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[
"a diary",
"a letter",
"a travel note",
"a research report"
]
| This passage is probably _ . | Hong Kong has taken over from Tokyo as the world's most expensive city,according to a lifestyle survey which also shows the gap between the costliest and cheapest cities is narrowing.Moscow takes second place in the survey,published by Mercer Human Resource Consulting,with Tokyo third.At the other end of the scale,Johannesburg replaced Blantyre,Malawi as the cheapest city on the planet.Mercer said the gulf between those at the top and bottom of the pile had narrowed by nearly 15 percent in the 12 months to March 2002.The research took New York as the base city with a score of 100 points.Hong Kong scored 124.2;the South African capital just 34.4.It measured the comparative cost of over 200 items such as housing,food,clothing and ho
usehold goods as well as transport and enjoyment in 144 cities worlide.St.Petersburg in Russia and London were the two most expensive cities in Europe,whilein the United States,New York was far and away the costliest city,followed by Los Angeles,Chicage and San Francisco.Elsewhere,Buenos Aires had the most dramatic fall,from 23rd to 133rd following Argentina's economic crisis and devaluation ofpeso.New ealand and Australian cities continued to show they are probably the best bet for cheap but high quality living,with scores around 50 or belowwhile at the same time ranking in the top 30 for quality of life in another Mercer survey published March 2002. | 3811.txt | 3 |
[
"Buenos Aires.",
"Blantyre,Malawi.",
"San Francisco.",
"Hong Kong."
]
| According to the passage in which country was the cost of living the lowest worlide in the last survey? | Hong Kong has taken over from Tokyo as the world's most expensive city,according to a lifestyle survey which also shows the gap between the costliest and cheapest cities is narrowing.Moscow takes second place in the survey,published by Mercer Human Resource Consulting,with Tokyo third.At the other end of the scale,Johannesburg replaced Blantyre,Malawi as the cheapest city on the planet.Mercer said the gulf between those at the top and bottom of the pile had narrowed by nearly 15 percent in the 12 months to March 2002.The research took New York as the base city with a score of 100 points.Hong Kong scored 124.2;the South African capital just 34.4.It measured the comparative cost of over 200 items such as housing,food,clothing and ho
usehold goods as well as transport and enjoyment in 144 cities worlide.St.Petersburg in Russia and London were the two most expensive cities in Europe,whilein the United States,New York was far and away the costliest city,followed by Los Angeles,Chicage and San Francisco.Elsewhere,Buenos Aires had the most dramatic fall,from 23rd to 133rd following Argentina's economic crisis and devaluation ofpeso.New ealand and Australian cities continued to show they are probably the best bet for cheap but high quality living,with scores around 50 or belowwhile at the same time ranking in the top 30 for quality of life in another Mercer survey published March 2002. | 3811.txt | 1 |
[
"Russia",
"New ealand",
"Argentina",
"South Africa"
]
| Suppose you have a small amount of money,the best place to go is _ | Hong Kong has taken over from Tokyo as the world's most expensive city,according to a lifestyle survey which also shows the gap between the costliest and cheapest cities is narrowing.Moscow takes second place in the survey,published by Mercer Human Resource Consulting,with Tokyo third.At the other end of the scale,Johannesburg replaced Blantyre,Malawi as the cheapest city on the planet.Mercer said the gulf between those at the top and bottom of the pile had narrowed by nearly 15 percent in the 12 months to March 2002.The research took New York as the base city with a score of 100 points.Hong Kong scored 124.2;the South African capital just 34.4.It measured the comparative cost of over 200 items such as housing,food,clothing and ho
usehold goods as well as transport and enjoyment in 144 cities worlide.St.Petersburg in Russia and London were the two most expensive cities in Europe,whilein the United States,New York was far and away the costliest city,followed by Los Angeles,Chicage and San Francisco.Elsewhere,Buenos Aires had the most dramatic fall,from 23rd to 133rd following Argentina's economic crisis and devaluation ofpeso.New ealand and Australian cities continued to show they are probably the best bet for cheap but high quality living,with scores around 50 or belowwhile at the same time ranking in the top 30 for quality of life in another Mercer survey published March 2002. | 3811.txt | 1 |
[
"The gulf between the costliest and cheapest cities had been reduced by 15%.",
"You'd better travel to those cities with scores around 50 or below.",
"The survey was carried out in 144 countries as well as those in Asia.",
"New York scored top points while Hong Kong 124.2 points."
]
| Which of the following statements is true? | Hong Kong has taken over from Tokyo as the world's most expensive city,according to a lifestyle survey which also shows the gap between the costliest and cheapest cities is narrowing.Moscow takes second place in the survey,published by Mercer Human Resource Consulting,with Tokyo third.At the other end of the scale,Johannesburg replaced Blantyre,Malawi as the cheapest city on the planet.Mercer said the gulf between those at the top and bottom of the pile had narrowed by nearly 15 percent in the 12 months to March 2002.The research took New York as the base city with a score of 100 points.Hong Kong scored 124.2;the South African capital just 34.4.It measured the comparative cost of over 200 items such as housing,food,clothing and ho
usehold goods as well as transport and enjoyment in 144 cities worlide.St.Petersburg in Russia and London were the two most expensive cities in Europe,whilein the United States,New York was far and away the costliest city,followed by Los Angeles,Chicage and San Francisco.Elsewhere,Buenos Aires had the most dramatic fall,from 23rd to 133rd following Argentina's economic crisis and devaluation ofpeso.New ealand and Australian cities continued to show they are probably the best bet for cheap but high quality living,with scores around 50 or belowwhile at the same time ranking in the top 30 for quality of life in another Mercer survey published March 2002. | 3811.txt | 0 |
[
"How big the toys are",
"How much the toys cost",
"What the toys can do",
"How the toys are made"
]
| Which of the following is NOT mentioned in paragraph 1 as being a difficult judgment for children to make about advertised toys? | Young children are trusting of commercial advertisements in the media, and advertisers have sometimes been accused of taking advantage of this trusting outlook. The Independent Television Commission, regulator of television advertising in the United Kingdom, has criticized advertisers for "misleadingness"-creating a wrong impression either intentionally or unintentionally-in an effort to control advertisers' use of techniques that make it difficult for children to judge the true size, action, performance, or construction of a toy.
General concern about misleading tactics that advertisers employ is centered on the use of exaggeration. Consumer protection groups and parents believe that children are largely ill-equipped to recognize such techniques and that often exaggeration is used at the expense of product information. Claims such as "the best" or "better than" can be subjective and misleading; even adults may be unsure as to their meaning. They represent the advertiser's opinions about the qualities of their products or brand and, as a consequence, are difficult to verify. Advertisers sometimes offset or counterbalance an exaggerated claim with a disclaimer-a qualification or condition on the claim. For example, the claim that breakfast cereal has a health benefit may be accompanied by the disclaimer "when part of a nutritionally balanced breakfast." However, research has shown that children often have difficulty understanding disclaimers: children may interpret the phrase "when part of a nutritionally balanced breakfast" to mean that the cereal is required as a necessary part of a balanced breakfast. The author George Comstock suggested that less than a quarter of children between the ages of six and eight years old understood standard disclaimers used in many toy advertisements and that disclaimers are more readily comprehended when presented in both audio and visual formats. Nevertheless, disclaimers are mainly presented in audio format only.
Fantasy is one of the more common techniques in advertising that could possibly mislead a young audience. Child-oriented advertisements are more likely to include magic and fantasy than advertisements aimed at adults. In a content analysis of Canadian television, the author Stephen Kline observed that nearly all commercials for character toys featured fantasy play. Children have strong imaginations and the use of fantasy brings their ideas to life, but children may not be adept enough to realize that what they are viewing is unreal. Fantasy situations and settings are frequently used to attract children's attention, particularly in food advertising. Advertisements for breakfast cereals have, for many years, been found to be especially fond of fantasy techniques, with almost nine out of ten including such content. Generally, there is uncertainty as to whether very young children can distinguish between fantasy and reality in advertising. Certainly, rational appeals in advertising aimed at children are limited, as most advertisements use emotional and indirect appeals to psychological states or associations.
The use of celebrities such as singers and movie stars is common in advertising. The intention is for the positively perceived attributes of the celebrity to be transferred to the advertised product and for the two to become automatically linked in the audience's mind. In children's advertising, the "celebrities" are often animated figures from popular cartoons. In the recent past, the role of celebrities in advertising to children has often been conflated with the concept of host selling. Host selling involves blending advertisements with regular programming in a way that makes it difficult to distinguish one from the other. Host selling occurs, for example, when a children's show about a cartoon lion contains an ad in which the same lion promotes a breakfast cereal. The psychologist Dale Kunkel showed that the practice of host selling reduced children's ability to distinguish between advertising and program material. It was also found that older children responded more positively to products in host selling advertisements.
Regarding the appearance of celebrities in advertisements that do not involve host selling, the evidence is mixed. Researcher Charles Atkin found that children believe that the characters used to advertise breakfast cereals are knowledgeable about cereals, and children accept such characters as credible sources of nutritional information. This finding was even more marked for heavy viewers of television. In addition, children feel validated in their choice of a product when a celebrity endorses that product. A study of children in Hong Kong, however, found that the presence of celebrities in advertisements could negatively affect the children's perceptions of a product if the children did not like the celebrity in question. | 739.txt | 1 |
[
"establish the truth of.",
"approve of.",
"understand.",
"criticize."
]
| The word "verify" in the passage is closest in meaning to | Young children are trusting of commercial advertisements in the media, and advertisers have sometimes been accused of taking advantage of this trusting outlook. The Independent Television Commission, regulator of television advertising in the United Kingdom, has criticized advertisers for "misleadingness"-creating a wrong impression either intentionally or unintentionally-in an effort to control advertisers' use of techniques that make it difficult for children to judge the true size, action, performance, or construction of a toy.
General concern about misleading tactics that advertisers employ is centered on the use of exaggeration. Consumer protection groups and parents believe that children are largely ill-equipped to recognize such techniques and that often exaggeration is used at the expense of product information. Claims such as "the best" or "better than" can be subjective and misleading; even adults may be unsure as to their meaning. They represent the advertiser's opinions about the qualities of their products or brand and, as a consequence, are difficult to verify. Advertisers sometimes offset or counterbalance an exaggerated claim with a disclaimer-a qualification or condition on the claim. For example, the claim that breakfast cereal has a health benefit may be accompanied by the disclaimer "when part of a nutritionally balanced breakfast." However, research has shown that children often have difficulty understanding disclaimers: children may interpret the phrase "when part of a nutritionally balanced breakfast" to mean that the cereal is required as a necessary part of a balanced breakfast. The author George Comstock suggested that less than a quarter of children between the ages of six and eight years old understood standard disclaimers used in many toy advertisements and that disclaimers are more readily comprehended when presented in both audio and visual formats. Nevertheless, disclaimers are mainly presented in audio format only.
Fantasy is one of the more common techniques in advertising that could possibly mislead a young audience. Child-oriented advertisements are more likely to include magic and fantasy than advertisements aimed at adults. In a content analysis of Canadian television, the author Stephen Kline observed that nearly all commercials for character toys featured fantasy play. Children have strong imaginations and the use of fantasy brings their ideas to life, but children may not be adept enough to realize that what they are viewing is unreal. Fantasy situations and settings are frequently used to attract children's attention, particularly in food advertising. Advertisements for breakfast cereals have, for many years, been found to be especially fond of fantasy techniques, with almost nine out of ten including such content. Generally, there is uncertainty as to whether very young children can distinguish between fantasy and reality in advertising. Certainly, rational appeals in advertising aimed at children are limited, as most advertisements use emotional and indirect appeals to psychological states or associations.
The use of celebrities such as singers and movie stars is common in advertising. The intention is for the positively perceived attributes of the celebrity to be transferred to the advertised product and for the two to become automatically linked in the audience's mind. In children's advertising, the "celebrities" are often animated figures from popular cartoons. In the recent past, the role of celebrities in advertising to children has often been conflated with the concept of host selling. Host selling involves blending advertisements with regular programming in a way that makes it difficult to distinguish one from the other. Host selling occurs, for example, when a children's show about a cartoon lion contains an ad in which the same lion promotes a breakfast cereal. The psychologist Dale Kunkel showed that the practice of host selling reduced children's ability to distinguish between advertising and program material. It was also found that older children responded more positively to products in host selling advertisements.
Regarding the appearance of celebrities in advertisements that do not involve host selling, the evidence is mixed. Researcher Charles Atkin found that children believe that the characters used to advertise breakfast cereals are knowledgeable about cereals, and children accept such characters as credible sources of nutritional information. This finding was even more marked for heavy viewers of television. In addition, children feel validated in their choice of a product when a celebrity endorses that product. A study of children in Hong Kong, however, found that the presence of celebrities in advertisements could negatively affect the children's perceptions of a product if the children did not like the celebrity in question. | 739.txt | 0 |
[
"They represent the opinions of adults, which are often different from those of children.",
"They generally involve comparisons among only a small group of products.",
"They reflect the attitudes of consumer protection groups rather than those of actual consumers.",
"They reflect the advertiser's viewpoint about the product."
]
| In paragraph 2, what is one reason that claims such as "the best" or "better than" can be misleading? | Young children are trusting of commercial advertisements in the media, and advertisers have sometimes been accused of taking advantage of this trusting outlook. The Independent Television Commission, regulator of television advertising in the United Kingdom, has criticized advertisers for "misleadingness"-creating a wrong impression either intentionally or unintentionally-in an effort to control advertisers' use of techniques that make it difficult for children to judge the true size, action, performance, or construction of a toy.
General concern about misleading tactics that advertisers employ is centered on the use of exaggeration. Consumer protection groups and parents believe that children are largely ill-equipped to recognize such techniques and that often exaggeration is used at the expense of product information. Claims such as "the best" or "better than" can be subjective and misleading; even adults may be unsure as to their meaning. They represent the advertiser's opinions about the qualities of their products or brand and, as a consequence, are difficult to verify. Advertisers sometimes offset or counterbalance an exaggerated claim with a disclaimer-a qualification or condition on the claim. For example, the claim that breakfast cereal has a health benefit may be accompanied by the disclaimer "when part of a nutritionally balanced breakfast." However, research has shown that children often have difficulty understanding disclaimers: children may interpret the phrase "when part of a nutritionally balanced breakfast" to mean that the cereal is required as a necessary part of a balanced breakfast. The author George Comstock suggested that less than a quarter of children between the ages of six and eight years old understood standard disclaimers used in many toy advertisements and that disclaimers are more readily comprehended when presented in both audio and visual formats. Nevertheless, disclaimers are mainly presented in audio format only.
Fantasy is one of the more common techniques in advertising that could possibly mislead a young audience. Child-oriented advertisements are more likely to include magic and fantasy than advertisements aimed at adults. In a content analysis of Canadian television, the author Stephen Kline observed that nearly all commercials for character toys featured fantasy play. Children have strong imaginations and the use of fantasy brings their ideas to life, but children may not be adept enough to realize that what they are viewing is unreal. Fantasy situations and settings are frequently used to attract children's attention, particularly in food advertising. Advertisements for breakfast cereals have, for many years, been found to be especially fond of fantasy techniques, with almost nine out of ten including such content. Generally, there is uncertainty as to whether very young children can distinguish between fantasy and reality in advertising. Certainly, rational appeals in advertising aimed at children are limited, as most advertisements use emotional and indirect appeals to psychological states or associations.
The use of celebrities such as singers and movie stars is common in advertising. The intention is for the positively perceived attributes of the celebrity to be transferred to the advertised product and for the two to become automatically linked in the audience's mind. In children's advertising, the "celebrities" are often animated figures from popular cartoons. In the recent past, the role of celebrities in advertising to children has often been conflated with the concept of host selling. Host selling involves blending advertisements with regular programming in a way that makes it difficult to distinguish one from the other. Host selling occurs, for example, when a children's show about a cartoon lion contains an ad in which the same lion promotes a breakfast cereal. The psychologist Dale Kunkel showed that the practice of host selling reduced children's ability to distinguish between advertising and program material. It was also found that older children responded more positively to products in host selling advertisements.
Regarding the appearance of celebrities in advertisements that do not involve host selling, the evidence is mixed. Researcher Charles Atkin found that children believe that the characters used to advertise breakfast cereals are knowledgeable about cereals, and children accept such characters as credible sources of nutritional information. This finding was even more marked for heavy viewers of television. In addition, children feel validated in their choice of a product when a celebrity endorses that product. A study of children in Hong Kong, however, found that the presence of celebrities in advertisements could negatively affect the children's perceptions of a product if the children did not like the celebrity in question. | 739.txt | 3 |
[
"the cereal is a desirable part of a healthful, balanced breakfast.",
"the cereal contains equal amounts of all nutrients.",
"cereal is a healthier breakfast than other foods are.",
"the cereal is the most nutritious part of the breakfast meal."
]
| Cereal advertisements that include the statement "when part of a nutritionally balanced breakfast" are trying to suggest that | Young children are trusting of commercial advertisements in the media, and advertisers have sometimes been accused of taking advantage of this trusting outlook. The Independent Television Commission, regulator of television advertising in the United Kingdom, has criticized advertisers for "misleadingness"-creating a wrong impression either intentionally or unintentionally-in an effort to control advertisers' use of techniques that make it difficult for children to judge the true size, action, performance, or construction of a toy.
General concern about misleading tactics that advertisers employ is centered on the use of exaggeration. Consumer protection groups and parents believe that children are largely ill-equipped to recognize such techniques and that often exaggeration is used at the expense of product information. Claims such as "the best" or "better than" can be subjective and misleading; even adults may be unsure as to their meaning. They represent the advertiser's opinions about the qualities of their products or brand and, as a consequence, are difficult to verify. Advertisers sometimes offset or counterbalance an exaggerated claim with a disclaimer-a qualification or condition on the claim. For example, the claim that breakfast cereal has a health benefit may be accompanied by the disclaimer "when part of a nutritionally balanced breakfast." However, research has shown that children often have difficulty understanding disclaimers: children may interpret the phrase "when part of a nutritionally balanced breakfast" to mean that the cereal is required as a necessary part of a balanced breakfast. The author George Comstock suggested that less than a quarter of children between the ages of six and eight years old understood standard disclaimers used in many toy advertisements and that disclaimers are more readily comprehended when presented in both audio and visual formats. Nevertheless, disclaimers are mainly presented in audio format only.
Fantasy is one of the more common techniques in advertising that could possibly mislead a young audience. Child-oriented advertisements are more likely to include magic and fantasy than advertisements aimed at adults. In a content analysis of Canadian television, the author Stephen Kline observed that nearly all commercials for character toys featured fantasy play. Children have strong imaginations and the use of fantasy brings their ideas to life, but children may not be adept enough to realize that what they are viewing is unreal. Fantasy situations and settings are frequently used to attract children's attention, particularly in food advertising. Advertisements for breakfast cereals have, for many years, been found to be especially fond of fantasy techniques, with almost nine out of ten including such content. Generally, there is uncertainty as to whether very young children can distinguish between fantasy and reality in advertising. Certainly, rational appeals in advertising aimed at children are limited, as most advertisements use emotional and indirect appeals to psychological states or associations.
The use of celebrities such as singers and movie stars is common in advertising. The intention is for the positively perceived attributes of the celebrity to be transferred to the advertised product and for the two to become automatically linked in the audience's mind. In children's advertising, the "celebrities" are often animated figures from popular cartoons. In the recent past, the role of celebrities in advertising to children has often been conflated with the concept of host selling. Host selling involves blending advertisements with regular programming in a way that makes it difficult to distinguish one from the other. Host selling occurs, for example, when a children's show about a cartoon lion contains an ad in which the same lion promotes a breakfast cereal. The psychologist Dale Kunkel showed that the practice of host selling reduced children's ability to distinguish between advertising and program material. It was also found that older children responded more positively to products in host selling advertisements.
Regarding the appearance of celebrities in advertisements that do not involve host selling, the evidence is mixed. Researcher Charles Atkin found that children believe that the characters used to advertise breakfast cereals are knowledgeable about cereals, and children accept such characters as credible sources of nutritional information. This finding was even more marked for heavy viewers of television. In addition, children feel validated in their choice of a product when a celebrity endorses that product. A study of children in Hong Kong, however, found that the presence of celebrities in advertisements could negatively affect the children's perceptions of a product if the children did not like the celebrity in question. | 739.txt | 0 |
[
"They are qualifications or conditions put on a claim.",
"They may be used to balance exaggerations.",
"They are usually presented in both audio and visual formats.",
"They are often difficult for children to understand."
]
| According to paragraph 2, all of the following are true of disclaimers made in advertisements EXCEPT | Young children are trusting of commercial advertisements in the media, and advertisers have sometimes been accused of taking advantage of this trusting outlook. The Independent Television Commission, regulator of television advertising in the United Kingdom, has criticized advertisers for "misleadingness"-creating a wrong impression either intentionally or unintentionally-in an effort to control advertisers' use of techniques that make it difficult for children to judge the true size, action, performance, or construction of a toy.
General concern about misleading tactics that advertisers employ is centered on the use of exaggeration. Consumer protection groups and parents believe that children are largely ill-equipped to recognize such techniques and that often exaggeration is used at the expense of product information. Claims such as "the best" or "better than" can be subjective and misleading; even adults may be unsure as to their meaning. They represent the advertiser's opinions about the qualities of their products or brand and, as a consequence, are difficult to verify. Advertisers sometimes offset or counterbalance an exaggerated claim with a disclaimer-a qualification or condition on the claim. For example, the claim that breakfast cereal has a health benefit may be accompanied by the disclaimer "when part of a nutritionally balanced breakfast." However, research has shown that children often have difficulty understanding disclaimers: children may interpret the phrase "when part of a nutritionally balanced breakfast" to mean that the cereal is required as a necessary part of a balanced breakfast. The author George Comstock suggested that less than a quarter of children between the ages of six and eight years old understood standard disclaimers used in many toy advertisements and that disclaimers are more readily comprehended when presented in both audio and visual formats. Nevertheless, disclaimers are mainly presented in audio format only.
Fantasy is one of the more common techniques in advertising that could possibly mislead a young audience. Child-oriented advertisements are more likely to include magic and fantasy than advertisements aimed at adults. In a content analysis of Canadian television, the author Stephen Kline observed that nearly all commercials for character toys featured fantasy play. Children have strong imaginations and the use of fantasy brings their ideas to life, but children may not be adept enough to realize that what they are viewing is unreal. Fantasy situations and settings are frequently used to attract children's attention, particularly in food advertising. Advertisements for breakfast cereals have, for many years, been found to be especially fond of fantasy techniques, with almost nine out of ten including such content. Generally, there is uncertainty as to whether very young children can distinguish between fantasy and reality in advertising. Certainly, rational appeals in advertising aimed at children are limited, as most advertisements use emotional and indirect appeals to psychological states or associations.
The use of celebrities such as singers and movie stars is common in advertising. The intention is for the positively perceived attributes of the celebrity to be transferred to the advertised product and for the two to become automatically linked in the audience's mind. In children's advertising, the "celebrities" are often animated figures from popular cartoons. In the recent past, the role of celebrities in advertising to children has often been conflated with the concept of host selling. Host selling involves blending advertisements with regular programming in a way that makes it difficult to distinguish one from the other. Host selling occurs, for example, when a children's show about a cartoon lion contains an ad in which the same lion promotes a breakfast cereal. The psychologist Dale Kunkel showed that the practice of host selling reduced children's ability to distinguish between advertising and program material. It was also found that older children responded more positively to products in host selling advertisements.
Regarding the appearance of celebrities in advertisements that do not involve host selling, the evidence is mixed. Researcher Charles Atkin found that children believe that the characters used to advertise breakfast cereals are knowledgeable about cereals, and children accept such characters as credible sources of nutritional information. This finding was even more marked for heavy viewers of television. In addition, children feel validated in their choice of a product when a celebrity endorses that product. A study of children in Hong Kong, however, found that the presence of celebrities in advertisements could negatively affect the children's perceptions of a product if the children did not like the celebrity in question. | 739.txt | 2 |
[
"responsible.",
"skillful.",
"patient.",
"curious."
]
| The word "adept"(Paragraph 3)in the passage is closest in meaning to | Young children are trusting of commercial advertisements in the media, and advertisers have sometimes been accused of taking advantage of this trusting outlook. The Independent Television Commission, regulator of television advertising in the United Kingdom, has criticized advertisers for "misleadingness"-creating a wrong impression either intentionally or unintentionally-in an effort to control advertisers' use of techniques that make it difficult for children to judge the true size, action, performance, or construction of a toy.
General concern about misleading tactics that advertisers employ is centered on the use of exaggeration. Consumer protection groups and parents believe that children are largely ill-equipped to recognize such techniques and that often exaggeration is used at the expense of product information. Claims such as "the best" or "better than" can be subjective and misleading; even adults may be unsure as to their meaning. They represent the advertiser's opinions about the qualities of their products or brand and, as a consequence, are difficult to verify. Advertisers sometimes offset or counterbalance an exaggerated claim with a disclaimer-a qualification or condition on the claim. For example, the claim that breakfast cereal has a health benefit may be accompanied by the disclaimer "when part of a nutritionally balanced breakfast." However, research has shown that children often have difficulty understanding disclaimers: children may interpret the phrase "when part of a nutritionally balanced breakfast" to mean that the cereal is required as a necessary part of a balanced breakfast. The author George Comstock suggested that less than a quarter of children between the ages of six and eight years old understood standard disclaimers used in many toy advertisements and that disclaimers are more readily comprehended when presented in both audio and visual formats. Nevertheless, disclaimers are mainly presented in audio format only.
Fantasy is one of the more common techniques in advertising that could possibly mislead a young audience. Child-oriented advertisements are more likely to include magic and fantasy than advertisements aimed at adults. In a content analysis of Canadian television, the author Stephen Kline observed that nearly all commercials for character toys featured fantasy play. Children have strong imaginations and the use of fantasy brings their ideas to life, but children may not be adept enough to realize that what they are viewing is unreal. Fantasy situations and settings are frequently used to attract children's attention, particularly in food advertising. Advertisements for breakfast cereals have, for many years, been found to be especially fond of fantasy techniques, with almost nine out of ten including such content. Generally, there is uncertainty as to whether very young children can distinguish between fantasy and reality in advertising. Certainly, rational appeals in advertising aimed at children are limited, as most advertisements use emotional and indirect appeals to psychological states or associations.
The use of celebrities such as singers and movie stars is common in advertising. The intention is for the positively perceived attributes of the celebrity to be transferred to the advertised product and for the two to become automatically linked in the audience's mind. In children's advertising, the "celebrities" are often animated figures from popular cartoons. In the recent past, the role of celebrities in advertising to children has often been conflated with the concept of host selling. Host selling involves blending advertisements with regular programming in a way that makes it difficult to distinguish one from the other. Host selling occurs, for example, when a children's show about a cartoon lion contains an ad in which the same lion promotes a breakfast cereal. The psychologist Dale Kunkel showed that the practice of host selling reduced children's ability to distinguish between advertising and program material. It was also found that older children responded more positively to products in host selling advertisements.
Regarding the appearance of celebrities in advertisements that do not involve host selling, the evidence is mixed. Researcher Charles Atkin found that children believe that the characters used to advertise breakfast cereals are knowledgeable about cereals, and children accept such characters as credible sources of nutritional information. This finding was even more marked for heavy viewers of television. In addition, children feel validated in their choice of a product when a celebrity endorses that product. A study of children in Hong Kong, however, found that the presence of celebrities in advertisements could negatively affect the children's perceptions of a product if the children did not like the celebrity in question. | 739.txt | 1 |
[
"Whether children can tell if what they are seeing in an advertisement is real or fantasy.",
"Whether children can differentiate fantasy techniques from other techniques used in advertising.",
"Whether children realize how commonly fantasy techniques are used in advertising aimed at them.",
"Whether children are attracted to advertisements that lack fantasy ."
]
| Paragraph 3 indicates that there is uncertainty about which of the following issues involving children and fantasy in advertising? | Young children are trusting of commercial advertisements in the media, and advertisers have sometimes been accused of taking advantage of this trusting outlook. The Independent Television Commission, regulator of television advertising in the United Kingdom, has criticized advertisers for "misleadingness"-creating a wrong impression either intentionally or unintentionally-in an effort to control advertisers' use of techniques that make it difficult for children to judge the true size, action, performance, or construction of a toy.
General concern about misleading tactics that advertisers employ is centered on the use of exaggeration. Consumer protection groups and parents believe that children are largely ill-equipped to recognize such techniques and that often exaggeration is used at the expense of product information. Claims such as "the best" or "better than" can be subjective and misleading; even adults may be unsure as to their meaning. They represent the advertiser's opinions about the qualities of their products or brand and, as a consequence, are difficult to verify. Advertisers sometimes offset or counterbalance an exaggerated claim with a disclaimer-a qualification or condition on the claim. For example, the claim that breakfast cereal has a health benefit may be accompanied by the disclaimer "when part of a nutritionally balanced breakfast." However, research has shown that children often have difficulty understanding disclaimers: children may interpret the phrase "when part of a nutritionally balanced breakfast" to mean that the cereal is required as a necessary part of a balanced breakfast. The author George Comstock suggested that less than a quarter of children between the ages of six and eight years old understood standard disclaimers used in many toy advertisements and that disclaimers are more readily comprehended when presented in both audio and visual formats. Nevertheless, disclaimers are mainly presented in audio format only.
Fantasy is one of the more common techniques in advertising that could possibly mislead a young audience. Child-oriented advertisements are more likely to include magic and fantasy than advertisements aimed at adults. In a content analysis of Canadian television, the author Stephen Kline observed that nearly all commercials for character toys featured fantasy play. Children have strong imaginations and the use of fantasy brings their ideas to life, but children may not be adept enough to realize that what they are viewing is unreal. Fantasy situations and settings are frequently used to attract children's attention, particularly in food advertising. Advertisements for breakfast cereals have, for many years, been found to be especially fond of fantasy techniques, with almost nine out of ten including such content. Generally, there is uncertainty as to whether very young children can distinguish between fantasy and reality in advertising. Certainly, rational appeals in advertising aimed at children are limited, as most advertisements use emotional and indirect appeals to psychological states or associations.
The use of celebrities such as singers and movie stars is common in advertising. The intention is for the positively perceived attributes of the celebrity to be transferred to the advertised product and for the two to become automatically linked in the audience's mind. In children's advertising, the "celebrities" are often animated figures from popular cartoons. In the recent past, the role of celebrities in advertising to children has often been conflated with the concept of host selling. Host selling involves blending advertisements with regular programming in a way that makes it difficult to distinguish one from the other. Host selling occurs, for example, when a children's show about a cartoon lion contains an ad in which the same lion promotes a breakfast cereal. The psychologist Dale Kunkel showed that the practice of host selling reduced children's ability to distinguish between advertising and program material. It was also found that older children responded more positively to products in host selling advertisements.
Regarding the appearance of celebrities in advertisements that do not involve host selling, the evidence is mixed. Researcher Charles Atkin found that children believe that the characters used to advertise breakfast cereals are knowledgeable about cereals, and children accept such characters as credible sources of nutritional information. This finding was even more marked for heavy viewers of television. In addition, children feel validated in their choice of a product when a celebrity endorses that product. A study of children in Hong Kong, however, found that the presence of celebrities in advertisements could negatively affect the children's perceptions of a product if the children did not like the celebrity in question. | 739.txt | 0 |
[
"evaluations.",
"attitudes.",
"actions.",
"characteristics."
]
| The word "attributes" (Paragraph 4)in the passage is closest in meaning to | Young children are trusting of commercial advertisements in the media, and advertisers have sometimes been accused of taking advantage of this trusting outlook. The Independent Television Commission, regulator of television advertising in the United Kingdom, has criticized advertisers for "misleadingness"-creating a wrong impression either intentionally or unintentionally-in an effort to control advertisers' use of techniques that make it difficult for children to judge the true size, action, performance, or construction of a toy.
General concern about misleading tactics that advertisers employ is centered on the use of exaggeration. Consumer protection groups and parents believe that children are largely ill-equipped to recognize such techniques and that often exaggeration is used at the expense of product information. Claims such as "the best" or "better than" can be subjective and misleading; even adults may be unsure as to their meaning. They represent the advertiser's opinions about the qualities of their products or brand and, as a consequence, are difficult to verify. Advertisers sometimes offset or counterbalance an exaggerated claim with a disclaimer-a qualification or condition on the claim. For example, the claim that breakfast cereal has a health benefit may be accompanied by the disclaimer "when part of a nutritionally balanced breakfast." However, research has shown that children often have difficulty understanding disclaimers: children may interpret the phrase "when part of a nutritionally balanced breakfast" to mean that the cereal is required as a necessary part of a balanced breakfast. The author George Comstock suggested that less than a quarter of children between the ages of six and eight years old understood standard disclaimers used in many toy advertisements and that disclaimers are more readily comprehended when presented in both audio and visual formats. Nevertheless, disclaimers are mainly presented in audio format only.
Fantasy is one of the more common techniques in advertising that could possibly mislead a young audience. Child-oriented advertisements are more likely to include magic and fantasy than advertisements aimed at adults. In a content analysis of Canadian television, the author Stephen Kline observed that nearly all commercials for character toys featured fantasy play. Children have strong imaginations and the use of fantasy brings their ideas to life, but children may not be adept enough to realize that what they are viewing is unreal. Fantasy situations and settings are frequently used to attract children's attention, particularly in food advertising. Advertisements for breakfast cereals have, for many years, been found to be especially fond of fantasy techniques, with almost nine out of ten including such content. Generally, there is uncertainty as to whether very young children can distinguish between fantasy and reality in advertising. Certainly, rational appeals in advertising aimed at children are limited, as most advertisements use emotional and indirect appeals to psychological states or associations.
The use of celebrities such as singers and movie stars is common in advertising. The intention is for the positively perceived attributes of the celebrity to be transferred to the advertised product and for the two to become automatically linked in the audience's mind. In children's advertising, the "celebrities" are often animated figures from popular cartoons. In the recent past, the role of celebrities in advertising to children has often been conflated with the concept of host selling. Host selling involves blending advertisements with regular programming in a way that makes it difficult to distinguish one from the other. Host selling occurs, for example, when a children's show about a cartoon lion contains an ad in which the same lion promotes a breakfast cereal. The psychologist Dale Kunkel showed that the practice of host selling reduced children's ability to distinguish between advertising and program material. It was also found that older children responded more positively to products in host selling advertisements.
Regarding the appearance of celebrities in advertisements that do not involve host selling, the evidence is mixed. Researcher Charles Atkin found that children believe that the characters used to advertise breakfast cereals are knowledgeable about cereals, and children accept such characters as credible sources of nutritional information. This finding was even more marked for heavy viewers of television. In addition, children feel validated in their choice of a product when a celebrity endorses that product. A study of children in Hong Kong, however, found that the presence of celebrities in advertisements could negatively affect the children's perceptions of a product if the children did not like the celebrity in question. | 739.txt | 3 |
[
"To help explain what is meant by the term \"host selling\" and why it can be misleading to children.",
"To explain why the role of celebrities in advertising aimed at children has often been confused with host selling.",
"To compare the effectiveness of using animated figures with the effectiveness of using celebrities in advertisements aimed at children.",
"To indicate how Kunkel first became interested in studying the effects of host selling on children."
]
| In paragraph 4, why does the author mention a show about a cartoon lion in which an advertisement appears featuring the same lion character? | Young children are trusting of commercial advertisements in the media, and advertisers have sometimes been accused of taking advantage of this trusting outlook. The Independent Television Commission, regulator of television advertising in the United Kingdom, has criticized advertisers for "misleadingness"-creating a wrong impression either intentionally or unintentionally-in an effort to control advertisers' use of techniques that make it difficult for children to judge the true size, action, performance, or construction of a toy.
General concern about misleading tactics that advertisers employ is centered on the use of exaggeration. Consumer protection groups and parents believe that children are largely ill-equipped to recognize such techniques and that often exaggeration is used at the expense of product information. Claims such as "the best" or "better than" can be subjective and misleading; even adults may be unsure as to their meaning. They represent the advertiser's opinions about the qualities of their products or brand and, as a consequence, are difficult to verify. Advertisers sometimes offset or counterbalance an exaggerated claim with a disclaimer-a qualification or condition on the claim. For example, the claim that breakfast cereal has a health benefit may be accompanied by the disclaimer "when part of a nutritionally balanced breakfast." However, research has shown that children often have difficulty understanding disclaimers: children may interpret the phrase "when part of a nutritionally balanced breakfast" to mean that the cereal is required as a necessary part of a balanced breakfast. The author George Comstock suggested that less than a quarter of children between the ages of six and eight years old understood standard disclaimers used in many toy advertisements and that disclaimers are more readily comprehended when presented in both audio and visual formats. Nevertheless, disclaimers are mainly presented in audio format only.
Fantasy is one of the more common techniques in advertising that could possibly mislead a young audience. Child-oriented advertisements are more likely to include magic and fantasy than advertisements aimed at adults. In a content analysis of Canadian television, the author Stephen Kline observed that nearly all commercials for character toys featured fantasy play. Children have strong imaginations and the use of fantasy brings their ideas to life, but children may not be adept enough to realize that what they are viewing is unreal. Fantasy situations and settings are frequently used to attract children's attention, particularly in food advertising. Advertisements for breakfast cereals have, for many years, been found to be especially fond of fantasy techniques, with almost nine out of ten including such content. Generally, there is uncertainty as to whether very young children can distinguish between fantasy and reality in advertising. Certainly, rational appeals in advertising aimed at children are limited, as most advertisements use emotional and indirect appeals to psychological states or associations.
The use of celebrities such as singers and movie stars is common in advertising. The intention is for the positively perceived attributes of the celebrity to be transferred to the advertised product and for the two to become automatically linked in the audience's mind. In children's advertising, the "celebrities" are often animated figures from popular cartoons. In the recent past, the role of celebrities in advertising to children has often been conflated with the concept of host selling. Host selling involves blending advertisements with regular programming in a way that makes it difficult to distinguish one from the other. Host selling occurs, for example, when a children's show about a cartoon lion contains an ad in which the same lion promotes a breakfast cereal. The psychologist Dale Kunkel showed that the practice of host selling reduced children's ability to distinguish between advertising and program material. It was also found that older children responded more positively to products in host selling advertisements.
Regarding the appearance of celebrities in advertisements that do not involve host selling, the evidence is mixed. Researcher Charles Atkin found that children believe that the characters used to advertise breakfast cereals are knowledgeable about cereals, and children accept such characters as credible sources of nutritional information. This finding was even more marked for heavy viewers of television. In addition, children feel validated in their choice of a product when a celebrity endorses that product. A study of children in Hong Kong, however, found that the presence of celebrities in advertisements could negatively affect the children's perceptions of a product if the children did not like the celebrity in question. | 739.txt | 0 |
[
"helpful.",
"believable.",
"valuable.",
"familiar."
]
| The word "credible"(Paragraph 5)in the passage is closest in meaning to | Young children are trusting of commercial advertisements in the media, and advertisers have sometimes been accused of taking advantage of this trusting outlook. The Independent Television Commission, regulator of television advertising in the United Kingdom, has criticized advertisers for "misleadingness"-creating a wrong impression either intentionally or unintentionally-in an effort to control advertisers' use of techniques that make it difficult for children to judge the true size, action, performance, or construction of a toy.
General concern about misleading tactics that advertisers employ is centered on the use of exaggeration. Consumer protection groups and parents believe that children are largely ill-equipped to recognize such techniques and that often exaggeration is used at the expense of product information. Claims such as "the best" or "better than" can be subjective and misleading; even adults may be unsure as to their meaning. They represent the advertiser's opinions about the qualities of their products or brand and, as a consequence, are difficult to verify. Advertisers sometimes offset or counterbalance an exaggerated claim with a disclaimer-a qualification or condition on the claim. For example, the claim that breakfast cereal has a health benefit may be accompanied by the disclaimer "when part of a nutritionally balanced breakfast." However, research has shown that children often have difficulty understanding disclaimers: children may interpret the phrase "when part of a nutritionally balanced breakfast" to mean that the cereal is required as a necessary part of a balanced breakfast. The author George Comstock suggested that less than a quarter of children between the ages of six and eight years old understood standard disclaimers used in many toy advertisements and that disclaimers are more readily comprehended when presented in both audio and visual formats. Nevertheless, disclaimers are mainly presented in audio format only.
Fantasy is one of the more common techniques in advertising that could possibly mislead a young audience. Child-oriented advertisements are more likely to include magic and fantasy than advertisements aimed at adults. In a content analysis of Canadian television, the author Stephen Kline observed that nearly all commercials for character toys featured fantasy play. Children have strong imaginations and the use of fantasy brings their ideas to life, but children may not be adept enough to realize that what they are viewing is unreal. Fantasy situations and settings are frequently used to attract children's attention, particularly in food advertising. Advertisements for breakfast cereals have, for many years, been found to be especially fond of fantasy techniques, with almost nine out of ten including such content. Generally, there is uncertainty as to whether very young children can distinguish between fantasy and reality in advertising. Certainly, rational appeals in advertising aimed at children are limited, as most advertisements use emotional and indirect appeals to psychological states or associations.
The use of celebrities such as singers and movie stars is common in advertising. The intention is for the positively perceived attributes of the celebrity to be transferred to the advertised product and for the two to become automatically linked in the audience's mind. In children's advertising, the "celebrities" are often animated figures from popular cartoons. In the recent past, the role of celebrities in advertising to children has often been conflated with the concept of host selling. Host selling involves blending advertisements with regular programming in a way that makes it difficult to distinguish one from the other. Host selling occurs, for example, when a children's show about a cartoon lion contains an ad in which the same lion promotes a breakfast cereal. The psychologist Dale Kunkel showed that the practice of host selling reduced children's ability to distinguish between advertising and program material. It was also found that older children responded more positively to products in host selling advertisements.
Regarding the appearance of celebrities in advertisements that do not involve host selling, the evidence is mixed. Researcher Charles Atkin found that children believe that the characters used to advertise breakfast cereals are knowledgeable about cereals, and children accept such characters as credible sources of nutritional information. This finding was even more marked for heavy viewers of television. In addition, children feel validated in their choice of a product when a celebrity endorses that product. A study of children in Hong Kong, however, found that the presence of celebrities in advertisements could negatively affect the children's perceptions of a product if the children did not like the celebrity in question. | 739.txt | 1 |
[
"It is most effective with children who watch a lot of television.",
"It has little effect if the celebrities are not familiar to most children.",
"It is more effective in marketing cereals and food products than in marketing other kinds of products.",
"It can have a negative effect if the celebrities are not popular with children."
]
| According to paragraph 5, what did a study of children in Hong Kong show about the use of celebrities in advertisements aimed at children? | Young children are trusting of commercial advertisements in the media, and advertisers have sometimes been accused of taking advantage of this trusting outlook. The Independent Television Commission, regulator of television advertising in the United Kingdom, has criticized advertisers for "misleadingness"-creating a wrong impression either intentionally or unintentionally-in an effort to control advertisers' use of techniques that make it difficult for children to judge the true size, action, performance, or construction of a toy.
General concern about misleading tactics that advertisers employ is centered on the use of exaggeration. Consumer protection groups and parents believe that children are largely ill-equipped to recognize such techniques and that often exaggeration is used at the expense of product information. Claims such as "the best" or "better than" can be subjective and misleading; even adults may be unsure as to their meaning. They represent the advertiser's opinions about the qualities of their products or brand and, as a consequence, are difficult to verify. Advertisers sometimes offset or counterbalance an exaggerated claim with a disclaimer-a qualification or condition on the claim. For example, the claim that breakfast cereal has a health benefit may be accompanied by the disclaimer "when part of a nutritionally balanced breakfast." However, research has shown that children often have difficulty understanding disclaimers: children may interpret the phrase "when part of a nutritionally balanced breakfast" to mean that the cereal is required as a necessary part of a balanced breakfast. The author George Comstock suggested that less than a quarter of children between the ages of six and eight years old understood standard disclaimers used in many toy advertisements and that disclaimers are more readily comprehended when presented in both audio and visual formats. Nevertheless, disclaimers are mainly presented in audio format only.
Fantasy is one of the more common techniques in advertising that could possibly mislead a young audience. Child-oriented advertisements are more likely to include magic and fantasy than advertisements aimed at adults. In a content analysis of Canadian television, the author Stephen Kline observed that nearly all commercials for character toys featured fantasy play. Children have strong imaginations and the use of fantasy brings their ideas to life, but children may not be adept enough to realize that what they are viewing is unreal. Fantasy situations and settings are frequently used to attract children's attention, particularly in food advertising. Advertisements for breakfast cereals have, for many years, been found to be especially fond of fantasy techniques, with almost nine out of ten including such content. Generally, there is uncertainty as to whether very young children can distinguish between fantasy and reality in advertising. Certainly, rational appeals in advertising aimed at children are limited, as most advertisements use emotional and indirect appeals to psychological states or associations.
The use of celebrities such as singers and movie stars is common in advertising. The intention is for the positively perceived attributes of the celebrity to be transferred to the advertised product and for the two to become automatically linked in the audience's mind. In children's advertising, the "celebrities" are often animated figures from popular cartoons. In the recent past, the role of celebrities in advertising to children has often been conflated with the concept of host selling. Host selling involves blending advertisements with regular programming in a way that makes it difficult to distinguish one from the other. Host selling occurs, for example, when a children's show about a cartoon lion contains an ad in which the same lion promotes a breakfast cereal. The psychologist Dale Kunkel showed that the practice of host selling reduced children's ability to distinguish between advertising and program material. It was also found that older children responded more positively to products in host selling advertisements.
Regarding the appearance of celebrities in advertisements that do not involve host selling, the evidence is mixed. Researcher Charles Atkin found that children believe that the characters used to advertise breakfast cereals are knowledgeable about cereals, and children accept such characters as credible sources of nutritional information. This finding was even more marked for heavy viewers of television. In addition, children feel validated in their choice of a product when a celebrity endorses that product. A study of children in Hong Kong, however, found that the presence of celebrities in advertisements could negatively affect the children's perceptions of a product if the children did not like the celebrity in question. | 739.txt | 3 |
[
"A decrease in the cost of silver.",
"The invention of heat efficient furnaces.",
"The growing economic prosperity of colonial merchants.",
"The development of new tools used to shape silver."
]
| According to the passage, which of the following eighteenth century developments had strong impact on silversmiths? | As the merchant class expanded in the eighteenthcentury North American Colonies, the silversmith and the coppersmith businesses rose to serve it. Only a few silversmiths were available in New York or Boston in the late seventeenth century, but in the eighteenth century they could be found in all major colonial cities. No other colonial artisans rivaled the silversmiths' prestige. They handled the most expensive materials and possessed direct connections to prosperous colonial merchants. Their products, primarily silver plates and bowls, reflected their exalted status and testified to their customers' prominence. Silver stood as one of the surest ways to store wealth at a time before neighborhood banks existed. Unlike the silver coins from which they were made, silver articles were readily identifiable. Often formed to individual specifications, they always carried the silversmith's distinctive markings and consequently could be traced and retrieved. Customers generally secure the silver for the silver object they ordered. They saved coins, took them to smiths, and discussed the type of pieces they desired. Silversmiths complied with these requests by melting the money in a small furnace, adding a bit of copper to form a stronger alloy, and casting the alloy in rectangular blocks. They hammered these ingots to the appropriate thickness by hand, shaped them and pressed designs into them for adornment. Engraving was also done by hand. In addition to plates and bowls, some customers sought more intricate products, such as silver teapots. These were made by shaping or casting parts separately and then soldering them together. Colonial coppersmithing also come of age in the early eighteenth century and prospered in northern cities. Copper's ability to conduct heat efficiently and to resist corrosion contributed to its attractiveness. But because it was expensive in colonial America, coppersmiths were never very numerous. Virtually all copper worked by Smiths was imported as sheets or obtained by recycling old copper goods. Copper was used for practical items, but it was not admired for its beauty. Coppersmiths employed it to fashion pots and kettles for the home. They shaped it in much the same manner as silver or melted it in a foundry with lead or tin. They also mixed it with zinc to make brass for maritime and scientific instruments. | 5.txt | 2 |
[
"From their own mines.",
"From importers.",
"From other silversmiths.",
"From customers."
]
| In colonial America, where did silversmiths usually obtain the material to make silver articles? | As the merchant class expanded in the eighteenthcentury North American Colonies, the silversmith and the coppersmith businesses rose to serve it. Only a few silversmiths were available in New York or Boston in the late seventeenth century, but in the eighteenth century they could be found in all major colonial cities. No other colonial artisans rivaled the silversmiths' prestige. They handled the most expensive materials and possessed direct connections to prosperous colonial merchants. Their products, primarily silver plates and bowls, reflected their exalted status and testified to their customers' prominence. Silver stood as one of the surest ways to store wealth at a time before neighborhood banks existed. Unlike the silver coins from which they were made, silver articles were readily identifiable. Often formed to individual specifications, they always carried the silversmith's distinctive markings and consequently could be traced and retrieved. Customers generally secure the silver for the silver object they ordered. They saved coins, took them to smiths, and discussed the type of pieces they desired. Silversmiths complied with these requests by melting the money in a small furnace, adding a bit of copper to form a stronger alloy, and casting the alloy in rectangular blocks. They hammered these ingots to the appropriate thickness by hand, shaped them and pressed designs into them for adornment. Engraving was also done by hand. In addition to plates and bowls, some customers sought more intricate products, such as silver teapots. These were made by shaping or casting parts separately and then soldering them together. Colonial coppersmithing also come of age in the early eighteenth century and prospered in northern cities. Copper's ability to conduct heat efficiently and to resist corrosion contributed to its attractiveness. But because it was expensive in colonial America, coppersmiths were never very numerous. Virtually all copper worked by Smiths was imported as sheets or obtained by recycling old copper goods. Copper was used for practical items, but it was not admired for its beauty. Coppersmiths employed it to fashion pots and kettles for the home. They shaped it in much the same manner as silver or melted it in a foundry with lead or tin. They also mixed it with zinc to make brass for maritime and scientific instruments. | 5.txt | 3 |
[
"cooking pots",
"scientific instruments",
"musical instruments",
"maritime instruments"
]
| The passage mentions all of the following as uses for copper in Colonial America EXCEPT _ . | As the merchant class expanded in the eighteenthcentury North American Colonies, the silversmith and the coppersmith businesses rose to serve it. Only a few silversmiths were available in New York or Boston in the late seventeenth century, but in the eighteenth century they could be found in all major colonial cities. No other colonial artisans rivaled the silversmiths' prestige. They handled the most expensive materials and possessed direct connections to prosperous colonial merchants. Their products, primarily silver plates and bowls, reflected their exalted status and testified to their customers' prominence. Silver stood as one of the surest ways to store wealth at a time before neighborhood banks existed. Unlike the silver coins from which they were made, silver articles were readily identifiable. Often formed to individual specifications, they always carried the silversmith's distinctive markings and consequently could be traced and retrieved. Customers generally secure the silver for the silver object they ordered. They saved coins, took them to smiths, and discussed the type of pieces they desired. Silversmiths complied with these requests by melting the money in a small furnace, adding a bit of copper to form a stronger alloy, and casting the alloy in rectangular blocks. They hammered these ingots to the appropriate thickness by hand, shaped them and pressed designs into them for adornment. Engraving was also done by hand. In addition to plates and bowls, some customers sought more intricate products, such as silver teapots. These were made by shaping or casting parts separately and then soldering them together. Colonial coppersmithing also come of age in the early eighteenth century and prospered in northern cities. Copper's ability to conduct heat efficiently and to resist corrosion contributed to its attractiveness. But because it was expensive in colonial America, coppersmiths were never very numerous. Virtually all copper worked by Smiths was imported as sheets or obtained by recycling old copper goods. Copper was used for practical items, but it was not admired for its beauty. Coppersmiths employed it to fashion pots and kettles for the home. They shaped it in much the same manner as silver or melted it in a foundry with lead or tin. They also mixed it with zinc to make brass for maritime and scientific instruments. | 5.txt | 2 |
[
"The amount of social prestige they had.",
"The way they shaped the metal they worked with.",
"The cost of the goods they made.",
"The practicality of the goods they made."
]
| According to the passage, silversmiths and coppersmiths in colonial America were similar in which of the following ways? | As the merchant class expanded in the eighteenthcentury North American Colonies, the silversmith and the coppersmith businesses rose to serve it. Only a few silversmiths were available in New York or Boston in the late seventeenth century, but in the eighteenth century they could be found in all major colonial cities. No other colonial artisans rivaled the silversmiths' prestige. They handled the most expensive materials and possessed direct connections to prosperous colonial merchants. Their products, primarily silver plates and bowls, reflected their exalted status and testified to their customers' prominence. Silver stood as one of the surest ways to store wealth at a time before neighborhood banks existed. Unlike the silver coins from which they were made, silver articles were readily identifiable. Often formed to individual specifications, they always carried the silversmith's distinctive markings and consequently could be traced and retrieved. Customers generally secure the silver for the silver object they ordered. They saved coins, took them to smiths, and discussed the type of pieces they desired. Silversmiths complied with these requests by melting the money in a small furnace, adding a bit of copper to form a stronger alloy, and casting the alloy in rectangular blocks. They hammered these ingots to the appropriate thickness by hand, shaped them and pressed designs into them for adornment. Engraving was also done by hand. In addition to plates and bowls, some customers sought more intricate products, such as silver teapots. These were made by shaping or casting parts separately and then soldering them together. Colonial coppersmithing also come of age in the early eighteenth century and prospered in northern cities. Copper's ability to conduct heat efficiently and to resist corrosion contributed to its attractiveness. But because it was expensive in colonial America, coppersmiths were never very numerous. Virtually all copper worked by Smiths was imported as sheets or obtained by recycling old copper goods. Copper was used for practical items, but it was not admired for its beauty. Coppersmiths employed it to fashion pots and kettles for the home. They shaped it in much the same manner as silver or melted it in a foundry with lead or tin. They also mixed it with zinc to make brass for maritime and scientific instruments. | 5.txt | 1 |
[
"An unexpected gain in body weight.",
"Unexplained impairment of her nervous system.",
"Weakening of her eyesight with the setting in of winter.",
"Poor adjustment of her body clock to seasonal changes."
]
| What is the probable cause of Krentz's problem? | Every fall, like clockwork, Linda Krentz of Beaverton, Oregon, felt her brain go on strike. "I just couldn't get going in the morning," she says. "I'd get depressed and gain 10 pounds every winter and lose them again in the spring." Then she read about seasonal affective disorder, a form of depression that occurs in fall and winter, and she saw the light-literally. Every morning now she turns on a specially constructed light box for half an hour and sits in front of it to trick her brain into thinking it's still enjoying those long summer days. It seems to work.
Krentz is not alone. Scientists estimate that 10 million Americans suffer from seasonal depression and 25 million more develop milder versions. But there's never been definitive proof that treatment with very bright lights makes a difference. After all, it's hard to do a double-blind test when the subjects can see for themselves whether or not the light is on. That's why nobody has ever separated the real effects of light therapy from placebo effects.
Until now. In three separate studies published last month, researchers report not only that light therapy works better than a placebo but that treatment is usually more effective in the early morning than in the evening. In two of the groups, the placebo problem was resolved by telling patients they were comparing light boxes to a new anti-depressant device that emits negatively charged ions . The third used the timing of light therapy as the control.
Why does light therapy work? No one really knows. "Our research suggests it has something to do with shifting the body's internal clock," says psychiatrist Dr. Lewey. The body is programmed to start the day with sunrise, he explains, and this gets later as the days get shorter. But why such subtle shifts make some people depressed and not others is a mystery.
That hasn't stopped thousands of winter depressives from trying to heal themselves. Light boxes for that purpose are available without a doctor's prescription. That bothers psychologist Michael Terman of Columbia University. He is worried that the boxes may be tried by patients who suffer from mental illness that can't be treated with light. Terman has developed a questionnaire to help determine whether expert care is needed.
In any event, you should choose a reputable manufacturer. Whatever product you use should emit only visible light, because ultraviolet light damages the eyes. If you are photosensitive , you may develop a rash. Otherwise, the main drawback is having to sit in front of the light for 30 to 60 minutes in the morning. That's an inconvenience many winter depressives can live with. | 588.txt | 3 |
[
"learned how to lose weight",
"realized what her problem was",
"came to see the importance of light",
"became light-hearted and cheerful"
]
| By saying that Linda Krentz saw the light" (Line 4, Para. 1), the author means that she ________. | Every fall, like clockwork, Linda Krentz of Beaverton, Oregon, felt her brain go on strike. "I just couldn't get going in the morning," she says. "I'd get depressed and gain 10 pounds every winter and lose them again in the spring." Then she read about seasonal affective disorder, a form of depression that occurs in fall and winter, and she saw the light-literally. Every morning now she turns on a specially constructed light box for half an hour and sits in front of it to trick her brain into thinking it's still enjoying those long summer days. It seems to work.
Krentz is not alone. Scientists estimate that 10 million Americans suffer from seasonal depression and 25 million more develop milder versions. But there's never been definitive proof that treatment with very bright lights makes a difference. After all, it's hard to do a double-blind test when the subjects can see for themselves whether or not the light is on. That's why nobody has ever separated the real effects of light therapy from placebo effects.
Until now. In three separate studies published last month, researchers report not only that light therapy works better than a placebo but that treatment is usually more effective in the early morning than in the evening. In two of the groups, the placebo problem was resolved by telling patients they were comparing light boxes to a new anti-depressant device that emits negatively charged ions . The third used the timing of light therapy as the control.
Why does light therapy work? No one really knows. "Our research suggests it has something to do with shifting the body's internal clock," says psychiatrist Dr. Lewey. The body is programmed to start the day with sunrise, he explains, and this gets later as the days get shorter. But why such subtle shifts make some people depressed and not others is a mystery.
That hasn't stopped thousands of winter depressives from trying to heal themselves. Light boxes for that purpose are available without a doctor's prescription. That bothers psychologist Michael Terman of Columbia University. He is worried that the boxes may be tried by patients who suffer from mental illness that can't be treated with light. Terman has developed a questionnaire to help determine whether expert care is needed.
In any event, you should choose a reputable manufacturer. Whatever product you use should emit only visible light, because ultraviolet light damages the eyes. If you are photosensitive , you may develop a rash. Otherwise, the main drawback is having to sit in front of the light for 30 to 60 minutes in the morning. That's an inconvenience many winter depressives can live with. | 588.txt | 1 |
[
"Its effect remains to be seen.",
"It serves as a kind of placebo.",
"It proves to be an effective therapy.",
"It hardly produces any effects."
]
| What is the CURRENT view concerning the treatment of seasonal depression with bright lights? | Every fall, like clockwork, Linda Krentz of Beaverton, Oregon, felt her brain go on strike. "I just couldn't get going in the morning," she says. "I'd get depressed and gain 10 pounds every winter and lose them again in the spring." Then she read about seasonal affective disorder, a form of depression that occurs in fall and winter, and she saw the light-literally. Every morning now she turns on a specially constructed light box for half an hour and sits in front of it to trick her brain into thinking it's still enjoying those long summer days. It seems to work.
Krentz is not alone. Scientists estimate that 10 million Americans suffer from seasonal depression and 25 million more develop milder versions. But there's never been definitive proof that treatment with very bright lights makes a difference. After all, it's hard to do a double-blind test when the subjects can see for themselves whether or not the light is on. That's why nobody has ever separated the real effects of light therapy from placebo effects.
Until now. In three separate studies published last month, researchers report not only that light therapy works better than a placebo but that treatment is usually more effective in the early morning than in the evening. In two of the groups, the placebo problem was resolved by telling patients they were comparing light boxes to a new anti-depressant device that emits negatively charged ions . The third used the timing of light therapy as the control.
Why does light therapy work? No one really knows. "Our research suggests it has something to do with shifting the body's internal clock," says psychiatrist Dr. Lewey. The body is programmed to start the day with sunrise, he explains, and this gets later as the days get shorter. But why such subtle shifts make some people depressed and not others is a mystery.
That hasn't stopped thousands of winter depressives from trying to heal themselves. Light boxes for that purpose are available without a doctor's prescription. That bothers psychologist Michael Terman of Columbia University. He is worried that the boxes may be tried by patients who suffer from mental illness that can't be treated with light. Terman has developed a questionnaire to help determine whether expert care is needed.
In any event, you should choose a reputable manufacturer. Whatever product you use should emit only visible light, because ultraviolet light damages the eyes. If you are photosensitive , you may develop a rash. Otherwise, the main drawback is having to sit in front of the light for 30 to 60 minutes in the morning. That's an inconvenience many winter depressives can live with. | 588.txt | 2 |
[
"Winter depressives will be addicted to using light boxes.",
"No mental patients would bother to consult psychiatrists.",
"Inferior light boxes will emit harmful ultraviolet lights.",
"Light therapy could be misused by certain mental patients."
]
| What is psychologist Michael Terman's major concern? | Every fall, like clockwork, Linda Krentz of Beaverton, Oregon, felt her brain go on strike. "I just couldn't get going in the morning," she says. "I'd get depressed and gain 10 pounds every winter and lose them again in the spring." Then she read about seasonal affective disorder, a form of depression that occurs in fall and winter, and she saw the light-literally. Every morning now she turns on a specially constructed light box for half an hour and sits in front of it to trick her brain into thinking it's still enjoying those long summer days. It seems to work.
Krentz is not alone. Scientists estimate that 10 million Americans suffer from seasonal depression and 25 million more develop milder versions. But there's never been definitive proof that treatment with very bright lights makes a difference. After all, it's hard to do a double-blind test when the subjects can see for themselves whether or not the light is on. That's why nobody has ever separated the real effects of light therapy from placebo effects.
Until now. In three separate studies published last month, researchers report not only that light therapy works better than a placebo but that treatment is usually more effective in the early morning than in the evening. In two of the groups, the placebo problem was resolved by telling patients they were comparing light boxes to a new anti-depressant device that emits negatively charged ions . The third used the timing of light therapy as the control.
Why does light therapy work? No one really knows. "Our research suggests it has something to do with shifting the body's internal clock," says psychiatrist Dr. Lewey. The body is programmed to start the day with sunrise, he explains, and this gets later as the days get shorter. But why such subtle shifts make some people depressed and not others is a mystery.
That hasn't stopped thousands of winter depressives from trying to heal themselves. Light boxes for that purpose are available without a doctor's prescription. That bothers psychologist Michael Terman of Columbia University. He is worried that the boxes may be tried by patients who suffer from mental illness that can't be treated with light. Terman has developed a questionnaire to help determine whether expert care is needed.
In any event, you should choose a reputable manufacturer. Whatever product you use should emit only visible light, because ultraviolet light damages the eyes. If you are photosensitive , you may develop a rash. Otherwise, the main drawback is having to sit in front of the light for 30 to 60 minutes in the morning. That's an inconvenience many winter depressives can live with. | 588.txt | 3 |
[
"Winter depressives prefer light therapy in spite of its inconvenience.",
"Light therapy increases the patient's photosensitivity.",
"Eye damage is a side effect of light therapy.",
"Light boxes can be programmed to correspond to shifts in the body clock."
]
| Which of the following statements is TRUE? | Every fall, like clockwork, Linda Krentz of Beaverton, Oregon, felt her brain go on strike. "I just couldn't get going in the morning," she says. "I'd get depressed and gain 10 pounds every winter and lose them again in the spring." Then she read about seasonal affective disorder, a form of depression that occurs in fall and winter, and she saw the light-literally. Every morning now she turns on a specially constructed light box for half an hour and sits in front of it to trick her brain into thinking it's still enjoying those long summer days. It seems to work.
Krentz is not alone. Scientists estimate that 10 million Americans suffer from seasonal depression and 25 million more develop milder versions. But there's never been definitive proof that treatment with very bright lights makes a difference. After all, it's hard to do a double-blind test when the subjects can see for themselves whether or not the light is on. That's why nobody has ever separated the real effects of light therapy from placebo effects.
Until now. In three separate studies published last month, researchers report not only that light therapy works better than a placebo but that treatment is usually more effective in the early morning than in the evening. In two of the groups, the placebo problem was resolved by telling patients they were comparing light boxes to a new anti-depressant device that emits negatively charged ions . The third used the timing of light therapy as the control.
Why does light therapy work? No one really knows. "Our research suggests it has something to do with shifting the body's internal clock," says psychiatrist Dr. Lewey. The body is programmed to start the day with sunrise, he explains, and this gets later as the days get shorter. But why such subtle shifts make some people depressed and not others is a mystery.
That hasn't stopped thousands of winter depressives from trying to heal themselves. Light boxes for that purpose are available without a doctor's prescription. That bothers psychologist Michael Terman of Columbia University. He is worried that the boxes may be tried by patients who suffer from mental illness that can't be treated with light. Terman has developed a questionnaire to help determine whether expert care is needed.
In any event, you should choose a reputable manufacturer. Whatever product you use should emit only visible light, because ultraviolet light damages the eyes. If you are photosensitive , you may develop a rash. Otherwise, the main drawback is having to sit in front of the light for 30 to 60 minutes in the morning. That's an inconvenience many winter depressives can live with. | 588.txt | 0 |
[
"reduced their dropout rates",
"narrowed the achievement gap",
"missed its original purpose",
"depressed college students"
]
| Recruiting more first-generation students has _____. | For years，studies have found that first-generation college students - those who do not have a parent with a college degree - lag other students on a range of education achievement factors. Their grades are lower and their dropout rates are higher. But since such students are most likely to advance economically if they succeed in higher education, colleges and universities have pushed for decades to recruit more of them. This has created "a paradox" in that recruiting first-generation students, but then watching many of them fail, means that higher education has
"continued to reproduce and widen, rather than close" an achievement gap based on social class, according to the depressing beginning of a paper forthcoming in the journal Psychological Science.
But the article is actually quite optimistic, as it outlines a potential solution to this problem, suggesting that an approach (which involves a one-hour, next-to-no-cost program) can close 63 percent of the achievement gap (measured by such factors as grades) between first-generation and other students.
The authors of the paper are from different universities, and their findings are based on a study involving 147 students (who completed the project) at an unnamed private university. First generation was defined as not having a parent with a four-year college degree. Most of the first-generation students (59.1 percent) were recipients of Pell Grants, a federal grant for undergraduates with financial need, while this was true only for 8.6 percent of the students with at least one parent with a four-year degree.
Their thesis - that a relatively modest intervention could have a big impact - was based on the view that first-generation students may be most lacking not in potential but in practical knowledge about how to deal with the issues that face most college students. They cite past research by several authors to show that this is the gap that must be narrowed to close the achievement gap.
Many first-generation students "struggle to navigate the middle-class culture of higher education, learn the ‘rules of the game,' and take advantage of college resources," they write. And this becomes more of a problem when colleges don't talk about the class advantages and disadvantages of different groups of students. Because US colleges and universities seldom acknowledge how social class can affect students' educational experience, many first-generation students lack sight about why they are struggling and do not understand how students like them can improve. | 4214.txt | 2 |
[
"the problem is solvable",
"their approach is costless",
"the recruiting rate has increased",
"their finding appeal to students"
]
| The authors of the research article are optimistic because _____. | For years，studies have found that first-generation college students - those who do not have a parent with a college degree - lag other students on a range of education achievement factors. Their grades are lower and their dropout rates are higher. But since such students are most likely to advance economically if they succeed in higher education, colleges and universities have pushed for decades to recruit more of them. This has created "a paradox" in that recruiting first-generation students, but then watching many of them fail, means that higher education has
"continued to reproduce and widen, rather than close" an achievement gap based on social class, according to the depressing beginning of a paper forthcoming in the journal Psychological Science.
But the article is actually quite optimistic, as it outlines a potential solution to this problem, suggesting that an approach (which involves a one-hour, next-to-no-cost program) can close 63 percent of the achievement gap (measured by such factors as grades) between first-generation and other students.
The authors of the paper are from different universities, and their findings are based on a study involving 147 students (who completed the project) at an unnamed private university. First generation was defined as not having a parent with a four-year college degree. Most of the first-generation students (59.1 percent) were recipients of Pell Grants, a federal grant for undergraduates with financial need, while this was true only for 8.6 percent of the students with at least one parent with a four-year degree.
Their thesis - that a relatively modest intervention could have a big impact - was based on the view that first-generation students may be most lacking not in potential but in practical knowledge about how to deal with the issues that face most college students. They cite past research by several authors to show that this is the gap that must be narrowed to close the achievement gap.
Many first-generation students "struggle to navigate the middle-class culture of higher education, learn the ‘rules of the game,' and take advantage of college resources," they write. And this becomes more of a problem when colleges don't talk about the class advantages and disadvantages of different groups of students. Because US colleges and universities seldom acknowledge how social class can affect students' educational experience, many first-generation students lack sight about why they are struggling and do not understand how students like them can improve. | 4214.txt | 0 |
[
"study at private universities",
"are from single-parent families",
"are in need of financial support",
"have failed their college"
]
| The study suggests that most first-generation students _____. | For years，studies have found that first-generation college students - those who do not have a parent with a college degree - lag other students on a range of education achievement factors. Their grades are lower and their dropout rates are higher. But since such students are most likely to advance economically if they succeed in higher education, colleges and universities have pushed for decades to recruit more of them. This has created "a paradox" in that recruiting first-generation students, but then watching many of them fail, means that higher education has
"continued to reproduce and widen, rather than close" an achievement gap based on social class, according to the depressing beginning of a paper forthcoming in the journal Psychological Science.
But the article is actually quite optimistic, as it outlines a potential solution to this problem, suggesting that an approach (which involves a one-hour, next-to-no-cost program) can close 63 percent of the achievement gap (measured by such factors as grades) between first-generation and other students.
The authors of the paper are from different universities, and their findings are based on a study involving 147 students (who completed the project) at an unnamed private university. First generation was defined as not having a parent with a four-year college degree. Most of the first-generation students (59.1 percent) were recipients of Pell Grants, a federal grant for undergraduates with financial need, while this was true only for 8.6 percent of the students with at least one parent with a four-year degree.
Their thesis - that a relatively modest intervention could have a big impact - was based on the view that first-generation students may be most lacking not in potential but in practical knowledge about how to deal with the issues that face most college students. They cite past research by several authors to show that this is the gap that must be narrowed to close the achievement gap.
Many first-generation students "struggle to navigate the middle-class culture of higher education, learn the ‘rules of the game,' and take advantage of college resources," they write. And this becomes more of a problem when colleges don't talk about the class advantages and disadvantages of different groups of students. Because US colleges and universities seldom acknowledge how social class can affect students' educational experience, many first-generation students lack sight about why they are struggling and do not understand how students like them can improve. | 4214.txt | 2 |
[
"are actually indifferent to the achievement gap",
"can have a potential influence on other students",
"may lack opportunities to apply for research projects",
"are inexperienced in handing their issues at college"
]
| The authors of the paper believe that first-generation students _____. | For years，studies have found that first-generation college students - those who do not have a parent with a college degree - lag other students on a range of education achievement factors. Their grades are lower and their dropout rates are higher. But since such students are most likely to advance economically if they succeed in higher education, colleges and universities have pushed for decades to recruit more of them. This has created "a paradox" in that recruiting first-generation students, but then watching many of them fail, means that higher education has
"continued to reproduce and widen, rather than close" an achievement gap based on social class, according to the depressing beginning of a paper forthcoming in the journal Psychological Science.
But the article is actually quite optimistic, as it outlines a potential solution to this problem, suggesting that an approach (which involves a one-hour, next-to-no-cost program) can close 63 percent of the achievement gap (measured by such factors as grades) between first-generation and other students.
The authors of the paper are from different universities, and their findings are based on a study involving 147 students (who completed the project) at an unnamed private university. First generation was defined as not having a parent with a four-year college degree. Most of the first-generation students (59.1 percent) were recipients of Pell Grants, a federal grant for undergraduates with financial need, while this was true only for 8.6 percent of the students with at least one parent with a four-year degree.
Their thesis - that a relatively modest intervention could have a big impact - was based on the view that first-generation students may be most lacking not in potential but in practical knowledge about how to deal with the issues that face most college students. They cite past research by several authors to show that this is the gap that must be narrowed to close the achievement gap.
Many first-generation students "struggle to navigate the middle-class culture of higher education, learn the ‘rules of the game,' and take advantage of college resources," they write. And this becomes more of a problem when colleges don't talk about the class advantages and disadvantages of different groups of students. Because US colleges and universities seldom acknowledge how social class can affect students' educational experience, many first-generation students lack sight about why they are struggling and do not understand how students like them can improve. | 4214.txt | 3 |
[
"universities often reject the culture of the middle-class",
"students are usually to blame for their lack of resources",
"social class greatly helps enrich educational experiences",
"colleges are partly responsible for the problem in question"
]
| We may infer from the last paragraph that _____. | For years，studies have found that first-generation college students - those who do not have a parent with a college degree - lag other students on a range of education achievement factors. Their grades are lower and their dropout rates are higher. But since such students are most likely to advance economically if they succeed in higher education, colleges and universities have pushed for decades to recruit more of them. This has created "a paradox" in that recruiting first-generation students, but then watching many of them fail, means that higher education has
"continued to reproduce and widen, rather than close" an achievement gap based on social class, according to the depressing beginning of a paper forthcoming in the journal Psychological Science.
But the article is actually quite optimistic, as it outlines a potential solution to this problem, suggesting that an approach (which involves a one-hour, next-to-no-cost program) can close 63 percent of the achievement gap (measured by such factors as grades) between first-generation and other students.
The authors of the paper are from different universities, and their findings are based on a study involving 147 students (who completed the project) at an unnamed private university. First generation was defined as not having a parent with a four-year college degree. Most of the first-generation students (59.1 percent) were recipients of Pell Grants, a federal grant for undergraduates with financial need, while this was true only for 8.6 percent of the students with at least one parent with a four-year degree.
Their thesis - that a relatively modest intervention could have a big impact - was based on the view that first-generation students may be most lacking not in potential but in practical knowledge about how to deal with the issues that face most college students. They cite past research by several authors to show that this is the gap that must be narrowed to close the achievement gap.
Many first-generation students "struggle to navigate the middle-class culture of higher education, learn the ‘rules of the game,' and take advantage of college resources," they write. And this becomes more of a problem when colleges don't talk about the class advantages and disadvantages of different groups of students. Because US colleges and universities seldom acknowledge how social class can affect students' educational experience, many first-generation students lack sight about why they are struggling and do not understand how students like them can improve. | 4214.txt | 3 |
[
"insufficiently familiar with the international origins of nineteenth-century American feminist thought",
"overly concerned with the regional diversity of feminist ideas in the period before 1848",
"not focused narrowly enough in their geo-graphical scope",
"insufficiently aware of the ideological consequences of the Seneca Falls conference"
]
| It can be inferred that the author considers those historians who describe early feminists in the United States as "solitary" to be | Students of United States history, seeking to identify the circumstances that encouraged the emergence of feminist movements, have thoroughly investigated the mid-nineteenth-century American economic and social conditions that affected the status of women. These historians, however, have analyzed less fully the development of specifically feminist ideas and activities during the same period. Furthermore, the ideological origins of feminism in the United States have been obscured because, even when historians did take into account those feminist ideas and activities occurring within the United States, they failed to recognize that feminism was then a truly international movement actually centered in Europe. American feminist activists who have been described as "solitary" and "individual theorists" were in reality connected to a movement -utopian socialism--which was already popularizing feminist ideas in Europe during the two decades that culminated inthe first women's rights conference held at Seneca Falls. New York, in 1848. Thus, a complete understanding of the origins and development of nineteenth-century feminism in the United Statesrequires that the geographical focus be widened to include Europe and that the detailed study already made of social conditions be expanded to include the ideological development of feminism.
The earliest and most popular of the utopian socialists were the Saint-Simonians. The specifically feminist part of Saint-Simonianism has, however, been less studied than the group's contribution toearly socialism. This is regrettable on two counts. By 1832 feminism was the central concern ofSaint-Simonianism and entirely absorbed its adherents' energy; hence, by ignoring its feminism. European historians have misunderstood Saint-Simonianism. Moreover, since many feminist ideascan be traced to Saint-Simonianism, European historians' appreciation of later feminism in Franceand the United States remained limited.
Saint-Simon's followers, many of whom were women, based their feminism on an interpretation ofhis project to reorganize the globe by replacing brute force with the rule of spiritual powers. Thenew world order would be ruled together by a male, to represent reflection, and a female, to represent sentiment. This complementarity reflects the fact that, while the Saint-Simonians did not reject the belief that there were innate differences between men and women, they nevertheless foresaw an equally important social and political role for both sexes in their Utopia.
Only a few Saint-Simonians opposed a definition of sexual equality based on gender distinction. This minority believed that individuals of both sexes were born similar in capacity and character, and they ascribed male-female differences to socialization and education. The envisioned result of both currents of thought, however, was that women would enter public life in the new age and that sexual equality would reward men as well as women with an improved way of life. | 236.txt | 0 |
[
"It was primarily a product of nineteenth-century Saint-Simonian feminist thought.",
"It was the work of American activists who were independent of feminists abroad.",
"It was the culminating achievement of the Utopian socialist movement.",
"It was a manifestation of an international movement for social change and feminism"
]
| According to the passage, which of the following is true of the Seneca Falls conference on women's rights? | Students of United States history, seeking to identify the circumstances that encouraged the emergence of feminist movements, have thoroughly investigated the mid-nineteenth-century American economic and social conditions that affected the status of women. These historians, however, have analyzed less fully the development of specifically feminist ideas and activities during the same period. Furthermore, the ideological origins of feminism in the United States have been obscured because, even when historians did take into account those feminist ideas and activities occurring within the United States, they failed to recognize that feminism was then a truly international movement actually centered in Europe. American feminist activists who have been described as "solitary" and "individual theorists" were in reality connected to a movement -utopian socialism--which was already popularizing feminist ideas in Europe during the two decades that culminated inthe first women's rights conference held at Seneca Falls. New York, in 1848. Thus, a complete understanding of the origins and development of nineteenth-century feminism in the United Statesrequires that the geographical focus be widened to include Europe and that the detailed study already made of social conditions be expanded to include the ideological development of feminism.
The earliest and most popular of the utopian socialists were the Saint-Simonians. The specifically feminist part of Saint-Simonianism has, however, been less studied than the group's contribution toearly socialism. This is regrettable on two counts. By 1832 feminism was the central concern ofSaint-Simonianism and entirely absorbed its adherents' energy; hence, by ignoring its feminism. European historians have misunderstood Saint-Simonianism. Moreover, since many feminist ideascan be traced to Saint-Simonianism, European historians' appreciation of later feminism in Franceand the United States remained limited.
Saint-Simon's followers, many of whom were women, based their feminism on an interpretation ofhis project to reorganize the globe by replacing brute force with the rule of spiritual powers. Thenew world order would be ruled together by a male, to represent reflection, and a female, to represent sentiment. This complementarity reflects the fact that, while the Saint-Simonians did not reject the belief that there were innate differences between men and women, they nevertheless foresaw an equally important social and political role for both sexes in their Utopia.
Only a few Saint-Simonians opposed a definition of sexual equality based on gender distinction. This minority believed that individuals of both sexes were born similar in capacity and character, and they ascribed male-female differences to socialization and education. The envisioned result of both currents of thought, however, was that women would enter public life in the new age and that sexual equality would reward men as well as women with an improved way of life. | 236.txt | 3 |
[
"approval of the specific focus of their research",
"disapproval of their lack of attention to the issue that absorbed most of the Saint-Simonians'energy after 1832",
"approval of their general focus on social conditions",
"disapproval of their lack of attention to links between the Saint-Simonians and their American counterparts"
]
| The author's attitude toward most European historians who have studied the Saint-Simonians is primarily one of | Students of United States history, seeking to identify the circumstances that encouraged the emergence of feminist movements, have thoroughly investigated the mid-nineteenth-century American economic and social conditions that affected the status of women. These historians, however, have analyzed less fully the development of specifically feminist ideas and activities during the same period. Furthermore, the ideological origins of feminism in the United States have been obscured because, even when historians did take into account those feminist ideas and activities occurring within the United States, they failed to recognize that feminism was then a truly international movement actually centered in Europe. American feminist activists who have been described as "solitary" and "individual theorists" were in reality connected to a movement -utopian socialism--which was already popularizing feminist ideas in Europe during the two decades that culminated inthe first women's rights conference held at Seneca Falls. New York, in 1848. Thus, a complete understanding of the origins and development of nineteenth-century feminism in the United Statesrequires that the geographical focus be widened to include Europe and that the detailed study already made of social conditions be expanded to include the ideological development of feminism.
The earliest and most popular of the utopian socialists were the Saint-Simonians. The specifically feminist part of Saint-Simonianism has, however, been less studied than the group's contribution toearly socialism. This is regrettable on two counts. By 1832 feminism was the central concern ofSaint-Simonianism and entirely absorbed its adherents' energy; hence, by ignoring its feminism. European historians have misunderstood Saint-Simonianism. Moreover, since many feminist ideascan be traced to Saint-Simonianism, European historians' appreciation of later feminism in Franceand the United States remained limited.
Saint-Simon's followers, many of whom were women, based their feminism on an interpretation ofhis project to reorganize the globe by replacing brute force with the rule of spiritual powers. Thenew world order would be ruled together by a male, to represent reflection, and a female, to represent sentiment. This complementarity reflects the fact that, while the Saint-Simonians did not reject the belief that there were innate differences between men and women, they nevertheless foresaw an equally important social and political role for both sexes in their Utopia.
Only a few Saint-Simonians opposed a definition of sexual equality based on gender distinction. This minority believed that individuals of both sexes were born similar in capacity and character, and they ascribed male-female differences to socialization and education. The envisioned result of both currents of thought, however, was that women would enter public life in the new age and that sexual equality would reward men as well as women with an improved way of life. | 236.txt | 1 |
[
"would clarify the ideological origins of those feminist ideas that influenced American feminism",
"would increase understanding of a movement that deeply influenced the Utopian socialism ofearly American feminists",
"would focus attention on the most important aspect of Saint-Simonian thought before 1832",
"promises to offer insight into a movement that was a direct outgrowth of the Seneca Falls conference of 1848"
]
| It can be inferred from the passage that the author believes that study of Saint-Simonianism is necessary for historians of American feminism because such study | Students of United States history, seeking to identify the circumstances that encouraged the emergence of feminist movements, have thoroughly investigated the mid-nineteenth-century American economic and social conditions that affected the status of women. These historians, however, have analyzed less fully the development of specifically feminist ideas and activities during the same period. Furthermore, the ideological origins of feminism in the United States have been obscured because, even when historians did take into account those feminist ideas and activities occurring within the United States, they failed to recognize that feminism was then a truly international movement actually centered in Europe. American feminist activists who have been described as "solitary" and "individual theorists" were in reality connected to a movement -utopian socialism--which was already popularizing feminist ideas in Europe during the two decades that culminated inthe first women's rights conference held at Seneca Falls. New York, in 1848. Thus, a complete understanding of the origins and development of nineteenth-century feminism in the United Statesrequires that the geographical focus be widened to include Europe and that the detailed study already made of social conditions be expanded to include the ideological development of feminism.
The earliest and most popular of the utopian socialists were the Saint-Simonians. The specifically feminist part of Saint-Simonianism has, however, been less studied than the group's contribution toearly socialism. This is regrettable on two counts. By 1832 feminism was the central concern ofSaint-Simonianism and entirely absorbed its adherents' energy; hence, by ignoring its feminism. European historians have misunderstood Saint-Simonianism. Moreover, since many feminist ideascan be traced to Saint-Simonianism, European historians' appreciation of later feminism in Franceand the United States remained limited.
Saint-Simon's followers, many of whom were women, based their feminism on an interpretation ofhis project to reorganize the globe by replacing brute force with the rule of spiritual powers. Thenew world order would be ruled together by a male, to represent reflection, and a female, to represent sentiment. This complementarity reflects the fact that, while the Saint-Simonians did not reject the belief that there were innate differences between men and women, they nevertheless foresaw an equally important social and political role for both sexes in their Utopia.
Only a few Saint-Simonians opposed a definition of sexual equality based on gender distinction. This minority believed that individuals of both sexes were born similar in capacity and character, and they ascribed male-female differences to socialization and education. The envisioned result of both currents of thought, however, was that women would enter public life in the new age and that sexual equality would reward men as well as women with an improved way of life. | 236.txt | 0 |
[
"A society in which women were highly regarded for their extensive education",
"A society in which the two genders played complementary roles and had equal status",
"A society in which women did not enter public life",
"A social order in which a body of men and women would rule together on the basis of their spiritual power"
]
| According to the passage, which of the following would be the most accurate description of the society envisioned by most Saint-Simonians? | Students of United States history, seeking to identify the circumstances that encouraged the emergence of feminist movements, have thoroughly investigated the mid-nineteenth-century American economic and social conditions that affected the status of women. These historians, however, have analyzed less fully the development of specifically feminist ideas and activities during the same period. Furthermore, the ideological origins of feminism in the United States have been obscured because, even when historians did take into account those feminist ideas and activities occurring within the United States, they failed to recognize that feminism was then a truly international movement actually centered in Europe. American feminist activists who have been described as "solitary" and "individual theorists" were in reality connected to a movement -utopian socialism--which was already popularizing feminist ideas in Europe during the two decades that culminated inthe first women's rights conference held at Seneca Falls. New York, in 1848. Thus, a complete understanding of the origins and development of nineteenth-century feminism in the United Statesrequires that the geographical focus be widened to include Europe and that the detailed study already made of social conditions be expanded to include the ideological development of feminism.
The earliest and most popular of the utopian socialists were the Saint-Simonians. The specifically feminist part of Saint-Simonianism has, however, been less studied than the group's contribution toearly socialism. This is regrettable on two counts. By 1832 feminism was the central concern ofSaint-Simonianism and entirely absorbed its adherents' energy; hence, by ignoring its feminism. European historians have misunderstood Saint-Simonianism. Moreover, since many feminist ideascan be traced to Saint-Simonianism, European historians' appreciation of later feminism in Franceand the United States remained limited.
Saint-Simon's followers, many of whom were women, based their feminism on an interpretation ofhis project to reorganize the globe by replacing brute force with the rule of spiritual powers. Thenew world order would be ruled together by a male, to represent reflection, and a female, to represent sentiment. This complementarity reflects the fact that, while the Saint-Simonians did not reject the belief that there were innate differences between men and women, they nevertheless foresaw an equally important social and political role for both sexes in their Utopia.
Only a few Saint-Simonians opposed a definition of sexual equality based on gender distinction. This minority believed that individuals of both sexes were born similar in capacity and character, and they ascribed male-female differences to socialization and education. The envisioned result of both currents of thought, however, was that women would enter public life in the new age and that sexual equality would reward men as well as women with an improved way of life. | 236.txt | 1 |
[
"getting most votes in the first vote",
"getting more than half votes",
"being supported by a major city",
"going around successfully"
]
| During voting, the city _ will win host of Olympics. | In order to host the Olympics, a city must submit a proposal to the IOC. After all proposals have been submitted, the IOC votes. If no city with the fewest votes is eliminated,the voting continues, until a majority winner is determined. Typically the Games are awarded several years in advance, allowing the winning city time to prepare for the Games.
In selecting the site of the Olympic Games, the IOC considers a number of factors, and chiefly among them is which organizing committee seems most likely to stage the Games effectively. The IOC also considers which parts of the world have not yet hosted the Games. For instance, Tokyo, the host of the 1964 Summer Games, and Beijing, that of the 2008 Games, were chosen in part to popularize the Olympic movement in Asia. Because of growing importance television worldwide, the IOC in recent years has also taken into account the host city's time zone. Whenever the Games take place in the USA or Canada, for example, American television networks are willing to pay specially higher amounts for television rights because they can broadcast popular events live in the best viewing hours.
Once the Games have been awarded, it is the duty of the local organizing committee----not the IOC or the NOC of the host city's country to provide them with money. This is often done with a part of the Olympic television revenues, and corporate sponsorships,tickets sales, and other smaller revenue sources. In many cases there is also direct government support.
Although many cities have achieved amounts of money by hosting the Games, the Olympics can be financially risky. When the financial gains from the Games were less than expected, the city was left with large debts. | 2414.txt | 0 |
[
"the time zone of the host city",
"the existing facilities of the host city",
"whether the area has hosted the Games",
"whether profit could be made by the host city"
]
| In selecting the host city, the IOC will consider several factors EXCEPT _ . | In order to host the Olympics, a city must submit a proposal to the IOC. After all proposals have been submitted, the IOC votes. If no city with the fewest votes is eliminated,the voting continues, until a majority winner is determined. Typically the Games are awarded several years in advance, allowing the winning city time to prepare for the Games.
In selecting the site of the Olympic Games, the IOC considers a number of factors, and chiefly among them is which organizing committee seems most likely to stage the Games effectively. The IOC also considers which parts of the world have not yet hosted the Games. For instance, Tokyo, the host of the 1964 Summer Games, and Beijing, that of the 2008 Games, were chosen in part to popularize the Olympic movement in Asia. Because of growing importance television worldwide, the IOC in recent years has also taken into account the host city's time zone. Whenever the Games take place in the USA or Canada, for example, American television networks are willing to pay specially higher amounts for television rights because they can broadcast popular events live in the best viewing hours.
Once the Games have been awarded, it is the duty of the local organizing committee----not the IOC or the NOC of the host city's country to provide them with money. This is often done with a part of the Olympic television revenues, and corporate sponsorships,tickets sales, and other smaller revenue sources. In many cases there is also direct government support.
Although many cities have achieved amounts of money by hosting the Games, the Olympics can be financially risky. When the financial gains from the Games were less than expected, the city was left with large debts. | 2414.txt | 1 |
[
"it's a major city of Japan",
"it's a famous city",
"it s a city in Asia",
"it's nice and cool in summer"
]
| According to the passage, one of the reasons for Tokyo to be the host of Olympics in 1964 may be _ . | In order to host the Olympics, a city must submit a proposal to the IOC. After all proposals have been submitted, the IOC votes. If no city with the fewest votes is eliminated,the voting continues, until a majority winner is determined. Typically the Games are awarded several years in advance, allowing the winning city time to prepare for the Games.
In selecting the site of the Olympic Games, the IOC considers a number of factors, and chiefly among them is which organizing committee seems most likely to stage the Games effectively. The IOC also considers which parts of the world have not yet hosted the Games. For instance, Tokyo, the host of the 1964 Summer Games, and Beijing, that of the 2008 Games, were chosen in part to popularize the Olympic movement in Asia. Because of growing importance television worldwide, the IOC in recent years has also taken into account the host city's time zone. Whenever the Games take place in the USA or Canada, for example, American television networks are willing to pay specially higher amounts for television rights because they can broadcast popular events live in the best viewing hours.
Once the Games have been awarded, it is the duty of the local organizing committee----not the IOC or the NOC of the host city's country to provide them with money. This is often done with a part of the Olympic television revenues, and corporate sponsorships,tickets sales, and other smaller revenue sources. In many cases there is also direct government support.
Although many cities have achieved amounts of money by hosting the Games, the Olympics can be financially risky. When the financial gains from the Games were less than expected, the city was left with large debts. | 2414.txt | 3 |
[
"the local government and the financial organizations",
"the local government and the organizing committee",
"the IOC and the National Olympic Committee",
"the local companies and the local media"
]
| Every Olympic Games is financed by _ . | In order to host the Olympics, a city must submit a proposal to the IOC. After all proposals have been submitted, the IOC votes. If no city with the fewest votes is eliminated,the voting continues, until a majority winner is determined. Typically the Games are awarded several years in advance, allowing the winning city time to prepare for the Games.
In selecting the site of the Olympic Games, the IOC considers a number of factors, and chiefly among them is which organizing committee seems most likely to stage the Games effectively. The IOC also considers which parts of the world have not yet hosted the Games. For instance, Tokyo, the host of the 1964 Summer Games, and Beijing, that of the 2008 Games, were chosen in part to popularize the Olympic movement in Asia. Because of growing importance television worldwide, the IOC in recent years has also taken into account the host city's time zone. Whenever the Games take place in the USA or Canada, for example, American television networks are willing to pay specially higher amounts for television rights because they can broadcast popular events live in the best viewing hours.
Once the Games have been awarded, it is the duty of the local organizing committee----not the IOC or the NOC of the host city's country to provide them with money. This is often done with a part of the Olympic television revenues, and corporate sponsorships,tickets sales, and other smaller revenue sources. In many cases there is also direct government support.
Although many cities have achieved amounts of money by hosting the Games, the Olympics can be financially risky. When the financial gains from the Games were less than expected, the city was left with large debts. | 2414.txt | 1 |
[
"sponsorship",
"reputation",
"financial support",
"financial profit"
]
| The word "proceeds" in the last sentence most probably means " _ " . | In order to host the Olympics, a city must submit a proposal to the IOC. After all proposals have been submitted, the IOC votes. If no city with the fewest votes is eliminated,the voting continues, until a majority winner is determined. Typically the Games are awarded several years in advance, allowing the winning city time to prepare for the Games.
In selecting the site of the Olympic Games, the IOC considers a number of factors, and chiefly among them is which organizing committee seems most likely to stage the Games effectively. The IOC also considers which parts of the world have not yet hosted the Games. For instance, Tokyo, the host of the 1964 Summer Games, and Beijing, that of the 2008 Games, were chosen in part to popularize the Olympic movement in Asia. Because of growing importance television worldwide, the IOC in recent years has also taken into account the host city's time zone. Whenever the Games take place in the USA or Canada, for example, American television networks are willing to pay specially higher amounts for television rights because they can broadcast popular events live in the best viewing hours.
Once the Games have been awarded, it is the duty of the local organizing committee----not the IOC or the NOC of the host city's country to provide them with money. This is often done with a part of the Olympic television revenues, and corporate sponsorships,tickets sales, and other smaller revenue sources. In many cases there is also direct government support.
Although many cities have achieved amounts of money by hosting the Games, the Olympics can be financially risky. When the financial gains from the Games were less than expected, the city was left with large debts. | 2414.txt | 3 |
[
"the watches were made many years ago",
"the watches were made by a Swiss watchmaker",
"only rich people can afford the watches",
"only a few watches of the kind were made"
]
| The original automatic watches are valuable because. | Have you ever dreamed of having a fashionable watch of great value?
A small watchmaker in Switzerland in 1922 designed the first automatic(）watch to show the day, month, and date, Only seven of these splendid watches were ever made and these watches were almost lost to history. Today, it is so hard to get an original (） watch that some watch historians are even willing to offer $ 200,000 for one.
These watches attracted a lot of people for their splendid color, fashionable style, and new uses in the 1920s. The owners of the watches were admired and set apart from the crowd. Because the number of the original watches is very limited, owning such a watch will make you feel very special.
Today, you are offered the same kind of watch with improvement. It has a 24-jewel mechanical(） movement, the kind desired by watch collectors, The watchmaker has made the movement of the watch much more modern with an automatic rotor(） so that the watch never needs to be wound by hand. The watch comes in a very beautiful case with a crocodile design on it.To get a watch in such a perfect design means to get a chance to know a piece of watch-making history and to wear such a watch will show your personal taste and social position.
You can get the watch either in person or by mail all an affordable price. You will also receive good service from the watch seller. If you are not satisfied with the watch after you get it, you may simply return it within 30 days. Don't miss the chance to realize your dream. | 3667.txt | 3 |
[
"mechanical movement",
"splendid color",
"fashionable style",
"new uses"
]
| Watch collectors want to get the improved watch, especially for its. | Have you ever dreamed of having a fashionable watch of great value?
A small watchmaker in Switzerland in 1922 designed the first automatic(）watch to show the day, month, and date, Only seven of these splendid watches were ever made and these watches were almost lost to history. Today, it is so hard to get an original (） watch that some watch historians are even willing to offer $ 200,000 for one.
These watches attracted a lot of people for their splendid color, fashionable style, and new uses in the 1920s. The owners of the watches were admired and set apart from the crowd. Because the number of the original watches is very limited, owning such a watch will make you feel very special.
Today, you are offered the same kind of watch with improvement. It has a 24-jewel mechanical(） movement, the kind desired by watch collectors, The watchmaker has made the movement of the watch much more modern with an automatic rotor(） so that the watch never needs to be wound by hand. The watch comes in a very beautiful case with a crocodile design on it.To get a watch in such a perfect design means to get a chance to know a piece of watch-making history and to wear such a watch will show your personal taste and social position.
You can get the watch either in person or by mail all an affordable price. You will also receive good service from the watch seller. If you are not satisfied with the watch after you get it, you may simply return it within 30 days. Don't miss the chance to realize your dream. | 3667.txt | 0 |
[
"buy the watch",
"return the watch",
"wear the watch",
"receive the service"
]
| The purpose of the passage is to encourage the readers to. | Have you ever dreamed of having a fashionable watch of great value?
A small watchmaker in Switzerland in 1922 designed the first automatic(）watch to show the day, month, and date, Only seven of these splendid watches were ever made and these watches were almost lost to history. Today, it is so hard to get an original (） watch that some watch historians are even willing to offer $ 200,000 for one.
These watches attracted a lot of people for their splendid color, fashionable style, and new uses in the 1920s. The owners of the watches were admired and set apart from the crowd. Because the number of the original watches is very limited, owning such a watch will make you feel very special.
Today, you are offered the same kind of watch with improvement. It has a 24-jewel mechanical(） movement, the kind desired by watch collectors, The watchmaker has made the movement of the watch much more modern with an automatic rotor(） so that the watch never needs to be wound by hand. The watch comes in a very beautiful case with a crocodile design on it.To get a watch in such a perfect design means to get a chance to know a piece of watch-making history and to wear such a watch will show your personal taste and social position.
You can get the watch either in person or by mail all an affordable price. You will also receive good service from the watch seller. If you are not satisfied with the watch after you get it, you may simply return it within 30 days. Don't miss the chance to realize your dream. | 3667.txt | 0 |
[
"report",
"magazine",
"text book",
"science book"
]
| The passage is probably taken from a. | Have you ever dreamed of having a fashionable watch of great value?
A small watchmaker in Switzerland in 1922 designed the first automatic(）watch to show the day, month, and date, Only seven of these splendid watches were ever made and these watches were almost lost to history. Today, it is so hard to get an original (） watch that some watch historians are even willing to offer $ 200,000 for one.
These watches attracted a lot of people for their splendid color, fashionable style, and new uses in the 1920s. The owners of the watches were admired and set apart from the crowd. Because the number of the original watches is very limited, owning such a watch will make you feel very special.
Today, you are offered the same kind of watch with improvement. It has a 24-jewel mechanical(） movement, the kind desired by watch collectors, The watchmaker has made the movement of the watch much more modern with an automatic rotor(） so that the watch never needs to be wound by hand. The watch comes in a very beautiful case with a crocodile design on it.To get a watch in such a perfect design means to get a chance to know a piece of watch-making history and to wear such a watch will show your personal taste and social position.
You can get the watch either in person or by mail all an affordable price. You will also receive good service from the watch seller. If you are not satisfied with the watch after you get it, you may simply return it within 30 days. Don't miss the chance to realize your dream. | 3667.txt | 1 |
[
"surprising.",
"convincing.",
"plentiful.",
"questionable."
]
| The word "ample" in paragraph 1 is closest in meaning to | Think back to your childhood and try to identify your earliest memory. How old were you? Most people are not able to recount memories for experiences prior to the age of three years, a phenomenon called infantile amnesia. The question of why infantile amnesia occurs has intrigued psychologists for decades, especially in light of ample evidence that infants and young children can display impressive memory capabilities. Many find that understanding the general nature of autobiographical memory, that is, memory for events that have occurred in one's own life, can provide some important clues to this mystery. Between ages three and four, children begin to give fairly lengthy and cohesive descriptions of events in their past. What factors are responsible for this developmental turning point?
Perhaps the explanation goes back to some ideas raised by influential Swiss psychologist Jean Piaget-namely, that children under age two years represent events in a qualitatively different form than older children do. According to this line of thought, the verbal abilities that blossom in the two year old allow events to be coded in a form radically different from the action-based codes of the infant. Verbal abilities of one year olds are, in fact, related to their memories for events one year later. When researchers had one year olds imitate an action sequence one year after they first saw it, there was correlation between the children's verbal skills at the time they first saw the event and their success on the later memory task. However, even children with low verbal skills showed evidence of remembering the event; thus, memories may be facilitated by but are not dependent on those verbal skills.
Another suggestion is that before children can talk about past events in their lives, they need to have a reasonable understanding of the self as a psychological entity. The development of an understanding of the self becomes evident between the first and second years of life and shows rapid elaboration in subsequent years. The realization that the physical self has continuity in time, according to this hypothesis, lays the foundation for the emergence of autobiographical memory.
A third possibility is that children will not be able to tell their own "life story" until they understand something about the general form stories take, that is, the structure of narratives. Knowledge about narratives arises from social interactions, particularly the storytelling that children experience from parents and the attempts parents make to talk with children about past events in their lives. When parents talk with children about "what we did today" or "last week" or "last year," they guide the children's formation of a framework for talking about the past. They also provide children with reminders about the memory and relay the message that memories are valued as part of the cultural experience. It is interesting to note that some studies show Caucasian American children have earlier childhood memories than Korean children do. Furthermore, other studies show that Caucasian American mother-child pairs talk about past events three times more often than do Korean mother-child pairs. Thus, the types of social experiences children have do factor into the development of autobiographical memories.
A final suggestion is that children must begin to develop a "theory of mind"-an awareness of the concept of mental states (feelings, desires, beliefs, and thoughts), their own and those of others-before they can talk about their own past memories. Once children become capable of answering such questions as "What does it mean to remember?" and "What does it mean to know something?" improvements in memory seem to occur.
It may be that the developments just described are intertwined with and influence one another. Talking with parents about the past may enhance the development of the self-concept, for example, as well as help the child understand what it means to "remember." No doubt the ability to talk about one's past represents memory of a different level of complexity than simple recognition or recall. | 419.txt | 2 |
[
"the ability to recount memories prior to three years of age seems to be connected to intelligence in adulthood.",
"psychologists do not understand why some people are able to recount memories from before the age of three years, while others are not able do so.",
"psychologists do not understand the connection between infantile amnesia and autobiographical memory.",
"although psychologists have evidence that infants have memory abilities, most people cannot remember life events that happened before the age of three years."
]
| According to paragraph 1, infantile amnesia has intrigued psychologists because | Think back to your childhood and try to identify your earliest memory. How old were you? Most people are not able to recount memories for experiences prior to the age of three years, a phenomenon called infantile amnesia. The question of why infantile amnesia occurs has intrigued psychologists for decades, especially in light of ample evidence that infants and young children can display impressive memory capabilities. Many find that understanding the general nature of autobiographical memory, that is, memory for events that have occurred in one's own life, can provide some important clues to this mystery. Between ages three and four, children begin to give fairly lengthy and cohesive descriptions of events in their past. What factors are responsible for this developmental turning point?
Perhaps the explanation goes back to some ideas raised by influential Swiss psychologist Jean Piaget-namely, that children under age two years represent events in a qualitatively different form than older children do. According to this line of thought, the verbal abilities that blossom in the two year old allow events to be coded in a form radically different from the action-based codes of the infant. Verbal abilities of one year olds are, in fact, related to their memories for events one year later. When researchers had one year olds imitate an action sequence one year after they first saw it, there was correlation between the children's verbal skills at the time they first saw the event and their success on the later memory task. However, even children with low verbal skills showed evidence of remembering the event; thus, memories may be facilitated by but are not dependent on those verbal skills.
Another suggestion is that before children can talk about past events in their lives, they need to have a reasonable understanding of the self as a psychological entity. The development of an understanding of the self becomes evident between the first and second years of life and shows rapid elaboration in subsequent years. The realization that the physical self has continuity in time, according to this hypothesis, lays the foundation for the emergence of autobiographical memory.
A third possibility is that children will not be able to tell their own "life story" until they understand something about the general form stories take, that is, the structure of narratives. Knowledge about narratives arises from social interactions, particularly the storytelling that children experience from parents and the attempts parents make to talk with children about past events in their lives. When parents talk with children about "what we did today" or "last week" or "last year," they guide the children's formation of a framework for talking about the past. They also provide children with reminders about the memory and relay the message that memories are valued as part of the cultural experience. It is interesting to note that some studies show Caucasian American children have earlier childhood memories than Korean children do. Furthermore, other studies show that Caucasian American mother-child pairs talk about past events three times more often than do Korean mother-child pairs. Thus, the types of social experiences children have do factor into the development of autobiographical memories.
A final suggestion is that children must begin to develop a "theory of mind"-an awareness of the concept of mental states (feelings, desires, beliefs, and thoughts), their own and those of others-before they can talk about their own past memories. Once children become capable of answering such questions as "What does it mean to remember?" and "What does it mean to know something?" improvements in memory seem to occur.
It may be that the developments just described are intertwined with and influence one another. Talking with parents about the past may enhance the development of the self-concept, for example, as well as help the child understand what it means to "remember." No doubt the ability to talk about one's past represents memory of a different level of complexity than simple recognition or recall. | 419.txt | 3 |
[
"The child is able to remember past events from before the age of three years.",
"The child is able to describe past events in a sufficiently lengthy and cohesive manner.",
"The child is aware that he or she does not remember experiences from before the age of three years.",
"The child is able to give a basic description of the nature of autobiographical memory."
]
| According to paragraph 1, what is the evidence that a child has developed autobiographical memory? | Think back to your childhood and try to identify your earliest memory. How old were you? Most people are not able to recount memories for experiences prior to the age of three years, a phenomenon called infantile amnesia. The question of why infantile amnesia occurs has intrigued psychologists for decades, especially in light of ample evidence that infants and young children can display impressive memory capabilities. Many find that understanding the general nature of autobiographical memory, that is, memory for events that have occurred in one's own life, can provide some important clues to this mystery. Between ages three and four, children begin to give fairly lengthy and cohesive descriptions of events in their past. What factors are responsible for this developmental turning point?
Perhaps the explanation goes back to some ideas raised by influential Swiss psychologist Jean Piaget-namely, that children under age two years represent events in a qualitatively different form than older children do. According to this line of thought, the verbal abilities that blossom in the two year old allow events to be coded in a form radically different from the action-based codes of the infant. Verbal abilities of one year olds are, in fact, related to their memories for events one year later. When researchers had one year olds imitate an action sequence one year after they first saw it, there was correlation between the children's verbal skills at the time they first saw the event and their success on the later memory task. However, even children with low verbal skills showed evidence of remembering the event; thus, memories may be facilitated by but are not dependent on those verbal skills.
Another suggestion is that before children can talk about past events in their lives, they need to have a reasonable understanding of the self as a psychological entity. The development of an understanding of the self becomes evident between the first and second years of life and shows rapid elaboration in subsequent years. The realization that the physical self has continuity in time, according to this hypothesis, lays the foundation for the emergence of autobiographical memory.
A third possibility is that children will not be able to tell their own "life story" until they understand something about the general form stories take, that is, the structure of narratives. Knowledge about narratives arises from social interactions, particularly the storytelling that children experience from parents and the attempts parents make to talk with children about past events in their lives. When parents talk with children about "what we did today" or "last week" or "last year," they guide the children's formation of a framework for talking about the past. They also provide children with reminders about the memory and relay the message that memories are valued as part of the cultural experience. It is interesting to note that some studies show Caucasian American children have earlier childhood memories than Korean children do. Furthermore, other studies show that Caucasian American mother-child pairs talk about past events three times more often than do Korean mother-child pairs. Thus, the types of social experiences children have do factor into the development of autobiographical memories.
A final suggestion is that children must begin to develop a "theory of mind"-an awareness of the concept of mental states (feelings, desires, beliefs, and thoughts), their own and those of others-before they can talk about their own past memories. Once children become capable of answering such questions as "What does it mean to remember?" and "What does it mean to know something?" improvements in memory seem to occur.
It may be that the developments just described are intertwined with and influence one another. Talking with parents about the past may enhance the development of the self-concept, for example, as well as help the child understand what it means to "remember." No doubt the ability to talk about one's past represents memory of a different level of complexity than simple recognition or recall. | 419.txt | 1 |
[
"To provide evidence that memories do not depend only upon verbal skills.",
"To challenge the idea that one year olds are too young to form memories.",
"To argue that the memory of one year olds depends only on action-based codes.",
"To suggest that Piaget later revised his findings on the correlation between memory and verbal ability."
]
| In paragraph 2, why does the author provide the information that children with low verbal skills showed evidence of remembering a past event? | Think back to your childhood and try to identify your earliest memory. How old were you? Most people are not able to recount memories for experiences prior to the age of three years, a phenomenon called infantile amnesia. The question of why infantile amnesia occurs has intrigued psychologists for decades, especially in light of ample evidence that infants and young children can display impressive memory capabilities. Many find that understanding the general nature of autobiographical memory, that is, memory for events that have occurred in one's own life, can provide some important clues to this mystery. Between ages three and four, children begin to give fairly lengthy and cohesive descriptions of events in their past. What factors are responsible for this developmental turning point?
Perhaps the explanation goes back to some ideas raised by influential Swiss psychologist Jean Piaget-namely, that children under age two years represent events in a qualitatively different form than older children do. According to this line of thought, the verbal abilities that blossom in the two year old allow events to be coded in a form radically different from the action-based codes of the infant. Verbal abilities of one year olds are, in fact, related to their memories for events one year later. When researchers had one year olds imitate an action sequence one year after they first saw it, there was correlation between the children's verbal skills at the time they first saw the event and their success on the later memory task. However, even children with low verbal skills showed evidence of remembering the event; thus, memories may be facilitated by but are not dependent on those verbal skills.
Another suggestion is that before children can talk about past events in their lives, they need to have a reasonable understanding of the self as a psychological entity. The development of an understanding of the self becomes evident between the first and second years of life and shows rapid elaboration in subsequent years. The realization that the physical self has continuity in time, according to this hypothesis, lays the foundation for the emergence of autobiographical memory.
A third possibility is that children will not be able to tell their own "life story" until they understand something about the general form stories take, that is, the structure of narratives. Knowledge about narratives arises from social interactions, particularly the storytelling that children experience from parents and the attempts parents make to talk with children about past events in their lives. When parents talk with children about "what we did today" or "last week" or "last year," they guide the children's formation of a framework for talking about the past. They also provide children with reminders about the memory and relay the message that memories are valued as part of the cultural experience. It is interesting to note that some studies show Caucasian American children have earlier childhood memories than Korean children do. Furthermore, other studies show that Caucasian American mother-child pairs talk about past events three times more often than do Korean mother-child pairs. Thus, the types of social experiences children have do factor into the development of autobiographical memories.
A final suggestion is that children must begin to develop a "theory of mind"-an awareness of the concept of mental states (feelings, desires, beliefs, and thoughts), their own and those of others-before they can talk about their own past memories. Once children become capable of answering such questions as "What does it mean to remember?" and "What does it mean to know something?" improvements in memory seem to occur.
It may be that the developments just described are intertwined with and influence one another. Talking with parents about the past may enhance the development of the self-concept, for example, as well as help the child understand what it means to "remember." No doubt the ability to talk about one's past represents memory of a different level of complexity than simple recognition or recall. | 419.txt | 0 |
[
"consistent.",
"sufficient.",
"apparent.",
"deep."
]
| The word "reasonable" in paragraph 2 is closest in meaning to | Think back to your childhood and try to identify your earliest memory. How old were you? Most people are not able to recount memories for experiences prior to the age of three years, a phenomenon called infantile amnesia. The question of why infantile amnesia occurs has intrigued psychologists for decades, especially in light of ample evidence that infants and young children can display impressive memory capabilities. Many find that understanding the general nature of autobiographical memory, that is, memory for events that have occurred in one's own life, can provide some important clues to this mystery. Between ages three and four, children begin to give fairly lengthy and cohesive descriptions of events in their past. What factors are responsible for this developmental turning point?
Perhaps the explanation goes back to some ideas raised by influential Swiss psychologist Jean Piaget-namely, that children under age two years represent events in a qualitatively different form than older children do. According to this line of thought, the verbal abilities that blossom in the two year old allow events to be coded in a form radically different from the action-based codes of the infant. Verbal abilities of one year olds are, in fact, related to their memories for events one year later. When researchers had one year olds imitate an action sequence one year after they first saw it, there was correlation between the children's verbal skills at the time they first saw the event and their success on the later memory task. However, even children with low verbal skills showed evidence of remembering the event; thus, memories may be facilitated by but are not dependent on those verbal skills.
Another suggestion is that before children can talk about past events in their lives, they need to have a reasonable understanding of the self as a psychological entity. The development of an understanding of the self becomes evident between the first and second years of life and shows rapid elaboration in subsequent years. The realization that the physical self has continuity in time, according to this hypothesis, lays the foundation for the emergence of autobiographical memory.
A third possibility is that children will not be able to tell their own "life story" until they understand something about the general form stories take, that is, the structure of narratives. Knowledge about narratives arises from social interactions, particularly the storytelling that children experience from parents and the attempts parents make to talk with children about past events in their lives. When parents talk with children about "what we did today" or "last week" or "last year," they guide the children's formation of a framework for talking about the past. They also provide children with reminders about the memory and relay the message that memories are valued as part of the cultural experience. It is interesting to note that some studies show Caucasian American children have earlier childhood memories than Korean children do. Furthermore, other studies show that Caucasian American mother-child pairs talk about past events three times more often than do Korean mother-child pairs. Thus, the types of social experiences children have do factor into the development of autobiographical memories.
A final suggestion is that children must begin to develop a "theory of mind"-an awareness of the concept of mental states (feelings, desires, beliefs, and thoughts), their own and those of others-before they can talk about their own past memories. Once children become capable of answering such questions as "What does it mean to remember?" and "What does it mean to know something?" improvements in memory seem to occur.
It may be that the developments just described are intertwined with and influence one another. Talking with parents about the past may enhance the development of the self-concept, for example, as well as help the child understand what it means to "remember." No doubt the ability to talk about one's past represents memory of a different level of complexity than simple recognition or recall. | 419.txt | 1 |
[
"development.",
"specialization.",
"use.",
"transformation."
]
| The word "elaboration" in passage 5 is closest in meaning to | Think back to your childhood and try to identify your earliest memory. How old were you? Most people are not able to recount memories for experiences prior to the age of three years, a phenomenon called infantile amnesia. The question of why infantile amnesia occurs has intrigued psychologists for decades, especially in light of ample evidence that infants and young children can display impressive memory capabilities. Many find that understanding the general nature of autobiographical memory, that is, memory for events that have occurred in one's own life, can provide some important clues to this mystery. Between ages three and four, children begin to give fairly lengthy and cohesive descriptions of events in their past. What factors are responsible for this developmental turning point?
Perhaps the explanation goes back to some ideas raised by influential Swiss psychologist Jean Piaget-namely, that children under age two years represent events in a qualitatively different form than older children do. According to this line of thought, the verbal abilities that blossom in the two year old allow events to be coded in a form radically different from the action-based codes of the infant. Verbal abilities of one year olds are, in fact, related to their memories for events one year later. When researchers had one year olds imitate an action sequence one year after they first saw it, there was correlation between the children's verbal skills at the time they first saw the event and their success on the later memory task. However, even children with low verbal skills showed evidence of remembering the event; thus, memories may be facilitated by but are not dependent on those verbal skills.
Another suggestion is that before children can talk about past events in their lives, they need to have a reasonable understanding of the self as a psychological entity. The development of an understanding of the self becomes evident between the first and second years of life and shows rapid elaboration in subsequent years. The realization that the physical self has continuity in time, according to this hypothesis, lays the foundation for the emergence of autobiographical memory.
A third possibility is that children will not be able to tell their own "life story" until they understand something about the general form stories take, that is, the structure of narratives. Knowledge about narratives arises from social interactions, particularly the storytelling that children experience from parents and the attempts parents make to talk with children about past events in their lives. When parents talk with children about "what we did today" or "last week" or "last year," they guide the children's formation of a framework for talking about the past. They also provide children with reminders about the memory and relay the message that memories are valued as part of the cultural experience. It is interesting to note that some studies show Caucasian American children have earlier childhood memories than Korean children do. Furthermore, other studies show that Caucasian American mother-child pairs talk about past events three times more often than do Korean mother-child pairs. Thus, the types of social experiences children have do factor into the development of autobiographical memories.
A final suggestion is that children must begin to develop a "theory of mind"-an awareness of the concept of mental states (feelings, desires, beliefs, and thoughts), their own and those of others-before they can talk about their own past memories. Once children become capable of answering such questions as "What does it mean to remember?" and "What does it mean to know something?" improvements in memory seem to occur.
It may be that the developments just described are intertwined with and influence one another. Talking with parents about the past may enhance the development of the self-concept, for example, as well as help the child understand what it means to "remember." No doubt the ability to talk about one's past represents memory of a different level of complexity than simple recognition or recall. | 419.txt | 0 |
[
"Autobiographical memory aids in the development of an understanding of the self.",
"Children possess an understanding of the self when they can talk about past events in their lives.",
"The realization that the self continues through time may aid in the onset of autobiographical memory.",
"The development of autobiographical memory helps children gain an understanding of their roles in their social relationships."
]
| According to paragraph 3, what is the relationship between autobiographical memory and the development of an understanding of the self? | Think back to your childhood and try to identify your earliest memory. How old were you? Most people are not able to recount memories for experiences prior to the age of three years, a phenomenon called infantile amnesia. The question of why infantile amnesia occurs has intrigued psychologists for decades, especially in light of ample evidence that infants and young children can display impressive memory capabilities. Many find that understanding the general nature of autobiographical memory, that is, memory for events that have occurred in one's own life, can provide some important clues to this mystery. Between ages three and four, children begin to give fairly lengthy and cohesive descriptions of events in their past. What factors are responsible for this developmental turning point?
Perhaps the explanation goes back to some ideas raised by influential Swiss psychologist Jean Piaget-namely, that children under age two years represent events in a qualitatively different form than older children do. According to this line of thought, the verbal abilities that blossom in the two year old allow events to be coded in a form radically different from the action-based codes of the infant. Verbal abilities of one year olds are, in fact, related to their memories for events one year later. When researchers had one year olds imitate an action sequence one year after they first saw it, there was correlation between the children's verbal skills at the time they first saw the event and their success on the later memory task. However, even children with low verbal skills showed evidence of remembering the event; thus, memories may be facilitated by but are not dependent on those verbal skills.
Another suggestion is that before children can talk about past events in their lives, they need to have a reasonable understanding of the self as a psychological entity. The development of an understanding of the self becomes evident between the first and second years of life and shows rapid elaboration in subsequent years. The realization that the physical self has continuity in time, according to this hypothesis, lays the foundation for the emergence of autobiographical memory.
A third possibility is that children will not be able to tell their own "life story" until they understand something about the general form stories take, that is, the structure of narratives. Knowledge about narratives arises from social interactions, particularly the storytelling that children experience from parents and the attempts parents make to talk with children about past events in their lives. When parents talk with children about "what we did today" or "last week" or "last year," they guide the children's formation of a framework for talking about the past. They also provide children with reminders about the memory and relay the message that memories are valued as part of the cultural experience. It is interesting to note that some studies show Caucasian American children have earlier childhood memories than Korean children do. Furthermore, other studies show that Caucasian American mother-child pairs talk about past events three times more often than do Korean mother-child pairs. Thus, the types of social experiences children have do factor into the development of autobiographical memories.
A final suggestion is that children must begin to develop a "theory of mind"-an awareness of the concept of mental states (feelings, desires, beliefs, and thoughts), their own and those of others-before they can talk about their own past memories. Once children become capable of answering such questions as "What does it mean to remember?" and "What does it mean to know something?" improvements in memory seem to occur.
It may be that the developments just described are intertwined with and influence one another. Talking with parents about the past may enhance the development of the self-concept, for example, as well as help the child understand what it means to "remember." No doubt the ability to talk about one's past represents memory of a different level of complexity than simple recognition or recall. | 419.txt | 2 |
[
"talking with their children about past events.",
"telling stories to their children.",
"having their children repeat stories back to them.",
"showing their children that they think memories are important."
]
| All of the following are mentioned in paragraph 4 as ways in which parents help their children understand the structure of narratives EXCEPT | Think back to your childhood and try to identify your earliest memory. How old were you? Most people are not able to recount memories for experiences prior to the age of three years, a phenomenon called infantile amnesia. The question of why infantile amnesia occurs has intrigued psychologists for decades, especially in light of ample evidence that infants and young children can display impressive memory capabilities. Many find that understanding the general nature of autobiographical memory, that is, memory for events that have occurred in one's own life, can provide some important clues to this mystery. Between ages three and four, children begin to give fairly lengthy and cohesive descriptions of events in their past. What factors are responsible for this developmental turning point?
Perhaps the explanation goes back to some ideas raised by influential Swiss psychologist Jean Piaget-namely, that children under age two years represent events in a qualitatively different form than older children do. According to this line of thought, the verbal abilities that blossom in the two year old allow events to be coded in a form radically different from the action-based codes of the infant. Verbal abilities of one year olds are, in fact, related to their memories for events one year later. When researchers had one year olds imitate an action sequence one year after they first saw it, there was correlation between the children's verbal skills at the time they first saw the event and their success on the later memory task. However, even children with low verbal skills showed evidence of remembering the event; thus, memories may be facilitated by but are not dependent on those verbal skills.
Another suggestion is that before children can talk about past events in their lives, they need to have a reasonable understanding of the self as a psychological entity. The development of an understanding of the self becomes evident between the first and second years of life and shows rapid elaboration in subsequent years. The realization that the physical self has continuity in time, according to this hypothesis, lays the foundation for the emergence of autobiographical memory.
A third possibility is that children will not be able to tell their own "life story" until they understand something about the general form stories take, that is, the structure of narratives. Knowledge about narratives arises from social interactions, particularly the storytelling that children experience from parents and the attempts parents make to talk with children about past events in their lives. When parents talk with children about "what we did today" or "last week" or "last year," they guide the children's formation of a framework for talking about the past. They also provide children with reminders about the memory and relay the message that memories are valued as part of the cultural experience. It is interesting to note that some studies show Caucasian American children have earlier childhood memories than Korean children do. Furthermore, other studies show that Caucasian American mother-child pairs talk about past events three times more often than do Korean mother-child pairs. Thus, the types of social experiences children have do factor into the development of autobiographical memories.
A final suggestion is that children must begin to develop a "theory of mind"-an awareness of the concept of mental states (feelings, desires, beliefs, and thoughts), their own and those of others-before they can talk about their own past memories. Once children become capable of answering such questions as "What does it mean to remember?" and "What does it mean to know something?" improvements in memory seem to occur.
It may be that the developments just described are intertwined with and influence one another. Talking with parents about the past may enhance the development of the self-concept, for example, as well as help the child understand what it means to "remember." No doubt the ability to talk about one's past represents memory of a different level of complexity than simple recognition or recall. | 419.txt | 2 |
[
"Autobiographical memories develop similarly across all cultures.",
"Parents from different cultures tell their children different kinds of stories about the past.",
"Children's pleasure in hearing stories varies from culture to culture.",
"The kinds of interactions children have with their parents affect the development of autobiographical memories."
]
| According to paragraph 4, the studies of Caucasian American and Korean children suggest which of the following? | Think back to your childhood and try to identify your earliest memory. How old were you? Most people are not able to recount memories for experiences prior to the age of three years, a phenomenon called infantile amnesia. The question of why infantile amnesia occurs has intrigued psychologists for decades, especially in light of ample evidence that infants and young children can display impressive memory capabilities. Many find that understanding the general nature of autobiographical memory, that is, memory for events that have occurred in one's own life, can provide some important clues to this mystery. Between ages three and four, children begin to give fairly lengthy and cohesive descriptions of events in their past. What factors are responsible for this developmental turning point?
Perhaps the explanation goes back to some ideas raised by influential Swiss psychologist Jean Piaget-namely, that children under age two years represent events in a qualitatively different form than older children do. According to this line of thought, the verbal abilities that blossom in the two year old allow events to be coded in a form radically different from the action-based codes of the infant. Verbal abilities of one year olds are, in fact, related to their memories for events one year later. When researchers had one year olds imitate an action sequence one year after they first saw it, there was correlation between the children's verbal skills at the time they first saw the event and their success on the later memory task. However, even children with low verbal skills showed evidence of remembering the event; thus, memories may be facilitated by but are not dependent on those verbal skills.
Another suggestion is that before children can talk about past events in their lives, they need to have a reasonable understanding of the self as a psychological entity. The development of an understanding of the self becomes evident between the first and second years of life and shows rapid elaboration in subsequent years. The realization that the physical self has continuity in time, according to this hypothesis, lays the foundation for the emergence of autobiographical memory.
A third possibility is that children will not be able to tell their own "life story" until they understand something about the general form stories take, that is, the structure of narratives. Knowledge about narratives arises from social interactions, particularly the storytelling that children experience from parents and the attempts parents make to talk with children about past events in their lives. When parents talk with children about "what we did today" or "last week" or "last year," they guide the children's formation of a framework for talking about the past. They also provide children with reminders about the memory and relay the message that memories are valued as part of the cultural experience. It is interesting to note that some studies show Caucasian American children have earlier childhood memories than Korean children do. Furthermore, other studies show that Caucasian American mother-child pairs talk about past events three times more often than do Korean mother-child pairs. Thus, the types of social experiences children have do factor into the development of autobiographical memories.
A final suggestion is that children must begin to develop a "theory of mind"-an awareness of the concept of mental states (feelings, desires, beliefs, and thoughts), their own and those of others-before they can talk about their own past memories. Once children become capable of answering such questions as "What does it mean to remember?" and "What does it mean to know something?" improvements in memory seem to occur.
It may be that the developments just described are intertwined with and influence one another. Talking with parents about the past may enhance the development of the self-concept, for example, as well as help the child understand what it means to "remember." No doubt the ability to talk about one's past represents memory of a different level of complexity than simple recognition or recall. | 419.txt | 3 |
[
"Even children who are not aware of their mental states are still able to talk about past events.",
"Autobiographicat memory decreases when a chiId's feelings and mental state are upset.",
"Older children who are unable to achieve awareness of mental states lack autobiographical memory.",
"Children's memory of past events grows once children can answer questions about what it means to know and remember."
]
| According to paragraph 5, what evidence is there that a "theory of mind" is a factor in the development of autobiographical memory? | Think back to your childhood and try to identify your earliest memory. How old were you? Most people are not able to recount memories for experiences prior to the age of three years, a phenomenon called infantile amnesia. The question of why infantile amnesia occurs has intrigued psychologists for decades, especially in light of ample evidence that infants and young children can display impressive memory capabilities. Many find that understanding the general nature of autobiographical memory, that is, memory for events that have occurred in one's own life, can provide some important clues to this mystery. Between ages three and four, children begin to give fairly lengthy and cohesive descriptions of events in their past. What factors are responsible for this developmental turning point?
Perhaps the explanation goes back to some ideas raised by influential Swiss psychologist Jean Piaget-namely, that children under age two years represent events in a qualitatively different form than older children do. According to this line of thought, the verbal abilities that blossom in the two year old allow events to be coded in a form radically different from the action-based codes of the infant. Verbal abilities of one year olds are, in fact, related to their memories for events one year later. When researchers had one year olds imitate an action sequence one year after they first saw it, there was correlation between the children's verbal skills at the time they first saw the event and their success on the later memory task. However, even children with low verbal skills showed evidence of remembering the event; thus, memories may be facilitated by but are not dependent on those verbal skills.
Another suggestion is that before children can talk about past events in their lives, they need to have a reasonable understanding of the self as a psychological entity. The development of an understanding of the self becomes evident between the first and second years of life and shows rapid elaboration in subsequent years. The realization that the physical self has continuity in time, according to this hypothesis, lays the foundation for the emergence of autobiographical memory.
A third possibility is that children will not be able to tell their own "life story" until they understand something about the general form stories take, that is, the structure of narratives. Knowledge about narratives arises from social interactions, particularly the storytelling that children experience from parents and the attempts parents make to talk with children about past events in their lives. When parents talk with children about "what we did today" or "last week" or "last year," they guide the children's formation of a framework for talking about the past. They also provide children with reminders about the memory and relay the message that memories are valued as part of the cultural experience. It is interesting to note that some studies show Caucasian American children have earlier childhood memories than Korean children do. Furthermore, other studies show that Caucasian American mother-child pairs talk about past events three times more often than do Korean mother-child pairs. Thus, the types of social experiences children have do factor into the development of autobiographical memories.
A final suggestion is that children must begin to develop a "theory of mind"-an awareness of the concept of mental states (feelings, desires, beliefs, and thoughts), their own and those of others-before they can talk about their own past memories. Once children become capable of answering such questions as "What does it mean to remember?" and "What does it mean to know something?" improvements in memory seem to occur.
It may be that the developments just described are intertwined with and influence one another. Talking with parents about the past may enhance the development of the self-concept, for example, as well as help the child understand what it means to "remember." No doubt the ability to talk about one's past represents memory of a different level of complexity than simple recognition or recall. | 419.txt | 3 |
[
"the presentation of an argument followed by the evidence for and against it.",
"a description of a phenomenon followed by several possible theories about how it develops.",
"the definition of a psychological term followed by a history of its usage.",
"an explanation of a process followed by a discussion of its practical applications."
]
| The organization of the passage (paragraph 5) can best be described as | Think back to your childhood and try to identify your earliest memory. How old were you? Most people are not able to recount memories for experiences prior to the age of three years, a phenomenon called infantile amnesia. The question of why infantile amnesia occurs has intrigued psychologists for decades, especially in light of ample evidence that infants and young children can display impressive memory capabilities. Many find that understanding the general nature of autobiographical memory, that is, memory for events that have occurred in one's own life, can provide some important clues to this mystery. Between ages three and four, children begin to give fairly lengthy and cohesive descriptions of events in their past. What factors are responsible for this developmental turning point?
Perhaps the explanation goes back to some ideas raised by influential Swiss psychologist Jean Piaget-namely, that children under age two years represent events in a qualitatively different form than older children do. According to this line of thought, the verbal abilities that blossom in the two year old allow events to be coded in a form radically different from the action-based codes of the infant. Verbal abilities of one year olds are, in fact, related to their memories for events one year later. When researchers had one year olds imitate an action sequence one year after they first saw it, there was correlation between the children's verbal skills at the time they first saw the event and their success on the later memory task. However, even children with low verbal skills showed evidence of remembering the event; thus, memories may be facilitated by but are not dependent on those verbal skills.
Another suggestion is that before children can talk about past events in their lives, they need to have a reasonable understanding of the self as a psychological entity. The development of an understanding of the self becomes evident between the first and second years of life and shows rapid elaboration in subsequent years. The realization that the physical self has continuity in time, according to this hypothesis, lays the foundation for the emergence of autobiographical memory.
A third possibility is that children will not be able to tell their own "life story" until they understand something about the general form stories take, that is, the structure of narratives. Knowledge about narratives arises from social interactions, particularly the storytelling that children experience from parents and the attempts parents make to talk with children about past events in their lives. When parents talk with children about "what we did today" or "last week" or "last year," they guide the children's formation of a framework for talking about the past. They also provide children with reminders about the memory and relay the message that memories are valued as part of the cultural experience. It is interesting to note that some studies show Caucasian American children have earlier childhood memories than Korean children do. Furthermore, other studies show that Caucasian American mother-child pairs talk about past events three times more often than do Korean mother-child pairs. Thus, the types of social experiences children have do factor into the development of autobiographical memories.
A final suggestion is that children must begin to develop a "theory of mind"-an awareness of the concept of mental states (feelings, desires, beliefs, and thoughts), their own and those of others-before they can talk about their own past memories. Once children become capable of answering such questions as "What does it mean to remember?" and "What does it mean to know something?" improvements in memory seem to occur.
It may be that the developments just described are intertwined with and influence one another. Talking with parents about the past may enhance the development of the self-concept, for example, as well as help the child understand what it means to "remember." No doubt the ability to talk about one's past represents memory of a different level of complexity than simple recognition or recall. | 419.txt | 1 |
[
"It is unlikely that a single factor is responsible for the development of autobiographical memory.",
"Jean Piaget was the first psychologist to understand the development of autobiographical memory.",
"Understanding the development of autobiographical memory will help psychologists eliminate infant amnesia.",
"Understanding what it means to remember is the most important factor in the development of autobiographical memory."
]
| The passage (paragraph 6) supports which of the following statements about the development of autobiographical memory? | Think back to your childhood and try to identify your earliest memory. How old were you? Most people are not able to recount memories for experiences prior to the age of three years, a phenomenon called infantile amnesia. The question of why infantile amnesia occurs has intrigued psychologists for decades, especially in light of ample evidence that infants and young children can display impressive memory capabilities. Many find that understanding the general nature of autobiographical memory, that is, memory for events that have occurred in one's own life, can provide some important clues to this mystery. Between ages three and four, children begin to give fairly lengthy and cohesive descriptions of events in their past. What factors are responsible for this developmental turning point?
Perhaps the explanation goes back to some ideas raised by influential Swiss psychologist Jean Piaget-namely, that children under age two years represent events in a qualitatively different form than older children do. According to this line of thought, the verbal abilities that blossom in the two year old allow events to be coded in a form radically different from the action-based codes of the infant. Verbal abilities of one year olds are, in fact, related to their memories for events one year later. When researchers had one year olds imitate an action sequence one year after they first saw it, there was correlation between the children's verbal skills at the time they first saw the event and their success on the later memory task. However, even children with low verbal skills showed evidence of remembering the event; thus, memories may be facilitated by but are not dependent on those verbal skills.
Another suggestion is that before children can talk about past events in their lives, they need to have a reasonable understanding of the self as a psychological entity. The development of an understanding of the self becomes evident between the first and second years of life and shows rapid elaboration in subsequent years. The realization that the physical self has continuity in time, according to this hypothesis, lays the foundation for the emergence of autobiographical memory.
A third possibility is that children will not be able to tell their own "life story" until they understand something about the general form stories take, that is, the structure of narratives. Knowledge about narratives arises from social interactions, particularly the storytelling that children experience from parents and the attempts parents make to talk with children about past events in their lives. When parents talk with children about "what we did today" or "last week" or "last year," they guide the children's formation of a framework for talking about the past. They also provide children with reminders about the memory and relay the message that memories are valued as part of the cultural experience. It is interesting to note that some studies show Caucasian American children have earlier childhood memories than Korean children do. Furthermore, other studies show that Caucasian American mother-child pairs talk about past events three times more often than do Korean mother-child pairs. Thus, the types of social experiences children have do factor into the development of autobiographical memories.
A final suggestion is that children must begin to develop a "theory of mind"-an awareness of the concept of mental states (feelings, desires, beliefs, and thoughts), their own and those of others-before they can talk about their own past memories. Once children become capable of answering such questions as "What does it mean to remember?" and "What does it mean to know something?" improvements in memory seem to occur.
It may be that the developments just described are intertwined with and influence one another. Talking with parents about the past may enhance the development of the self-concept, for example, as well as help the child understand what it means to "remember." No doubt the ability to talk about one's past represents memory of a different level of complexity than simple recognition or recall. | 419.txt | 0 |
[
"wanted to be an example of practicality and rationality",
"intended to be a combination of engineer and humanist",
"wanted to coordinate engineering with liberal-arts courses in college",
"intended to be a sensible student with noble ideals"
]
| The author chose to study engineering at a small liberal-arts university because he _ . | Engineering students are supposed to be examples of practicality and rationality, but when it comes to my college education I am an idealist and a fool. In high school I wanted to be an electrical engineer and, of course, any sensible student with my aims would have chosen a college with a large engineering department, famous reputation and lots of good labs and research equipment. But that's not what I did.
I chose to study engineering at a small liberal-arts university that doesn't even offer a major in electrical engineering. Obviously, this was not a practical choice; I came here for more noble reasons. I wanted a broad education that would provide me with flexibility and a value system to guide me in my career. I wanted to open my eyes and expand my vision by interacting with people who weren't studying science or engineering. My parents, teachers and other adults praised me for such a sensible choice. They told me I was wise and mature beyond my 18 years, and I believed them.
I headed off to college sure I was going to have an advantage over those students who went to big engineering "factories" where they didn't care if you have values or were flexible. I was going to be a complete engineer: technical genius and sensitive humanist all in one.
Now I'm not so sure. Somewhere along the way my noble ideals crashed into reality, as all noble ideals eventually do. After three years of struggling to balance math, physics and engineering courses with liberal-arts courses, I have learned there are reasons why few engineering students try to reconcile engineering with liberal-arts courses in college.
The reality that has blocked my path to become the typical successful student is that engineering and the liberal arts simply don't' mix as easily as I assumed in high school. Individually they shape a person in very different ways; together they threaten to confuse. The struggle to reconcile the two fields of study is difficult. | 883.txt | 1 |
[
"balance engineering and the liberal arts",
"receive guidance in their careers",
"become noble idealists",
"broaden their horizons"
]
| According to the author, by interacting with people who study liberal arts, engineering students can _ . | Engineering students are supposed to be examples of practicality and rationality, but when it comes to my college education I am an idealist and a fool. In high school I wanted to be an electrical engineer and, of course, any sensible student with my aims would have chosen a college with a large engineering department, famous reputation and lots of good labs and research equipment. But that's not what I did.
I chose to study engineering at a small liberal-arts university that doesn't even offer a major in electrical engineering. Obviously, this was not a practical choice; I came here for more noble reasons. I wanted a broad education that would provide me with flexibility and a value system to guide me in my career. I wanted to open my eyes and expand my vision by interacting with people who weren't studying science or engineering. My parents, teachers and other adults praised me for such a sensible choice. They told me I was wise and mature beyond my 18 years, and I believed them.
I headed off to college sure I was going to have an advantage over those students who went to big engineering "factories" where they didn't care if you have values or were flexible. I was going to be a complete engineer: technical genius and sensitive humanist all in one.
Now I'm not so sure. Somewhere along the way my noble ideals crashed into reality, as all noble ideals eventually do. After three years of struggling to balance math, physics and engineering courses with liberal-arts courses, I have learned there are reasons why few engineering students try to reconcile engineering with liberal-arts courses in college.
The reality that has blocked my path to become the typical successful student is that engineering and the liberal arts simply don't' mix as easily as I assumed in high school. Individually they shape a person in very different ways; together they threaten to confuse. The struggle to reconcile the two fields of study is difficult. | 883.txt | 3 |
[
"to have an excellent academic record",
"to be wise and mature",
"to be imaginative with a value system to guide him",
"to be a technical genius with a wide vision（D）"
]
| In the eyes of the author, a successful engineering student is expected _ . | Engineering students are supposed to be examples of practicality and rationality, but when it comes to my college education I am an idealist and a fool. In high school I wanted to be an electrical engineer and, of course, any sensible student with my aims would have chosen a college with a large engineering department, famous reputation and lots of good labs and research equipment. But that's not what I did.
I chose to study engineering at a small liberal-arts university that doesn't even offer a major in electrical engineering. Obviously, this was not a practical choice; I came here for more noble reasons. I wanted a broad education that would provide me with flexibility and a value system to guide me in my career. I wanted to open my eyes and expand my vision by interacting with people who weren't studying science or engineering. My parents, teachers and other adults praised me for such a sensible choice. They told me I was wise and mature beyond my 18 years, and I believed them.
I headed off to college sure I was going to have an advantage over those students who went to big engineering "factories" where they didn't care if you have values or were flexible. I was going to be a complete engineer: technical genius and sensitive humanist all in one.
Now I'm not so sure. Somewhere along the way my noble ideals crashed into reality, as all noble ideals eventually do. After three years of struggling to balance math, physics and engineering courses with liberal-arts courses, I have learned there are reasons why few engineering students try to reconcile engineering with liberal-arts courses in college.
The reality that has blocked my path to become the typical successful student is that engineering and the liberal arts simply don't' mix as easily as I assumed in high school. Individually they shape a person in very different ways; together they threaten to confuse. The struggle to reconcile the two fields of study is difficult. | 883.txt | 3 |
[
"creative",
"ambitious",
"unrealistic",
"irrational"
]
| The author's experience shows that he was _ . | Engineering students are supposed to be examples of practicality and rationality, but when it comes to my college education I am an idealist and a fool. In high school I wanted to be an electrical engineer and, of course, any sensible student with my aims would have chosen a college with a large engineering department, famous reputation and lots of good labs and research equipment. But that's not what I did.
I chose to study engineering at a small liberal-arts university that doesn't even offer a major in electrical engineering. Obviously, this was not a practical choice; I came here for more noble reasons. I wanted a broad education that would provide me with flexibility and a value system to guide me in my career. I wanted to open my eyes and expand my vision by interacting with people who weren't studying science or engineering. My parents, teachers and other adults praised me for such a sensible choice. They told me I was wise and mature beyond my 18 years, and I believed them.
I headed off to college sure I was going to have an advantage over those students who went to big engineering "factories" where they didn't care if you have values or were flexible. I was going to be a complete engineer: technical genius and sensitive humanist all in one.
Now I'm not so sure. Somewhere along the way my noble ideals crashed into reality, as all noble ideals eventually do. After three years of struggling to balance math, physics and engineering courses with liberal-arts courses, I have learned there are reasons why few engineering students try to reconcile engineering with liberal-arts courses in college.
The reality that has blocked my path to become the typical successful student is that engineering and the liberal arts simply don't' mix as easily as I assumed in high school. Individually they shape a person in very different ways; together they threaten to confuse. The struggle to reconcile the two fields of study is difficult. | 883.txt | 2 |
[
"engineering and the liberal arts",
"reality and noble ideals",
"flexibility and a value system",
"practicality and rationality"
]
| The word "they" in "... together they threaten to confuse." (Line 3, Para. 5) refers to _ . | Engineering students are supposed to be examples of practicality and rationality, but when it comes to my college education I am an idealist and a fool. In high school I wanted to be an electrical engineer and, of course, any sensible student with my aims would have chosen a college with a large engineering department, famous reputation and lots of good labs and research equipment. But that's not what I did.
I chose to study engineering at a small liberal-arts university that doesn't even offer a major in electrical engineering. Obviously, this was not a practical choice; I came here for more noble reasons. I wanted a broad education that would provide me with flexibility and a value system to guide me in my career. I wanted to open my eyes and expand my vision by interacting with people who weren't studying science or engineering. My parents, teachers and other adults praised me for such a sensible choice. They told me I was wise and mature beyond my 18 years, and I believed them.
I headed off to college sure I was going to have an advantage over those students who went to big engineering "factories" where they didn't care if you have values or were flexible. I was going to be a complete engineer: technical genius and sensitive humanist all in one.
Now I'm not so sure. Somewhere along the way my noble ideals crashed into reality, as all noble ideals eventually do. After three years of struggling to balance math, physics and engineering courses with liberal-arts courses, I have learned there are reasons why few engineering students try to reconcile engineering with liberal-arts courses in college.
The reality that has blocked my path to become the typical successful student is that engineering and the liberal arts simply don't' mix as easily as I assumed in high school. Individually they shape a person in very different ways; together they threaten to confuse. The struggle to reconcile the two fields of study is difficult. | 883.txt | 0 |
[
"The Pope had the supreme power in religion before reform.",
"The Pope had the greatest power in every thing outside religion.",
"The Pope was the real king in Europe then.",
"The Pope was the real ruler in Europe then."
]
| What does we learn from the passage? | The Causes of European Separation in 16th Century
For a thousand years and more, the people of Europe had fought about many things, but they had been united in believing one thing: that there existed a single "Holy, Catholic and Apostolic Church" of which the Bishop of Rome, under the title of the Pope, was the visible and recognizable head in succession to St. Peter. But in 1517 a German monk, Martin Luther, challenged certain Catholic teachings and renounced his obedience to the papacy. Others had followed him, including Henry VIII.
Thus Europe was divided in every which way, the southern and eastern two-thirds still Catholic, the northern and western one-third what was coming to be called Protestant, though English-ruled Ireland solidly Catholic and the Spanish-ruled Netherlands, particularly the northern part approximating to modern Holland, grew increasingly Protestant; while in virtually every country, whether officially Catholic or Protestant, those of the contrary faith fiercely attempted to convert their neighbors and equally fiercely resisted their neighbor's attempts to convert them. For this there was no simple, friendly solution to be reached on the principle of live-and-let-live. Each party believed that it had hold of the truth, the only truth that mattered, the one that led to eternal salvation, and its adversaries clung to falsehood which must necessarily head to eternal damnation: not only for themselves but for all who should permit them to survive and infect others with their errors. Toleration, even reasonable discussion, was impossible. God and the devil could not mix. Just as Elizabeth was to ardent Catholics that Jezebel, so to earnest Protestants the Pope was "that wolfish bloodsucker," and their Catholic fellow-creatures mad dogs, toads and other such vermin to be cleansed off the face of the earth.
These feelings, dangerous enough in themselves, were made more so by questions of geography and money. The Catholic countries bordering on the Mediterranean were by far the richest. From the beginning of the Middle Ages the Republic of Venice had controlled the trade routes to the East, bringing the wares carried out of Persia, China and the Indies by camel to her depots in Syria and reloading them in her high, gorgeously painted vessels for transshipment to Italy and beyond. Since the end of the fifteen century, first Portugal by sailing round Africa to India, then Spain by the discovery of America, had likewise been in a position to bring for sale to Europe all the rare and wonderful things for which Europe longed-silks and precious woods, sugar and spices, gold and silver, works of exquisite art and strange animals from peacock to tigers. In 1494, two years after Columbus's first voyage to America, Pope Alexander VI had divided the unexplored world beyond the seas between Spain and Portugal as reward for their enterprise and to keep them from fighting. The other countries had respected this division so long as they remained Catholic. | 291.txt | 2 |
[
"It implied this division could not be respected long.",
"It implied this division would not face a challenge.",
"It implied this division would be respected forever.",
"It implied the power of the Pope would never decline."
]
| What did the sentence "The other countries had respected this division so long as they remained Catholic" imply? | The Causes of European Separation in 16th Century
For a thousand years and more, the people of Europe had fought about many things, but they had been united in believing one thing: that there existed a single "Holy, Catholic and Apostolic Church" of which the Bishop of Rome, under the title of the Pope, was the visible and recognizable head in succession to St. Peter. But in 1517 a German monk, Martin Luther, challenged certain Catholic teachings and renounced his obedience to the papacy. Others had followed him, including Henry VIII.
Thus Europe was divided in every which way, the southern and eastern two-thirds still Catholic, the northern and western one-third what was coming to be called Protestant, though English-ruled Ireland solidly Catholic and the Spanish-ruled Netherlands, particularly the northern part approximating to modern Holland, grew increasingly Protestant; while in virtually every country, whether officially Catholic or Protestant, those of the contrary faith fiercely attempted to convert their neighbors and equally fiercely resisted their neighbor's attempts to convert them. For this there was no simple, friendly solution to be reached on the principle of live-and-let-live. Each party believed that it had hold of the truth, the only truth that mattered, the one that led to eternal salvation, and its adversaries clung to falsehood which must necessarily head to eternal damnation: not only for themselves but for all who should permit them to survive and infect others with their errors. Toleration, even reasonable discussion, was impossible. God and the devil could not mix. Just as Elizabeth was to ardent Catholics that Jezebel, so to earnest Protestants the Pope was "that wolfish bloodsucker," and their Catholic fellow-creatures mad dogs, toads and other such vermin to be cleansed off the face of the earth.
These feelings, dangerous enough in themselves, were made more so by questions of geography and money. The Catholic countries bordering on the Mediterranean were by far the richest. From the beginning of the Middle Ages the Republic of Venice had controlled the trade routes to the East, bringing the wares carried out of Persia, China and the Indies by camel to her depots in Syria and reloading them in her high, gorgeously painted vessels for transshipment to Italy and beyond. Since the end of the fifteen century, first Portugal by sailing round Africa to India, then Spain by the discovery of America, had likewise been in a position to bring for sale to Europe all the rare and wonderful things for which Europe longed-silks and precious woods, sugar and spices, gold and silver, works of exquisite art and strange animals from peacock to tigers. In 1494, two years after Columbus's first voyage to America, Pope Alexander VI had divided the unexplored world beyond the seas between Spain and Portugal as reward for their enterprise and to keep them from fighting. The other countries had respected this division so long as they remained Catholic. | 291.txt | 0 |
[
"Money.",
"Geology.",
"Religion.",
"Geography."
]
| Which of the following is not mentioned as a cause to deepen the dangerous feelings? | The Causes of European Separation in 16th Century
For a thousand years and more, the people of Europe had fought about many things, but they had been united in believing one thing: that there existed a single "Holy, Catholic and Apostolic Church" of which the Bishop of Rome, under the title of the Pope, was the visible and recognizable head in succession to St. Peter. But in 1517 a German monk, Martin Luther, challenged certain Catholic teachings and renounced his obedience to the papacy. Others had followed him, including Henry VIII.
Thus Europe was divided in every which way, the southern and eastern two-thirds still Catholic, the northern and western one-third what was coming to be called Protestant, though English-ruled Ireland solidly Catholic and the Spanish-ruled Netherlands, particularly the northern part approximating to modern Holland, grew increasingly Protestant; while in virtually every country, whether officially Catholic or Protestant, those of the contrary faith fiercely attempted to convert their neighbors and equally fiercely resisted their neighbor's attempts to convert them. For this there was no simple, friendly solution to be reached on the principle of live-and-let-live. Each party believed that it had hold of the truth, the only truth that mattered, the one that led to eternal salvation, and its adversaries clung to falsehood which must necessarily head to eternal damnation: not only for themselves but for all who should permit them to survive and infect others with their errors. Toleration, even reasonable discussion, was impossible. God and the devil could not mix. Just as Elizabeth was to ardent Catholics that Jezebel, so to earnest Protestants the Pope was "that wolfish bloodsucker," and their Catholic fellow-creatures mad dogs, toads and other such vermin to be cleansed off the face of the earth.
These feelings, dangerous enough in themselves, were made more so by questions of geography and money. The Catholic countries bordering on the Mediterranean were by far the richest. From the beginning of the Middle Ages the Republic of Venice had controlled the trade routes to the East, bringing the wares carried out of Persia, China and the Indies by camel to her depots in Syria and reloading them in her high, gorgeously painted vessels for transshipment to Italy and beyond. Since the end of the fifteen century, first Portugal by sailing round Africa to India, then Spain by the discovery of America, had likewise been in a position to bring for sale to Europe all the rare and wonderful things for which Europe longed-silks and precious woods, sugar and spices, gold and silver, works of exquisite art and strange animals from peacock to tigers. In 1494, two years after Columbus's first voyage to America, Pope Alexander VI had divided the unexplored world beyond the seas between Spain and Portugal as reward for their enterprise and to keep them from fighting. The other countries had respected this division so long as they remained Catholic. | 291.txt | 1 |
[
"actors are very unusual people",
"the course at the drama school lasts two years",
"acting is really a hard job",
"there are already too many actors"
]
| According to the passage, the main reason why young people should be discouraged from becoming actors is _ . | Acting is such an over-crowded profession that the only advice that should be given to a young person thinking of going on the stage is "Don't!". But it is useless to try to discourage someone who feels that he must act, though the chances of his becoming famous are slim. The normal way to begin is to go to a drama school. Usually only students who show promise and talent are accepted, and the course lasts two years. Then the young actor or actress takes up work with a repertory company, usually as an assistant stage manager. This means doing everything that there is to do in the theatre: painting scenery, looking after the furniture, taking care of the costumes, and even acting in very small parts. It is very hard work indeed. The hours are long and the salary is tiny. But young actors with the stage in their blood are happy, waiting for the chances of working with a better company, or perhaps in films or television.
Of course, some people have unusual chances which lead to fame and success without this long and dull training. Connie Pratt, for example, was just an ordinary girl working in a bicycle factory. A film producer happened to catch sight of her one morning waiting at a bus stop, as he drove past in his big car. He told the driver to stop, and he got out to speak to the girl. He asked her if she would like to go to the film studio to do a test, and at first she thought he was joking. Then she got angry and said she would call the police. It took the producer twenty minutes to tell Connie that he was serious. Then an appointment was made for her to go to the studio the next day. The test was successful. They gave her some necessary lessons and within a few weeks she was playing the leading part opposite one of the most famous actors of the day. Of Course, she was given a more dramatic name, which is now world-famous. But chances like this happen once in a blue moon! | 2709.txt | 3 |
[
"do all kinds of stage work",
"work for long hours",
"wait for a better company",
"act well"
]
| An assistant stage manager's job is difficult because he has to _ . | Acting is such an over-crowded profession that the only advice that should be given to a young person thinking of going on the stage is "Don't!". But it is useless to try to discourage someone who feels that he must act, though the chances of his becoming famous are slim. The normal way to begin is to go to a drama school. Usually only students who show promise and talent are accepted, and the course lasts two years. Then the young actor or actress takes up work with a repertory company, usually as an assistant stage manager. This means doing everything that there is to do in the theatre: painting scenery, looking after the furniture, taking care of the costumes, and even acting in very small parts. It is very hard work indeed. The hours are long and the salary is tiny. But young actors with the stage in their blood are happy, waiting for the chances of working with a better company, or perhaps in films or television.
Of course, some people have unusual chances which lead to fame and success without this long and dull training. Connie Pratt, for example, was just an ordinary girl working in a bicycle factory. A film producer happened to catch sight of her one morning waiting at a bus stop, as he drove past in his big car. He told the driver to stop, and he got out to speak to the girl. He asked her if she would like to go to the film studio to do a test, and at first she thought he was joking. Then she got angry and said she would call the police. It took the producer twenty minutes to tell Connie that he was serious. Then an appointment was made for her to go to the studio the next day. The test was successful. They gave her some necessary lessons and within a few weeks she was playing the leading part opposite one of the most famous actors of the day. Of Course, she was given a more dramatic name, which is now world-famous. But chances like this happen once in a blue moon! | 2709.txt | 0 |
[
"they don't care if their job is hard",
"they like the stage naturally",
"they are born happy",
"they are easily satisfied"
]
| According to the context, the sentence "But young actors with the stage in their blood are happy" at the end of the first paragraph means _ . | Acting is such an over-crowded profession that the only advice that should be given to a young person thinking of going on the stage is "Don't!". But it is useless to try to discourage someone who feels that he must act, though the chances of his becoming famous are slim. The normal way to begin is to go to a drama school. Usually only students who show promise and talent are accepted, and the course lasts two years. Then the young actor or actress takes up work with a repertory company, usually as an assistant stage manager. This means doing everything that there is to do in the theatre: painting scenery, looking after the furniture, taking care of the costumes, and even acting in very small parts. It is very hard work indeed. The hours are long and the salary is tiny. But young actors with the stage in their blood are happy, waiting for the chances of working with a better company, or perhaps in films or television.
Of course, some people have unusual chances which lead to fame and success without this long and dull training. Connie Pratt, for example, was just an ordinary girl working in a bicycle factory. A film producer happened to catch sight of her one morning waiting at a bus stop, as he drove past in his big car. He told the driver to stop, and he got out to speak to the girl. He asked her if she would like to go to the film studio to do a test, and at first she thought he was joking. Then she got angry and said she would call the police. It took the producer twenty minutes to tell Connie that he was serious. Then an appointment was made for her to go to the studio the next day. The test was successful. They gave her some necessary lessons and within a few weeks she was playing the leading part opposite one of the most famous actors of the day. Of Course, she was given a more dramatic name, which is now world-famous. But chances like this happen once in a blue moon! | 2709.txt | 1 |
[
"learning some lessons about the art of speaking",
"playing her part in the \"Blue Colored Moon\"",
"successfully matching the most famous actors",
"acting a leading part with a most famous actor at that time"
]
| Conie Pratt soon became a famous actress after _ . | Acting is such an over-crowded profession that the only advice that should be given to a young person thinking of going on the stage is "Don't!". But it is useless to try to discourage someone who feels that he must act, though the chances of his becoming famous are slim. The normal way to begin is to go to a drama school. Usually only students who show promise and talent are accepted, and the course lasts two years. Then the young actor or actress takes up work with a repertory company, usually as an assistant stage manager. This means doing everything that there is to do in the theatre: painting scenery, looking after the furniture, taking care of the costumes, and even acting in very small parts. It is very hard work indeed. The hours are long and the salary is tiny. But young actors with the stage in their blood are happy, waiting for the chances of working with a better company, or perhaps in films or television.
Of course, some people have unusual chances which lead to fame and success without this long and dull training. Connie Pratt, for example, was just an ordinary girl working in a bicycle factory. A film producer happened to catch sight of her one morning waiting at a bus stop, as he drove past in his big car. He told the driver to stop, and he got out to speak to the girl. He asked her if she would like to go to the film studio to do a test, and at first she thought he was joking. Then she got angry and said she would call the police. It took the producer twenty minutes to tell Connie that he was serious. Then an appointment was made for her to go to the studio the next day. The test was successful. They gave her some necessary lessons and within a few weeks she was playing the leading part opposite one of the most famous actors of the day. Of Course, she was given a more dramatic name, which is now world-famous. But chances like this happen once in a blue moon! | 2709.txt | 3 |
[
"all at once",
"once for a long time",
"once in a while",
"once and for all"
]
| The phrase "once in a blue moon" in last line refers to _ . | Acting is such an over-crowded profession that the only advice that should be given to a young person thinking of going on the stage is "Don't!". But it is useless to try to discourage someone who feels that he must act, though the chances of his becoming famous are slim. The normal way to begin is to go to a drama school. Usually only students who show promise and talent are accepted, and the course lasts two years. Then the young actor or actress takes up work with a repertory company, usually as an assistant stage manager. This means doing everything that there is to do in the theatre: painting scenery, looking after the furniture, taking care of the costumes, and even acting in very small parts. It is very hard work indeed. The hours are long and the salary is tiny. But young actors with the stage in their blood are happy, waiting for the chances of working with a better company, or perhaps in films or television.
Of course, some people have unusual chances which lead to fame and success without this long and dull training. Connie Pratt, for example, was just an ordinary girl working in a bicycle factory. A film producer happened to catch sight of her one morning waiting at a bus stop, as he drove past in his big car. He told the driver to stop, and he got out to speak to the girl. He asked her if she would like to go to the film studio to do a test, and at first she thought he was joking. Then she got angry and said she would call the police. It took the producer twenty minutes to tell Connie that he was serious. Then an appointment was made for her to go to the studio the next day. The test was successful. They gave her some necessary lessons and within a few weeks she was playing the leading part opposite one of the most famous actors of the day. Of Course, she was given a more dramatic name, which is now world-famous. But chances like this happen once in a blue moon! | 2709.txt | 1 |
[
"he has given up his smoking habit",
"he has made great efforts in his work",
"he is keen on leaning anything new",
"he has tried to determine where he is on his journey"
]
| A person is generally believed to achieve personal growth when . | There are two basic ways to see growth: one as a product, the other as a process. People have generally viewed personal growth as an external result or product that can easily be identified and measured. The worker who gets a promotion, the student whose grades improve, the foreigner who learns a new language -- all these are examples of people who have measurable results to show for their efforts.
By contrast, the process of personal growth is much more difficult to determine, since by definition it is a journey and not the specific signposts or landmarks along the way. The process is not the road itself, but rather the attitudes and feelings people have, their caution or courage, as they encounter new experiences and unexpected obstacles. In this process, the journey never really ends; there are always new ways to experience the world, new ideas to try,new challenges to accept.
In order to grow, to travel new roads, people need to have a willingness to take risks, to confront the unknown, and to accept the possibility that they may "fail" at first. How we see ourselves as we try a new way of being is essential to our ability to grow. Do we perceive ourselves as quick and curious? If so, then we tend to take more chances and to be more open to unfamiliar experiences. Do we think we're shy and indecisive? Then our sense of timidity can cause us to hesitate, to move slowly, and not to take a step until we know the ground is safe. Do we think we're slow to adapt to change or that we're not smart enough to cope with a new challenge? Then we are likely to take a more passive role or not try at all.
These feelings of insecurity and self-doubt are both unavoidable and necessary if we are to change and grow. If we do not confront and overcome these internal fears and doubts, if we protect ourselves too much, then we cease to grow. We become trapped inside a shell of our own making. | 1320.txt | 0 |
[
"succeed in climbing up the social ladder",
"judge his ability to grow from his own achievements",
"face difficulties and take up challenges",
"aim high and reach his goal each time"
]
| In the author's eyes, one who views personal growth as a process would . | There are two basic ways to see growth: one as a product, the other as a process. People have generally viewed personal growth as an external result or product that can easily be identified and measured. The worker who gets a promotion, the student whose grades improve, the foreigner who learns a new language -- all these are examples of people who have measurable results to show for their efforts.
By contrast, the process of personal growth is much more difficult to determine, since by definition it is a journey and not the specific signposts or landmarks along the way. The process is not the road itself, but rather the attitudes and feelings people have, their caution or courage, as they encounter new experiences and unexpected obstacles. In this process, the journey never really ends; there are always new ways to experience the world, new ideas to try,new challenges to accept.
In order to grow, to travel new roads, people need to have a willingness to take risks, to confront the unknown, and to accept the possibility that they may "fail" at first. How we see ourselves as we try a new way of being is essential to our ability to grow. Do we perceive ourselves as quick and curious? If so, then we tend to take more chances and to be more open to unfamiliar experiences. Do we think we're shy and indecisive? Then our sense of timidity can cause us to hesitate, to move slowly, and not to take a step until we know the ground is safe. Do we think we're slow to adapt to change or that we're not smart enough to cope with a new challenge? Then we are likely to take a more passive role or not try at all.
These feelings of insecurity and self-doubt are both unavoidable and necessary if we are to change and grow. If we do not confront and overcome these internal fears and doubts, if we protect ourselves too much, then we cease to grow. We become trapped inside a shell of our own making. | 1320.txt | 2 |
[
"a new approach to experiencing the world",
"a new way of taking risks",
"a new method of perceiving ourselves",
"a new system of adaptation to change"
]
| When the author says "a new way of being" (Line 2~3, Para. 3) he is referring to . | There are two basic ways to see growth: one as a product, the other as a process. People have generally viewed personal growth as an external result or product that can easily be identified and measured. The worker who gets a promotion, the student whose grades improve, the foreigner who learns a new language -- all these are examples of people who have measurable results to show for their efforts.
By contrast, the process of personal growth is much more difficult to determine, since by definition it is a journey and not the specific signposts or landmarks along the way. The process is not the road itself, but rather the attitudes and feelings people have, their caution or courage, as they encounter new experiences and unexpected obstacles. In this process, the journey never really ends; there are always new ways to experience the world, new ideas to try,new challenges to accept.
In order to grow, to travel new roads, people need to have a willingness to take risks, to confront the unknown, and to accept the possibility that they may "fail" at first. How we see ourselves as we try a new way of being is essential to our ability to grow. Do we perceive ourselves as quick and curious? If so, then we tend to take more chances and to be more open to unfamiliar experiences. Do we think we're shy and indecisive? Then our sense of timidity can cause us to hesitate, to move slowly, and not to take a step until we know the ground is safe. Do we think we're slow to adapt to change or that we're not smart enough to cope with a new challenge? Then we are likely to take a more passive role or not try at all.
These feelings of insecurity and self-doubt are both unavoidable and necessary if we are to change and grow. If we do not confront and overcome these internal fears and doubts, if we protect ourselves too much, then we cease to grow. We become trapped inside a shell of our own making. | 1320.txt | 0 |
[
"curiosity about more chances",
"promptness in self-adaptation",
"open-mindedness to new experiences",
"avoidance of internal fears and doubts"
]
| For personal growth, the author advocates all of the following EXCEPT . | There are two basic ways to see growth: one as a product, the other as a process. People have generally viewed personal growth as an external result or product that can easily be identified and measured. The worker who gets a promotion, the student whose grades improve, the foreigner who learns a new language -- all these are examples of people who have measurable results to show for their efforts.
By contrast, the process of personal growth is much more difficult to determine, since by definition it is a journey and not the specific signposts or landmarks along the way. The process is not the road itself, but rather the attitudes and feelings people have, their caution or courage, as they encounter new experiences and unexpected obstacles. In this process, the journey never really ends; there are always new ways to experience the world, new ideas to try,new challenges to accept.
In order to grow, to travel new roads, people need to have a willingness to take risks, to confront the unknown, and to accept the possibility that they may "fail" at first. How we see ourselves as we try a new way of being is essential to our ability to grow. Do we perceive ourselves as quick and curious? If so, then we tend to take more chances and to be more open to unfamiliar experiences. Do we think we're shy and indecisive? Then our sense of timidity can cause us to hesitate, to move slowly, and not to take a step until we know the ground is safe. Do we think we're slow to adapt to change or that we're not smart enough to cope with a new challenge? Then we are likely to take a more passive role or not try at all.
These feelings of insecurity and self-doubt are both unavoidable and necessary if we are to change and grow. If we do not confront and overcome these internal fears and doubts, if we protect ourselves too much, then we cease to grow. We become trapped inside a shell of our own making. | 1320.txt | 3 |
[
"they use proper words to carry their ideas.",
"they both speak truly of their own feelings.",
"they try to understand each other's ideas beyond words.",
"they are capable of associating meaning with their words."
]
| Effective communication is rendered possible between two conversing partners, if _ . | When a message occurs can also reveal associated meaning. Let us assume two couples do exactly the same amount of kissing and arguing. But one couple always kisses after an argument and the other couple always argues after a kiss. The ordering of the behaviors may mean a great deal more than the frequency of the behavior. A friend's unusually docile behavior may only be understood by noting that it was preceded by situations that required an abnormal amount of assertiveness. Some responses may be directly linked to a developing pattern of responses and defy logic. For example, a person who says "No!" to a serials of charges like "You're dumb," "You're lazy," and "You're dishonest," may also say "No!" and try to justify his or her response if the next statement is "And you're good looking."
We would do well to listen for how messages are presented. The words, "If sure has been nice to have you over," can be said with emphasis and excitement or ritualistically. The phrase can be said once or repeated several times. And the meanings we associate with the phrase will change accordingly. Sometimes if we say something infrequently it assumes more importance; sometimes the more we say something the less importance it assumes. | 1394.txt | 3 |
[
"I'm just calling your attention.",
"I'm just kidding.",
"I'm just saying the opposite.",
"I'm just giving off some sound."
]
| "I'm letting off some steam" in paragraph 1 means_ . | When a message occurs can also reveal associated meaning. Let us assume two couples do exactly the same amount of kissing and arguing. But one couple always kisses after an argument and the other couple always argues after a kiss. The ordering of the behaviors may mean a great deal more than the frequency of the behavior. A friend's unusually docile behavior may only be understood by noting that it was preceded by situations that required an abnormal amount of assertiveness. Some responses may be directly linked to a developing pattern of responses and defy logic. For example, a person who says "No!" to a serials of charges like "You're dumb," "You're lazy," and "You're dishonest," may also say "No!" and try to justify his or her response if the next statement is "And you're good looking."
We would do well to listen for how messages are presented. The words, "If sure has been nice to have you over," can be said with emphasis and excitement or ritualistically. The phrase can be said once or repeated several times. And the meanings we associate with the phrase will change accordingly. Sometimes if we say something infrequently it assumes more importance; sometimes the more we say something the less importance it assumes. | 1394.txt | 1 |
[
"the step has been like that for years.",
"he doesn't think it necessary to fix the step.",
"the condition of the step is only a minor fault.",
"the cost involved in the fixing should be shared."
]
| The house-owner's example shows that he actually means_ . | When a message occurs can also reveal associated meaning. Let us assume two couples do exactly the same amount of kissing and arguing. But one couple always kisses after an argument and the other couple always argues after a kiss. The ordering of the behaviors may mean a great deal more than the frequency of the behavior. A friend's unusually docile behavior may only be understood by noting that it was preceded by situations that required an abnormal amount of assertiveness. Some responses may be directly linked to a developing pattern of responses and defy logic. For example, a person who says "No!" to a serials of charges like "You're dumb," "You're lazy," and "You're dishonest," may also say "No!" and try to justify his or her response if the next statement is "And you're good looking."
We would do well to listen for how messages are presented. The words, "If sure has been nice to have you over," can be said with emphasis and excitement or ritualistically. The phrase can be said once or repeated several times. And the meanings we associate with the phrase will change accordingly. Sometimes if we say something infrequently it assumes more importance; sometimes the more we say something the less importance it assumes. | 1394.txt | 0 |
[
"linked to an abnormal amount of assertiveness.",
"seen as one's habitual pattern of behavior.",
"taken as part of an ordering sequence.",
"expressed to a series of charges."
]
| Some responses and behaviors may appear very illogical, but are justifiable if_ . | When a message occurs can also reveal associated meaning. Let us assume two couples do exactly the same amount of kissing and arguing. But one couple always kisses after an argument and the other couple always argues after a kiss. The ordering of the behaviors may mean a great deal more than the frequency of the behavior. A friend's unusually docile behavior may only be understood by noting that it was preceded by situations that required an abnormal amount of assertiveness. Some responses may be directly linked to a developing pattern of responses and defy logic. For example, a person who says "No!" to a serials of charges like "You're dumb," "You're lazy," and "You're dishonest," may also say "No!" and try to justify his or her response if the next statement is "And you're good looking."
We would do well to listen for how messages are presented. The words, "If sure has been nice to have you over," can be said with emphasis and excitement or ritualistically. The phrase can be said once or repeated several times. And the meanings we associate with the phrase will change accordingly. Sometimes if we say something infrequently it assumes more importance; sometimes the more we say something the less importance it assumes. | 1394.txt | 1 |
[
"without true intention.",
"light-heartedly.",
"in a way of ceremony.",
"with less emphasis."
]
| The word "ritualistically" in the last paragraph equals something done_ . | When a message occurs can also reveal associated meaning. Let us assume two couples do exactly the same amount of kissing and arguing. But one couple always kisses after an argument and the other couple always argues after a kiss. The ordering of the behaviors may mean a great deal more than the frequency of the behavior. A friend's unusually docile behavior may only be understood by noting that it was preceded by situations that required an abnormal amount of assertiveness. Some responses may be directly linked to a developing pattern of responses and defy logic. For example, a person who says "No!" to a serials of charges like "You're dumb," "You're lazy," and "You're dishonest," may also say "No!" and try to justify his or her response if the next statement is "And you're good looking."
We would do well to listen for how messages are presented. The words, "If sure has been nice to have you over," can be said with emphasis and excitement or ritualistically. The phrase can be said once or repeated several times. And the meanings we associate with the phrase will change accordingly. Sometimes if we say something infrequently it assumes more importance; sometimes the more we say something the less importance it assumes. | 1394.txt | 2 |
[
"common people",
"pop TV Stars",
"attractive people",
"famous film stars"
]
| Those who take part in reality TV shows are usually. | The first reality TV show in the world was called Expedition Robinson and it was shown in Sweden in 1997. Half the population of the country watched the final event and a new kind of TV program was born. Two years later in Holland , the first series of Big Brother was filmed. Again , it was a great success and the final program was watched by 15 million people. Now more than 20 countries around the world have Big Brother or Expedition Robinson on their TV screens. The ordinary people who take part in the programs are known by millions of people in their own countries and reality TV has become big , big business.
For the TV producers , reality TV is a dream come true because many of the programs cost nothing to make. At some point , the television viewers are asked to telephone the program to vote or to apply to take part in the show. It is the cost of these telephone calls that pays for the shows. One of the most popular shows is Pop Idol. In the show, a group of attractive young people are made into pop stars. TV viewers vote for their favorite person on the show. The winner makes a record and millions of copies of the record are sold. His or her pictures are published on the covers of magazines or on the front pages of newspapers , and then , they are quickly forgotten.
But not everyone is happy about reality TV. In Portugal , two TV channels got into trouble because they showed too much of the personal lives of the people in the shows. In France , reality TV is called "rubbish TV " and the TV studios of Big Brother were attacked three times in one week. In Greece , Big Brother was described as "against human rights and civilization". | 3317.txt | 0 |
[
"TV producers who make reality TV shows.",
"TV actors who take part in reality TV shows.",
"TV viewers who telephone reality TV shows.",
"TV companies which broadcast reality TV shows."
]
| Who would pay for the cost of reality TV shows according to the passage ? | The first reality TV show in the world was called Expedition Robinson and it was shown in Sweden in 1997. Half the population of the country watched the final event and a new kind of TV program was born. Two years later in Holland , the first series of Big Brother was filmed. Again , it was a great success and the final program was watched by 15 million people. Now more than 20 countries around the world have Big Brother or Expedition Robinson on their TV screens. The ordinary people who take part in the programs are known by millions of people in their own countries and reality TV has become big , big business.
For the TV producers , reality TV is a dream come true because many of the programs cost nothing to make. At some point , the television viewers are asked to telephone the program to vote or to apply to take part in the show. It is the cost of these telephone calls that pays for the shows. One of the most popular shows is Pop Idol. In the show, a group of attractive young people are made into pop stars. TV viewers vote for their favorite person on the show. The winner makes a record and millions of copies of the record are sold. His or her pictures are published on the covers of magazines or on the front pages of newspapers , and then , they are quickly forgotten.
But not everyone is happy about reality TV. In Portugal , two TV channels got into trouble because they showed too much of the personal lives of the people in the shows. In France , reality TV is called "rubbish TV " and the TV studios of Big Brother were attacked three times in one week. In Greece , Big Brother was described as "against human rights and civilization". | 3317.txt | 2 |
[
"Pop Idol is one of the popular reality TV shows in the world.",
"Big Brother was one of the first reality TV shows in the world.",
"Rubbish TV is one of the personal reality TV shows in the world.",
"Expedition Robinson was the first reality TV show in the world."
]
| Which of the following statements is NOT true according to the passage ? | The first reality TV show in the world was called Expedition Robinson and it was shown in Sweden in 1997. Half the population of the country watched the final event and a new kind of TV program was born. Two years later in Holland , the first series of Big Brother was filmed. Again , it was a great success and the final program was watched by 15 million people. Now more than 20 countries around the world have Big Brother or Expedition Robinson on their TV screens. The ordinary people who take part in the programs are known by millions of people in their own countries and reality TV has become big , big business.
For the TV producers , reality TV is a dream come true because many of the programs cost nothing to make. At some point , the television viewers are asked to telephone the program to vote or to apply to take part in the show. It is the cost of these telephone calls that pays for the shows. One of the most popular shows is Pop Idol. In the show, a group of attractive young people are made into pop stars. TV viewers vote for their favorite person on the show. The winner makes a record and millions of copies of the record are sold. His or her pictures are published on the covers of magazines or on the front pages of newspapers , and then , they are quickly forgotten.
But not everyone is happy about reality TV. In Portugal , two TV channels got into trouble because they showed too much of the personal lives of the people in the shows. In France , reality TV is called "rubbish TV " and the TV studios of Big Brother were attacked three times in one week. In Greece , Big Brother was described as "against human rights and civilization". | 3317.txt | 2 |
[
"everyone is happy about reality TV",
"reality TV will do well in many countries",
"all the people in Europe are in favor of reality TV",
"reality TV will not be broadcast in any countries"
]
| It can be concluded from the passage that. | The first reality TV show in the world was called Expedition Robinson and it was shown in Sweden in 1997. Half the population of the country watched the final event and a new kind of TV program was born. Two years later in Holland , the first series of Big Brother was filmed. Again , it was a great success and the final program was watched by 15 million people. Now more than 20 countries around the world have Big Brother or Expedition Robinson on their TV screens. The ordinary people who take part in the programs are known by millions of people in their own countries and reality TV has become big , big business.
For the TV producers , reality TV is a dream come true because many of the programs cost nothing to make. At some point , the television viewers are asked to telephone the program to vote or to apply to take part in the show. It is the cost of these telephone calls that pays for the shows. One of the most popular shows is Pop Idol. In the show, a group of attractive young people are made into pop stars. TV viewers vote for their favorite person on the show. The winner makes a record and millions of copies of the record are sold. His or her pictures are published on the covers of magazines or on the front pages of newspapers , and then , they are quickly forgotten.
But not everyone is happy about reality TV. In Portugal , two TV channels got into trouble because they showed too much of the personal lives of the people in the shows. In France , reality TV is called "rubbish TV " and the TV studios of Big Brother were attacked three times in one week. In Greece , Big Brother was described as "against human rights and civilization". | 3317.txt | 1 |
[
"When the readers expectations match with what is said in the text.",
"When the reader has trouble understanding what the author says.",
"When the reader asks tough questions and gets proper answers.",
"When the reader understands a text with no difficulties."
]
| According to the author, when will our reading become conscious? | Reading is thought to be a kind of conversation between the reader and the text. The reader puts questions, as it were, to the text and gels answers. In the light of these he puts further questions, and so on.
For most of the time this "c onversation"goes on below the level of consciousness. At times, however, we become aware of it. This is usually when we arc running into difficulties, when mismatch is occurring between expectations and meaning. When successful matching is being experienced, our questioning of the text continues at the unconscious level.
Different people converse with the text differently. Some stay very close to the words on the page, others take off imaginatively from the words, interpreting, criticizing, analyzing and examining. The former represents a kind of comprehension which is written in the text. The latter represents higher levels of comprehension. The balance between these is important, especially for advanced readers.
There is another conversation which from our point of view is equally important, and that is to donot with what is read but with how it is read. We call this a "p rocess"conversation asopposed to a"conten t"conversation. It is concerned not with meaning but with the strategies we employ in reading. If we are an advanced reader our ability to hold a process conversation with a text is usually pretty well developed. Not so our ability to hold a content conversation. It isprecisely this kind of conversation that is of importance when we are seeking to develop ourreading to meet the new demands being placed upon us by studying at a higher level. | 384.txt | 1 |
[
"read a text slowly and carefully",
"read without thinking hard",
"interpret a text in their own way",
"focus on the meaning of words only"
]
| At a lower level of comprehension, readers tend to _ . | Reading is thought to be a kind of conversation between the reader and the text. The reader puts questions, as it were, to the text and gels answers. In the light of these he puts further questions, and so on.
For most of the time this "c onversation"goes on below the level of consciousness. At times, however, we become aware of it. This is usually when we arc running into difficulties, when mismatch is occurring between expectations and meaning. When successful matching is being experienced, our questioning of the text continues at the unconscious level.
Different people converse with the text differently. Some stay very close to the words on the page, others take off imaginatively from the words, interpreting, criticizing, analyzing and examining. The former represents a kind of comprehension which is written in the text. The latter represents higher levels of comprehension. The balance between these is important, especially for advanced readers.
There is another conversation which from our point of view is equally important, and that is to donot with what is read but with how it is read. We call this a "p rocess"conversation asopposed to a"conten t"conversation. It is concerned not with meaning but with the strategies we employ in reading. If we are an advanced reader our ability to hold a process conversation with a text is usually pretty well developed. Not so our ability to hold a content conversation. It isprecisely this kind of conversation that is of importance when we are seeking to develop ourreading to meet the new demands being placed upon us by studying at a higher level. | 384.txt | 3 |
[
"the application of reading strategies",
"matching our expectations with the meaning of a text",
"the development of our ability to check the details",
"determining the main idea of a text"
]
| A"p rocess"conversation has to do with _ . | Reading is thought to be a kind of conversation between the reader and the text. The reader puts questions, as it were, to the text and gels answers. In the light of these he puts further questions, and so on.
For most of the time this "c onversation"goes on below the level of consciousness. At times, however, we become aware of it. This is usually when we arc running into difficulties, when mismatch is occurring between expectations and meaning. When successful matching is being experienced, our questioning of the text continues at the unconscious level.
Different people converse with the text differently. Some stay very close to the words on the page, others take off imaginatively from the words, interpreting, criticizing, analyzing and examining. The former represents a kind of comprehension which is written in the text. The latter represents higher levels of comprehension. The balance between these is important, especially for advanced readers.
There is another conversation which from our point of view is equally important, and that is to donot with what is read but with how it is read. We call this a "p rocess"conversation asopposed to a"conten t"conversation. It is concerned not with meaning but with the strategies we employ in reading. If we are an advanced reader our ability to hold a process conversation with a text is usually pretty well developed. Not so our ability to hold a content conversation. It isprecisely this kind of conversation that is of importance when we are seeking to develop ourreading to meet the new demands being placed upon us by studying at a higher level. | 384.txt | 0 |
[
"conscious and unconscious levels of comprehension",
"the reader's expectations and the meaning of a text",
"lower and higher levels of comprehension",
"interpreting and criticizing a text"
]
| According to the passage, it is of great importance for readersat a higher level to maintain a balance between _ . | Reading is thought to be a kind of conversation between the reader and the text. The reader puts questions, as it were, to the text and gels answers. In the light of these he puts further questions, and so on.
For most of the time this "c onversation"goes on below the level of consciousness. At times, however, we become aware of it. This is usually when we arc running into difficulties, when mismatch is occurring between expectations and meaning. When successful matching is being experienced, our questioning of the text continues at the unconscious level.
Different people converse with the text differently. Some stay very close to the words on the page, others take off imaginatively from the words, interpreting, criticizing, analyzing and examining. The former represents a kind of comprehension which is written in the text. The latter represents higher levels of comprehension. The balance between these is important, especially for advanced readers.
There is another conversation which from our point of view is equally important, and that is to donot with what is read but with how it is read. We call this a "p rocess"conversation asopposed to a"conten t"conversation. It is concerned not with meaning but with the strategies we employ in reading. If we are an advanced reader our ability to hold a process conversation with a text is usually pretty well developed. Not so our ability to hold a content conversation. It isprecisely this kind of conversation that is of importance when we are seeking to develop ourreading to meet the new demands being placed upon us by studying at a higher level. | 384.txt | 2 |
[
"River Rising! River Rising!",
"Forests and Floods",
"Flooding in the U. S.",
"The Results of Flooding"
]
| The best title for the selection would be _ . | Newspapers often tell us of floods in some parts of the United States.
Nearly every year on the great central drainages heavy rains and melting snow cause the waters to pour out the mountains and plains, to turn brooks into torrents, and to swell quiet streams into wild uncontrolled rivers. From Cairo to New Orleans, and from Pittsburgh to Paducah, the cry "River rising!" is a familiar yet fearful voice. . . When the rivers sometimes become too high or too swift to be controlled communities are flooded, families flee from their homes, croplands are washed out, and transportation comes to a halt. Hunger, disease, and death follow the wild waters.
Although given less publicity, the agricultural damage done by the many smaller, more frequent floods usually far exceeds the losses caused by the very grand ones. In the Central States, ditches and drains cause the flows from spring rains and melting snow to run far more rapidly than in the days before white men settled on the land. Once, excess spring flood waters emptied into lakes and swampy lands, there to be detained for slow release into stream and rivers. Now, systematic drainage has actually eliminated these natural reservoirs.
In the more rolling sections of the East, spring runoff was formerly absorbed and held temporarily in the porous soils beneath the unbroken expanse of forest. When large areas were converted to farm use, removal of the forest and the practice of up-and-down hill plowing deprived the soils of much of their ability to catch and store water.
The effects of eliminating the natural forest cover are shown in the gullied farm lands and widened stream channels found in some densely settled areas. Partly because the stream channels are more or less filled with material washed down from the uplands, and partly because storm runoff has increased, the channels are today no longer able to carry all the flow from heavy rains. This explains why the streams overtop banks far more often than in the days before settlement. | 868.txt | 2 |
[
"heavy rain",
"melting snow",
"increasing storm runoff",
"porous soil"
]
| All of the following cause floods EXCEPT _ . | Newspapers often tell us of floods in some parts of the United States.
Nearly every year on the great central drainages heavy rains and melting snow cause the waters to pour out the mountains and plains, to turn brooks into torrents, and to swell quiet streams into wild uncontrolled rivers. From Cairo to New Orleans, and from Pittsburgh to Paducah, the cry "River rising!" is a familiar yet fearful voice. . . When the rivers sometimes become too high or too swift to be controlled communities are flooded, families flee from their homes, croplands are washed out, and transportation comes to a halt. Hunger, disease, and death follow the wild waters.
Although given less publicity, the agricultural damage done by the many smaller, more frequent floods usually far exceeds the losses caused by the very grand ones. In the Central States, ditches and drains cause the flows from spring rains and melting snow to run far more rapidly than in the days before white men settled on the land. Once, excess spring flood waters emptied into lakes and swampy lands, there to be detained for slow release into stream and rivers. Now, systematic drainage has actually eliminated these natural reservoirs.
In the more rolling sections of the East, spring runoff was formerly absorbed and held temporarily in the porous soils beneath the unbroken expanse of forest. When large areas were converted to farm use, removal of the forest and the practice of up-and-down hill plowing deprived the soils of much of their ability to catch and store water.
The effects of eliminating the natural forest cover are shown in the gullied farm lands and widened stream channels found in some densely settled areas. Partly because the stream channels are more or less filled with material washed down from the uplands, and partly because storm runoff has increased, the channels are today no longer able to carry all the flow from heavy rains. This explains why the streams overtop banks far more often than in the days before settlement. | 868.txt | 3 |
[
"lakes and swamps once acted like natural reservoirs",
"up-and-down hill plowing catches and stores water",
"stream channels are the best carriers of water",
"floods are easily prevented and controlled"
]
| The author states that _ . | Newspapers often tell us of floods in some parts of the United States.
Nearly every year on the great central drainages heavy rains and melting snow cause the waters to pour out the mountains and plains, to turn brooks into torrents, and to swell quiet streams into wild uncontrolled rivers. From Cairo to New Orleans, and from Pittsburgh to Paducah, the cry "River rising!" is a familiar yet fearful voice. . . When the rivers sometimes become too high or too swift to be controlled communities are flooded, families flee from their homes, croplands are washed out, and transportation comes to a halt. Hunger, disease, and death follow the wild waters.
Although given less publicity, the agricultural damage done by the many smaller, more frequent floods usually far exceeds the losses caused by the very grand ones. In the Central States, ditches and drains cause the flows from spring rains and melting snow to run far more rapidly than in the days before white men settled on the land. Once, excess spring flood waters emptied into lakes and swampy lands, there to be detained for slow release into stream and rivers. Now, systematic drainage has actually eliminated these natural reservoirs.
In the more rolling sections of the East, spring runoff was formerly absorbed and held temporarily in the porous soils beneath the unbroken expanse of forest. When large areas were converted to farm use, removal of the forest and the practice of up-and-down hill plowing deprived the soils of much of their ability to catch and store water.
The effects of eliminating the natural forest cover are shown in the gullied farm lands and widened stream channels found in some densely settled areas. Partly because the stream channels are more or less filled with material washed down from the uplands, and partly because storm runoff has increased, the channels are today no longer able to carry all the flow from heavy rains. This explains why the streams overtop banks far more often than in the days before settlement. | 868.txt | 0 |
[
"material from higher land is washed into them",
"ditches and drains lead into them",
"rivers become too swift",
"snow melts more rapidly nowadays"
]
| According to the selection, streams overtop their banks partly because _ . | Newspapers often tell us of floods in some parts of the United States.
Nearly every year on the great central drainages heavy rains and melting snow cause the waters to pour out the mountains and plains, to turn brooks into torrents, and to swell quiet streams into wild uncontrolled rivers. From Cairo to New Orleans, and from Pittsburgh to Paducah, the cry "River rising!" is a familiar yet fearful voice. . . When the rivers sometimes become too high or too swift to be controlled communities are flooded, families flee from their homes, croplands are washed out, and transportation comes to a halt. Hunger, disease, and death follow the wild waters.
Although given less publicity, the agricultural damage done by the many smaller, more frequent floods usually far exceeds the losses caused by the very grand ones. In the Central States, ditches and drains cause the flows from spring rains and melting snow to run far more rapidly than in the days before white men settled on the land. Once, excess spring flood waters emptied into lakes and swampy lands, there to be detained for slow release into stream and rivers. Now, systematic drainage has actually eliminated these natural reservoirs.
In the more rolling sections of the East, spring runoff was formerly absorbed and held temporarily in the porous soils beneath the unbroken expanse of forest. When large areas were converted to farm use, removal of the forest and the practice of up-and-down hill plowing deprived the soils of much of their ability to catch and store water.
The effects of eliminating the natural forest cover are shown in the gullied farm lands and widened stream channels found in some densely settled areas. Partly because the stream channels are more or less filled with material washed down from the uplands, and partly because storm runoff has increased, the channels are today no longer able to carry all the flow from heavy rains. This explains why the streams overtop banks far more often than in the days before settlement. | 868.txt | 0 |
[
"cause no damage",
"cause the most damage",
"cause less agricultural damage than the many smaller, more frequent floods",
"far exceed the smaller, more frequent floods in agricultural loss"
]
| The floods which are given most publicity _ . | Newspapers often tell us of floods in some parts of the United States.
Nearly every year on the great central drainages heavy rains and melting snow cause the waters to pour out the mountains and plains, to turn brooks into torrents, and to swell quiet streams into wild uncontrolled rivers. From Cairo to New Orleans, and from Pittsburgh to Paducah, the cry "River rising!" is a familiar yet fearful voice. . . When the rivers sometimes become too high or too swift to be controlled communities are flooded, families flee from their homes, croplands are washed out, and transportation comes to a halt. Hunger, disease, and death follow the wild waters.
Although given less publicity, the agricultural damage done by the many smaller, more frequent floods usually far exceeds the losses caused by the very grand ones. In the Central States, ditches and drains cause the flows from spring rains and melting snow to run far more rapidly than in the days before white men settled on the land. Once, excess spring flood waters emptied into lakes and swampy lands, there to be detained for slow release into stream and rivers. Now, systematic drainage has actually eliminated these natural reservoirs.
In the more rolling sections of the East, spring runoff was formerly absorbed and held temporarily in the porous soils beneath the unbroken expanse of forest. When large areas were converted to farm use, removal of the forest and the practice of up-and-down hill plowing deprived the soils of much of their ability to catch and store water.
The effects of eliminating the natural forest cover are shown in the gullied farm lands and widened stream channels found in some densely settled areas. Partly because the stream channels are more or less filled with material washed down from the uplands, and partly because storm runoff has increased, the channels are today no longer able to carry all the flow from heavy rains. This explains why the streams overtop banks far more often than in the days before settlement. | 868.txt | 2 |
[
"the track did not take the direct route from one city to the next",
"passengers and freight had to transfer to other modes of transportation to reach western destinations",
"passengers preferred stagecoaches",
"railroad travel was quite expensive"
]
| The author refers to the impact of railroads before the late 1860's as "limited" because _ | Before the mid 1860's, the impact of the railroads in the United States was limited, in the sense that the tracks ended at this Missouri River, approximately the center of the country. At the point the trains turned their freight, mail, and passengers over to steamboats, wagons, and stagecoaches. This meant that wagon freighting, stagecoaching, and steamboating did not come to an end when the first train appeared; rather they became supplements or feeders. Each new "end of track" became a center for animal drawn or waterborne transportation. The major effect of the railroad was to shorten the distance that had to be covered by the older, slower, and more costly means. Wagon freighters continued operating throughout the 1870's and 1880's and into the 1890's. Although over constantly shrinking routes, and coaches and wagons continued to crisscross the West wherever the rails had not yet been laid. The beginning of a major change was foreshadowed in the later 1860's, when the Union Pacific Railroad at last began to build westward from the Central Plains city of Omaha to meet the Central Pacific Railroad advancing eastward from California through the formidable barrier of the Sierra Nevada. Although President Abraham Lincoln signed the original Pacific Railroad bill in 1862 and a revised, financially much more generous version in 1864, little construction was completed until 1865 on the Central Pacific and 1866 on the Union Pacific. The primary reason was skepticism that a Railroad built through so challenging and thinly settled a stretch of desert, mountain, and semiarid plain could pay a profit. In the words of an economist, this was a case of "premature enterprise", where not only the cost of construction but also the very high risk deterred private investment. In discussing the Pacific Railroad bill, the chair of the congressional committee bluntly stated that without government subsidy no one would undertake so unpromising a venture; yet it was a national necessity to link East and West together. | 25.txt | 1 |
[
"They developed competing routes.",
"Their drivers refused to work for the railroads.",
"They began to specialize in private investment.",
"There were insufficient numbers of trained people to operate them."
]
| What can be inferred about coaches and wagon freighters as the railroad expanded? | Before the mid 1860's, the impact of the railroads in the United States was limited, in the sense that the tracks ended at this Missouri River, approximately the center of the country. At the point the trains turned their freight, mail, and passengers over to steamboats, wagons, and stagecoaches. This meant that wagon freighting, stagecoaching, and steamboating did not come to an end when the first train appeared; rather they became supplements or feeders. Each new "end of track" became a center for animal drawn or waterborne transportation. The major effect of the railroad was to shorten the distance that had to be covered by the older, slower, and more costly means. Wagon freighters continued operating throughout the 1870's and 1880's and into the 1890's. Although over constantly shrinking routes, and coaches and wagons continued to crisscross the West wherever the rails had not yet been laid. The beginning of a major change was foreshadowed in the later 1860's, when the Union Pacific Railroad at last began to build westward from the Central Plains city of Omaha to meet the Central Pacific Railroad advancing eastward from California through the formidable barrier of the Sierra Nevada. Although President Abraham Lincoln signed the original Pacific Railroad bill in 1862 and a revised, financially much more generous version in 1864, little construction was completed until 1865 on the Central Pacific and 1866 on the Union Pacific. The primary reason was skepticism that a Railroad built through so challenging and thinly settled a stretch of desert, mountain, and semiarid plain could pay a profit. In the words of an economist, this was a case of "premature enterprise", where not only the cost of construction but also the very high risk deterred private investment. In discussing the Pacific Railroad bill, the chair of the congressional committee bluntly stated that without government subsidy no one would undertake so unpromising a venture; yet it was a national necessity to link East and West together. | 25.txt | 3 |
[
"To argue that a more direct route to the West could have been taken.",
"To identify a historically significant mountain range in the West.",
"To point out the location of a serious train accident.",
"To give an example of an obstacle faced by the central pacific."
]
| Why does the author mention the Sierra Nevada in line 17? | Before the mid 1860's, the impact of the railroads in the United States was limited, in the sense that the tracks ended at this Missouri River, approximately the center of the country. At the point the trains turned their freight, mail, and passengers over to steamboats, wagons, and stagecoaches. This meant that wagon freighting, stagecoaching, and steamboating did not come to an end when the first train appeared; rather they became supplements or feeders. Each new "end of track" became a center for animal drawn or waterborne transportation. The major effect of the railroad was to shorten the distance that had to be covered by the older, slower, and more costly means. Wagon freighters continued operating throughout the 1870's and 1880's and into the 1890's. Although over constantly shrinking routes, and coaches and wagons continued to crisscross the West wherever the rails had not yet been laid. The beginning of a major change was foreshadowed in the later 1860's, when the Union Pacific Railroad at last began to build westward from the Central Plains city of Omaha to meet the Central Pacific Railroad advancing eastward from California through the formidable barrier of the Sierra Nevada. Although President Abraham Lincoln signed the original Pacific Railroad bill in 1862 and a revised, financially much more generous version in 1864, little construction was completed until 1865 on the Central Pacific and 1866 on the Union Pacific. The primary reason was skepticism that a Railroad built through so challenging and thinly settled a stretch of desert, mountain, and semiarid plain could pay a profit. In the words of an economist, this was a case of "premature enterprise", where not only the cost of construction but also the very high risk deterred private investment. In discussing the Pacific Railroad bill, the chair of the congressional committee bluntly stated that without government subsidy no one would undertake so unpromising a venture; yet it was a national necessity to link East and West together. | 25.txt | 3 |
[
"persuasion",
"financing",
"explanation",
"penalty"
]
| The word "subsidy" in line 27 is closest in meaning to _. | Before the mid 1860's, the impact of the railroads in the United States was limited, in the sense that the tracks ended at this Missouri River, approximately the center of the country. At the point the trains turned their freight, mail, and passengers over to steamboats, wagons, and stagecoaches. This meant that wagon freighting, stagecoaching, and steamboating did not come to an end when the first train appeared; rather they became supplements or feeders. Each new "end of track" became a center for animal drawn or waterborne transportation. The major effect of the railroad was to shorten the distance that had to be covered by the older, slower, and more costly means. Wagon freighters continued operating throughout the 1870's and 1880's and into the 1890's. Although over constantly shrinking routes, and coaches and wagons continued to crisscross the West wherever the rails had not yet been laid. The beginning of a major change was foreshadowed in the later 1860's, when the Union Pacific Railroad at last began to build westward from the Central Plains city of Omaha to meet the Central Pacific Railroad advancing eastward from California through the formidable barrier of the Sierra Nevada. Although President Abraham Lincoln signed the original Pacific Railroad bill in 1862 and a revised, financially much more generous version in 1864, little construction was completed until 1865 on the Central Pacific and 1866 on the Union Pacific. The primary reason was skepticism that a Railroad built through so challenging and thinly settled a stretch of desert, mountain, and semiarid plain could pay a profit. In the words of an economist, this was a case of "premature enterprise", where not only the cost of construction but also the very high risk deterred private investment. In discussing the Pacific Railroad bill, the chair of the congressional committee bluntly stated that without government subsidy no one would undertake so unpromising a venture; yet it was a national necessity to link East and West together. | 25.txt | 1 |
[
"What matters is not energy, but entropy.",
"It is entropy that makes an energy flow possible.",
"As an energy flows, entropy is decreased.",
"As an energy flows, entropy is increased."
]
| According to Morton's thesis, which one of the following statements is TRUE of entropy? | Photosynthesis is the basis of life on Earth. Thermodynamics is the order and disorder in the universe. Put them together and you have the makings of a book that may re-order the way you think about the world. And that is what Oliver Morton, news editor at Nature (and who once worked for this paper), has done.
Mr Morton's thesis is that modern biology has become so focused on the movement of information, in the form of genes, that it has neglected the processes needed to move that information around: in essence, thermodynamics. People talk glibly of "using up" energy when in fact they are doing no such thing. What is actually used up is order. An energy flow drives the process, but it is disorder (or "entropy", to use the jargon) that changes, by increasing.
A highly ordered system such as a living thing thus needs an abundant supply of negative entropy (or unentropy, or call it what you will) to maintain its internal order. That negative entropy comes from the sun and is captured by photosynthesis, which uses light to split water molecules and combines the resulting hydrogen with carbon dioxide to form sugars. The sugars are a store of negative entropy that can be used elsewhere. The waste product, conveniently for the animals of Earth, is oxygen.
The book, then, is in part a refrain in praise of photosynthesis, the Earth's energy and order currency-exchange market. It is also an entertaining history of how the subject arrived where it is today-and an illuminating insight for the non-scientist into how the magisterial pronouncements of science are every bit as much the result of sausage-making as Bismarck's description of the process of legislation.
The text is peppered with vignettes and asides that highlight science's faltering march forward on the backs of researchers, who are by turns quirky and visionary. The process of discovery is not chronological but is forever folding back on itself, revisiting half-solved problems. Mr Morton is careful to point out where progress has been impeded by hubris or tucked away in academic literature.
There is also, of course, the inevitable warning. Having perfected the energy-into-order recipe over billions of years, photosynthesis has left a great deal of waste in the Earth, as well as contributing oxygen to the atmosphere. That buried waste-coal, oil and natural gas-is what powers the industrial revolution still sweeping the Earth. By reuniting the two waste products of photosynthesis-oxygen in the air and carbon in the ground-this revolution has fuelled a rise in atmospheric carbon dioxide three times higher than any previous rise that can be measured. The system-the interaction between life and its surroundings: the atmosphere, the oceans and the upper levels of the Earth's crust-has been pushed out of equilibrium.
Mr Morton argues that the way in which industrialised humanity is interfering with the homeostatic process can be undone-not by way of a single, magic bullet, but by pursuit of a number of ultimately achievable goals. The damage is done but it is, he says, reparable. Humanity had better hope he is right. | 3509.txt | 3 |
[
"there is a lot of entropy in the ordered system.",
"the entropy is constantly decreasing in the system.",
"the order is constantly increasing in the system.",
"the thermodynamic is taking effect in the system."
]
| A living thing needs an abundant supply of negative entropy because _ | Photosynthesis is the basis of life on Earth. Thermodynamics is the order and disorder in the universe. Put them together and you have the makings of a book that may re-order the way you think about the world. And that is what Oliver Morton, news editor at Nature (and who once worked for this paper), has done.
Mr Morton's thesis is that modern biology has become so focused on the movement of information, in the form of genes, that it has neglected the processes needed to move that information around: in essence, thermodynamics. People talk glibly of "using up" energy when in fact they are doing no such thing. What is actually used up is order. An energy flow drives the process, but it is disorder (or "entropy", to use the jargon) that changes, by increasing.
A highly ordered system such as a living thing thus needs an abundant supply of negative entropy (or unentropy, or call it what you will) to maintain its internal order. That negative entropy comes from the sun and is captured by photosynthesis, which uses light to split water molecules and combines the resulting hydrogen with carbon dioxide to form sugars. The sugars are a store of negative entropy that can be used elsewhere. The waste product, conveniently for the animals of Earth, is oxygen.
The book, then, is in part a refrain in praise of photosynthesis, the Earth's energy and order currency-exchange market. It is also an entertaining history of how the subject arrived where it is today-and an illuminating insight for the non-scientist into how the magisterial pronouncements of science are every bit as much the result of sausage-making as Bismarck's description of the process of legislation.
The text is peppered with vignettes and asides that highlight science's faltering march forward on the backs of researchers, who are by turns quirky and visionary. The process of discovery is not chronological but is forever folding back on itself, revisiting half-solved problems. Mr Morton is careful to point out where progress has been impeded by hubris or tucked away in academic literature.
There is also, of course, the inevitable warning. Having perfected the energy-into-order recipe over billions of years, photosynthesis has left a great deal of waste in the Earth, as well as contributing oxygen to the atmosphere. That buried waste-coal, oil and natural gas-is what powers the industrial revolution still sweeping the Earth. By reuniting the two waste products of photosynthesis-oxygen in the air and carbon in the ground-this revolution has fuelled a rise in atmospheric carbon dioxide three times higher than any previous rise that can be measured. The system-the interaction between life and its surroundings: the atmosphere, the oceans and the upper levels of the Earth's crust-has been pushed out of equilibrium.
Mr Morton argues that the way in which industrialised humanity is interfering with the homeostatic process can be undone-not by way of a single, magic bullet, but by pursuit of a number of ultimately achievable goals. The damage is done but it is, he says, reparable. Humanity had better hope he is right. | 3509.txt | 1 |
[
"deny.",
"restrain.",
"repetition.",
"confirmation."
]
| The word "refrain" (Line 1, Paragraph 4) most probably means _ | Photosynthesis is the basis of life on Earth. Thermodynamics is the order and disorder in the universe. Put them together and you have the makings of a book that may re-order the way you think about the world. And that is what Oliver Morton, news editor at Nature (and who once worked for this paper), has done.
Mr Morton's thesis is that modern biology has become so focused on the movement of information, in the form of genes, that it has neglected the processes needed to move that information around: in essence, thermodynamics. People talk glibly of "using up" energy when in fact they are doing no such thing. What is actually used up is order. An energy flow drives the process, but it is disorder (or "entropy", to use the jargon) that changes, by increasing.
A highly ordered system such as a living thing thus needs an abundant supply of negative entropy (or unentropy, or call it what you will) to maintain its internal order. That negative entropy comes from the sun and is captured by photosynthesis, which uses light to split water molecules and combines the resulting hydrogen with carbon dioxide to form sugars. The sugars are a store of negative entropy that can be used elsewhere. The waste product, conveniently for the animals of Earth, is oxygen.
The book, then, is in part a refrain in praise of photosynthesis, the Earth's energy and order currency-exchange market. It is also an entertaining history of how the subject arrived where it is today-and an illuminating insight for the non-scientist into how the magisterial pronouncements of science are every bit as much the result of sausage-making as Bismarck's description of the process of legislation.
The text is peppered with vignettes and asides that highlight science's faltering march forward on the backs of researchers, who are by turns quirky and visionary. The process of discovery is not chronological but is forever folding back on itself, revisiting half-solved problems. Mr Morton is careful to point out where progress has been impeded by hubris or tucked away in academic literature.
There is also, of course, the inevitable warning. Having perfected the energy-into-order recipe over billions of years, photosynthesis has left a great deal of waste in the Earth, as well as contributing oxygen to the atmosphere. That buried waste-coal, oil and natural gas-is what powers the industrial revolution still sweeping the Earth. By reuniting the two waste products of photosynthesis-oxygen in the air and carbon in the ground-this revolution has fuelled a rise in atmospheric carbon dioxide three times higher than any previous rise that can be measured. The system-the interaction between life and its surroundings: the atmosphere, the oceans and the upper levels of the Earth's crust-has been pushed out of equilibrium.
Mr Morton argues that the way in which industrialised humanity is interfering with the homeostatic process can be undone-not by way of a single, magic bullet, but by pursuit of a number of ultimately achievable goals. The damage is done but it is, he says, reparable. Humanity had better hope he is right. | 3509.txt | 1 |
[
"vision of some quirky researchers.",
"reconsideration of problems that are partially addressed.",
"deliberate mystery-making to the non-scientists.",
"a process of legistration of academic literature."
]
| According to Mr Morton's book, science can best be described as _ | Photosynthesis is the basis of life on Earth. Thermodynamics is the order and disorder in the universe. Put them together and you have the makings of a book that may re-order the way you think about the world. And that is what Oliver Morton, news editor at Nature (and who once worked for this paper), has done.
Mr Morton's thesis is that modern biology has become so focused on the movement of information, in the form of genes, that it has neglected the processes needed to move that information around: in essence, thermodynamics. People talk glibly of "using up" energy when in fact they are doing no such thing. What is actually used up is order. An energy flow drives the process, but it is disorder (or "entropy", to use the jargon) that changes, by increasing.
A highly ordered system such as a living thing thus needs an abundant supply of negative entropy (or unentropy, or call it what you will) to maintain its internal order. That negative entropy comes from the sun and is captured by photosynthesis, which uses light to split water molecules and combines the resulting hydrogen with carbon dioxide to form sugars. The sugars are a store of negative entropy that can be used elsewhere. The waste product, conveniently for the animals of Earth, is oxygen.
The book, then, is in part a refrain in praise of photosynthesis, the Earth's energy and order currency-exchange market. It is also an entertaining history of how the subject arrived where it is today-and an illuminating insight for the non-scientist into how the magisterial pronouncements of science are every bit as much the result of sausage-making as Bismarck's description of the process of legislation.
The text is peppered with vignettes and asides that highlight science's faltering march forward on the backs of researchers, who are by turns quirky and visionary. The process of discovery is not chronological but is forever folding back on itself, revisiting half-solved problems. Mr Morton is careful to point out where progress has been impeded by hubris or tucked away in academic literature.
There is also, of course, the inevitable warning. Having perfected the energy-into-order recipe over billions of years, photosynthesis has left a great deal of waste in the Earth, as well as contributing oxygen to the atmosphere. That buried waste-coal, oil and natural gas-is what powers the industrial revolution still sweeping the Earth. By reuniting the two waste products of photosynthesis-oxygen in the air and carbon in the ground-this revolution has fuelled a rise in atmospheric carbon dioxide three times higher than any previous rise that can be measured. The system-the interaction between life and its surroundings: the atmosphere, the oceans and the upper levels of the Earth's crust-has been pushed out of equilibrium.
Mr Morton argues that the way in which industrialised humanity is interfering with the homeostatic process can be undone-not by way of a single, magic bullet, but by pursuit of a number of ultimately achievable goals. The damage is done but it is, he says, reparable. Humanity had better hope he is right. | 3509.txt | 1 |
[
"positive.",
"negative.",
"skeptical.",
"unclear."
]
| Towards the prospect described by Mr Morton, the author's attitude can best be described as _ | Photosynthesis is the basis of life on Earth. Thermodynamics is the order and disorder in the universe. Put them together and you have the makings of a book that may re-order the way you think about the world. And that is what Oliver Morton, news editor at Nature (and who once worked for this paper), has done.
Mr Morton's thesis is that modern biology has become so focused on the movement of information, in the form of genes, that it has neglected the processes needed to move that information around: in essence, thermodynamics. People talk glibly of "using up" energy when in fact they are doing no such thing. What is actually used up is order. An energy flow drives the process, but it is disorder (or "entropy", to use the jargon) that changes, by increasing.
A highly ordered system such as a living thing thus needs an abundant supply of negative entropy (or unentropy, or call it what you will) to maintain its internal order. That negative entropy comes from the sun and is captured by photosynthesis, which uses light to split water molecules and combines the resulting hydrogen with carbon dioxide to form sugars. The sugars are a store of negative entropy that can be used elsewhere. The waste product, conveniently for the animals of Earth, is oxygen.
The book, then, is in part a refrain in praise of photosynthesis, the Earth's energy and order currency-exchange market. It is also an entertaining history of how the subject arrived where it is today-and an illuminating insight for the non-scientist into how the magisterial pronouncements of science are every bit as much the result of sausage-making as Bismarck's description of the process of legislation.
The text is peppered with vignettes and asides that highlight science's faltering march forward on the backs of researchers, who are by turns quirky and visionary. The process of discovery is not chronological but is forever folding back on itself, revisiting half-solved problems. Mr Morton is careful to point out where progress has been impeded by hubris or tucked away in academic literature.
There is also, of course, the inevitable warning. Having perfected the energy-into-order recipe over billions of years, photosynthesis has left a great deal of waste in the Earth, as well as contributing oxygen to the atmosphere. That buried waste-coal, oil and natural gas-is what powers the industrial revolution still sweeping the Earth. By reuniting the two waste products of photosynthesis-oxygen in the air and carbon in the ground-this revolution has fuelled a rise in atmospheric carbon dioxide three times higher than any previous rise that can be measured. The system-the interaction between life and its surroundings: the atmosphere, the oceans and the upper levels of the Earth's crust-has been pushed out of equilibrium.
Mr Morton argues that the way in which industrialised humanity is interfering with the homeostatic process can be undone-not by way of a single, magic bullet, but by pursuit of a number of ultimately achievable goals. The damage is done but it is, he says, reparable. Humanity had better hope he is right. | 3509.txt | 2 |
[
"Gilpin's landscape photographs more accurately documented the Southwest than did the photographs of explorers and conservationists.",
"Gilpin's style of landscape photography substantially influenced the heroic style practiced by her male counterparts.",
"The labeling of Gilpin's style of landscape photography as feminine ignores important ties between it and the heroic style.",
"Gilpin's work exemplifies an arguably feminine style of landscape photography that contrasts with the style used by her male predecessors."
]
| Which of the following best expresses the main idea of the passage? | Before Laura Gilpin (1891-1979), few women in the history of photography had so devoted themselves to chronicling the landscape. Other women had photographed the land, but none can be regarded as a landscape photographer with a sustained body of work documenting the physical terrain. Anne Brigman often photographed woodlands and coastal areas, but they were generally settings for her artfully placed subjects. Dorothea Lange's landscapes were always conceived of as counterparts to her portraits of rural women.
At the same time that Gilpin's interest in landscape work distinguished her from most other women photographers, her approach to landscape photography set her apart from men photographers who, like Gilpin, documented the western United States. Western American landscape photography grew out of a male tradition, pioneered by photographers attached to government and commercial survey teams that went west in the 1860's and 1870's. These explorer-photographers documented the West that their employers wanted to see: an exotic and majestic land shaped by awesome natural forces, unpopulated and ready for American settlement. The next generation of male photographers, represented by Ansel Adams and Eliot Porter, often worked with conservationist groups rather than government agencies or commercial companies, but they nonetheless preserved the "heroic" style and maintained the role of respectful outsider peering in with reverence at a fragile natural world.
For Gilpin, by contrast, the landscape was neither an empty vista awaiting human settlement nor a jewel-like scene resisting human intrusion, but a peopled landscape with a rich history and tradition of its own, an environment that shaped and molded the lives of its inhabitants. Her photographs of the Rio Grande, for example, consistently depict the river in terms of its significance to human culture: as a source of irrigation water, a source of food for livestock, and a provider of town sites. Also instructive is Gilpin's general avoidance of extreme close-ups (a photograph or movie shot taken at close range) of her natural subjects: for her, emblematic details could never suggest the intricacies of the interrelationship between people and nature that made the landscape a compelling subject. While it is dangerous to draw conclusions about a "feminine" way of seeing from the work of one woman, it can nonetheless be argued that Gilpin's unique approach to landscape photography was analogous to the work of many women writers who, far more than their male counterparts, described the landscape in terms of its potential to sustain human life.
Gilpin never spoke of herself as a photographer with a feminine perspective: she eschewed any discussion of gender as it related to her work and maintained little interest in interpretations that relied on the concept of a "woman's eye." Thus it is ironic that her photographic evocation of a historical landscape should so clearly present a distinctively feminine approach to landscape photography. | 1946.txt | 3 |
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