhelmingly rural at the beginning of the century, with less than 5 percent of Americans living in large towns or cities. The proportion of urban population began to grow remarkably after 1840, increasing from 11 percent that year to 28 percent by 1880 and to 46 percent by 1900. A country with only 6 cities boasting a population of more than 8,000 in 1800 had become one with 545 such cities in 1900. Of these, 26 had a population of more than 100,000 including 3 that held more than a million people. Much of the migration producing an urban society came from smaller towns within the United States, but the combination of new immigrants and old American "settlers" on America's "urban frontier" in the late nineteenth century proved extraordinary.
The growth of cities and the process of industrialization fed on each other. The agricultural revolution stimulated many in the countryside to seek a new life in the city and made it possible for fewer farmers to feed the large concentrations of people needed to provide a workforce for growing numbers of factories. Cities also provided ready and convenient markets for the products of industry, and huge contracts in transportation and construction - as well as the expanded market in consumer goods - allowed continued growth of the urban sector of the overall economy of the Untied States.
Technological developments further stimulated the process of urbanization. One example is the Bessemer converter (an industrial process for manufacturing steel), which provided steel girders for the construction of skyscrapers. The refining of crude oil into kerosene, and later the development of electric lighting as well as of the telephone, brought additional comforts to urban areas that were unavailable to rural Americans and helped attract many of them from the farms into the cities. In every era the lure of the city included a major psychological element for country people: the bustle and social interaction of urban life seemed particularly intriguing to those raised in rural isolation. | 1853.txt | 2 |
[
"forced",
"prepared",
"limited",
"motivated"
] | The word "stimulated" in line 14 is closest in meaning to | Matching the influx of foreign immigrants into the larger cities of the United States during the late nineteenth century was a domestic migration, from town and farm to city, within the United States. The country had been overwhelmingly rural at the beginning of the century, with less than 5 percent of Americans living in large towns or cities. The proportion of urban population began to grow remarkably after 1840, increasing from 11 percent that year to 28 percent by 1880 and to 46 percent by 1900. A country with only 6 cities boasting a population of more than 8,000 in 1800 had become one with 545 such cities in 1900. Of these, 26 had a population of more than 100,000 including 3 that held more than a million people. Much of the migration producing an urban society came from smaller towns within the United States, but the combination of new immigrants and old American "settlers" on America's "urban frontier" in the late nineteenth century proved extraordinary.
The growth of cities and the process of industrialization fed on each other. The agricultural revolution stimulated many in the countryside to seek a new life in the city and made it possible for fewer farmers to feed the large concentrations of people needed to provide a workforce for growing numbers of factories. Cities also provided ready and convenient markets for the products of industry, and huge contracts in transportation and construction - as well as the expanded market in consumer goods - allowed continued growth of the urban sector of the overall economy of the Untied States.
Technological developments further stimulated the process of urbanization. One example is the Bessemer converter (an industrial process for manufacturing steel), which provided steel girders for the construction of skyscrapers. The refining of crude oil into kerosene, and later the development of electric lighting as well as of the telephone, brought additional comforts to urban areas that were unavailable to rural Americans and helped attract many of them from the farms into the cities. In every era the lure of the city included a major psychological element for country people: the bustle and social interaction of urban life seemed particularly intriguing to those raised in rural isolation. | 1853.txt | 3 |
[
"They contributed to the agricultural revolution",
"They are examples of the conveniences of city life",
"They were developed by the same individual.",
"They were products of the Bessemer converter."
] | Why does the author mention "electric lighting" and "the telephone" in line 23? | Matching the influx of foreign immigrants into the larger cities of the United States during the late nineteenth century was a domestic migration, from town and farm to city, within the United States. The country had been overwhelmingly rural at the beginning of the century, with less than 5 percent of Americans living in large towns or cities. The proportion of urban population began to grow remarkably after 1840, increasing from 11 percent that year to 28 percent by 1880 and to 46 percent by 1900. A country with only 6 cities boasting a population of more than 8,000 in 1800 had become one with 545 such cities in 1900. Of these, 26 had a population of more than 100,000 including 3 that held more than a million people. Much of the migration producing an urban society came from smaller towns within the United States, but the combination of new immigrants and old American "settlers" on America's "urban frontier" in the late nineteenth century proved extraordinary.
The growth of cities and the process of industrialization fed on each other. The agricultural revolution stimulated many in the countryside to seek a new life in the city and made it possible for fewer farmers to feed the large concentrations of people needed to provide a workforce for growing numbers of factories. Cities also provided ready and convenient markets for the products of industry, and huge contracts in transportation and construction - as well as the expanded market in consumer goods - allowed continued growth of the urban sector of the overall economy of the Untied States.
Technological developments further stimulated the process of urbanization. One example is the Bessemer converter (an industrial process for manufacturing steel), which provided steel girders for the construction of skyscrapers. The refining of crude oil into kerosene, and later the development of electric lighting as well as of the telephone, brought additional comforts to urban areas that were unavailable to rural Americans and helped attract many of them from the farms into the cities. In every era the lure of the city included a major psychological element for country people: the bustle and social interaction of urban life seemed particularly intriguing to those raised in rural isolation. | 1853.txt | 1 |
[
"urban areas",
"rural Americans",
"farms",
"cities"
] | The word "them" in line 25 refers to | Matching the influx of foreign immigrants into the larger cities of the United States during the late nineteenth century was a domestic migration, from town and farm to city, within the United States. The country had been overwhelmingly rural at the beginning of the century, with less than 5 percent of Americans living in large towns or cities. The proportion of urban population began to grow remarkably after 1840, increasing from 11 percent that year to 28 percent by 1880 and to 46 percent by 1900. A country with only 6 cities boasting a population of more than 8,000 in 1800 had become one with 545 such cities in 1900. Of these, 26 had a population of more than 100,000 including 3 that held more than a million people. Much of the migration producing an urban society came from smaller towns within the United States, but the combination of new immigrants and old American "settlers" on America's "urban frontier" in the late nineteenth century proved extraordinary.
The growth of cities and the process of industrialization fed on each other. The agricultural revolution stimulated many in the countryside to seek a new life in the city and made it possible for fewer farmers to feed the large concentrations of people needed to provide a workforce for growing numbers of factories. Cities also provided ready and convenient markets for the products of industry, and huge contracts in transportation and construction - as well as the expanded market in consumer goods - allowed continued growth of the urban sector of the overall economy of the Untied States.
Technological developments further stimulated the process of urbanization. One example is the Bessemer converter (an industrial process for manufacturing steel), which provided steel girders for the construction of skyscrapers. The refining of crude oil into kerosene, and later the development of electric lighting as well as of the telephone, brought additional comforts to urban areas that were unavailable to rural Americans and helped attract many of them from the farms into the cities. In every era the lure of the city included a major psychological element for country people: the bustle and social interaction of urban life seemed particularly intriguing to those raised in rural isolation. | 1853.txt | 1 |
[
"period of time",
"location",
"action",
"unique situation"
] | The word "era" in line 25 is closest in meaning to | Matching the influx of foreign immigrants into the larger cities of the United States during the late nineteenth century was a domestic migration, from town and farm to city, within the United States. The country had been overwhelmingly rural at the beginning of the century, with less than 5 percent of Americans living in large towns or cities. The proportion of urban population began to grow remarkably after 1840, increasing from 11 percent that year to 28 percent by 1880 and to 46 percent by 1900. A country with only 6 cities boasting a population of more than 8,000 in 1800 had become one with 545 such cities in 1900. Of these, 26 had a population of more than 100,000 including 3 that held more than a million people. Much of the migration producing an urban society came from smaller towns within the United States, but the combination of new immigrants and old American "settlers" on America's "urban frontier" in the late nineteenth century proved extraordinary.
The growth of cities and the process of industrialization fed on each other. The agricultural revolution stimulated many in the countryside to seek a new life in the city and made it possible for fewer farmers to feed the large concentrations of people needed to provide a workforce for growing numbers of factories. Cities also provided ready and convenient markets for the products of industry, and huge contracts in transportation and construction - as well as the expanded market in consumer goods - allowed continued growth of the urban sector of the overall economy of the Untied States.
Technological developments further stimulated the process of urbanization. One example is the Bessemer converter (an industrial process for manufacturing steel), which provided steel girders for the construction of skyscrapers. The refining of crude oil into kerosene, and later the development of electric lighting as well as of the telephone, brought additional comforts to urban areas that were unavailable to rural Americans and helped attract many of them from the farms into the cities. In every era the lure of the city included a major psychological element for country people: the bustle and social interaction of urban life seemed particularly intriguing to those raised in rural isolation. | 1853.txt | 0 |
[
"profitable",
"attractive",
"comfortable",
"challenging"
] | The word "intriguing" in line 27 is closest in meaning to | Matching the influx of foreign immigrants into the larger cities of the United States during the late nineteenth century was a domestic migration, from town and farm to city, within the United States. The country had been overwhelmingly rural at the beginning of the century, with less than 5 percent of Americans living in large towns or cities. The proportion of urban population began to grow remarkably after 1840, increasing from 11 percent that year to 28 percent by 1880 and to 46 percent by 1900. A country with only 6 cities boasting a population of more than 8,000 in 1800 had become one with 545 such cities in 1900. Of these, 26 had a population of more than 100,000 including 3 that held more than a million people. Much of the migration producing an urban society came from smaller towns within the United States, but the combination of new immigrants and old American "settlers" on America's "urban frontier" in the late nineteenth century proved extraordinary.
The growth of cities and the process of industrialization fed on each other. The agricultural revolution stimulated many in the countryside to seek a new life in the city and made it possible for fewer farmers to feed the large concentrations of people needed to provide a workforce for growing numbers of factories. Cities also provided ready and convenient markets for the products of industry, and huge contracts in transportation and construction - as well as the expanded market in consumer goods - allowed continued growth of the urban sector of the overall economy of the Untied States.
Technological developments further stimulated the process of urbanization. One example is the Bessemer converter (an industrial process for manufacturing steel), which provided steel girders for the construction of skyscrapers. The refining of crude oil into kerosene, and later the development of electric lighting as well as of the telephone, brought additional comforts to urban areas that were unavailable to rural Americans and helped attract many of them from the farms into the cities. In every era the lure of the city included a major psychological element for country people: the bustle and social interaction of urban life seemed particularly intriguing to those raised in rural isolation. | 1853.txt | 1 |
[
"it is still impossible to detect computer crimes today",
"computer crimes are the most serious problem in the operation of financial institutions",
"computer criminals can escape punishment because they can't be detected",
"people commit computer crimes at the request their company"
] | It can be concluded from the passage that ________. | More and more, the operations of our businesses, governments, and financial institutions are controlled by information that exists only inside computer memories. Anyone clever enough to modify this information for his own purposes can reap substantial rewards. Even worse, a number of people who have done this and been caught at it have managed to get away without punishment.
It's easy for computer crimes to go undetected if no one checks up on what the computer is doing. But even if the crime is detected, the criminal may walk away not only unpunished but with a glowing recommendation from his former employers.
Of course, we have no statistics on crimes that go undetected. But it's disturbing to note how many of the crimes we do know about were detected by accident, not by systematic inspections or other security procedures. The computer criminals who have been caught may been the victims of uncommonly bad luck.
For example, a certain keypunch operator complained of having to stay overtime to punch extra cards. Investigation revealed that the extra cards she was being asked to punch were for dishonest transactions. In another case, dissatisfied employees of the thief tipped off (…) the company that was being robbed.
Unlike other lawbreakers, who must leave the country, commit suicide, or go to jail, computer criminals sometimes escape punishment, demanding not only that they not be charged but that they be given good recommendations and perhaps other benefits. All too often, their demands have been met.
Why? Because company executives are afraid of the bad publicity that would result if the public found out that their computer had been misused. They hesitate at the thought of a criminal boasting in open court of how he juggled the most confidential records right under the noses of the company's executives, a accountant, and security staff. And so another computer criminal departs with just the recommendations he needs to continue his crimes elsewhere. | 2785.txt | 2 |
[
"many more computer crimes go undetected than are discovered",
"the rapid increase of computer crimes is a troublesome problem",
"most computer criminals are smart enough to cover up their crimes",
"most computer criminals are smart enough to cover up their bad luck"
] | It is implied in the third paragraph that ________. | More and more, the operations of our businesses, governments, and financial institutions are controlled by information that exists only inside computer memories. Anyone clever enough to modify this information for his own purposes can reap substantial rewards. Even worse, a number of people who have done this and been caught at it have managed to get away without punishment.
It's easy for computer crimes to go undetected if no one checks up on what the computer is doing. But even if the crime is detected, the criminal may walk away not only unpunished but with a glowing recommendation from his former employers.
Of course, we have no statistics on crimes that go undetected. But it's disturbing to note how many of the crimes we do know about were detected by accident, not by systematic inspections or other security procedures. The computer criminals who have been caught may been the victims of uncommonly bad luck.
For example, a certain keypunch operator complained of having to stay overtime to punch extra cards. Investigation revealed that the extra cards she was being asked to punch were for dishonest transactions. In another case, dissatisfied employees of the thief tipped off (…) the company that was being robbed.
Unlike other lawbreakers, who must leave the country, commit suicide, or go to jail, computer criminals sometimes escape punishment, demanding not only that they not be charged but that they be given good recommendations and perhaps other benefits. All too often, their demands have been met.
Why? Because company executives are afraid of the bad publicity that would result if the public found out that their computer had been misused. They hesitate at the thought of a criminal boasting in open court of how he juggled the most confidential records right under the noses of the company's executives, a accountant, and security staff. And so another computer criminal departs with just the recommendations he needs to continue his crimes elsewhere. | 2785.txt | 0 |
[
"A strict law against computer crimes must be enforced.",
"Companies need to impose restrictions on confidential information.",
"Companies will guard against computer crimes to protect their reputation.",
"Companies usually hesitate to uncover computer crimes."
] | Which of the following is mentioned in the passage? | More and more, the operations of our businesses, governments, and financial institutions are controlled by information that exists only inside computer memories. Anyone clever enough to modify this information for his own purposes can reap substantial rewards. Even worse, a number of people who have done this and been caught at it have managed to get away without punishment.
It's easy for computer crimes to go undetected if no one checks up on what the computer is doing. But even if the crime is detected, the criminal may walk away not only unpunished but with a glowing recommendation from his former employers.
Of course, we have no statistics on crimes that go undetected. But it's disturbing to note how many of the crimes we do know about were detected by accident, not by systematic inspections or other security procedures. The computer criminals who have been caught may been the victims of uncommonly bad luck.
For example, a certain keypunch operator complained of having to stay overtime to punch extra cards. Investigation revealed that the extra cards she was being asked to punch were for dishonest transactions. In another case, dissatisfied employees of the thief tipped off (…) the company that was being robbed.
Unlike other lawbreakers, who must leave the country, commit suicide, or go to jail, computer criminals sometimes escape punishment, demanding not only that they not be charged but that they be given good recommendations and perhaps other benefits. All too often, their demands have been met.
Why? Because company executives are afraid of the bad publicity that would result if the public found out that their computer had been misused. They hesitate at the thought of a criminal boasting in open court of how he juggled the most confidential records right under the noses of the company's executives, a accountant, and security staff. And so another computer criminal departs with just the recommendations he needs to continue his crimes elsewhere. | 2785.txt | 3 |
[
"With a bad reputation they can hardly find another job.",
"They will be denied access to confidential records.",
"They may walk away and easily find another job.",
"They must leave the country or go to jail."
] | What may happen to computer criminals once they are caught? | More and more, the operations of our businesses, governments, and financial institutions are controlled by information that exists only inside computer memories. Anyone clever enough to modify this information for his own purposes can reap substantial rewards. Even worse, a number of people who have done this and been caught at it have managed to get away without punishment.
It's easy for computer crimes to go undetected if no one checks up on what the computer is doing. But even if the crime is detected, the criminal may walk away not only unpunished but with a glowing recommendation from his former employers.
Of course, we have no statistics on crimes that go undetected. But it's disturbing to note how many of the crimes we do know about were detected by accident, not by systematic inspections or other security procedures. The computer criminals who have been caught may been the victims of uncommonly bad luck.
For example, a certain keypunch operator complained of having to stay overtime to punch extra cards. Investigation revealed that the extra cards she was being asked to punch were for dishonest transactions. In another case, dissatisfied employees of the thief tipped off (…) the company that was being robbed.
Unlike other lawbreakers, who must leave the country, commit suicide, or go to jail, computer criminals sometimes escape punishment, demanding not only that they not be charged but that they be given good recommendations and perhaps other benefits. All too often, their demands have been met.
Why? Because company executives are afraid of the bad publicity that would result if the public found out that their computer had been misused. They hesitate at the thought of a criminal boasting in open court of how he juggled the most confidential records right under the noses of the company's executives, a accountant, and security staff. And so another computer criminal departs with just the recommendations he needs to continue his crimes elsewhere. | 2785.txt | 2 |
[
"why computer crimes are difficult to detect by systematic inspections",
"why computer criminals are often able to escape punishment",
"how computer criminals manage to get good recommendation from their former employers",
"why computer crimes can't be eliminated"
] | The passage is mainly about ________. | More and more, the operations of our businesses, governments, and financial institutions are controlled by information that exists only inside computer memories. Anyone clever enough to modify this information for his own purposes can reap substantial rewards. Even worse, a number of people who have done this and been caught at it have managed to get away without punishment.
It's easy for computer crimes to go undetected if no one checks up on what the computer is doing. But even if the crime is detected, the criminal may walk away not only unpunished but with a glowing recommendation from his former employers.
Of course, we have no statistics on crimes that go undetected. But it's disturbing to note how many of the crimes we do know about were detected by accident, not by systematic inspections or other security procedures. The computer criminals who have been caught may been the victims of uncommonly bad luck.
For example, a certain keypunch operator complained of having to stay overtime to punch extra cards. Investigation revealed that the extra cards she was being asked to punch were for dishonest transactions. In another case, dissatisfied employees of the thief tipped off (…) the company that was being robbed.
Unlike other lawbreakers, who must leave the country, commit suicide, or go to jail, computer criminals sometimes escape punishment, demanding not only that they not be charged but that they be given good recommendations and perhaps other benefits. All too often, their demands have been met.
Why? Because company executives are afraid of the bad publicity that would result if the public found out that their computer had been misused. They hesitate at the thought of a criminal boasting in open court of how he juggled the most confidential records right under the noses of the company's executives, a accountant, and security staff. And so another computer criminal departs with just the recommendations he needs to continue his crimes elsewhere. | 2785.txt | 2 |
[
"simplify routine matters",
"absorb user attention",
"better interpersonal relations",
"increase work efficiency"
] | According to Jenny Radesky, digital products are designed to ______. | With so much focus on children's use of screens, it's easy for parents to forget about their own screen use. "Tech is designed to really suck on you in," says Jenny Radesky in her study of digital play, "and digital products are there to promote maximal engagement. It makes it hard to disengage, and leads to a lot of bleed-over into the family routine."
Radesky has studied the use of mobile phones and tablets at mealtimes by giving mother-child pairs a food-testing exercise. She found that mothers who sued devices during the exercise started 20 percent fewer verbal and 39 percent fewer nonverbal interactions with their children. During a separate observation, she saw that phones became a source of tension in the family. Parents would be looking at their emails while the children would be making excited bids for their attention.
Infants are wired to look at parents' faces to try to understand their world, and if those faces are blank and unresponsive-as they often are when absorbed in a device-it can be extremely disconcerting for the children. Radesky cites the "still face experiment" devised by developmental psychologist Ed Tronick in the 1970s. In it, a mother is asked to interact with her child in a normal way before putting on a blank expression and not giving them any visual social feedback. The child becomes increasingly distressed as she tries to capture her mother's attention." Parents don't have to be exquisitely parents at all times, but there needs to be a balance and parents need to be responsive and sensitive to a child's verbal or nonverbal expressions of an emotional need," says Radesky.
On the other hand, Tronick himself is concerned that the worries about kids' use of screens are born out of
an "oppressive ideology that demands that parents should always be interacting" with their children: "It's based on a somewhat fantasized, very white, very upper-middle-class ideology that says if you're failing to expose your child to 30,000 words you are neglecting them." Tronick believes that just because a child isn't learning from the screen doesn't mean there's no value to it-particularly if it gives parents time to have a shower, do housework or simply have a break from their child. Parents, he says, can get a lot out of using their devices to speak to a friend or get some work out of the way. This can make them feel happier, which lets then be more available to their child the rest of the time. | 417.txt | 1 |
[
"takes away babies' appetite",
"distracts children's attention",
"slows down babies' verbal development",
"reduces mother-child communication"
] | Radesky's food-testing exercise shows that mothers' use of devices ______. | With so much focus on children's use of screens, it's easy for parents to forget about their own screen use. "Tech is designed to really suck on you in," says Jenny Radesky in her study of digital play, "and digital products are there to promote maximal engagement. It makes it hard to disengage, and leads to a lot of bleed-over into the family routine."
Radesky has studied the use of mobile phones and tablets at mealtimes by giving mother-child pairs a food-testing exercise. She found that mothers who sued devices during the exercise started 20 percent fewer verbal and 39 percent fewer nonverbal interactions with their children. During a separate observation, she saw that phones became a source of tension in the family. Parents would be looking at their emails while the children would be making excited bids for their attention.
Infants are wired to look at parents' faces to try to understand their world, and if those faces are blank and unresponsive-as they often are when absorbed in a device-it can be extremely disconcerting for the children. Radesky cites the "still face experiment" devised by developmental psychologist Ed Tronick in the 1970s. In it, a mother is asked to interact with her child in a normal way before putting on a blank expression and not giving them any visual social feedback. The child becomes increasingly distressed as she tries to capture her mother's attention." Parents don't have to be exquisitely parents at all times, but there needs to be a balance and parents need to be responsive and sensitive to a child's verbal or nonverbal expressions of an emotional need," says Radesky.
On the other hand, Tronick himself is concerned that the worries about kids' use of screens are born out of
an "oppressive ideology that demands that parents should always be interacting" with their children: "It's based on a somewhat fantasized, very white, very upper-middle-class ideology that says if you're failing to expose your child to 30,000 words you are neglecting them." Tronick believes that just because a child isn't learning from the screen doesn't mean there's no value to it-particularly if it gives parents time to have a shower, do housework or simply have a break from their child. Parents, he says, can get a lot out of using their devices to speak to a friend or get some work out of the way. This can make them feel happier, which lets then be more available to their child the rest of the time. | 417.txt | 3 |
[
"it is easy for children to get used to blank expressions",
"verbal expressions are unnecessary for emotional exchange",
"children are insensitive to changes in their parents' mood",
"parents need to respond to children's emotional needs"
] | Radesky's cites the "still face experiment" to show that _______. | With so much focus on children's use of screens, it's easy for parents to forget about their own screen use. "Tech is designed to really suck on you in," says Jenny Radesky in her study of digital play, "and digital products are there to promote maximal engagement. It makes it hard to disengage, and leads to a lot of bleed-over into the family routine."
Radesky has studied the use of mobile phones and tablets at mealtimes by giving mother-child pairs a food-testing exercise. She found that mothers who sued devices during the exercise started 20 percent fewer verbal and 39 percent fewer nonverbal interactions with their children. During a separate observation, she saw that phones became a source of tension in the family. Parents would be looking at their emails while the children would be making excited bids for their attention.
Infants are wired to look at parents' faces to try to understand their world, and if those faces are blank and unresponsive-as they often are when absorbed in a device-it can be extremely disconcerting for the children. Radesky cites the "still face experiment" devised by developmental psychologist Ed Tronick in the 1970s. In it, a mother is asked to interact with her child in a normal way before putting on a blank expression and not giving them any visual social feedback. The child becomes increasingly distressed as she tries to capture her mother's attention." Parents don't have to be exquisitely parents at all times, but there needs to be a balance and parents need to be responsive and sensitive to a child's verbal or nonverbal expressions of an emotional need," says Radesky.
On the other hand, Tronick himself is concerned that the worries about kids' use of screens are born out of
an "oppressive ideology that demands that parents should always be interacting" with their children: "It's based on a somewhat fantasized, very white, very upper-middle-class ideology that says if you're failing to expose your child to 30,000 words you are neglecting them." Tronick believes that just because a child isn't learning from the screen doesn't mean there's no value to it-particularly if it gives parents time to have a shower, do housework or simply have a break from their child. Parents, he says, can get a lot out of using their devices to speak to a friend or get some work out of the way. This can make them feel happier, which lets then be more available to their child the rest of the time. | 417.txt | 3 |
[
"protect kids from exposure to wild fantasies",
"teach their kids at least 30,000 words a year",
"ensure constant interaction with their children",
"remain concerned about kid's use of screens"
] | The oppressive ideology mentioned by Tronick requires parents to_______. | With so much focus on children's use of screens, it's easy for parents to forget about their own screen use. "Tech is designed to really suck on you in," says Jenny Radesky in her study of digital play, "and digital products are there to promote maximal engagement. It makes it hard to disengage, and leads to a lot of bleed-over into the family routine."
Radesky has studied the use of mobile phones and tablets at mealtimes by giving mother-child pairs a food-testing exercise. She found that mothers who sued devices during the exercise started 20 percent fewer verbal and 39 percent fewer nonverbal interactions with their children. During a separate observation, she saw that phones became a source of tension in the family. Parents would be looking at their emails while the children would be making excited bids for their attention.
Infants are wired to look at parents' faces to try to understand their world, and if those faces are blank and unresponsive-as they often are when absorbed in a device-it can be extremely disconcerting for the children. Radesky cites the "still face experiment" devised by developmental psychologist Ed Tronick in the 1970s. In it, a mother is asked to interact with her child in a normal way before putting on a blank expression and not giving them any visual social feedback. The child becomes increasingly distressed as she tries to capture her mother's attention." Parents don't have to be exquisitely parents at all times, but there needs to be a balance and parents need to be responsive and sensitive to a child's verbal or nonverbal expressions of an emotional need," says Radesky.
On the other hand, Tronick himself is concerned that the worries about kids' use of screens are born out of
an "oppressive ideology that demands that parents should always be interacting" with their children: "It's based on a somewhat fantasized, very white, very upper-middle-class ideology that says if you're failing to expose your child to 30,000 words you are neglecting them." Tronick believes that just because a child isn't learning from the screen doesn't mean there's no value to it-particularly if it gives parents time to have a shower, do housework or simply have a break from their child. Parents, he says, can get a lot out of using their devices to speak to a friend or get some work out of the way. This can make them feel happier, which lets then be more available to their child the rest of the time. | 417.txt | 2 |
[
"give their parents some free time",
"make their parents more creative",
"help them with their homework",
"help them become more attentive"
] | According to Tronick, kids' use of screens may_______. | With so much focus on children's use of screens, it's easy for parents to forget about their own screen use. "Tech is designed to really suck on you in," says Jenny Radesky in her study of digital play, "and digital products are there to promote maximal engagement. It makes it hard to disengage, and leads to a lot of bleed-over into the family routine."
Radesky has studied the use of mobile phones and tablets at mealtimes by giving mother-child pairs a food-testing exercise. She found that mothers who sued devices during the exercise started 20 percent fewer verbal and 39 percent fewer nonverbal interactions with their children. During a separate observation, she saw that phones became a source of tension in the family. Parents would be looking at their emails while the children would be making excited bids for their attention.
Infants are wired to look at parents' faces to try to understand their world, and if those faces are blank and unresponsive-as they often are when absorbed in a device-it can be extremely disconcerting for the children. Radesky cites the "still face experiment" devised by developmental psychologist Ed Tronick in the 1970s. In it, a mother is asked to interact with her child in a normal way before putting on a blank expression and not giving them any visual social feedback. The child becomes increasingly distressed as she tries to capture her mother's attention." Parents don't have to be exquisitely parents at all times, but there needs to be a balance and parents need to be responsive and sensitive to a child's verbal or nonverbal expressions of an emotional need," says Radesky.
On the other hand, Tronick himself is concerned that the worries about kids' use of screens are born out of
an "oppressive ideology that demands that parents should always be interacting" with their children: "It's based on a somewhat fantasized, very white, very upper-middle-class ideology that says if you're failing to expose your child to 30,000 words you are neglecting them." Tronick believes that just because a child isn't learning from the screen doesn't mean there's no value to it-particularly if it gives parents time to have a shower, do housework or simply have a break from their child. Parents, he says, can get a lot out of using their devices to speak to a friend or get some work out of the way. This can make them feel happier, which lets then be more available to their child the rest of the time. | 417.txt | 0 |
[
"hardand tough",
"hard but brittle",
"soft but tough",
"soft and brittle"
] | Annealing can make metal. | Annealing is a way of making metal softer by heating it and then letting it cool very slowly. If metal is heated and then cooled very quickly, for example by dipping it in water, it will be very hard but also very brittle that is, it will break easily. Metal that has been annealed is soft but does not break as easily. It is possible to make metal as hard or as soft as is wished, by annealing it. The metal is heated, and allowed to cool slowly for a certain length of time. The longer the heated metal takes to cool slowly, the softer it becomes. Annealing can also be used on other material, such as glass. | 1865.txt | 2 |
[
"Tomake it hard",
"To make it soft.",
"To make it cool.",
"To make it brittle."
] | Why do people put hot metal in water? | Annealing is a way of making metal softer by heating it and then letting it cool very slowly. If metal is heated and then cooled very quickly, for example by dipping it in water, it will be very hard but also very brittle that is, it will break easily. Metal that has been annealed is soft but does not break as easily. It is possible to make metal as hard or as soft as is wished, by annealing it. The metal is heated, and allowed to cool slowly for a certain length of time. The longer the heated metal takes to cool slowly, the softer it becomes. Annealing can also be used on other material, such as glass. | 1865.txt | 0 |
[
"the quantity of water used",
"the temperature of the metal",
"the softness of the metal",
"the timing of the operation"
] | In annealing, the required hardness of a metal depend on. | Annealing is a way of making metal softer by heating it and then letting it cool very slowly. If metal is heated and then cooled very quickly, for example by dipping it in water, it will be very hard but also very brittle that is, it will break easily. Metal that has been annealed is soft but does not break as easily. It is possible to make metal as hard or as soft as is wished, by annealing it. The metal is heated, and allowed to cool slowly for a certain length of time. The longer the heated metal takes to cool slowly, the softer it becomes. Annealing can also be used on other material, such as glass. | 1865.txt | 3 |
[
"It can be heated an then cooled quickly.",
"It can be cooled and then heated slowly.",
"It can be heated and then cooled slowly.",
"It can be cooled and then heated quickly."
] | As suggested by the text, how can glass be made less brittle? | Annealing is a way of making metal softer by heating it and then letting it cool very slowly. If metal is heated and then cooled very quickly, for example by dipping it in water, it will be very hard but also very brittle that is, it will break easily. Metal that has been annealed is soft but does not break as easily. It is possible to make metal as hard or as soft as is wished, by annealing it. The metal is heated, and allowed to cool slowly for a certain length of time. The longer the heated metal takes to cool slowly, the softer it becomes. Annealing can also be used on other material, such as glass. | 1865.txt | 2 |
[
"improve US-Korean relations",
"introduce the topic of the text",
"describe his visit to Korea",
"tell us how to address a person"
] | The story of Bill Clinton is used to. | When former American President Bill Clinton traveled to South Korea to visit President Kim Young Sam, he repeatedly referred to the Korean president's wife as Mrs. Kim. By mistake, President Clinton's advisers thought that Koreans have the same naming customs as the Japanese. Clinton had not been told that, in Korea, wives keep their family names. President Kim Young Sam's wife was named Sohn Myong Suk. Therefore, she should be addressed (）as Mrs. Sohn.
President Clinton arrived in Korea directly after leaving Japan and had not changed his culture gears. His failure to follow Korean customs gave the impression that Korea was not as important to him as Japan.
In addition to Koreans. Some Asian husbands and wives do not share the same family names. This practice often puzzles(） English-speaking teachers when talking with a pupil's parents. They become puzzled about the student's correct last name. Placing the family name first is common among a number of Asian cultures.
Mexican naming customs are different as well. When a woman marries, she keeps her family name and adds her husband's name after the word de (of）. This affects (）how they fill in forms in the United States. When requested to fill in a middle name, they generally write the father's family name. But Mexicans are addressed by the family name of the mother. This often causes puzzlement.
Here are a few ways to deal with such difficult situations： don't always think that a married woman uses her husband's last name. Remember that in many Asian cultures, the order of first and last names is reversed (）.Ask which name a person would prefer to use. If the name is difficult to pronounce, admit it, and ask the person to help you say it correctly. | 3711.txt | 1 |
[
"action plans",
"naming customs",
"travel maps",
"thinking patterns"
] | The word "gears" in paragraph 2 is closest in meaning to. | When former American President Bill Clinton traveled to South Korea to visit President Kim Young Sam, he repeatedly referred to the Korean president's wife as Mrs. Kim. By mistake, President Clinton's advisers thought that Koreans have the same naming customs as the Japanese. Clinton had not been told that, in Korea, wives keep their family names. President Kim Young Sam's wife was named Sohn Myong Suk. Therefore, she should be addressed (）as Mrs. Sohn.
President Clinton arrived in Korea directly after leaving Japan and had not changed his culture gears. His failure to follow Korean customs gave the impression that Korea was not as important to him as Japan.
In addition to Koreans. Some Asian husbands and wives do not share the same family names. This practice often puzzles(） English-speaking teachers when talking with a pupil's parents. They become puzzled about the student's correct last name. Placing the family name first is common among a number of Asian cultures.
Mexican naming customs are different as well. When a woman marries, she keeps her family name and adds her husband's name after the word de (of）. This affects (）how they fill in forms in the United States. When requested to fill in a middle name, they generally write the father's family name. But Mexicans are addressed by the family name of the mother. This often causes puzzlement.
Here are a few ways to deal with such difficult situations： don't always think that a married woman uses her husband's last name. Remember that in many Asian cultures, the order of first and last names is reversed (）.Ask which name a person would prefer to use. If the name is difficult to pronounce, admit it, and ask the person to help you say it correctly. | 3711.txt | 3 |
[
"continues to use her family name",
"uses her husband's given name",
"shares her husband's family name",
"adds her husband's given name to hers"
] | When a woman marries in Korea, she. | When former American President Bill Clinton traveled to South Korea to visit President Kim Young Sam, he repeatedly referred to the Korean president's wife as Mrs. Kim. By mistake, President Clinton's advisers thought that Koreans have the same naming customs as the Japanese. Clinton had not been told that, in Korea, wives keep their family names. President Kim Young Sam's wife was named Sohn Myong Suk. Therefore, she should be addressed (）as Mrs. Sohn.
President Clinton arrived in Korea directly after leaving Japan and had not changed his culture gears. His failure to follow Korean customs gave the impression that Korea was not as important to him as Japan.
In addition to Koreans. Some Asian husbands and wives do not share the same family names. This practice often puzzles(） English-speaking teachers when talking with a pupil's parents. They become puzzled about the student's correct last name. Placing the family name first is common among a number of Asian cultures.
Mexican naming customs are different as well. When a woman marries, she keeps her family name and adds her husband's name after the word de (of）. This affects (）how they fill in forms in the United States. When requested to fill in a middle name, they generally write the father's family name. But Mexicans are addressed by the family name of the mother. This often causes puzzlement.
Here are a few ways to deal with such difficult situations： don't always think that a married woman uses her husband's last name. Remember that in many Asian cultures, the order of first and last names is reversed (）.Ask which name a person would prefer to use. If the name is difficult to pronounce, admit it, and ask the person to help you say it correctly. | 3711.txt | 0 |
[
"use her middle name",
"use her husband's first name",
"ask her which name she likes",
"change the order of her names"
] | To address a married woman properly, you'd better. | When former American President Bill Clinton traveled to South Korea to visit President Kim Young Sam, he repeatedly referred to the Korean president's wife as Mrs. Kim. By mistake, President Clinton's advisers thought that Koreans have the same naming customs as the Japanese. Clinton had not been told that, in Korea, wives keep their family names. President Kim Young Sam's wife was named Sohn Myong Suk. Therefore, she should be addressed (）as Mrs. Sohn.
President Clinton arrived in Korea directly after leaving Japan and had not changed his culture gears. His failure to follow Korean customs gave the impression that Korea was not as important to him as Japan.
In addition to Koreans. Some Asian husbands and wives do not share the same family names. This practice often puzzles(） English-speaking teachers when talking with a pupil's parents. They become puzzled about the student's correct last name. Placing the family name first is common among a number of Asian cultures.
Mexican naming customs are different as well. When a woman marries, she keeps her family name and adds her husband's name after the word de (of）. This affects (）how they fill in forms in the United States. When requested to fill in a middle name, they generally write the father's family name. But Mexicans are addressed by the family name of the mother. This often causes puzzlement.
Here are a few ways to deal with such difficult situations： don't always think that a married woman uses her husband's last name. Remember that in many Asian cultures, the order of first and last names is reversed (）.Ask which name a person would prefer to use. If the name is difficult to pronounce, admit it, and ask the person to help you say it correctly. | 3711.txt | 2 |
[
"we can think logically in the dreams too",
"dreams can be brought under conscious control",
"dreams represent our unconscious desires and fears",
"dreams can help us keep our mood comparatively stable"
] | By saying that "dreams are part of the mind's emotional thermostat," (Lines 4-5, Para. 1) the researchers mean that _ . | Of all the components of a good night's sleep, dreams seem to be least within our control. Indreams, a window opens into a world where logic is suspended and dead people speak. Acentury ago, Freud formulated his revolutionary theory that dreams were the disguisedshadows of our unconscious desires and fears; by thelate 1970s, neurologists had switched tothinking of them as just "mental noise"-the random byproducts of the neural repair work thatgoes on during sleep. Now researchers suspect that dreams are part of the mind's emotionalthermostat, regulating moods while the brain is "off line." And one leading authority says thatthese intensely powerful mental events can be not only harnessed but actually brought underconscious control, to help us sleep and feel better. "It's your dream," says RosalindCartwright, chair of psychologyat Chicago's Medical Center, "if you don't like it, change it."
he link between dreams and emotions shows up among the patients in Cartwright's clinic. Mostpeople seem to have more bad dreams early in the night, progressing toward happier onesbefore awakening, suggesting that they are working through negative feelings generatedduring the day. Because our conscious mind is occupied with daily life we don't always thinkabout the emotional significance of the day's events-until, it appears, we begin to dream.
And this process need not be left to the unconscious. Cartwright believes one can exerciseconscious control over recurring bad dreams. As soon as you awaken, identify what isupsetting about the dream. Visualizehow you would like it to end instead; the next time itoccurs, try to wake up just enough to control its course. With much practice people can learnto, literally, do it in their sleep.
At the end of the day, there's probably little reason to pay attention to our dreams at all unlessthey keep us from sleeping or "we wake up in panic," Cartwright says. Terrorism, economicuncertainties and general feelings of insecurity have increased people's anxiety. Thosesuffering from persistent nightmares should seek help from a therapist. For the rest of us, thebrain has its ways of working through bad feelings.Sleep-or rather dream-on it and you'll feelbetter in the morning. | 2567.txt | 3 |
[
"Most bad dreams were followed by happier ones.",
"Divorced couples usually have more bad dreams.",
"One's dreaming process is related to his emotion.",
"People having negative feelings dream more often."
] | What did Cartwright find in her clinic? | Of all the components of a good night's sleep, dreams seem to be least within our control. Indreams, a window opens into a world where logic is suspended and dead people speak. Acentury ago, Freud formulated his revolutionary theory that dreams were the disguisedshadows of our unconscious desires and fears; by thelate 1970s, neurologists had switched tothinking of them as just "mental noise"-the random byproducts of the neural repair work thatgoes on during sleep. Now researchers suspect that dreams are part of the mind's emotionalthermostat, regulating moods while the brain is "off line." And one leading authority says thatthese intensely powerful mental events can be not only harnessed but actually brought underconscious control, to help us sleep and feel better. "It's your dream," says RosalindCartwright, chair of psychologyat Chicago's Medical Center, "if you don't like it, change it."
he link between dreams and emotions shows up among the patients in Cartwright's clinic. Mostpeople seem to have more bad dreams early in the night, progressing toward happier onesbefore awakening, suggesting that they are working through negative feelings generatedduring the day. Because our conscious mind is occupied with daily life we don't always thinkabout the emotional significance of the day's events-until, it appears, we begin to dream.
And this process need not be left to the unconscious. Cartwright believes one can exerciseconscious control over recurring bad dreams. As soon as you awaken, identify what isupsetting about the dream. Visualizehow you would like it to end instead; the next time itoccurs, try to wake up just enough to control its course. With much practice people can learnto, literally, do it in their sleep.
At the end of the day, there's probably little reason to pay attention to our dreams at all unlessthey keep us from sleeping or "we wake up in panic," Cartwright says. Terrorism, economicuncertainties and general feelings of insecurity have increased people's anxiety. Thosesuffering from persistent nightmares should seek help from a therapist. For the rest of us, thebrain has its ways of working through bad feelings.Sleep-or rather dream-on it and you'll feelbetter in the morning. | 2567.txt | 2 |
[
"control what dreams to dream",
"sleep well without any dreams",
"wake up in time to stop the bad dreams",
"identify what is upsetting about the dreams"
] | Cartwright believed with much practice，we can learn to _ . | Of all the components of a good night's sleep, dreams seem to be least within our control. Indreams, a window opens into a world where logic is suspended and dead people speak. Acentury ago, Freud formulated his revolutionary theory that dreams were the disguisedshadows of our unconscious desires and fears; by thelate 1970s, neurologists had switched tothinking of them as just "mental noise"-the random byproducts of the neural repair work thatgoes on during sleep. Now researchers suspect that dreams are part of the mind's emotionalthermostat, regulating moods while the brain is "off line." And one leading authority says thatthese intensely powerful mental events can be not only harnessed but actually brought underconscious control, to help us sleep and feel better. "It's your dream," says RosalindCartwright, chair of psychologyat Chicago's Medical Center, "if you don't like it, change it."
he link between dreams and emotions shows up among the patients in Cartwright's clinic. Mostpeople seem to have more bad dreams early in the night, progressing toward happier onesbefore awakening, suggesting that they are working through negative feelings generatedduring the day. Because our conscious mind is occupied with daily life we don't always thinkabout the emotional significance of the day's events-until, it appears, we begin to dream.
And this process need not be left to the unconscious. Cartwright believes one can exerciseconscious control over recurring bad dreams. As soon as you awaken, identify what isupsetting about the dream. Visualizehow you would like it to end instead; the next time itoccurs, try to wake up just enough to control its course. With much practice people can learnto, literally, do it in their sleep.
At the end of the day, there's probably little reason to pay attention to our dreams at all unlessthey keep us from sleeping or "we wake up in panic," Cartwright says. Terrorism, economicuncertainties and general feelings of insecurity have increased people's anxiety. Thosesuffering from persistent nightmares should seek help from a therapist. For the rest of us, thebrain has its ways of working through bad feelings.Sleep-or rather dream-on it and you'll feelbetter in the morning. | 2567.txt | 2 |
[
"learn to control his dreams",
"consult a doctor",
"sleep and dream on it",
"get rid of anxiety first"
] | The author points out that a person who has constant bad dreams should _ | Of all the components of a good night's sleep, dreams seem to be least within our control. Indreams, a window opens into a world where logic is suspended and dead people speak. Acentury ago, Freud formulated his revolutionary theory that dreams were the disguisedshadows of our unconscious desires and fears; by thelate 1970s, neurologists had switched tothinking of them as just "mental noise"-the random byproducts of the neural repair work thatgoes on during sleep. Now researchers suspect that dreams are part of the mind's emotionalthermostat, regulating moods while the brain is "off line." And one leading authority says thatthese intensely powerful mental events can be not only harnessed but actually brought underconscious control, to help us sleep and feel better. "It's your dream," says RosalindCartwright, chair of psychologyat Chicago's Medical Center, "if you don't like it, change it."
he link between dreams and emotions shows up among the patients in Cartwright's clinic. Mostpeople seem to have more bad dreams early in the night, progressing toward happier onesbefore awakening, suggesting that they are working through negative feelings generatedduring the day. Because our conscious mind is occupied with daily life we don't always thinkabout the emotional significance of the day's events-until, it appears, we begin to dream.
And this process need not be left to the unconscious. Cartwright believes one can exerciseconscious control over recurring bad dreams. As soon as you awaken, identify what isupsetting about the dream. Visualizehow you would like it to end instead; the next time itoccurs, try to wake up just enough to control its course. With much practice people can learnto, literally, do it in their sleep.
At the end of the day, there's probably little reason to pay attention to our dreams at all unlessthey keep us from sleeping or "we wake up in panic," Cartwright says. Terrorism, economicuncertainties and general feelings of insecurity have increased people's anxiety. Thosesuffering from persistent nightmares should seek help from a therapist. For the rest of us, thebrain has its ways of working through bad feelings.Sleep-or rather dream-on it and you'll feelbetter in the morning. | 2567.txt | 1 |
[
"a good practice",
"a new discovery",
"helpful for everyone",
"not essential for everyone"
] | The author most probably thinks that controlling dreams is _ . | Of all the components of a good night's sleep, dreams seem to be least within our control. Indreams, a window opens into a world where logic is suspended and dead people speak. Acentury ago, Freud formulated his revolutionary theory that dreams were the disguisedshadows of our unconscious desires and fears; by thelate 1970s, neurologists had switched tothinking of them as just "mental noise"-the random byproducts of the neural repair work thatgoes on during sleep. Now researchers suspect that dreams are part of the mind's emotionalthermostat, regulating moods while the brain is "off line." And one leading authority says thatthese intensely powerful mental events can be not only harnessed but actually brought underconscious control, to help us sleep and feel better. "It's your dream," says RosalindCartwright, chair of psychologyat Chicago's Medical Center, "if you don't like it, change it."
he link between dreams and emotions shows up among the patients in Cartwright's clinic. Mostpeople seem to have more bad dreams early in the night, progressing toward happier onesbefore awakening, suggesting that they are working through negative feelings generatedduring the day. Because our conscious mind is occupied with daily life we don't always thinkabout the emotional significance of the day's events-until, it appears, we begin to dream.
And this process need not be left to the unconscious. Cartwright believes one can exerciseconscious control over recurring bad dreams. As soon as you awaken, identify what isupsetting about the dream. Visualizehow you would like it to end instead; the next time itoccurs, try to wake up just enough to control its course. With much practice people can learnto, literally, do it in their sleep.
At the end of the day, there's probably little reason to pay attention to our dreams at all unlessthey keep us from sleeping or "we wake up in panic," Cartwright says. Terrorism, economicuncertainties and general feelings of insecurity have increased people's anxiety. Thosesuffering from persistent nightmares should seek help from a therapist. For the rest of us, thebrain has its ways of working through bad feelings.Sleep-or rather dream-on it and you'll feelbetter in the morning. | 2567.txt | 3 |
[
"25%",
"40%",
"80%",
"95%"
] | According to the text, about _ of people worry more on holiday than when they are at home. | More American people take their troubles with them on holiday, according to a new survey. Although 40 percent said that the main reason for going away is to escape pressure (） from work, almost all said they worry more than they do at home. Only four in every 100 said that they are happy and free of care.
The most common worry is burglary ( ） , with four out of 10 worrying about their homes being broken into while they're abroad. More than a quarter fear they will feel crazy with some other noisy and rough holiday-makers and 22 percent worry they may be attacked or their possessions will be missing. One in five think the car may break down; and the same number worry about the chances of bad weather.
The survey also showed that the stay-at-home Americans are no more. Three out of every five want to have a holiday abroad, a great increase from the figures only three years ago. The hotel holiday is still a winner, with about one third of all Americana preferring to go on a self-catering ( ） holiday. | 3600.txt | 3 |
[
"be attacked or lose their possessions",
"have problems with their cars on the road",
"have bad weather on holiday",
"get mixed with some rough fellow holiday-makers"
] | The third most common worry of American holiday-makers is that they may _ . | More American people take their troubles with them on holiday, according to a new survey. Although 40 percent said that the main reason for going away is to escape pressure (） from work, almost all said they worry more than they do at home. Only four in every 100 said that they are happy and free of care.
The most common worry is burglary ( ） , with four out of 10 worrying about their homes being broken into while they're abroad. More than a quarter fear they will feel crazy with some other noisy and rough holiday-makers and 22 percent worry they may be attacked or their possessions will be missing. One in five think the car may break down; and the same number worry about the chances of bad weather.
The survey also showed that the stay-at-home Americans are no more. Three out of every five want to have a holiday abroad, a great increase from the figures only three years ago. The hotel holiday is still a winner, with about one third of all Americana preferring to go on a self-catering ( ） holiday. | 3600.txt | 0 |
[
"At a hotel.",
"In a quiet place.",
"At a friend's house.",
"Where they can cook for themselves."
] | Where do American holiday-makers like to stay most? | More American people take their troubles with them on holiday, according to a new survey. Although 40 percent said that the main reason for going away is to escape pressure (） from work, almost all said they worry more than they do at home. Only four in every 100 said that they are happy and free of care.
The most common worry is burglary ( ） , with four out of 10 worrying about their homes being broken into while they're abroad. More than a quarter fear they will feel crazy with some other noisy and rough holiday-makers and 22 percent worry they may be attacked or their possessions will be missing. One in five think the car may break down; and the same number worry about the chances of bad weather.
The survey also showed that the stay-at-home Americans are no more. Three out of every five want to have a holiday abroad, a great increase from the figures only three years ago. The hotel holiday is still a winner, with about one third of all Americana preferring to go on a self-catering ( ） holiday. | 3600.txt | 0 |
[
"Roman amphorae were of much higher quality overall than other Roman pottery.",
"Roman pottery can best be appreciated when actual pieces are handled.",
"Roman pottery declined slightly in quality when the use of fast wheels and kilns was introduced.",
"Roman practical tableware spread more rapidly across the Mediterranean than amphorae did."
] | Paragraph 1 indicates which of the following about Roman pottery? | The pottery of ancient Romans is remarkable in several ways. The high quality of Roman pottery is very easy to appreciate when handling actual pieces of tableware or indeed kitchenware and amphorae (the large jars used throughout the Mediterranean for the transport and storage of liquids, such as wine and oil). However, it is impossible to do justice to Roman wares on the page, even when words can be backed up by photographs and drawing. Most Roman pottery is light and smooth to touch and very tough, although, like all pottery, it shatters if dropped on a hard surface. It is generally made with carefully selected and purified clay, worked to thin-walled and standardized shapes on a fast wheel and fired in a kiln (pottery oven) capable of ensuring a consistent finish. With handmade pottery, inevitably there are slight differences between individual vessels of the same design and occasional minor blemishes (flaws). But what strikes the eye and the touch most immediately and most powerfully with Roman pottery is its consistent high quality.
This is not just an aesthetic consideration but also a practical one. These vessels are solid (brittle, but not fragile), they are pleasant and easy to handle (being light and smooth), and, with their hard and sometimes glossy (smooth and shiny) surfaces, they hold liquids well and are easy to wash. Furthermore, their regular and standardized shapes would have made them simple to stack and store. When people today are shown a very ordinary Roman pot and, in particular, are allowed to handle it, they often comment on how modern it looks and feels, and they need to be convinced of its true age.
As impressive as the quality of Roman pottery is its sheer massive quantity. When considering quantities, we would ideally like to have some estimates for overall production from particular sites of pottery manufacture and for overall consumption at specific settlements. Unfortunately, it is in the nature of the archaeological evidence, which is almost invariable only a sample of what once existed, that such figures will always be elusive. However, no one who has ever worked in the field would question the abundance of Roman pottery, particularly in the Mediterranean region. This abundance is notable in Roman settlements (especially urban sites) where the labor that archaeologists have to put into the washing and sorting of potsherds (fragments of pottery) constitutes a high proportion of the total work during the initial phases of excavation.
Only rarely can we derive any "real" quantities from deposits of broken pots. However, there is one exceptional dump, which does represent a very large part of the site's total history of consumption and for which an estimate of quantity has been produced. On the left bank of the Tiber River in Rome, by one of the river ports of the ancient city, is a substantial hill some 50 meters high called Monte Testaccio. It is made up entirely of broken oil amphorae, mainly of the second and third centuries A.D. It has been estimated that Monte Testaccio contains the remains of some 53 million amphorae, in which around 6,000million liters of oil were imported into the city from overseas, imports into imperial Rome were supported by the full might of the state and were therefore quite exceptionalbut the size of the operations at Monte Testaccio, and the productivity and complexity that lay behind them, nonetheless cannot fail to impress. This was a society with similarities to modern onemoving goods on a gigantic scale, manufacturing high-quality containers to do so, and occasionally, as here, even discarding them on delivery.
Roman pottery was transported not only in large quantities but also over substantial distances. Many Roman pots, in particular amphorae and the fine wares designed for use at tables, could travel hundreds of milesall over the Mediterranean and also further afield. But maps that show the various spots where Roman pottery of a particular type has been found tell only part of the story. What is more significant than any geographical spread is the access that different levels of society had to good-quality products. In all but the remotest regions of the empire, Roman pottery of a high standard is common at the sites of humble villages and isolated farmsteads. | 3907.txt | 1 |
[
"It was usually made with high-quality clay.",
"It generally did not weigh much.",
"It did not break as easily as other ancient pottery.",
"It sometimes had imperfections."
] | All of the following are mentioned in paragraph 1 as characteristics of Roman pottery EXCEPT | The pottery of ancient Romans is remarkable in several ways. The high quality of Roman pottery is very easy to appreciate when handling actual pieces of tableware or indeed kitchenware and amphorae (the large jars used throughout the Mediterranean for the transport and storage of liquids, such as wine and oil). However, it is impossible to do justice to Roman wares on the page, even when words can be backed up by photographs and drawing. Most Roman pottery is light and smooth to touch and very tough, although, like all pottery, it shatters if dropped on a hard surface. It is generally made with carefully selected and purified clay, worked to thin-walled and standardized shapes on a fast wheel and fired in a kiln (pottery oven) capable of ensuring a consistent finish. With handmade pottery, inevitably there are slight differences between individual vessels of the same design and occasional minor blemishes (flaws). But what strikes the eye and the touch most immediately and most powerfully with Roman pottery is its consistent high quality.
This is not just an aesthetic consideration but also a practical one. These vessels are solid (brittle, but not fragile), they are pleasant and easy to handle (being light and smooth), and, with their hard and sometimes glossy (smooth and shiny) surfaces, they hold liquids well and are easy to wash. Furthermore, their regular and standardized shapes would have made them simple to stack and store. When people today are shown a very ordinary Roman pot and, in particular, are allowed to handle it, they often comment on how modern it looks and feels, and they need to be convinced of its true age.
As impressive as the quality of Roman pottery is its sheer massive quantity. When considering quantities, we would ideally like to have some estimates for overall production from particular sites of pottery manufacture and for overall consumption at specific settlements. Unfortunately, it is in the nature of the archaeological evidence, which is almost invariable only a sample of what once existed, that such figures will always be elusive. However, no one who has ever worked in the field would question the abundance of Roman pottery, particularly in the Mediterranean region. This abundance is notable in Roman settlements (especially urban sites) where the labor that archaeologists have to put into the washing and sorting of potsherds (fragments of pottery) constitutes a high proportion of the total work during the initial phases of excavation.
Only rarely can we derive any "real" quantities from deposits of broken pots. However, there is one exceptional dump, which does represent a very large part of the site's total history of consumption and for which an estimate of quantity has been produced. On the left bank of the Tiber River in Rome, by one of the river ports of the ancient city, is a substantial hill some 50 meters high called Monte Testaccio. It is made up entirely of broken oil amphorae, mainly of the second and third centuries A.D. It has been estimated that Monte Testaccio contains the remains of some 53 million amphorae, in which around 6,000million liters of oil were imported into the city from overseas, imports into imperial Rome were supported by the full might of the state and were therefore quite exceptionalbut the size of the operations at Monte Testaccio, and the productivity and complexity that lay behind them, nonetheless cannot fail to impress. This was a society with similarities to modern onemoving goods on a gigantic scale, manufacturing high-quality containers to do so, and occasionally, as here, even discarding them on delivery.
Roman pottery was transported not only in large quantities but also over substantial distances. Many Roman pots, in particular amphorae and the fine wares designed for use at tables, could travel hundreds of milesall over the Mediterranean and also further afield. But maps that show the various spots where Roman pottery of a particular type has been found tell only part of the story. What is more significant than any geographical spread is the access that different levels of society had to good-quality products. In all but the remotest regions of the empire, Roman pottery of a high standard is common at the sites of humble villages and isolated farmsteads. | 3907.txt | 2 |
[
"They were good containers for liquids.",
"Their shapes allowed for easy stacking and storing.",
"They sometimes had shiny surfaces.",
"Their true age is immediately apparent."
] | According to paragraph 2, which of the following is NOT true of Roman vessels? | The pottery of ancient Romans is remarkable in several ways. The high quality of Roman pottery is very easy to appreciate when handling actual pieces of tableware or indeed kitchenware and amphorae (the large jars used throughout the Mediterranean for the transport and storage of liquids, such as wine and oil). However, it is impossible to do justice to Roman wares on the page, even when words can be backed up by photographs and drawing. Most Roman pottery is light and smooth to touch and very tough, although, like all pottery, it shatters if dropped on a hard surface. It is generally made with carefully selected and purified clay, worked to thin-walled and standardized shapes on a fast wheel and fired in a kiln (pottery oven) capable of ensuring a consistent finish. With handmade pottery, inevitably there are slight differences between individual vessels of the same design and occasional minor blemishes (flaws). But what strikes the eye and the touch most immediately and most powerfully with Roman pottery is its consistent high quality.
This is not just an aesthetic consideration but also a practical one. These vessels are solid (brittle, but not fragile), they are pleasant and easy to handle (being light and smooth), and, with their hard and sometimes glossy (smooth and shiny) surfaces, they hold liquids well and are easy to wash. Furthermore, their regular and standardized shapes would have made them simple to stack and store. When people today are shown a very ordinary Roman pot and, in particular, are allowed to handle it, they often comment on how modern it looks and feels, and they need to be convinced of its true age.
As impressive as the quality of Roman pottery is its sheer massive quantity. When considering quantities, we would ideally like to have some estimates for overall production from particular sites of pottery manufacture and for overall consumption at specific settlements. Unfortunately, it is in the nature of the archaeological evidence, which is almost invariable only a sample of what once existed, that such figures will always be elusive. However, no one who has ever worked in the field would question the abundance of Roman pottery, particularly in the Mediterranean region. This abundance is notable in Roman settlements (especially urban sites) where the labor that archaeologists have to put into the washing and sorting of potsherds (fragments of pottery) constitutes a high proportion of the total work during the initial phases of excavation.
Only rarely can we derive any "real" quantities from deposits of broken pots. However, there is one exceptional dump, which does represent a very large part of the site's total history of consumption and for which an estimate of quantity has been produced. On the left bank of the Tiber River in Rome, by one of the river ports of the ancient city, is a substantial hill some 50 meters high called Monte Testaccio. It is made up entirely of broken oil amphorae, mainly of the second and third centuries A.D. It has been estimated that Monte Testaccio contains the remains of some 53 million amphorae, in which around 6,000million liters of oil were imported into the city from overseas, imports into imperial Rome were supported by the full might of the state and were therefore quite exceptionalbut the size of the operations at Monte Testaccio, and the productivity and complexity that lay behind them, nonetheless cannot fail to impress. This was a society with similarities to modern onemoving goods on a gigantic scale, manufacturing high-quality containers to do so, and occasionally, as here, even discarding them on delivery.
Roman pottery was transported not only in large quantities but also over substantial distances. Many Roman pots, in particular amphorae and the fine wares designed for use at tables, could travel hundreds of milesall over the Mediterranean and also further afield. But maps that show the various spots where Roman pottery of a particular type has been found tell only part of the story. What is more significant than any geographical spread is the access that different levels of society had to good-quality products. In all but the remotest regions of the empire, Roman pottery of a high standard is common at the sites of humble villages and isolated farmsteads. | 3907.txt | 3 |
[
"support the idea that pottery was produced in large quantities by the Romans.",
"illustrate how hard it is for archaeologists to find complete pieces of Roman pottery.",
"contrast archaeological sites in Roman urban areas with other sites in the Mediterranean.",
"explain why the quantities of pottery found vary significantly from one site to another."
] | The author mentions the work of archaeologists in paragraph 3 in order to | The pottery of ancient Romans is remarkable in several ways. The high quality of Roman pottery is very easy to appreciate when handling actual pieces of tableware or indeed kitchenware and amphorae (the large jars used throughout the Mediterranean for the transport and storage of liquids, such as wine and oil). However, it is impossible to do justice to Roman wares on the page, even when words can be backed up by photographs and drawing. Most Roman pottery is light and smooth to touch and very tough, although, like all pottery, it shatters if dropped on a hard surface. It is generally made with carefully selected and purified clay, worked to thin-walled and standardized shapes on a fast wheel and fired in a kiln (pottery oven) capable of ensuring a consistent finish. With handmade pottery, inevitably there are slight differences between individual vessels of the same design and occasional minor blemishes (flaws). But what strikes the eye and the touch most immediately and most powerfully with Roman pottery is its consistent high quality.
This is not just an aesthetic consideration but also a practical one. These vessels are solid (brittle, but not fragile), they are pleasant and easy to handle (being light and smooth), and, with their hard and sometimes glossy (smooth and shiny) surfaces, they hold liquids well and are easy to wash. Furthermore, their regular and standardized shapes would have made them simple to stack and store. When people today are shown a very ordinary Roman pot and, in particular, are allowed to handle it, they often comment on how modern it looks and feels, and they need to be convinced of its true age.
As impressive as the quality of Roman pottery is its sheer massive quantity. When considering quantities, we would ideally like to have some estimates for overall production from particular sites of pottery manufacture and for overall consumption at specific settlements. Unfortunately, it is in the nature of the archaeological evidence, which is almost invariable only a sample of what once existed, that such figures will always be elusive. However, no one who has ever worked in the field would question the abundance of Roman pottery, particularly in the Mediterranean region. This abundance is notable in Roman settlements (especially urban sites) where the labor that archaeologists have to put into the washing and sorting of potsherds (fragments of pottery) constitutes a high proportion of the total work during the initial phases of excavation.
Only rarely can we derive any "real" quantities from deposits of broken pots. However, there is one exceptional dump, which does represent a very large part of the site's total history of consumption and for which an estimate of quantity has been produced. On the left bank of the Tiber River in Rome, by one of the river ports of the ancient city, is a substantial hill some 50 meters high called Monte Testaccio. It is made up entirely of broken oil amphorae, mainly of the second and third centuries A.D. It has been estimated that Monte Testaccio contains the remains of some 53 million amphorae, in which around 6,000million liters of oil were imported into the city from overseas, imports into imperial Rome were supported by the full might of the state and were therefore quite exceptionalbut the size of the operations at Monte Testaccio, and the productivity and complexity that lay behind them, nonetheless cannot fail to impress. This was a society with similarities to modern onemoving goods on a gigantic scale, manufacturing high-quality containers to do so, and occasionally, as here, even discarding them on delivery.
Roman pottery was transported not only in large quantities but also over substantial distances. Many Roman pots, in particular amphorae and the fine wares designed for use at tables, could travel hundreds of milesall over the Mediterranean and also further afield. But maps that show the various spots where Roman pottery of a particular type has been found tell only part of the story. What is more significant than any geographical spread is the access that different levels of society had to good-quality products. In all but the remotest regions of the empire, Roman pottery of a high standard is common at the sites of humble villages and isolated farmsteads. | 3907.txt | 0 |
[
"protected.",
"man-made.",
"large.",
"famous."
] | The word "substantial" in the passage(paragraph 4)is closest in meaning to | The pottery of ancient Romans is remarkable in several ways. The high quality of Roman pottery is very easy to appreciate when handling actual pieces of tableware or indeed kitchenware and amphorae (the large jars used throughout the Mediterranean for the transport and storage of liquids, such as wine and oil). However, it is impossible to do justice to Roman wares on the page, even when words can be backed up by photographs and drawing. Most Roman pottery is light and smooth to touch and very tough, although, like all pottery, it shatters if dropped on a hard surface. It is generally made with carefully selected and purified clay, worked to thin-walled and standardized shapes on a fast wheel and fired in a kiln (pottery oven) capable of ensuring a consistent finish. With handmade pottery, inevitably there are slight differences between individual vessels of the same design and occasional minor blemishes (flaws). But what strikes the eye and the touch most immediately and most powerfully with Roman pottery is its consistent high quality.
This is not just an aesthetic consideration but also a practical one. These vessels are solid (brittle, but not fragile), they are pleasant and easy to handle (being light and smooth), and, with their hard and sometimes glossy (smooth and shiny) surfaces, they hold liquids well and are easy to wash. Furthermore, their regular and standardized shapes would have made them simple to stack and store. When people today are shown a very ordinary Roman pot and, in particular, are allowed to handle it, they often comment on how modern it looks and feels, and they need to be convinced of its true age.
As impressive as the quality of Roman pottery is its sheer massive quantity. When considering quantities, we would ideally like to have some estimates for overall production from particular sites of pottery manufacture and for overall consumption at specific settlements. Unfortunately, it is in the nature of the archaeological evidence, which is almost invariable only a sample of what once existed, that such figures will always be elusive. However, no one who has ever worked in the field would question the abundance of Roman pottery, particularly in the Mediterranean region. This abundance is notable in Roman settlements (especially urban sites) where the labor that archaeologists have to put into the washing and sorting of potsherds (fragments of pottery) constitutes a high proportion of the total work during the initial phases of excavation.
Only rarely can we derive any "real" quantities from deposits of broken pots. However, there is one exceptional dump, which does represent a very large part of the site's total history of consumption and for which an estimate of quantity has been produced. On the left bank of the Tiber River in Rome, by one of the river ports of the ancient city, is a substantial hill some 50 meters high called Monte Testaccio. It is made up entirely of broken oil amphorae, mainly of the second and third centuries A.D. It has been estimated that Monte Testaccio contains the remains of some 53 million amphorae, in which around 6,000million liters of oil were imported into the city from overseas, imports into imperial Rome were supported by the full might of the state and were therefore quite exceptionalbut the size of the operations at Monte Testaccio, and the productivity and complexity that lay behind them, nonetheless cannot fail to impress. This was a society with similarities to modern onemoving goods on a gigantic scale, manufacturing high-quality containers to do so, and occasionally, as here, even discarding them on delivery.
Roman pottery was transported not only in large quantities but also over substantial distances. Many Roman pots, in particular amphorae and the fine wares designed for use at tables, could travel hundreds of milesall over the Mediterranean and also further afield. But maps that show the various spots where Roman pottery of a particular type has been found tell only part of the story. What is more significant than any geographical spread is the access that different levels of society had to good-quality products. In all but the remotest regions of the empire, Roman pottery of a high standard is common at the sites of humble villages and isolated farmsteads. | 3907.txt | 2 |
[
"conclude how amphorae manufacturing increased rapidly after the second century A.D.",
"find the locations where most of the amphorae in the Roman Empire were produced.",
"obtain relatively accurate calculations of the quantities of amphorae used over time in that place.",
"discover that the Roman state had supported amphorae production."
] | According to paragraph 4, Monte Testaccio is particularly important forarchaeologists because archaeologists were able to | The pottery of ancient Romans is remarkable in several ways. The high quality of Roman pottery is very easy to appreciate when handling actual pieces of tableware or indeed kitchenware and amphorae (the large jars used throughout the Mediterranean for the transport and storage of liquids, such as wine and oil). However, it is impossible to do justice to Roman wares on the page, even when words can be backed up by photographs and drawing. Most Roman pottery is light and smooth to touch and very tough, although, like all pottery, it shatters if dropped on a hard surface. It is generally made with carefully selected and purified clay, worked to thin-walled and standardized shapes on a fast wheel and fired in a kiln (pottery oven) capable of ensuring a consistent finish. With handmade pottery, inevitably there are slight differences between individual vessels of the same design and occasional minor blemishes (flaws). But what strikes the eye and the touch most immediately and most powerfully with Roman pottery is its consistent high quality.
This is not just an aesthetic consideration but also a practical one. These vessels are solid (brittle, but not fragile), they are pleasant and easy to handle (being light and smooth), and, with their hard and sometimes glossy (smooth and shiny) surfaces, they hold liquids well and are easy to wash. Furthermore, their regular and standardized shapes would have made them simple to stack and store. When people today are shown a very ordinary Roman pot and, in particular, are allowed to handle it, they often comment on how modern it looks and feels, and they need to be convinced of its true age.
As impressive as the quality of Roman pottery is its sheer massive quantity. When considering quantities, we would ideally like to have some estimates for overall production from particular sites of pottery manufacture and for overall consumption at specific settlements. Unfortunately, it is in the nature of the archaeological evidence, which is almost invariable only a sample of what once existed, that such figures will always be elusive. However, no one who has ever worked in the field would question the abundance of Roman pottery, particularly in the Mediterranean region. This abundance is notable in Roman settlements (especially urban sites) where the labor that archaeologists have to put into the washing and sorting of potsherds (fragments of pottery) constitutes a high proportion of the total work during the initial phases of excavation.
Only rarely can we derive any "real" quantities from deposits of broken pots. However, there is one exceptional dump, which does represent a very large part of the site's total history of consumption and for which an estimate of quantity has been produced. On the left bank of the Tiber River in Rome, by one of the river ports of the ancient city, is a substantial hill some 50 meters high called Monte Testaccio. It is made up entirely of broken oil amphorae, mainly of the second and third centuries A.D. It has been estimated that Monte Testaccio contains the remains of some 53 million amphorae, in which around 6,000million liters of oil were imported into the city from overseas, imports into imperial Rome were supported by the full might of the state and were therefore quite exceptionalbut the size of the operations at Monte Testaccio, and the productivity and complexity that lay behind them, nonetheless cannot fail to impress. This was a society with similarities to modern onemoving goods on a gigantic scale, manufacturing high-quality containers to do so, and occasionally, as here, even discarding them on delivery.
Roman pottery was transported not only in large quantities but also over substantial distances. Many Roman pots, in particular amphorae and the fine wares designed for use at tables, could travel hundreds of milesall over the Mediterranean and also further afield. But maps that show the various spots where Roman pottery of a particular type has been found tell only part of the story. What is more significant than any geographical spread is the access that different levels of society had to good-quality products. In all but the remotest regions of the empire, Roman pottery of a high standard is common at the sites of humble villages and isolated farmsteads. | 3907.txt | 2 |
[
"apparently.",
"completely.",
"basically.",
"mostly."
] | The word "entirely" in the passage(paragraph 4)is closest in meaning to | The pottery of ancient Romans is remarkable in several ways. The high quality of Roman pottery is very easy to appreciate when handling actual pieces of tableware or indeed kitchenware and amphorae (the large jars used throughout the Mediterranean for the transport and storage of liquids, such as wine and oil). However, it is impossible to do justice to Roman wares on the page, even when words can be backed up by photographs and drawing. Most Roman pottery is light and smooth to touch and very tough, although, like all pottery, it shatters if dropped on a hard surface. It is generally made with carefully selected and purified clay, worked to thin-walled and standardized shapes on a fast wheel and fired in a kiln (pottery oven) capable of ensuring a consistent finish. With handmade pottery, inevitably there are slight differences between individual vessels of the same design and occasional minor blemishes (flaws). But what strikes the eye and the touch most immediately and most powerfully with Roman pottery is its consistent high quality.
This is not just an aesthetic consideration but also a practical one. These vessels are solid (brittle, but not fragile), they are pleasant and easy to handle (being light and smooth), and, with their hard and sometimes glossy (smooth and shiny) surfaces, they hold liquids well and are easy to wash. Furthermore, their regular and standardized shapes would have made them simple to stack and store. When people today are shown a very ordinary Roman pot and, in particular, are allowed to handle it, they often comment on how modern it looks and feels, and they need to be convinced of its true age.
As impressive as the quality of Roman pottery is its sheer massive quantity. When considering quantities, we would ideally like to have some estimates for overall production from particular sites of pottery manufacture and for overall consumption at specific settlements. Unfortunately, it is in the nature of the archaeological evidence, which is almost invariable only a sample of what once existed, that such figures will always be elusive. However, no one who has ever worked in the field would question the abundance of Roman pottery, particularly in the Mediterranean region. This abundance is notable in Roman settlements (especially urban sites) where the labor that archaeologists have to put into the washing and sorting of potsherds (fragments of pottery) constitutes a high proportion of the total work during the initial phases of excavation.
Only rarely can we derive any "real" quantities from deposits of broken pots. However, there is one exceptional dump, which does represent a very large part of the site's total history of consumption and for which an estimate of quantity has been produced. On the left bank of the Tiber River in Rome, by one of the river ports of the ancient city, is a substantial hill some 50 meters high called Monte Testaccio. It is made up entirely of broken oil amphorae, mainly of the second and third centuries A.D. It has been estimated that Monte Testaccio contains the remains of some 53 million amphorae, in which around 6,000million liters of oil were imported into the city from overseas, imports into imperial Rome were supported by the full might of the state and were therefore quite exceptionalbut the size of the operations at Monte Testaccio, and the productivity and complexity that lay behind them, nonetheless cannot fail to impress. This was a society with similarities to modern onemoving goods on a gigantic scale, manufacturing high-quality containers to do so, and occasionally, as here, even discarding them on delivery.
Roman pottery was transported not only in large quantities but also over substantial distances. Many Roman pots, in particular amphorae and the fine wares designed for use at tables, could travel hundreds of milesall over the Mediterranean and also further afield. But maps that show the various spots where Roman pottery of a particular type has been found tell only part of the story. What is more significant than any geographical spread is the access that different levels of society had to good-quality products. In all but the remotest regions of the empire, Roman pottery of a high standard is common at the sites of humble villages and isolated farmsteads. | 3907.txt | 1 |
[
"It was built around the third century A.D.",
"It was close to areas where large quantities of oil were produced.",
"It was in use only for a very short period of time.",
"It had impressive level of commercial activity."
] | Paragraph 4 indicates which of the following about the port on the Tiber River near Monte Testaccio? | The pottery of ancient Romans is remarkable in several ways. The high quality of Roman pottery is very easy to appreciate when handling actual pieces of tableware or indeed kitchenware and amphorae (the large jars used throughout the Mediterranean for the transport and storage of liquids, such as wine and oil). However, it is impossible to do justice to Roman wares on the page, even when words can be backed up by photographs and drawing. Most Roman pottery is light and smooth to touch and very tough, although, like all pottery, it shatters if dropped on a hard surface. It is generally made with carefully selected and purified clay, worked to thin-walled and standardized shapes on a fast wheel and fired in a kiln (pottery oven) capable of ensuring a consistent finish. With handmade pottery, inevitably there are slight differences between individual vessels of the same design and occasional minor blemishes (flaws). But what strikes the eye and the touch most immediately and most powerfully with Roman pottery is its consistent high quality.
This is not just an aesthetic consideration but also a practical one. These vessels are solid (brittle, but not fragile), they are pleasant and easy to handle (being light and smooth), and, with their hard and sometimes glossy (smooth and shiny) surfaces, they hold liquids well and are easy to wash. Furthermore, their regular and standardized shapes would have made them simple to stack and store. When people today are shown a very ordinary Roman pot and, in particular, are allowed to handle it, they often comment on how modern it looks and feels, and they need to be convinced of its true age.
As impressive as the quality of Roman pottery is its sheer massive quantity. When considering quantities, we would ideally like to have some estimates for overall production from particular sites of pottery manufacture and for overall consumption at specific settlements. Unfortunately, it is in the nature of the archaeological evidence, which is almost invariable only a sample of what once existed, that such figures will always be elusive. However, no one who has ever worked in the field would question the abundance of Roman pottery, particularly in the Mediterranean region. This abundance is notable in Roman settlements (especially urban sites) where the labor that archaeologists have to put into the washing and sorting of potsherds (fragments of pottery) constitutes a high proportion of the total work during the initial phases of excavation.
Only rarely can we derive any "real" quantities from deposits of broken pots. However, there is one exceptional dump, which does represent a very large part of the site's total history of consumption and for which an estimate of quantity has been produced. On the left bank of the Tiber River in Rome, by one of the river ports of the ancient city, is a substantial hill some 50 meters high called Monte Testaccio. It is made up entirely of broken oil amphorae, mainly of the second and third centuries A.D. It has been estimated that Monte Testaccio contains the remains of some 53 million amphorae, in which around 6,000million liters of oil were imported into the city from overseas, imports into imperial Rome were supported by the full might of the state and were therefore quite exceptionalbut the size of the operations at Monte Testaccio, and the productivity and complexity that lay behind them, nonetheless cannot fail to impress. This was a society with similarities to modern onemoving goods on a gigantic scale, manufacturing high-quality containers to do so, and occasionally, as here, even discarding them on delivery.
Roman pottery was transported not only in large quantities but also over substantial distances. Many Roman pots, in particular amphorae and the fine wares designed for use at tables, could travel hundreds of milesall over the Mediterranean and also further afield. But maps that show the various spots where Roman pottery of a particular type has been found tell only part of the story. What is more significant than any geographical spread is the access that different levels of society had to good-quality products. In all but the remotest regions of the empire, Roman pottery of a high standard is common at the sites of humble villages and isolated farmsteads. | 3907.txt | 3 |
[
"Traders at the port were often careless.",
"The quality of the amphorae used at the port was not very good.",
"The scale of the trade made it possible to waste quality amphorae sometimes.",
"The importing of oil from overseas gradually declined, reducing the need for pottery containers."
] | The statement in paragraph 4 that amphorae delivered to the port near Monte Testaccio were occasionally discarded support which of the following? | The pottery of ancient Romans is remarkable in several ways. The high quality of Roman pottery is very easy to appreciate when handling actual pieces of tableware or indeed kitchenware and amphorae (the large jars used throughout the Mediterranean for the transport and storage of liquids, such as wine and oil). However, it is impossible to do justice to Roman wares on the page, even when words can be backed up by photographs and drawing. Most Roman pottery is light and smooth to touch and very tough, although, like all pottery, it shatters if dropped on a hard surface. It is generally made with carefully selected and purified clay, worked to thin-walled and standardized shapes on a fast wheel and fired in a kiln (pottery oven) capable of ensuring a consistent finish. With handmade pottery, inevitably there are slight differences between individual vessels of the same design and occasional minor blemishes (flaws). But what strikes the eye and the touch most immediately and most powerfully with Roman pottery is its consistent high quality.
This is not just an aesthetic consideration but also a practical one. These vessels are solid (brittle, but not fragile), they are pleasant and easy to handle (being light and smooth), and, with their hard and sometimes glossy (smooth and shiny) surfaces, they hold liquids well and are easy to wash. Furthermore, their regular and standardized shapes would have made them simple to stack and store. When people today are shown a very ordinary Roman pot and, in particular, are allowed to handle it, they often comment on how modern it looks and feels, and they need to be convinced of its true age.
As impressive as the quality of Roman pottery is its sheer massive quantity. When considering quantities, we would ideally like to have some estimates for overall production from particular sites of pottery manufacture and for overall consumption at specific settlements. Unfortunately, it is in the nature of the archaeological evidence, which is almost invariable only a sample of what once existed, that such figures will always be elusive. However, no one who has ever worked in the field would question the abundance of Roman pottery, particularly in the Mediterranean region. This abundance is notable in Roman settlements (especially urban sites) where the labor that archaeologists have to put into the washing and sorting of potsherds (fragments of pottery) constitutes a high proportion of the total work during the initial phases of excavation.
Only rarely can we derive any "real" quantities from deposits of broken pots. However, there is one exceptional dump, which does represent a very large part of the site's total history of consumption and for which an estimate of quantity has been produced. On the left bank of the Tiber River in Rome, by one of the river ports of the ancient city, is a substantial hill some 50 meters high called Monte Testaccio. It is made up entirely of broken oil amphorae, mainly of the second and third centuries A.D. It has been estimated that Monte Testaccio contains the remains of some 53 million amphorae, in which around 6,000million liters of oil were imported into the city from overseas, imports into imperial Rome were supported by the full might of the state and were therefore quite exceptionalbut the size of the operations at Monte Testaccio, and the productivity and complexity that lay behind them, nonetheless cannot fail to impress. This was a society with similarities to modern onemoving goods on a gigantic scale, manufacturing high-quality containers to do so, and occasionally, as here, even discarding them on delivery.
Roman pottery was transported not only in large quantities but also over substantial distances. Many Roman pots, in particular amphorae and the fine wares designed for use at tables, could travel hundreds of milesall over the Mediterranean and also further afield. But maps that show the various spots where Roman pottery of a particular type has been found tell only part of the story. What is more significant than any geographical spread is the access that different levels of society had to good-quality products. In all but the remotest regions of the empire, Roman pottery of a high standard is common at the sites of humble villages and isolated farmsteads. | 3907.txt | 2 |
[
"maps indicate where specific pottery styles have been found, but they do not indicate where these styles originated.",
"maps show the geographical spread of Roman pottery but not the people who had access to it.",
"maps do not usually include pottery styles found in the remotest regions the Roman Empire.",
"archaeologist studying Roman pottery need to use a range of techniques in their investigations."
] | The statement that "maps show the various spots where Roman pottery of aparticular type has been found tell only part of the story" makes the point that | The pottery of ancient Romans is remarkable in several ways. The high quality of Roman pottery is very easy to appreciate when handling actual pieces of tableware or indeed kitchenware and amphorae (the large jars used throughout the Mediterranean for the transport and storage of liquids, such as wine and oil). However, it is impossible to do justice to Roman wares on the page, even when words can be backed up by photographs and drawing. Most Roman pottery is light and smooth to touch and very tough, although, like all pottery, it shatters if dropped on a hard surface. It is generally made with carefully selected and purified clay, worked to thin-walled and standardized shapes on a fast wheel and fired in a kiln (pottery oven) capable of ensuring a consistent finish. With handmade pottery, inevitably there are slight differences between individual vessels of the same design and occasional minor blemishes (flaws). But what strikes the eye and the touch most immediately and most powerfully with Roman pottery is its consistent high quality.
This is not just an aesthetic consideration but also a practical one. These vessels are solid (brittle, but not fragile), they are pleasant and easy to handle (being light and smooth), and, with their hard and sometimes glossy (smooth and shiny) surfaces, they hold liquids well and are easy to wash. Furthermore, their regular and standardized shapes would have made them simple to stack and store. When people today are shown a very ordinary Roman pot and, in particular, are allowed to handle it, they often comment on how modern it looks and feels, and they need to be convinced of its true age.
As impressive as the quality of Roman pottery is its sheer massive quantity. When considering quantities, we would ideally like to have some estimates for overall production from particular sites of pottery manufacture and for overall consumption at specific settlements. Unfortunately, it is in the nature of the archaeological evidence, which is almost invariable only a sample of what once existed, that such figures will always be elusive. However, no one who has ever worked in the field would question the abundance of Roman pottery, particularly in the Mediterranean region. This abundance is notable in Roman settlements (especially urban sites) where the labor that archaeologists have to put into the washing and sorting of potsherds (fragments of pottery) constitutes a high proportion of the total work during the initial phases of excavation.
Only rarely can we derive any "real" quantities from deposits of broken pots. However, there is one exceptional dump, which does represent a very large part of the site's total history of consumption and for which an estimate of quantity has been produced. On the left bank of the Tiber River in Rome, by one of the river ports of the ancient city, is a substantial hill some 50 meters high called Monte Testaccio. It is made up entirely of broken oil amphorae, mainly of the second and third centuries A.D. It has been estimated that Monte Testaccio contains the remains of some 53 million amphorae, in which around 6,000million liters of oil were imported into the city from overseas, imports into imperial Rome were supported by the full might of the state and were therefore quite exceptionalbut the size of the operations at Monte Testaccio, and the productivity and complexity that lay behind them, nonetheless cannot fail to impress. This was a society with similarities to modern onemoving goods on a gigantic scale, manufacturing high-quality containers to do so, and occasionally, as here, even discarding them on delivery.
Roman pottery was transported not only in large quantities but also over substantial distances. Many Roman pots, in particular amphorae and the fine wares designed for use at tables, could travel hundreds of milesall over the Mediterranean and also further afield. But maps that show the various spots where Roman pottery of a particular type has been found tell only part of the story. What is more significant than any geographical spread is the access that different levels of society had to good-quality products. In all but the remotest regions of the empire, Roman pottery of a high standard is common at the sites of humble villages and isolated farmsteads. | 3907.txt | 1 |
[
"rural.",
"distant.",
"ancient.",
"modest."
] | The word "humble" in the passage is closest in meaning to | The pottery of ancient Romans is remarkable in several ways. The high quality of Roman pottery is very easy to appreciate when handling actual pieces of tableware or indeed kitchenware and amphorae (the large jars used throughout the Mediterranean for the transport and storage of liquids, such as wine and oil). However, it is impossible to do justice to Roman wares on the page, even when words can be backed up by photographs and drawing. Most Roman pottery is light and smooth to touch and very tough, although, like all pottery, it shatters if dropped on a hard surface. It is generally made with carefully selected and purified clay, worked to thin-walled and standardized shapes on a fast wheel and fired in a kiln (pottery oven) capable of ensuring a consistent finish. With handmade pottery, inevitably there are slight differences between individual vessels of the same design and occasional minor blemishes (flaws). But what strikes the eye and the touch most immediately and most powerfully with Roman pottery is its consistent high quality.
This is not just an aesthetic consideration but also a practical one. These vessels are solid (brittle, but not fragile), they are pleasant and easy to handle (being light and smooth), and, with their hard and sometimes glossy (smooth and shiny) surfaces, they hold liquids well and are easy to wash. Furthermore, their regular and standardized shapes would have made them simple to stack and store. When people today are shown a very ordinary Roman pot and, in particular, are allowed to handle it, they often comment on how modern it looks and feels, and they need to be convinced of its true age.
As impressive as the quality of Roman pottery is its sheer massive quantity. When considering quantities, we would ideally like to have some estimates for overall production from particular sites of pottery manufacture and for overall consumption at specific settlements. Unfortunately, it is in the nature of the archaeological evidence, which is almost invariable only a sample of what once existed, that such figures will always be elusive. However, no one who has ever worked in the field would question the abundance of Roman pottery, particularly in the Mediterranean region. This abundance is notable in Roman settlements (especially urban sites) where the labor that archaeologists have to put into the washing and sorting of potsherds (fragments of pottery) constitutes a high proportion of the total work during the initial phases of excavation.
Only rarely can we derive any "real" quantities from deposits of broken pots. However, there is one exceptional dump, which does represent a very large part of the site's total history of consumption and for which an estimate of quantity has been produced. On the left bank of the Tiber River in Rome, by one of the river ports of the ancient city, is a substantial hill some 50 meters high called Monte Testaccio. It is made up entirely of broken oil amphorae, mainly of the second and third centuries A.D. It has been estimated that Monte Testaccio contains the remains of some 53 million amphorae, in which around 6,000million liters of oil were imported into the city from overseas, imports into imperial Rome were supported by the full might of the state and were therefore quite exceptionalbut the size of the operations at Monte Testaccio, and the productivity and complexity that lay behind them, nonetheless cannot fail to impress. This was a society with similarities to modern onemoving goods on a gigantic scale, manufacturing high-quality containers to do so, and occasionally, as here, even discarding them on delivery.
Roman pottery was transported not only in large quantities but also over substantial distances. Many Roman pots, in particular amphorae and the fine wares designed for use at tables, could travel hundreds of milesall over the Mediterranean and also further afield. But maps that show the various spots where Roman pottery of a particular type has been found tell only part of the story. What is more significant than any geographical spread is the access that different levels of society had to good-quality products. In all but the remotest regions of the empire, Roman pottery of a high standard is common at the sites of humble villages and isolated farmsteads. | 3907.txt | 3 |
[
"specific.",
"common.",
"ancient.",
"superior."
] | The word "particular" in the passage is closest in meaning to | The pottery of ancient Romans is remarkable in several ways. The high quality of Roman pottery is very easy to appreciate when handling actual pieces of tableware or indeed kitchenware and amphorae (the large jars used throughout the Mediterranean for the transport and storage of liquids, such as wine and oil). However, it is impossible to do justice to Roman wares on the page, even when words can be backed up by photographs and drawing. Most Roman pottery is light and smooth to touch and very tough, although, like all pottery, it shatters if dropped on a hard surface. It is generally made with carefully selected and purified clay, worked to thin-walled and standardized shapes on a fast wheel and fired in a kiln (pottery oven) capable of ensuring a consistent finish. With handmade pottery, inevitably there are slight differences between individual vessels of the same design and occasional minor blemishes (flaws). But what strikes the eye and the touch most immediately and most powerfully with Roman pottery is its consistent high quality.
This is not just an aesthetic consideration but also a practical one. These vessels are solid (brittle, but not fragile), they are pleasant and easy to handle (being light and smooth), and, with their hard and sometimes glossy (smooth and shiny) surfaces, they hold liquids well and are easy to wash. Furthermore, their regular and standardized shapes would have made them simple to stack and store. When people today are shown a very ordinary Roman pot and, in particular, are allowed to handle it, they often comment on how modern it looks and feels, and they need to be convinced of its true age.
As impressive as the quality of Roman pottery is its sheer massive quantity. When considering quantities, we would ideally like to have some estimates for overall production from particular sites of pottery manufacture and for overall consumption at specific settlements. Unfortunately, it is in the nature of the archaeological evidence, which is almost invariable only a sample of what once existed, that such figures will always be elusive. However, no one who has ever worked in the field would question the abundance of Roman pottery, particularly in the Mediterranean region. This abundance is notable in Roman settlements (especially urban sites) where the labor that archaeologists have to put into the washing and sorting of potsherds (fragments of pottery) constitutes a high proportion of the total work during the initial phases of excavation.
Only rarely can we derive any "real" quantities from deposits of broken pots. However, there is one exceptional dump, which does represent a very large part of the site's total history of consumption and for which an estimate of quantity has been produced. On the left bank of the Tiber River in Rome, by one of the river ports of the ancient city, is a substantial hill some 50 meters high called Monte Testaccio. It is made up entirely of broken oil amphorae, mainly of the second and third centuries A.D. It has been estimated that Monte Testaccio contains the remains of some 53 million amphorae, in which around 6,000million liters of oil were imported into the city from overseas, imports into imperial Rome were supported by the full might of the state and were therefore quite exceptionalbut the size of the operations at Monte Testaccio, and the productivity and complexity that lay behind them, nonetheless cannot fail to impress. This was a society with similarities to modern onemoving goods on a gigantic scale, manufacturing high-quality containers to do so, and occasionally, as here, even discarding them on delivery.
Roman pottery was transported not only in large quantities but also over substantial distances. Many Roman pots, in particular amphorae and the fine wares designed for use at tables, could travel hundreds of milesall over the Mediterranean and also further afield. But maps that show the various spots where Roman pottery of a particular type has been found tell only part of the story. What is more significant than any geographical spread is the access that different levels of society had to good-quality products. In all but the remotest regions of the empire, Roman pottery of a high standard is common at the sites of humble villages and isolated farmsteads. | 3907.txt | 0 |
[
"call on scientists to take some actions",
"criticize the misguided cause of animal rights",
"warn of the doom of biomedical research",
"show the triumph of the animal rights movement"
] | The author begins his article with Edmund Burke's words to . | To paraphrase 18th-century statesman Edmund Burke, "all that is needed for the triumph of a misguided cause is that good people do nothing." One such cause now seeks to end biomedical research because of the theory that animals have rights ruling out their use in research. Scientists need to respond forcefully to animal rights advocates, whose arguments are confusing the public and thereby threatening advances in health knowledge and care. Leaders of the animal rights movement target biomedical research because it depends on public funding, and few people understand the process of health care research. Hearing allegations of cruelty to animals in research settings, many are perplexed that anyone would deliberately harm an animal.
For example, a grandmotherly woman staffing an animal rights booth at a recent street fair was distributing a brochure that encouraged readers not to use anything that comes from or is tested in animals-no meat, no fur, no medicines. Asked if she opposed immunizations, she wanted to know if vaccines come from animal research. When assured that they do, she replied, "Then I would have to say yes." Asked what will happen when epidemics return, she said, "Don't worry, scientists will find some way of using computers." Such well-meaning people just don't understand.
Scientists must communicate their message to the public in a compassionate, understandable way -- in human terms, not in the language of molecular biology. We need to make clear the connection between animal research and a grandmother's hip replacement, a father's bypass operation, a baby's vaccinations, and even a pet's shots. To those who are unaware that animal research was needed to produce these treatments, as well as new treatments and vaccines, animal research seems wasteful at best and cruel at worst.
Much can be done. Scientists could "adopt" middle school classes and present their own research. They should be quick to respond to letters to the editor, lest animal rights misinformation go unchallenged and acquire a deceptive appearance of truth. Research institutions could be opened to tours, to show that laboratory animals receive humane care. Finally, because the ultimate stakeholders are patients, the health research community should actively recruit to its cause not only well-known personalities such as Stephen Cooper, who has made courageous statements about the value of animal research, but all who receive medical treatment. If good people do nothing, there is a real possibility that an uninformed citizenry will extinguish the precious embers of medical progress. | 3325.txt | 0 |
[
"cruel but natural",
"inhuman and unacceptable",
"inevitable but vicious",
"pointless and wasteful"
] | Misled people tend to think that using an animal in research is . | To paraphrase 18th-century statesman Edmund Burke, "all that is needed for the triumph of a misguided cause is that good people do nothing." One such cause now seeks to end biomedical research because of the theory that animals have rights ruling out their use in research. Scientists need to respond forcefully to animal rights advocates, whose arguments are confusing the public and thereby threatening advances in health knowledge and care. Leaders of the animal rights movement target biomedical research because it depends on public funding, and few people understand the process of health care research. Hearing allegations of cruelty to animals in research settings, many are perplexed that anyone would deliberately harm an animal.
For example, a grandmotherly woman staffing an animal rights booth at a recent street fair was distributing a brochure that encouraged readers not to use anything that comes from or is tested in animals-no meat, no fur, no medicines. Asked if she opposed immunizations, she wanted to know if vaccines come from animal research. When assured that they do, she replied, "Then I would have to say yes." Asked what will happen when epidemics return, she said, "Don't worry, scientists will find some way of using computers." Such well-meaning people just don't understand.
Scientists must communicate their message to the public in a compassionate, understandable way -- in human terms, not in the language of molecular biology. We need to make clear the connection between animal research and a grandmother's hip replacement, a father's bypass operation, a baby's vaccinations, and even a pet's shots. To those who are unaware that animal research was needed to produce these treatments, as well as new treatments and vaccines, animal research seems wasteful at best and cruel at worst.
Much can be done. Scientists could "adopt" middle school classes and present their own research. They should be quick to respond to letters to the editor, lest animal rights misinformation go unchallenged and acquire a deceptive appearance of truth. Research institutions could be opened to tours, to show that laboratory animals receive humane care. Finally, because the ultimate stakeholders are patients, the health research community should actively recruit to its cause not only well-known personalities such as Stephen Cooper, who has made courageous statements about the value of animal research, but all who receive medical treatment. If good people do nothing, there is a real possibility that an uninformed citizenry will extinguish the precious embers of medical progress. | 3325.txt | 1 |
[
"discontent with animal research",
"ignorance about medical science",
"indifference to epidemics",
"anxiety about animal rights"
] | The example of the grandmotherly woman is used to show the public's . | To paraphrase 18th-century statesman Edmund Burke, "all that is needed for the triumph of a misguided cause is that good people do nothing." One such cause now seeks to end biomedical research because of the theory that animals have rights ruling out their use in research. Scientists need to respond forcefully to animal rights advocates, whose arguments are confusing the public and thereby threatening advances in health knowledge and care. Leaders of the animal rights movement target biomedical research because it depends on public funding, and few people understand the process of health care research. Hearing allegations of cruelty to animals in research settings, many are perplexed that anyone would deliberately harm an animal.
For example, a grandmotherly woman staffing an animal rights booth at a recent street fair was distributing a brochure that encouraged readers not to use anything that comes from or is tested in animals-no meat, no fur, no medicines. Asked if she opposed immunizations, she wanted to know if vaccines come from animal research. When assured that they do, she replied, "Then I would have to say yes." Asked what will happen when epidemics return, she said, "Don't worry, scientists will find some way of using computers." Such well-meaning people just don't understand.
Scientists must communicate their message to the public in a compassionate, understandable way -- in human terms, not in the language of molecular biology. We need to make clear the connection between animal research and a grandmother's hip replacement, a father's bypass operation, a baby's vaccinations, and even a pet's shots. To those who are unaware that animal research was needed to produce these treatments, as well as new treatments and vaccines, animal research seems wasteful at best and cruel at worst.
Much can be done. Scientists could "adopt" middle school classes and present their own research. They should be quick to respond to letters to the editor, lest animal rights misinformation go unchallenged and acquire a deceptive appearance of truth. Research institutions could be opened to tours, to show that laboratory animals receive humane care. Finally, because the ultimate stakeholders are patients, the health research community should actively recruit to its cause not only well-known personalities such as Stephen Cooper, who has made courageous statements about the value of animal research, but all who receive medical treatment. If good people do nothing, there is a real possibility that an uninformed citizenry will extinguish the precious embers of medical progress. | 3325.txt | 1 |
[
"communicate more with the public",
"employ hi-tech means in research",
"feel no shame for their cause",
"strive to develop new cures"
] | The author believes that, in face of the challenge from animal rights advocates, scientists should . | To paraphrase 18th-century statesman Edmund Burke, "all that is needed for the triumph of a misguided cause is that good people do nothing." One such cause now seeks to end biomedical research because of the theory that animals have rights ruling out their use in research. Scientists need to respond forcefully to animal rights advocates, whose arguments are confusing the public and thereby threatening advances in health knowledge and care. Leaders of the animal rights movement target biomedical research because it depends on public funding, and few people understand the process of health care research. Hearing allegations of cruelty to animals in research settings, many are perplexed that anyone would deliberately harm an animal.
For example, a grandmotherly woman staffing an animal rights booth at a recent street fair was distributing a brochure that encouraged readers not to use anything that comes from or is tested in animals-no meat, no fur, no medicines. Asked if she opposed immunizations, she wanted to know if vaccines come from animal research. When assured that they do, she replied, "Then I would have to say yes." Asked what will happen when epidemics return, she said, "Don't worry, scientists will find some way of using computers." Such well-meaning people just don't understand.
Scientists must communicate their message to the public in a compassionate, understandable way -- in human terms, not in the language of molecular biology. We need to make clear the connection between animal research and a grandmother's hip replacement, a father's bypass operation, a baby's vaccinations, and even a pet's shots. To those who are unaware that animal research was needed to produce these treatments, as well as new treatments and vaccines, animal research seems wasteful at best and cruel at worst.
Much can be done. Scientists could "adopt" middle school classes and present their own research. They should be quick to respond to letters to the editor, lest animal rights misinformation go unchallenged and acquire a deceptive appearance of truth. Research institutions could be opened to tours, to show that laboratory animals receive humane care. Finally, because the ultimate stakeholders are patients, the health research community should actively recruit to its cause not only well-known personalities such as Stephen Cooper, who has made courageous statements about the value of animal research, but all who receive medical treatment. If good people do nothing, there is a real possibility that an uninformed citizenry will extinguish the precious embers of medical progress. | 3325.txt | 0 |
[
"a well-known humanist",
"a medical practitioner",
"an enthusiast in animal rights",
"a supporter of animal research"
] | From the text we learn that Stephen Cooper is . | To paraphrase 18th-century statesman Edmund Burke, "all that is needed for the triumph of a misguided cause is that good people do nothing." One such cause now seeks to end biomedical research because of the theory that animals have rights ruling out their use in research. Scientists need to respond forcefully to animal rights advocates, whose arguments are confusing the public and thereby threatening advances in health knowledge and care. Leaders of the animal rights movement target biomedical research because it depends on public funding, and few people understand the process of health care research. Hearing allegations of cruelty to animals in research settings, many are perplexed that anyone would deliberately harm an animal.
For example, a grandmotherly woman staffing an animal rights booth at a recent street fair was distributing a brochure that encouraged readers not to use anything that comes from or is tested in animals-no meat, no fur, no medicines. Asked if she opposed immunizations, she wanted to know if vaccines come from animal research. When assured that they do, she replied, "Then I would have to say yes." Asked what will happen when epidemics return, she said, "Don't worry, scientists will find some way of using computers." Such well-meaning people just don't understand.
Scientists must communicate their message to the public in a compassionate, understandable way -- in human terms, not in the language of molecular biology. We need to make clear the connection between animal research and a grandmother's hip replacement, a father's bypass operation, a baby's vaccinations, and even a pet's shots. To those who are unaware that animal research was needed to produce these treatments, as well as new treatments and vaccines, animal research seems wasteful at best and cruel at worst.
Much can be done. Scientists could "adopt" middle school classes and present their own research. They should be quick to respond to letters to the editor, lest animal rights misinformation go unchallenged and acquire a deceptive appearance of truth. Research institutions could be opened to tours, to show that laboratory animals receive humane care. Finally, because the ultimate stakeholders are patients, the health research community should actively recruit to its cause not only well-known personalities such as Stephen Cooper, who has made courageous statements about the value of animal research, but all who receive medical treatment. If good people do nothing, there is a real possibility that an uninformed citizenry will extinguish the precious embers of medical progress. | 3325.txt | 3 |
[
"most of us are consumers while most of them are producers of music",
"we are musical performers and they are semiprofessional musicians",
"most of us are passive spectators while they are active spectators",
"we are the audience and they are the additional performers"
] | The difference between us and Africans, as far as music is concerned, is that _ . | It has been thought and said that Africans are born with musical talent. Because music is so important in the lives of many Africans and because so much music is performed in Africa, we are inclined to think that Africans are musicians. The impression is strengthened when we look at ourselves and find that we have become largely a society of musical spectators. Music is important to us, but most of us can be considered consumers rather than producers of music. We have records, television, concerts, and radio to fulfill many of our musical needs. In most situations where music is performed in our culture it is not difficult to distinguish the audience from the performers, but such is often not the case in Africa. Alban Ayipaga, a Kasena semiprofessional musician from northern Ghana, says that when his flute and drum ensemble is performing. "Anybody can take part". This is true, but Kasena musicians recognize that not all people are equally capable of taking part in the music. Some can sing along with the drummers, but relatively few can drum and even fewer can play the flute along with the ensemble. It is fairly common in Africa for there to be an ensemble of expert musicians surrounded by others who join in by clapping, singing, or somehow adding to the totality of musical sound. Performances often take place in an open area (that is, not on a stage) and so the lines between the performing nucleus and the additional performers, active spectators, and passive spectators may be difficult to draw from our point of view. | 3143.txt | 2 |
[
"music is performed with the participation of the audience",
"music is performed without the participation of the audience",
"people tend to distinguish the audience from the performers",
"people have records, television sets and radio to fulfill their musical needs"
] | The word "such" (Line 6) refers to the fact that _ . | It has been thought and said that Africans are born with musical talent. Because music is so important in the lives of many Africans and because so much music is performed in Africa, we are inclined to think that Africans are musicians. The impression is strengthened when we look at ourselves and find that we have become largely a society of musical spectators. Music is important to us, but most of us can be considered consumers rather than producers of music. We have records, television, concerts, and radio to fulfill many of our musical needs. In most situations where music is performed in our culture it is not difficult to distinguish the audience from the performers, but such is often not the case in Africa. Alban Ayipaga, a Kasena semiprofessional musician from northern Ghana, says that when his flute and drum ensemble is performing. "Anybody can take part". This is true, but Kasena musicians recognize that not all people are equally capable of taking part in the music. Some can sing along with the drummers, but relatively few can drum and even fewer can play the flute along with the ensemble. It is fairly common in Africa for there to be an ensemble of expert musicians surrounded by others who join in by clapping, singing, or somehow adding to the totality of musical sound. Performances often take place in an open area (that is, not on a stage) and so the lines between the performing nucleus and the additional performers, active spectators, and passive spectators may be difficult to draw from our point of view. | 3143.txt | 1 |
[
"all Africans are musical and therefore much music is performed in Africa",
"not all Africans are born with musical talent although music is important in their lives",
"most Africans are capable of joining in the music by playing musical instruments",
"most Africans perform as well as professional musicians"
] | The author of the passage implies that _ . | It has been thought and said that Africans are born with musical talent. Because music is so important in the lives of many Africans and because so much music is performed in Africa, we are inclined to think that Africans are musicians. The impression is strengthened when we look at ourselves and find that we have become largely a society of musical spectators. Music is important to us, but most of us can be considered consumers rather than producers of music. We have records, television, concerts, and radio to fulfill many of our musical needs. In most situations where music is performed in our culture it is not difficult to distinguish the audience from the performers, but such is often not the case in Africa. Alban Ayipaga, a Kasena semiprofessional musician from northern Ghana, says that when his flute and drum ensemble is performing. "Anybody can take part". This is true, but Kasena musicians recognize that not all people are equally capable of taking part in the music. Some can sing along with the drummers, but relatively few can drum and even fewer can play the flute along with the ensemble. It is fairly common in Africa for there to be an ensemble of expert musicians surrounded by others who join in by clapping, singing, or somehow adding to the totality of musical sound. Performances often take place in an open area (that is, not on a stage) and so the lines between the performing nucleus and the additional performers, active spectators, and passive spectators may be difficult to draw from our point of view. | 3143.txt | 1 |
[
"musicians famous in Africa",
"musicians at the center of attention",
"musicians acting as the core in a performance",
"active participants in a musical performance"
] | The word "nucleus" (Line 13) probably refers to _ . | It has been thought and said that Africans are born with musical talent. Because music is so important in the lives of many Africans and because so much music is performed in Africa, we are inclined to think that Africans are musicians. The impression is strengthened when we look at ourselves and find that we have become largely a society of musical spectators. Music is important to us, but most of us can be considered consumers rather than producers of music. We have records, television, concerts, and radio to fulfill many of our musical needs. In most situations where music is performed in our culture it is not difficult to distinguish the audience from the performers, but such is often not the case in Africa. Alban Ayipaga, a Kasena semiprofessional musician from northern Ghana, says that when his flute and drum ensemble is performing. "Anybody can take part". This is true, but Kasena musicians recognize that not all people are equally capable of taking part in the music. Some can sing along with the drummers, but relatively few can drum and even fewer can play the flute along with the ensemble. It is fairly common in Africa for there to be an ensemble of expert musicians surrounded by others who join in by clapping, singing, or somehow adding to the totality of musical sound. Performances often take place in an open area (that is, not on a stage) and so the lines between the performing nucleus and the additional performers, active spectators, and passive spectators may be difficult to draw from our point of view. | 3143.txt | 3 |
[
"The Importance of Music to African People",
"Differences Between African Music and Music of Other Countries",
"The Relationship Between Musicians and Their Audience",
"A Characteristic Feature of African Musical Performances"
] | The best title for this passage would be _ . | It has been thought and said that Africans are born with musical talent. Because music is so important in the lives of many Africans and because so much music is performed in Africa, we are inclined to think that Africans are musicians. The impression is strengthened when we look at ourselves and find that we have become largely a society of musical spectators. Music is important to us, but most of us can be considered consumers rather than producers of music. We have records, television, concerts, and radio to fulfill many of our musical needs. In most situations where music is performed in our culture it is not difficult to distinguish the audience from the performers, but such is often not the case in Africa. Alban Ayipaga, a Kasena semiprofessional musician from northern Ghana, says that when his flute and drum ensemble is performing. "Anybody can take part". This is true, but Kasena musicians recognize that not all people are equally capable of taking part in the music. Some can sing along with the drummers, but relatively few can drum and even fewer can play the flute along with the ensemble. It is fairly common in Africa for there to be an ensemble of expert musicians surrounded by others who join in by clapping, singing, or somehow adding to the totality of musical sound. Performances often take place in an open area (that is, not on a stage) and so the lines between the performing nucleus and the additional performers, active spectators, and passive spectators may be difficult to draw from our point of view. | 3143.txt | 3 |
[
"sounds familiar to US",
"has become commonplace",
"warns US of climate disasters",
"has been presumed long before"
] | The IPCC report_ . | The U.N.-sponsored Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change(IPCC.report released todav ir Brussels has a familiar rin9. As the climate disasters headlined recently--intense hurricanes，drought ir the American West，Arctic thawing--become commonplace in a greenhouse world，plants，animals，and peopIe will suffer.That has been the presumption，but the latest report from the IPCC projecting greenhouse lmpacts calculates mounting costs that will fan the heaviest on the world's poor.
February's IPCC report on the physical science of climate firmly links most of the recent warming of the worjd to human activity.Scientists authoring the second report had a tOugher challenge：figuring ouI the llkely consequences. To do that，they considered 29，000 datasets from 75 studies. Of those daca series,89％showed changes--receding glaciers or earlier bloomin9，for example-consistent with a response to warmlng.Because those responses usually occurred where the warming has been greatest， the scientists concluded that it's"verY unlikelythe changes were due to natural variability of climate or the system involved."For the first time，we concluded anthropogenic warming has had an influence on manY physical and biological systems，"says Cynthia Rosenzweig of NASA's Goddard Institute for Space Studies in New York City，a coordinating lead author on the reDort.
The IPCC scientists also projected the effects of future warming.Assuming that nothin9，s done to slow greenhouse emissions，the February report predicted a temperature increase of roughly 3℃toward the end of the century，drying at lower latitudes， more precipitation at higher iatitudes， and rising sea levels."This report finds that such a warming will bleach most coral reefs by mid-centur)，，drying will be91n decreaslng crop yields at lower latitudes within a few decades，and sea level rise and tropical cvclone Intensl±1catlon will increase the likelihood of millions of people being flooded out each year on rjver mega. deltas such as that of the Ganges-Brahmaputra in southern Asia.Bottom line?"You don't want tO be poor and living on a river delta or the Florida coast，"says c11mate scientist Stephen Schneider of Stanford University，a coordinating lead auth。r. The Door especially subsistence farmers--tend tO be more vulnerable to climate change，notes the reort.And they are least able to adaPt，say by building levees against storms or dams for irrigation.Schneider's ther advice："Trry not to go over 2℃ or 3℃ because that triggers the really nasty stuff.With that much warmlng，the bad effeCts of this century only get worse，and the rare benefits，such as higher crop vields in wetter areas，fade.[422words] | 1196.txt | 0 |
[
"the likelihood that plants，animals，and people will suffer",
"he heaviest COSTS of greenhouse impacts on the poor people",
"the devastating climate disasters resulting from global warmjng",
"intense hurricanes, drought in the American West, and Arctic thawing"
] | The IPCC report focuses on_ . | The U.N.-sponsored Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change(IPCC.report released todav ir Brussels has a familiar rin9. As the climate disasters headlined recently--intense hurricanes，drought ir the American West，Arctic thawing--become commonplace in a greenhouse world，plants，animals，and peopIe will suffer.That has been the presumption，but the latest report from the IPCC projecting greenhouse lmpacts calculates mounting costs that will fan the heaviest on the world's poor.
February's IPCC report on the physical science of climate firmly links most of the recent warming of the worjd to human activity.Scientists authoring the second report had a tOugher challenge：figuring ouI the llkely consequences. To do that，they considered 29，000 datasets from 75 studies. Of those daca series,89％showed changes--receding glaciers or earlier bloomin9，for example-consistent with a response to warmlng.Because those responses usually occurred where the warming has been greatest， the scientists concluded that it's"verY unlikelythe changes were due to natural variability of climate or the system involved."For the first time，we concluded anthropogenic warming has had an influence on manY physical and biological systems，"says Cynthia Rosenzweig of NASA's Goddard Institute for Space Studies in New York City，a coordinating lead author on the reDort.
The IPCC scientists also projected the effects of future warming.Assuming that nothin9，s done to slow greenhouse emissions，the February report predicted a temperature increase of roughly 3℃toward the end of the century，drying at lower latitudes， more precipitation at higher iatitudes， and rising sea levels."This report finds that such a warming will bleach most coral reefs by mid-centur)，，drying will be91n decreaslng crop yields at lower latitudes within a few decades，and sea level rise and tropical cvclone Intensl±1catlon will increase the likelihood of millions of people being flooded out each year on rjver mega. deltas such as that of the Ganges-Brahmaputra in southern Asia.Bottom line?"You don't want tO be poor and living on a river delta or the Florida coast，"says c11mate scientist Stephen Schneider of Stanford University，a coordinating lead auth。r. The Door especially subsistence farmers--tend tO be more vulnerable to climate change，notes the reort.And they are least able to adaPt，say by building levees against storms or dams for irrigation.Schneider's ther advice："Trry not to go over 2℃ or 3℃ because that triggers the really nasty stuff.With that much warmlng，the bad effeCts of this century only get worse，and the rare benefits，such as higher crop vields in wetter areas，fade.[422words] | 1196.txt | 1 |
[
"are a response to anthropogenic warming",
"result from the natural variability of climate",
"influence many physical and biological systems",
"bring about the heaviest costs on the world's poor"
] | Many data series show that climate changes, such as Arctic thawing, _ . | The U.N.-sponsored Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change(IPCC.report released todav ir Brussels has a familiar rin9. As the climate disasters headlined recently--intense hurricanes，drought ir the American West，Arctic thawing--become commonplace in a greenhouse world，plants，animals，and peopIe will suffer.That has been the presumption，but the latest report from the IPCC projecting greenhouse lmpacts calculates mounting costs that will fan the heaviest on the world's poor.
February's IPCC report on the physical science of climate firmly links most of the recent warming of the worjd to human activity.Scientists authoring the second report had a tOugher challenge：figuring ouI the llkely consequences. To do that，they considered 29，000 datasets from 75 studies. Of those daca series,89％showed changes--receding glaciers or earlier bloomin9，for example-consistent with a response to warmlng.Because those responses usually occurred where the warming has been greatest， the scientists concluded that it's"verY unlikelythe changes were due to natural variability of climate or the system involved."For the first time，we concluded anthropogenic warming has had an influence on manY physical and biological systems，"says Cynthia Rosenzweig of NASA's Goddard Institute for Space Studies in New York City，a coordinating lead author on the reDort.
The IPCC scientists also projected the effects of future warming.Assuming that nothin9，s done to slow greenhouse emissions，the February report predicted a temperature increase of roughly 3℃toward the end of the century，drying at lower latitudes， more precipitation at higher iatitudes， and rising sea levels."This report finds that such a warming will bleach most coral reefs by mid-centur)，，drying will be91n decreaslng crop yields at lower latitudes within a few decades，and sea level rise and tropical cvclone Intensl±1catlon will increase the likelihood of millions of people being flooded out each year on rjver mega. deltas such as that of the Ganges-Brahmaputra in southern Asia.Bottom line?"You don't want tO be poor and living on a river delta or the Florida coast，"says c11mate scientist Stephen Schneider of Stanford University，a coordinating lead auth。r. The Door especially subsistence farmers--tend tO be more vulnerable to climate change，notes the reort.And they are least able to adaPt，say by building levees against storms or dams for irrigation.Schneider's ther advice："Trry not to go over 2℃ or 3℃ because that triggers the really nasty stuff.With that much warmlng，the bad effeCts of this century only get worse，and the rare benefits，such as higher crop vields in wetter areas，fade.[422words] | 1196.txt | 0 |
[
"receding glaciers and early blooming",
"more precipitation at higher latitudes",
"drying at lower latitudes and rising sea levels",
"numerous people in coastal areas being flooded out"
] | The harm of future global warming to us may include_ . | The U.N.-sponsored Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change(IPCC.report released todav ir Brussels has a familiar rin9. As the climate disasters headlined recently--intense hurricanes，drought ir the American West，Arctic thawing--become commonplace in a greenhouse world，plants，animals，and peopIe will suffer.That has been the presumption，but the latest report from the IPCC projecting greenhouse lmpacts calculates mounting costs that will fan the heaviest on the world's poor.
February's IPCC report on the physical science of climate firmly links most of the recent warming of the worjd to human activity.Scientists authoring the second report had a tOugher challenge：figuring ouI the llkely consequences. To do that，they considered 29，000 datasets from 75 studies. Of those daca series,89％showed changes--receding glaciers or earlier bloomin9，for example-consistent with a response to warmlng.Because those responses usually occurred where the warming has been greatest， the scientists concluded that it's"verY unlikelythe changes were due to natural variability of climate or the system involved."For the first time，we concluded anthropogenic warming has had an influence on manY physical and biological systems，"says Cynthia Rosenzweig of NASA's Goddard Institute for Space Studies in New York City，a coordinating lead author on the reDort.
The IPCC scientists also projected the effects of future warming.Assuming that nothin9，s done to slow greenhouse emissions，the February report predicted a temperature increase of roughly 3℃toward the end of the century，drying at lower latitudes， more precipitation at higher iatitudes， and rising sea levels."This report finds that such a warming will bleach most coral reefs by mid-centur)，，drying will be91n decreaslng crop yields at lower latitudes within a few decades，and sea level rise and tropical cvclone Intensl±1catlon will increase the likelihood of millions of people being flooded out each year on rjver mega. deltas such as that of the Ganges-Brahmaputra in southern Asia.Bottom line?"You don't want tO be poor and living on a river delta or the Florida coast，"says c11mate scientist Stephen Schneider of Stanford University，a coordinating lead auth。r. The Door especially subsistence farmers--tend tO be more vulnerable to climate change，notes the reort.And they are least able to adaPt，say by building levees against storms or dams for irrigation.Schneider's ther advice："Trry not to go over 2℃ or 3℃ because that triggers the really nasty stuff.With that much warmlng，the bad effeCts of this century only get worse，and the rare benefits，such as higher crop vields in wetter areas，fade.[422words] | 1196.txt | 3 |
[
"the bottom line is not to live on a river delta",
"being richer is less vulnerable to climate change",
"something worse is to come from global warming",
"the temperature increase should be less than 2℃ or 3℃"
] | The authors of the IPCC report believe that_ . | The U.N.-sponsored Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change(IPCC.report released todav ir Brussels has a familiar rin9. As the climate disasters headlined recently--intense hurricanes，drought ir the American West，Arctic thawing--become commonplace in a greenhouse world，plants，animals，and peopIe will suffer.That has been the presumption，but the latest report from the IPCC projecting greenhouse lmpacts calculates mounting costs that will fan the heaviest on the world's poor.
February's IPCC report on the physical science of climate firmly links most of the recent warming of the worjd to human activity.Scientists authoring the second report had a tOugher challenge：figuring ouI the llkely consequences. To do that，they considered 29，000 datasets from 75 studies. Of those daca series,89％showed changes--receding glaciers or earlier bloomin9，for example-consistent with a response to warmlng.Because those responses usually occurred where the warming has been greatest， the scientists concluded that it's"verY unlikelythe changes were due to natural variability of climate or the system involved."For the first time，we concluded anthropogenic warming has had an influence on manY physical and biological systems，"says Cynthia Rosenzweig of NASA's Goddard Institute for Space Studies in New York City，a coordinating lead author on the reDort.
The IPCC scientists also projected the effects of future warming.Assuming that nothin9，s done to slow greenhouse emissions，the February report predicted a temperature increase of roughly 3℃toward the end of the century，drying at lower latitudes， more precipitation at higher iatitudes， and rising sea levels."This report finds that such a warming will bleach most coral reefs by mid-centur)，，drying will be91n decreaslng crop yields at lower latitudes within a few decades，and sea level rise and tropical cvclone Intensl±1catlon will increase the likelihood of millions of people being flooded out each year on rjver mega. deltas such as that of the Ganges-Brahmaputra in southern Asia.Bottom line?"You don't want tO be poor and living on a river delta or the Florida coast，"says c11mate scientist Stephen Schneider of Stanford University，a coordinating lead auth。r. The Door especially subsistence farmers--tend tO be more vulnerable to climate change，notes the reort.And they are least able to adaPt，say by building levees against storms or dams for irrigation.Schneider's ther advice："Trry not to go over 2℃ or 3℃ because that triggers the really nasty stuff.With that much warmlng，the bad effeCts of this century only get worse，and the rare benefits，such as higher crop vields in wetter areas，fade.[422words] | 1196.txt | 2 |
[
"a typist",
"a child",
"a dog",
"a man"
] | Arli is the name of. | Arli has learnt how to type for several years. Still, he types rather slowly, and he can only spell out words of four letters or less. But Arli is doing quite well for a dog.
He is black, white, and brown. He uses a special typewriter it has shallow bowl-like keys that are about two inches wide. His owner calls out the letter, the dog hits the keys with this nose.
Arli does very well at typing "good dog". But he seems to have a bit of trouble when he is asked to spell out "bad dog". | 1811.txt | 2 |
[
"a very bad typist",
"unusually clever",
"a very good typist",
"slow and not clever"
] | The main purpose of the story is to tell us that Arli is. | Arli has learnt how to type for several years. Still, he types rather slowly, and he can only spell out words of four letters or less. But Arli is doing quite well for a dog.
He is black, white, and brown. He uses a special typewriter it has shallow bowl-like keys that are about two inches wide. His owner calls out the letter, the dog hits the keys with this nose.
Arli does very well at typing "good dog". But he seems to have a bit of trouble when he is asked to spell out "bad dog". | 1811.txt | 1 |
[
"He was helped to do it by a dog.",
"He did it with the help of his master.",
"He started doing it naturally several years ago.",
"He did it for a living."
] | How do you think Arli learned to type? | Arli has learnt how to type for several years. Still, he types rather slowly, and he can only spell out words of four letters or less. But Arli is doing quite well for a dog.
He is black, white, and brown. He uses a special typewriter it has shallow bowl-like keys that are about two inches wide. His owner calls out the letter, the dog hits the keys with this nose.
Arli does very well at typing "good dog". But he seems to have a bit of trouble when he is asked to spell out "bad dog". | 1811.txt | 1 |
[
"has only a small number of keys",
"is smaller than an ordinary typewriter",
"is larger than an ordinary typewriter",
"sometimes gives you a bit of trouble"
] | The writer tells us that Arli's typewriter. | Arli has learnt how to type for several years. Still, he types rather slowly, and he can only spell out words of four letters or less. But Arli is doing quite well for a dog.
He is black, white, and brown. He uses a special typewriter it has shallow bowl-like keys that are about two inches wide. His owner calls out the letter, the dog hits the keys with this nose.
Arli does very well at typing "good dog". But he seems to have a bit of trouble when he is asked to spell out "bad dog". | 1811.txt | 2 |
[
"direct the driver when necessary",
"look ahead to see where there's a turn",
"move to the back sent if feeling uncomfortable",
"keep looking at the map to find a place to go to"
] | Sitting beside the driver, you should _ . | It's great fan to explore(）new places-it feels like an adventure，even when you know you're not the first to have been there. But make sure not to get lost or waste time going round in circles.
● Do the map reading if you're being driven somewhere. It'll be easier if you keep turning the map so it follows the direction you're traveling in. Keep looking ahead so that you can give the driver lots of warning before having to make a turns or you'll have to move to the back seat.
● Get a group of friends together and go exploring. You'll need a good map, a compass (）, a raincoat, a cell phone to call for help in case you get lost, and a bit of soars cash for emergencies (）. Tell someone where you're going before you set out and let them know what time you expect to be back. The test is in not getting lost. not in seeing how fast you can go, so always stick together，waiting for slower friends to catch up.
● See if your school or a club organizes orienteering activities, in which you need a map and a compass to find your way. This can be done as a sport, with teams trying to find the way from A to B (and B to C, etc.） in the fastest time, or simply as a spare-time activity. Either way, it's not only good fun, but a great way to keep fit. | 3727.txt | 0 |
[
"To get information when in danger.",
"To be saved in case or an accident.",
"To share the fun with him/her in exploration.",
"To tell him/her what's going on with the group members."
] | Why do you need to tell someone your exploration plan before serving out? | It's great fan to explore(）new places-it feels like an adventure，even when you know you're not the first to have been there. But make sure not to get lost or waste time going round in circles.
● Do the map reading if you're being driven somewhere. It'll be easier if you keep turning the map so it follows the direction you're traveling in. Keep looking ahead so that you can give the driver lots of warning before having to make a turns or you'll have to move to the back seat.
● Get a group of friends together and go exploring. You'll need a good map, a compass (）, a raincoat, a cell phone to call for help in case you get lost, and a bit of soars cash for emergencies (）. Tell someone where you're going before you set out and let them know what time you expect to be back. The test is in not getting lost. not in seeing how fast you can go, so always stick together，waiting for slower friends to catch up.
● See if your school or a club organizes orienteering activities, in which you need a map and a compass to find your way. This can be done as a sport, with teams trying to find the way from A to B (and B to C, etc.） in the fastest time, or simply as a spare-time activity. Either way, it's not only good fun, but a great way to keep fit. | 3727.txt | 1 |
[
"make people work fast",
"help people stay healthy",
"help people forgather other activities",
"make people get prepared for sports"
] | Orienteering activities can _ . | It's great fan to explore(）new places-it feels like an adventure，even when you know you're not the first to have been there. But make sure not to get lost or waste time going round in circles.
● Do the map reading if you're being driven somewhere. It'll be easier if you keep turning the map so it follows the direction you're traveling in. Keep looking ahead so that you can give the driver lots of warning before having to make a turns or you'll have to move to the back seat.
● Get a group of friends together and go exploring. You'll need a good map, a compass (）, a raincoat, a cell phone to call for help in case you get lost, and a bit of soars cash for emergencies (）. Tell someone where you're going before you set out and let them know what time you expect to be back. The test is in not getting lost. not in seeing how fast you can go, so always stick together，waiting for slower friends to catch up.
● See if your school or a club organizes orienteering activities, in which you need a map and a compass to find your way. This can be done as a sport, with teams trying to find the way from A to B (and B to C, etc.） in the fastest time, or simply as a spare-time activity. Either way, it's not only good fun, but a great way to keep fit. | 3727.txt | 1 |
[
"the fun of exploration",
"what to bring for exploration",
"the way to use a map in exploration",
"how to prevent getting lost in exploration"
] | The text mainly talks about _ . | It's great fan to explore(）new places-it feels like an adventure，even when you know you're not the first to have been there. But make sure not to get lost or waste time going round in circles.
● Do the map reading if you're being driven somewhere. It'll be easier if you keep turning the map so it follows the direction you're traveling in. Keep looking ahead so that you can give the driver lots of warning before having to make a turns or you'll have to move to the back seat.
● Get a group of friends together and go exploring. You'll need a good map, a compass (）, a raincoat, a cell phone to call for help in case you get lost, and a bit of soars cash for emergencies (）. Tell someone where you're going before you set out and let them know what time you expect to be back. The test is in not getting lost. not in seeing how fast you can go, so always stick together，waiting for slower friends to catch up.
● See if your school or a club organizes orienteering activities, in which you need a map and a compass to find your way. This can be done as a sport, with teams trying to find the way from A to B (and B to C, etc.） in the fastest time, or simply as a spare-time activity. Either way, it's not only good fun, but a great way to keep fit. | 3727.txt | 3 |
[
"block any legislation to ban the private possession of the bomb",
"coordinate the mass production of the destructive weapon",
"instruct people how to keep the bomb safe at home",
"promote the large-scale sale of this newly invented weapon"
] | According to the passage, some people started a national association so as to _ . | As soon as it was revealed that a reporter for Progressive magazine had discovered how to make a hydrogen bomb, a group of firearm fans formed the National Hydrogen Bomb Association, and they are now lobbying against any legislation to stop Americans from owning one.
The Constitution, said the association's spokesman, gives everyone the right to own arms. It doesn't spell out what kind of arms. But since anyone can now make a hydrogen bomb, the public should be able to buy it to protect themselves.
Don't you think it's dangerous to have one in the house, particularly where there are children around?
The National Hydrogen Bomb Association hopes to educate people in the safe handling of this type of weapon. We are instructing owners to keep the bomb in a locked cabinet and the fuse separately in a drawer.
Some people consider the hydrogen bomb a very fatal weapon which could kill somebody.
The spokesman said, Hydrogen bombs don't kill people-people kill people. The bomb is for self-protection and it also has a deterrent effect. If somebody knows you have a nuclear weapon in your house, they're going to think twice about breaking in.
But those who want to ban the bomb for American citizens claim that if you have one locked in the cabinet, with the fuse in a drawer, you would never be able to assemble it in time to stop an intruder .
Another argument against allowing people to own a bomb is that at the moment it is very expensive to build one. So what your association is backing is a program which would allow the middle and upper classes to acquire a bomb while poor people will be left defenseless with just handguns. | 619.txt | 0 |
[
"the size of the bomb makes it difficult to keep in a drawer",
"most people don't know how to handle the weapon",
"people's lives will be threatened by the weapon",
"they may fall into the hands of criminals"
] | Some people oppose the ownership of H-bombs by individuals on the grounds that _ . | As soon as it was revealed that a reporter for Progressive magazine had discovered how to make a hydrogen bomb, a group of firearm fans formed the National Hydrogen Bomb Association, and they are now lobbying against any legislation to stop Americans from owning one.
The Constitution, said the association's spokesman, gives everyone the right to own arms. It doesn't spell out what kind of arms. But since anyone can now make a hydrogen bomb, the public should be able to buy it to protect themselves.
Don't you think it's dangerous to have one in the house, particularly where there are children around?
The National Hydrogen Bomb Association hopes to educate people in the safe handling of this type of weapon. We are instructing owners to keep the bomb in a locked cabinet and the fuse separately in a drawer.
Some people consider the hydrogen bomb a very fatal weapon which could kill somebody.
The spokesman said, Hydrogen bombs don't kill people-people kill people. The bomb is for self-protection and it also has a deterrent effect. If somebody knows you have a nuclear weapon in your house, they're going to think twice about breaking in.
But those who want to ban the bomb for American citizens claim that if you have one locked in the cabinet, with the fuse in a drawer, you would never be able to assemble it in time to stop an intruder .
Another argument against allowing people to own a bomb is that at the moment it is very expensive to build one. So what your association is backing is a program which would allow the middle and upper classes to acquire a bomb while poor people will be left defenseless with just handguns. | 619.txt | 2 |
[
"will frighten away any possible intruders",
"can show the special status of its owners",
"will threaten the safety of the owners as well",
"can kill those entering others' houses by force"
] | By saying that the bomb also has a deterrent effect the spokesman means that it _ . | As soon as it was revealed that a reporter for Progressive magazine had discovered how to make a hydrogen bomb, a group of firearm fans formed the National Hydrogen Bomb Association, and they are now lobbying against any legislation to stop Americans from owning one.
The Constitution, said the association's spokesman, gives everyone the right to own arms. It doesn't spell out what kind of arms. But since anyone can now make a hydrogen bomb, the public should be able to buy it to protect themselves.
Don't you think it's dangerous to have one in the house, particularly where there are children around?
The National Hydrogen Bomb Association hopes to educate people in the safe handling of this type of weapon. We are instructing owners to keep the bomb in a locked cabinet and the fuse separately in a drawer.
Some people consider the hydrogen bomb a very fatal weapon which could kill somebody.
The spokesman said, Hydrogen bombs don't kill people-people kill people. The bomb is for self-protection and it also has a deterrent effect. If somebody knows you have a nuclear weapon in your house, they're going to think twice about breaking in.
But those who want to ban the bomb for American citizens claim that if you have one locked in the cabinet, with the fuse in a drawer, you would never be able to assemble it in time to stop an intruder .
Another argument against allowing people to own a bomb is that at the moment it is very expensive to build one. So what your association is backing is a program which would allow the middle and upper classes to acquire a bomb while poor people will be left defenseless with just handguns. | 619.txt | 0 |
[
"the influence of the association is too powerful for the less privileged to overcome",
"poorly-educated Americans will find it difficult to make use of the weapon",
"the wide use of the weapon will push up living expenses tremendously",
"the cost of the weapon will put citizens on an unequal basis"
] | According to the passage, opponents of the private ownership of H-bombs are very much worried that _ . | As soon as it was revealed that a reporter for Progressive magazine had discovered how to make a hydrogen bomb, a group of firearm fans formed the National Hydrogen Bomb Association, and they are now lobbying against any legislation to stop Americans from owning one.
The Constitution, said the association's spokesman, gives everyone the right to own arms. It doesn't spell out what kind of arms. But since anyone can now make a hydrogen bomb, the public should be able to buy it to protect themselves.
Don't you think it's dangerous to have one in the house, particularly where there are children around?
The National Hydrogen Bomb Association hopes to educate people in the safe handling of this type of weapon. We are instructing owners to keep the bomb in a locked cabinet and the fuse separately in a drawer.
Some people consider the hydrogen bomb a very fatal weapon which could kill somebody.
The spokesman said, Hydrogen bombs don't kill people-people kill people. The bomb is for self-protection and it also has a deterrent effect. If somebody knows you have a nuclear weapon in your house, they're going to think twice about breaking in.
But those who want to ban the bomb for American citizens claim that if you have one locked in the cabinet, with the fuse in a drawer, you would never be able to assemble it in time to stop an intruder .
Another argument against allowing people to own a bomb is that at the moment it is very expensive to build one. So what your association is backing is a program which would allow the middle and upper classes to acquire a bomb while poor people will be left defenseless with just handguns. | 619.txt | 3 |
[
"doubtful about the necessity of keeping H-bombs at home for safety",
"unhappy with those who vote ;against the ownership of H-bombs",
"not serious about the private ownership of H-bombs",
"concerned about the spread of nuclear weapons"
] | From the tone of the passage we know that the author is _ _. | As soon as it was revealed that a reporter for Progressive magazine had discovered how to make a hydrogen bomb, a group of firearm fans formed the National Hydrogen Bomb Association, and they are now lobbying against any legislation to stop Americans from owning one.
The Constitution, said the association's spokesman, gives everyone the right to own arms. It doesn't spell out what kind of arms. But since anyone can now make a hydrogen bomb, the public should be able to buy it to protect themselves.
Don't you think it's dangerous to have one in the house, particularly where there are children around?
The National Hydrogen Bomb Association hopes to educate people in the safe handling of this type of weapon. We are instructing owners to keep the bomb in a locked cabinet and the fuse separately in a drawer.
Some people consider the hydrogen bomb a very fatal weapon which could kill somebody.
The spokesman said, Hydrogen bombs don't kill people-people kill people. The bomb is for self-protection and it also has a deterrent effect. If somebody knows you have a nuclear weapon in your house, they're going to think twice about breaking in.
But those who want to ban the bomb for American citizens claim that if you have one locked in the cabinet, with the fuse in a drawer, you would never be able to assemble it in time to stop an intruder .
Another argument against allowing people to own a bomb is that at the moment it is very expensive to build one. So what your association is backing is a program which would allow the middle and upper classes to acquire a bomb while poor people will be left defenseless with just handguns. | 619.txt | 0 |
[
"show us the religious and emotions of a people in addition to political values.",
"provide us with information about the daily activities of people in the past.",
"give us an insight into the essential qualities of a time and a place.",
"all of the above."
] | More can be learned about a culture from a study of art history than general history because art history _ . | A study of art history might be a good way to learn more about a culture than is possible to learn in general history classes. Most typical history courses concentrate on politics, economics, and war. But art history focuses on much more than this because art reflects not only the political values of a people, but also religious beliefs, emotions, and psychology. In addition, information about the daily activities of our ancestors-or of people very different from our own-can be provided by art. In short, art expresses the essential qualities of a time and a place, and a study of it clearly offer us a deeper understanding than can be found in most history books.
In history books, objective information about the political life of a country is presented; that is, facts about politics are given, but opinions are not expressed. Art, on the other hand, is subjective: it reflects emotions and opinions. The great Spanish painter Francisco Goya was perhaps the first truly "political" artist. In his well-known painting The Third of May 1808, he criticized the Spanish government for its misuse of power over people. Over a hundred years later, symbolic images were used in Pablo Picasso's Guernica to express the horror of war. Meanwhile, on another continent, the powerful paintings of Diego Rivera, Jose Clemente Orozco, and David Alfaro Siqueiros-as well as the works of Alfredo Ramos Martines-depicted these Mexican artists' deep anger and sadness about social problems.
In the same way, art can reflect a culture's religious beliefs. For hundreds of years in Europe, religious art was almost the only type of art that existed. Churches and other religious buildings were filled with paintings that depicted people and stories from the Bible. Although most people couldn't read, they could still understand biblical stories in the pictures on church walls. By contrast, one of the main characteristics of art in the Middle East was (and still is) its absence of human and animal images. This reflects the Islamic belief that statues are unholy. | 121.txt | 3 |
[
"a personal and emotional view of history is presented through it.",
"it can easily rouse our anger or sadness about social problems.",
"it will find a ready echo in our hearts.",
"both B and C."
] | Art is subjective in that _ . | A study of art history might be a good way to learn more about a culture than is possible to learn in general history classes. Most typical history courses concentrate on politics, economics, and war. But art history focuses on much more than this because art reflects not only the political values of a people, but also religious beliefs, emotions, and psychology. In addition, information about the daily activities of our ancestors-or of people very different from our own-can be provided by art. In short, art expresses the essential qualities of a time and a place, and a study of it clearly offer us a deeper understanding than can be found in most history books.
In history books, objective information about the political life of a country is presented; that is, facts about politics are given, but opinions are not expressed. Art, on the other hand, is subjective: it reflects emotions and opinions. The great Spanish painter Francisco Goya was perhaps the first truly "political" artist. In his well-known painting The Third of May 1808, he criticized the Spanish government for its misuse of power over people. Over a hundred years later, symbolic images were used in Pablo Picasso's Guernica to express the horror of war. Meanwhile, on another continent, the powerful paintings of Diego Rivera, Jose Clemente Orozco, and David Alfaro Siqueiros-as well as the works of Alfredo Ramos Martines-depicted these Mexican artists' deep anger and sadness about social problems.
In the same way, art can reflect a culture's religious beliefs. For hundreds of years in Europe, religious art was almost the only type of art that existed. Churches and other religious buildings were filled with paintings that depicted people and stories from the Bible. Although most people couldn't read, they could still understand biblical stories in the pictures on church walls. By contrast, one of the main characteristics of art in the Middle East was (and still is) its absence of human and animal images. This reflects the Islamic belief that statues are unholy. | 121.txt | 3 |
[
"Unlike Francisco Goya, Pablo and several Mexican artists expressed their political opinions in their paintings.",
"History books often reveal the compilers' political views.",
"Religious art remained in Europe for centuries the only type of art because most people regarded the Bible as the Holy Book.",
"All the above mentioned."
] | Which of the following statements is true according to the passage | A study of art history might be a good way to learn more about a culture than is possible to learn in general history classes. Most typical history courses concentrate on politics, economics, and war. But art history focuses on much more than this because art reflects not only the political values of a people, but also religious beliefs, emotions, and psychology. In addition, information about the daily activities of our ancestors-or of people very different from our own-can be provided by art. In short, art expresses the essential qualities of a time and a place, and a study of it clearly offer us a deeper understanding than can be found in most history books.
In history books, objective information about the political life of a country is presented; that is, facts about politics are given, but opinions are not expressed. Art, on the other hand, is subjective: it reflects emotions and opinions. The great Spanish painter Francisco Goya was perhaps the first truly "political" artist. In his well-known painting The Third of May 1808, he criticized the Spanish government for its misuse of power over people. Over a hundred years later, symbolic images were used in Pablo Picasso's Guernica to express the horror of war. Meanwhile, on another continent, the powerful paintings of Diego Rivera, Jose Clemente Orozco, and David Alfaro Siqueiros-as well as the works of Alfredo Ramos Martines-depicted these Mexican artists' deep anger and sadness about social problems.
In the same way, art can reflect a culture's religious beliefs. For hundreds of years in Europe, religious art was almost the only type of art that existed. Churches and other religious buildings were filled with paintings that depicted people and stories from the Bible. Although most people couldn't read, they could still understand biblical stories in the pictures on church walls. By contrast, one of the main characteristics of art in the Middle East was (and still is) its absence of human and animal images. This reflects the Islamic belief that statues are unholy. | 121.txt | 3 |
[
"the difference between general history and art history.",
"The making of art history.",
"What can we learn from art.",
"The influence of artists on art history."
] | The passage is mainly discussing _ . | A study of art history might be a good way to learn more about a culture than is possible to learn in general history classes. Most typical history courses concentrate on politics, economics, and war. But art history focuses on much more than this because art reflects not only the political values of a people, but also religious beliefs, emotions, and psychology. In addition, information about the daily activities of our ancestors-or of people very different from our own-can be provided by art. In short, art expresses the essential qualities of a time and a place, and a study of it clearly offer us a deeper understanding than can be found in most history books.
In history books, objective information about the political life of a country is presented; that is, facts about politics are given, but opinions are not expressed. Art, on the other hand, is subjective: it reflects emotions and opinions. The great Spanish painter Francisco Goya was perhaps the first truly "political" artist. In his well-known painting The Third of May 1808, he criticized the Spanish government for its misuse of power over people. Over a hundred years later, symbolic images were used in Pablo Picasso's Guernica to express the horror of war. Meanwhile, on another continent, the powerful paintings of Diego Rivera, Jose Clemente Orozco, and David Alfaro Siqueiros-as well as the works of Alfredo Ramos Martines-depicted these Mexican artists' deep anger and sadness about social problems.
In the same way, art can reflect a culture's religious beliefs. For hundreds of years in Europe, religious art was almost the only type of art that existed. Churches and other religious buildings were filled with paintings that depicted people and stories from the Bible. Although most people couldn't read, they could still understand biblical stories in the pictures on church walls. By contrast, one of the main characteristics of art in the Middle East was (and still is) its absence of human and animal images. This reflects the Islamic belief that statues are unholy. | 121.txt | 2 |
[
"Islamic artists have had to create architectural decorations with images of flowers or geometric forms.",
"History teachers are more objective than general history.",
"It is more difficult to study art history than general history.",
"People and stories from the Bible were painted on churches and other buildings in order to popularize the Bible."
] | In may be concluded from this passage that _ . | A study of art history might be a good way to learn more about a culture than is possible to learn in general history classes. Most typical history courses concentrate on politics, economics, and war. But art history focuses on much more than this because art reflects not only the political values of a people, but also religious beliefs, emotions, and psychology. In addition, information about the daily activities of our ancestors-or of people very different from our own-can be provided by art. In short, art expresses the essential qualities of a time and a place, and a study of it clearly offer us a deeper understanding than can be found in most history books.
In history books, objective information about the political life of a country is presented; that is, facts about politics are given, but opinions are not expressed. Art, on the other hand, is subjective: it reflects emotions and opinions. The great Spanish painter Francisco Goya was perhaps the first truly "political" artist. In his well-known painting The Third of May 1808, he criticized the Spanish government for its misuse of power over people. Over a hundred years later, symbolic images were used in Pablo Picasso's Guernica to express the horror of war. Meanwhile, on another continent, the powerful paintings of Diego Rivera, Jose Clemente Orozco, and David Alfaro Siqueiros-as well as the works of Alfredo Ramos Martines-depicted these Mexican artists' deep anger and sadness about social problems.
In the same way, art can reflect a culture's religious beliefs. For hundreds of years in Europe, religious art was almost the only type of art that existed. Churches and other religious buildings were filled with paintings that depicted people and stories from the Bible. Although most people couldn't read, they could still understand biblical stories in the pictures on church walls. By contrast, one of the main characteristics of art in the Middle East was (and still is) its absence of human and animal images. This reflects the Islamic belief that statues are unholy. | 121.txt | 0 |
[
"it is really tough for parents to enforce bedtime",
"it is biologically difficult for students to rise early",
"students work so late at night that they can't get up early",
"students are so lazy that they don't like to go to school early"
] | Carskadon suggests that high schools should not start classes so early in the morning because _ . | A Brown University sleep researcher has some advice for people who run high schools: Don't start classes so early in the morning. It may not be that the students who nod off at their desks are lazy. And it may not be that their parents have failed to enforce bedtime. Instead, it may be that biologically these sleepyhead students aren't used to the early hour.
"Maybe these kids are being asked to rise at the wrong time for their bodies," says Mary Carskadon, a professor looking at problems of adolescent sleep at Brown's School of Medicine.
Carskadon is trying to understand more about the effects of early school time on adolescents. And, at a more basic level, she and her team are trying to learn more about how the biological changes of adolescence affect sleep needs and patterns.
Carskadon says her work suggests that adolescents may need more sleep than they did at childhood, not less, as commonly thought.
Sleep patterns change during adolescence, as any parent of an adolescent can prove. Most adolescents prefer to stay up later at night and sleep later in the morning. But it's not just a matter of choice-their bodies are going through a change of sleep patterns.
All of this makes the transfer from middle school to high school-which may start one hour earlier in the morning-all the more difficult , Carskadon says. With their increased need for sleep and their biological clocks set on the "sleep late, rise late" pattern, adolescents are up against difficulties when it comes to trying to be up by 5 or 6 a.m. for a 7:30 a.m. first bell. A short sleep on a desktop may be their body's way of saying,"I need a timeout." | 3440.txt | 1 |
[
"Adolescents depend more on their parents.",
"Adolescents have to choose their sleep patterns.",
"Adolescents sleep better than they did at childhood.",
"Adolescents need more sleep than they used to."
] | What might be a reason for the hard transfer from middle school to high school? | A Brown University sleep researcher has some advice for people who run high schools: Don't start classes so early in the morning. It may not be that the students who nod off at their desks are lazy. And it may not be that their parents have failed to enforce bedtime. Instead, it may be that biologically these sleepyhead students aren't used to the early hour.
"Maybe these kids are being asked to rise at the wrong time for their bodies," says Mary Carskadon, a professor looking at problems of adolescent sleep at Brown's School of Medicine.
Carskadon is trying to understand more about the effects of early school time on adolescents. And, at a more basic level, she and her team are trying to learn more about how the biological changes of adolescence affect sleep needs and patterns.
Carskadon says her work suggests that adolescents may need more sleep than they did at childhood, not less, as commonly thought.
Sleep patterns change during adolescence, as any parent of an adolescent can prove. Most adolescents prefer to stay up later at night and sleep later in the morning. But it's not just a matter of choice-their bodies are going through a change of sleep patterns.
All of this makes the transfer from middle school to high school-which may start one hour earlier in the morning-all the more difficult , Carskadon says. With their increased need for sleep and their biological clocks set on the "sleep late, rise late" pattern, adolescents are up against difficulties when it comes to trying to be up by 5 or 6 a.m. for a 7:30 a.m. first bell. A short sleep on a desktop may be their body's way of saying,"I need a timeout." | 3440.txt | 3 |
[
"Adolescent health care.",
"Problems in adolescent learning.",
"Adolescent sleep difficulties.",
"Changes in adolescent sleep needs and patterns."
] | What is the text mainly about? | A Brown University sleep researcher has some advice for people who run high schools: Don't start classes so early in the morning. It may not be that the students who nod off at their desks are lazy. And it may not be that their parents have failed to enforce bedtime. Instead, it may be that biologically these sleepyhead students aren't used to the early hour.
"Maybe these kids are being asked to rise at the wrong time for their bodies," says Mary Carskadon, a professor looking at problems of adolescent sleep at Brown's School of Medicine.
Carskadon is trying to understand more about the effects of early school time on adolescents. And, at a more basic level, she and her team are trying to learn more about how the biological changes of adolescence affect sleep needs and patterns.
Carskadon says her work suggests that adolescents may need more sleep than they did at childhood, not less, as commonly thought.
Sleep patterns change during adolescence, as any parent of an adolescent can prove. Most adolescents prefer to stay up later at night and sleep later in the morning. But it's not just a matter of choice-their bodies are going through a change of sleep patterns.
All of this makes the transfer from middle school to high school-which may start one hour earlier in the morning-all the more difficult , Carskadon says. With their increased need for sleep and their biological clocks set on the "sleep late, rise late" pattern, adolescents are up against difficulties when it comes to trying to be up by 5 or 6 a.m. for a 7:30 a.m. first bell. A short sleep on a desktop may be their body's way of saying,"I need a timeout." | 3440.txt | 3 |
[
"ease competition among themselves.",
"lower their operational costs.",
"avoid complaints from consumers.",
"provide better online services."
] | It is suggested in Paragraph 1 that "behavioural" ads help advertisers to | An old saying has it that half of all advertising budgets are wasted-the trouble is, no one knows which half. In the internet age, at least in theory, this fraction can be much reduced. By watching what people search for, click on and say online, companies can aim "behavioural" ads at those most likely to buy.
In the past couple of weeks a quarrel has illustrated the value to advertisers of such fine-grained information: Should advertisers assume that people are happy to be tracked and sent behavioural ads? Or should they have explicit permission?
In December 2010 America's Federal Trade Commission (FTC) proposed adding a "do not track" (DNT) option to internet browsers, so that users could tell advertisers that they did not want to be followed. Microsoft's Internet Explorer and Apple's Safari both offer DNT; Google's Chrome is due to do so this year. In February the FTC and the Digital Advertising Alliance (DAA) agreed that the industry would get cracking on responding to DNT requests.
On May 31st Microsoft set off the row. It said that Internet Explorer 10, the version due to appear with Windows 8, would have DNT as a default.
Advertisers are horrified. Human nature being what it is, most people stick with default settings. Few switch DNT on now, but if tracking is off it will stay off. Bob Liodice, the chief executive of the Association of National Advertisers, says consumers will be worse off if the industry cannot collect information about their preferences. People will not get fewer ads, he says. "They'll get less meaningful, less targeted ads." It is not yet clear how advertisers will respond. Getting a DNT signal does not oblige anyone to stop tracking, although some companies have promised to do so. Unable to tell whether someone really objects to behavioural ads or whether they are sticking with Microsoft's default, some may ignore a DNT signal and press on anyway.
Also unclear is why Microsoft has gone it alone. After all, it has an ad business too, which it says will comply with DNT requests, though it is still working out how. If it is trying to upset Google, which relies almost wholly on advertising, it has chosen an indirect method: There is no guarantee that DNT by default will become the norm. DNT does not seem an obviously huge selling point for Windows 8-though the firm has compared some of its other products favourably with Google's on that count before. Brendon Lynch, Microsoft's chief privacy officer, blogged: "We believe consumers should have more control." Could it really be that simple? | 1009.txt | 1 |
[
"online advertisers.",
"e-commerce conductors.",
"digital information analysts.",
"internet browser developers."
] | "The industry" (Line 5, Para.3) refers to | An old saying has it that half of all advertising budgets are wasted-the trouble is, no one knows which half. In the internet age, at least in theory, this fraction can be much reduced. By watching what people search for, click on and say online, companies can aim "behavioural" ads at those most likely to buy.
In the past couple of weeks a quarrel has illustrated the value to advertisers of such fine-grained information: Should advertisers assume that people are happy to be tracked and sent behavioural ads? Or should they have explicit permission?
In December 2010 America's Federal Trade Commission (FTC) proposed adding a "do not track" (DNT) option to internet browsers, so that users could tell advertisers that they did not want to be followed. Microsoft's Internet Explorer and Apple's Safari both offer DNT; Google's Chrome is due to do so this year. In February the FTC and the Digital Advertising Alliance (DAA) agreed that the industry would get cracking on responding to DNT requests.
On May 31st Microsoft set off the row. It said that Internet Explorer 10, the version due to appear with Windows 8, would have DNT as a default.
Advertisers are horrified. Human nature being what it is, most people stick with default settings. Few switch DNT on now, but if tracking is off it will stay off. Bob Liodice, the chief executive of the Association of National Advertisers, says consumers will be worse off if the industry cannot collect information about their preferences. People will not get fewer ads, he says. "They'll get less meaningful, less targeted ads." It is not yet clear how advertisers will respond. Getting a DNT signal does not oblige anyone to stop tracking, although some companies have promised to do so. Unable to tell whether someone really objects to behavioural ads or whether they are sticking with Microsoft's default, some may ignore a DNT signal and press on anyway.
Also unclear is why Microsoft has gone it alone. After all, it has an ad business too, which it says will comply with DNT requests, though it is still working out how. If it is trying to upset Google, which relies almost wholly on advertising, it has chosen an indirect method: There is no guarantee that DNT by default will become the norm. DNT does not seem an obviously huge selling point for Windows 8-though the firm has compared some of its other products favourably with Google's on that count before. Brendon Lynch, Microsoft's chief privacy officer, blogged: "We believe consumers should have more control." Could it really be that simple? | 1009.txt | 3 |
[
"may cut the number of junk ads.",
"fails to affect the ad industry.",
"will not benefit consumers.",
"goes against human nature."
] | Bob Liodice holds that setting DNT as a default | An old saying has it that half of all advertising budgets are wasted-the trouble is, no one knows which half. In the internet age, at least in theory, this fraction can be much reduced. By watching what people search for, click on and say online, companies can aim "behavioural" ads at those most likely to buy.
In the past couple of weeks a quarrel has illustrated the value to advertisers of such fine-grained information: Should advertisers assume that people are happy to be tracked and sent behavioural ads? Or should they have explicit permission?
In December 2010 America's Federal Trade Commission (FTC) proposed adding a "do not track" (DNT) option to internet browsers, so that users could tell advertisers that they did not want to be followed. Microsoft's Internet Explorer and Apple's Safari both offer DNT; Google's Chrome is due to do so this year. In February the FTC and the Digital Advertising Alliance (DAA) agreed that the industry would get cracking on responding to DNT requests.
On May 31st Microsoft set off the row. It said that Internet Explorer 10, the version due to appear with Windows 8, would have DNT as a default.
Advertisers are horrified. Human nature being what it is, most people stick with default settings. Few switch DNT on now, but if tracking is off it will stay off. Bob Liodice, the chief executive of the Association of National Advertisers, says consumers will be worse off if the industry cannot collect information about their preferences. People will not get fewer ads, he says. "They'll get less meaningful, less targeted ads." It is not yet clear how advertisers will respond. Getting a DNT signal does not oblige anyone to stop tracking, although some companies have promised to do so. Unable to tell whether someone really objects to behavioural ads or whether they are sticking with Microsoft's default, some may ignore a DNT signal and press on anyway.
Also unclear is why Microsoft has gone it alone. After all, it has an ad business too, which it says will comply with DNT requests, though it is still working out how. If it is trying to upset Google, which relies almost wholly on advertising, it has chosen an indirect method: There is no guarantee that DNT by default will become the norm. DNT does not seem an obviously huge selling point for Windows 8-though the firm has compared some of its other products favourably with Google's on that count before. Brendon Lynch, Microsoft's chief privacy officer, blogged: "We believe consumers should have more control." Could it really be that simple? | 1009.txt | 2 |
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