option
list | question
stringlengths 11
354
| article
stringlengths 231
6.74k
| id
stringlengths 5
8
| label
int64 0
3
|
|---|---|---|---|---|
[
"It is human nature to shift between self-doubt and blind pride.",
"Intense competition may contribute to economic progress.",
"The revival of the economy depends on international cooperation.",
"A long history of success may pave the way for further development."
] | What can be inferred from the passage? | A history of long and effortless success can be a dreadful handicap, but, if properly handled, it may become a driving force. When the United States entered just such a glowing period after the end of the Second World War, it had a market eight times larger than any competitor, giving its industries unparalleled economies of scale. Its scientists were the world's best, its workers the most skilled. America and Americans were prosperous beyond the dreams of the Europeans and Asians whose economies the war had destroyed.
It was inevitable that this primacy should have narrowed as other countries grew richer. Just as inevitably, the retreat from predominance proved painful. By the mid-1980s Americans had found themselves at a loss over their fading industrial competitiveness. Some huge American industries, such as consumer electronics, had shrunk or vanished in the face of foreign competition. By 1987 there was only one American television maker left, Zenith. (Now there is none: Zenith was bought by South Korea's LG Electronics in July.) Foreign-made cars and textiles were sweeping into the domestic market. America's machine-tool industry was on the ropes. For a while it looked as though the making of semiconductors, which America had invented and which sat at the heart of the new computer age, was going to be the next casualty.
All of this caused a crisis of confidence. Americans stopped taking prosperity for granted. They began to believe that their way of doing business was failing, and that their incomes would therefore shortly begin to fall as well. The mid-1980s brought one inquiry after another into the causes of America's industrial decline. Their sometimes sensational findings were filled with warnings about the growing competition from overseas.
How things have changed! In 1995 the United States can look back on five years of solid growth while Japan has been struggling. Few Americans attribute this solely to such obvious causes as a devalued dollar or the turning of the business cycle. Self-doubt has yielded to blind pride. "American industry has changed its structure, has gone on a diet, has learnt to be more quick-witted," according to Richard Cavanagh, executive dean of Harvard's Kennedy School of Government. "It makes me proud to be an American just to see how our businesses are improving their productivity," says Stephen Moore of the Cato Institute, a think-tank in Washington, DC. And William Sahlman of the Harvard Business School believes that people will look back on this period as "a golden age of business management in the United States." | 903.txt | 1 |
[
"turning of the business cycle",
"restructuring of industry",
"improved business management",
"success in education"
] | The author seems to believe the revival of the U.S. economy in the 1990s can be attributed to the . | A history of long and effortless success can be a dreadful handicap, but, if properly handled, it may become a driving force. When the United States entered just such a glowing period after the end of the Second World War, it had a market eight times larger than any competitor, giving its industries unparalleled economies of scale. Its scientists were the world's best, its workers the most skilled. America and Americans were prosperous beyond the dreams of the Europeans and Asians whose economies the war had destroyed.
It was inevitable that this primacy should have narrowed as other countries grew richer. Just as inevitably, the retreat from predominance proved painful. By the mid-1980s Americans had found themselves at a loss over their fading industrial competitiveness. Some huge American industries, such as consumer electronics, had shrunk or vanished in the face of foreign competition. By 1987 there was only one American television maker left, Zenith. (Now there is none: Zenith was bought by South Korea's LG Electronics in July.) Foreign-made cars and textiles were sweeping into the domestic market. America's machine-tool industry was on the ropes. For a while it looked as though the making of semiconductors, which America had invented and which sat at the heart of the new computer age, was going to be the next casualty.
All of this caused a crisis of confidence. Americans stopped taking prosperity for granted. They began to believe that their way of doing business was failing, and that their incomes would therefore shortly begin to fall as well. The mid-1980s brought one inquiry after another into the causes of America's industrial decline. Their sometimes sensational findings were filled with warnings about the growing competition from overseas.
How things have changed! In 1995 the United States can look back on five years of solid growth while Japan has been struggling. Few Americans attribute this solely to such obvious causes as a devalued dollar or the turning of the business cycle. Self-doubt has yielded to blind pride. "American industry has changed its structure, has gone on a diet, has learnt to be more quick-witted," according to Richard Cavanagh, executive dean of Harvard's Kennedy School of Government. "It makes me proud to be an American just to see how our businesses are improving their productivity," says Stephen Moore of the Cato Institute, a think-tank in Washington, DC. And William Sahlman of the Harvard Business School believes that people will look back on this period as "a golden age of business management in the United States." | 903.txt | 0 |
[
"go to the newspaper stand and buy",
"send their own news stories to",
"agree to buy for a specific period of time",
"become faithful readers of"
] | The phrase "subscribe to" in the first paragraph means" _ " | Almost every family buys as least one copy of anewspaper every day.Some people subscribe to asmany as two or three different newspapers But whydo people read newspapers?
Five hundred years ago，news of importanthappenings--battles lost and won，kings or rulersoverthrownor killed--took months and evenyears to travel from one country to another.The news passed by word of mouth and was neveraccurate.Today we can read in our newspapers of important events that occur in far awaycountries on the same day they happen.
Apart from supplying news from all over the world，newspapers give us a lot of other usefulinformation There are weather reports，radio，television and film guides，bookreviews，stories，and of course.advertisements.The bigger ones are put in by large companiesto bring attention to their products.They pay the newspapers thousands of dollars for theadvertising space，but it is worth the money for news of their products goes into almost everyhome in the country For those who produce newspapers，advertisements are also veryimportant.Money earned from advertisements makes it possible for them to sell theirnewspapers at a low price and still make a profit. | 2441.txt | 2 |
[
"widespread",
"found among a few families",
"not popular",
"uncommon"
] | The habit of reading newspapers is _ . | Almost every family buys as least one copy of anewspaper every day.Some people subscribe to asmany as two or three different newspapers But whydo people read newspapers?
Five hundred years ago，news of importanthappenings--battles lost and won，kings or rulersoverthrownor killed--took months and evenyears to travel from one country to another.The news passed by word of mouth and was neveraccurate.Today we can read in our newspapers of important events that occur in far awaycountries on the same day they happen.
Apart from supplying news from all over the world，newspapers give us a lot of other usefulinformation There are weather reports，radio，television and film guides，bookreviews，stories，and of course.advertisements.The bigger ones are put in by large companiesto bring attention to their products.They pay the newspapers thousands of dollars for theadvertising space，but it is worth the money for news of their products goes into almost everyhome in the country For those who produce newspapers，advertisements are also veryimportant.Money earned from advertisements makes it possible for them to sell theirnewspapers at a low price and still make a profit. | 2441.txt | 0 |
[
"bad news traveled quickly and good news slowly",
"few people cared about events that took place in far away countries",
"kings and rulers were often overthrown or killed",
"news was passed from one person to another"
] | Before the time of the newspaper， _ . | Almost every family buys as least one copy of anewspaper every day.Some people subscribe to asmany as two or three different newspapers But whydo people read newspapers?
Five hundred years ago，news of importanthappenings--battles lost and won，kings or rulersoverthrownor killed--took months and evenyears to travel from one country to another.The news passed by word of mouth and was neveraccurate.Today we can read in our newspapers of important events that occur in far awaycountries on the same day they happen.
Apart from supplying news from all over the world，newspapers give us a lot of other usefulinformation There are weather reports，radio，television and film guides，bookreviews，stories，and of course.advertisements.The bigger ones are put in by large companiesto bring attention to their products.They pay the newspapers thousands of dollars for theadvertising space，but it is worth the money for news of their products goes into almost everyhome in the country For those who produce newspapers，advertisements are also veryimportant.Money earned from advertisements makes it possible for them to sell theirnewspapers at a low price and still make a profit. | 2441.txt | 3 |
[
"wasted",
"not much",
"well spent",
"of no use to anyone"
] | The author seems to agree that money spent on advertisements is _ . | Almost every family buys as least one copy of anewspaper every day.Some people subscribe to asmany as two or three different newspapers But whydo people read newspapers?
Five hundred years ago，news of importanthappenings--battles lost and won，kings or rulersoverthrownor killed--took months and evenyears to travel from one country to another.The news passed by word of mouth and was neveraccurate.Today we can read in our newspapers of important events that occur in far awaycountries on the same day they happen.
Apart from supplying news from all over the world，newspapers give us a lot of other usefulinformation There are weather reports，radio，television and film guides，bookreviews，stories，and of course.advertisements.The bigger ones are put in by large companiesto bring attention to their products.They pay the newspapers thousands of dollars for theadvertising space，but it is worth the money for news of their products goes into almost everyhome in the country For those who produce newspapers，advertisements are also veryimportant.Money earned from advertisements makes it possible for them to sell theirnewspapers at a low price and still make a profit. | 2441.txt | 2 |
[
"Five hundred years ago it took a long time for news to reach other countries.",
"Newspaper advertisements turn people'S attention away from their products.",
"The news that we read in newspapers is mainly about new products.",
"When newspapers are sold at a low price，the newspaper producers will lose money."
] | Which of the following statements is TRUE? | Almost every family buys as least one copy of anewspaper every day.Some people subscribe to asmany as two or three different newspapers But whydo people read newspapers?
Five hundred years ago，news of importanthappenings--battles lost and won，kings or rulersoverthrownor killed--took months and evenyears to travel from one country to another.The news passed by word of mouth and was neveraccurate.Today we can read in our newspapers of important events that occur in far awaycountries on the same day they happen.
Apart from supplying news from all over the world，newspapers give us a lot of other usefulinformation There are weather reports，radio，television and film guides，bookreviews，stories，and of course.advertisements.The bigger ones are put in by large companiesto bring attention to their products.They pay the newspapers thousands of dollars for theadvertising space，but it is worth the money for news of their products goes into almost everyhome in the country For those who produce newspapers，advertisements are also veryimportant.Money earned from advertisements makes it possible for them to sell theirnewspapers at a low price and still make a profit. | 2441.txt | 0 |
[
"She was not familiar with the road.",
"It was dark and raining heavily then.",
"The railway works failed to give the signal.",
"Her GPS device didn't tell her about the crossing"
] | What did Paula Ceely think was the cause of her accident? | One evening in February 2007. a student named Paula Ceely brought her car to a stop on a remote in Wales. She got out to open a metal gate that blocked her path. That's when she heard the whistle sounded by the driver of a train.Her Renault Clio parked across a railway line. Second later,she watched the train drag her car almost a kilometre down the railway tracks.
Ceely's near miss made the news because she blamed it on her GPS device.She had never driven the route before.It was dark and raining heavily. Ceely was relying on her GPS. But it made no mention of the crossing."I put my complete trust in the device and it led me right into the path of a speeding train ,"she told the BBC.
Who is to blame here ? Rick Stevenson ,who tells Ceely's story in his book When Machines Fail US, finger at the limitations of technology. We put our faith in digital devices, he says,but our digital helpers are too often not up to the job. They are filled with small problems. And it's not just GPS devices: Stevenson takes us on a tour of digital disasters involving everything from mobile phones to wireless key boards.
The problem with his argument in the book is that it's not clear why he only focuses digital technology,while there may be a number of other possible causes. A map-maker might have left the crossing off a paper map. Maybe we should blame Ceely for not paying attention. perhaps the railway authorities are at fault for poor signaling system. Or maybe someone has studied the relative dangers and worked out that there really is something specific wrong with the CPS equipment. But Stevenson doesn't say.
It's a problem that runs through the book. In a section on cars, Stevenson gives an accout of the advanced techniques that criminals use to defeat computer-based locking systems for cars. He offers two independent sets of figures on car theft; both show a small rise in some parts of the country. He says that once once again not all new locks have proved reliable. Perhaps, but maybe it's also due to the shortage of policemen on the streets. Or changing social circumstances. Or some combination of these factors.
The game between humans and their smart devices is complex. It is shaped by economics and psychology and the cultures we live in. Somewhere in the mix of those forces there may be way a wiser use of technology.
If there is such a way, it should involve more than just an awareness of the shortcomings of our machines. After all, we have lived with them for thousands of years. They have probably been fooling us for just as long. | 3129.txt | 3 |
[
"close bit",
"heavy loss",
"narrow escape",
"big mistake"
] | The phrase" near miss" (paragraph 2 ) can best be replaced by _ . | One evening in February 2007. a student named Paula Ceely brought her car to a stop on a remote in Wales. She got out to open a metal gate that blocked her path. That's when she heard the whistle sounded by the driver of a train.Her Renault Clio parked across a railway line. Second later,she watched the train drag her car almost a kilometre down the railway tracks.
Ceely's near miss made the news because she blamed it on her GPS device.She had never driven the route before.It was dark and raining heavily. Ceely was relying on her GPS. But it made no mention of the crossing."I put my complete trust in the device and it led me right into the path of a speeding train ,"she told the BBC.
Who is to blame here ? Rick Stevenson ,who tells Ceely's story in his book When Machines Fail US, finger at the limitations of technology. We put our faith in digital devices, he says,but our digital helpers are too often not up to the job. They are filled with small problems. And it's not just GPS devices: Stevenson takes us on a tour of digital disasters involving everything from mobile phones to wireless key boards.
The problem with his argument in the book is that it's not clear why he only focuses digital technology,while there may be a number of other possible causes. A map-maker might have left the crossing off a paper map. Maybe we should blame Ceely for not paying attention. perhaps the railway authorities are at fault for poor signaling system. Or maybe someone has studied the relative dangers and worked out that there really is something specific wrong with the CPS equipment. But Stevenson doesn't say.
It's a problem that runs through the book. In a section on cars, Stevenson gives an accout of the advanced techniques that criminals use to defeat computer-based locking systems for cars. He offers two independent sets of figures on car theft; both show a small rise in some parts of the country. He says that once once again not all new locks have proved reliable. Perhaps, but maybe it's also due to the shortage of policemen on the streets. Or changing social circumstances. Or some combination of these factors.
The game between humans and their smart devices is complex. It is shaped by economics and psychology and the cultures we live in. Somewhere in the mix of those forces there may be way a wiser use of technology.
If there is such a way, it should involve more than just an awareness of the shortcomings of our machines. After all, we have lived with them for thousands of years. They have probably been fooling us for just as long. | 3129.txt | 2 |
[
"Modern technology is what we can't live without.",
"Digital technology often falls short of out expectation.",
"Digital devices are more reliable than they used to be.",
"GPS error is not the only cause for Celery's accident."
] | Which of the following would Rick Stevenson most probably agree with? | One evening in February 2007. a student named Paula Ceely brought her car to a stop on a remote in Wales. She got out to open a metal gate that blocked her path. That's when she heard the whistle sounded by the driver of a train.Her Renault Clio parked across a railway line. Second later,she watched the train drag her car almost a kilometre down the railway tracks.
Ceely's near miss made the news because she blamed it on her GPS device.She had never driven the route before.It was dark and raining heavily. Ceely was relying on her GPS. But it made no mention of the crossing."I put my complete trust in the device and it led me right into the path of a speeding train ,"she told the BBC.
Who is to blame here ? Rick Stevenson ,who tells Ceely's story in his book When Machines Fail US, finger at the limitations of technology. We put our faith in digital devices, he says,but our digital helpers are too often not up to the job. They are filled with small problems. And it's not just GPS devices: Stevenson takes us on a tour of digital disasters involving everything from mobile phones to wireless key boards.
The problem with his argument in the book is that it's not clear why he only focuses digital technology,while there may be a number of other possible causes. A map-maker might have left the crossing off a paper map. Maybe we should blame Ceely for not paying attention. perhaps the railway authorities are at fault for poor signaling system. Or maybe someone has studied the relative dangers and worked out that there really is something specific wrong with the CPS equipment. But Stevenson doesn't say.
It's a problem that runs through the book. In a section on cars, Stevenson gives an accout of the advanced techniques that criminals use to defeat computer-based locking systems for cars. He offers two independent sets of figures on car theft; both show a small rise in some parts of the country. He says that once once again not all new locks have proved reliable. Perhaps, but maybe it's also due to the shortage of policemen on the streets. Or changing social circumstances. Or some combination of these factors.
The game between humans and their smart devices is complex. It is shaped by economics and psychology and the cultures we live in. Somewhere in the mix of those forces there may be way a wiser use of technology.
If there is such a way, it should involve more than just an awareness of the shortcomings of our machines. After all, we have lived with them for thousands of years. They have probably been fooling us for just as long. | 3129.txt | 1 |
[
"one-sided",
"reasonable",
"puzzling",
"well-based"
] | In the writer's opinion, Stevenson's argument is _ . | One evening in February 2007. a student named Paula Ceely brought her car to a stop on a remote in Wales. She got out to open a metal gate that blocked her path. That's when she heard the whistle sounded by the driver of a train.Her Renault Clio parked across a railway line. Second later,she watched the train drag her car almost a kilometre down the railway tracks.
Ceely's near miss made the news because she blamed it on her GPS device.She had never driven the route before.It was dark and raining heavily. Ceely was relying on her GPS. But it made no mention of the crossing."I put my complete trust in the device and it led me right into the path of a speeding train ,"she told the BBC.
Who is to blame here ? Rick Stevenson ,who tells Ceely's story in his book When Machines Fail US, finger at the limitations of technology. We put our faith in digital devices, he says,but our digital helpers are too often not up to the job. They are filled with small problems. And it's not just GPS devices: Stevenson takes us on a tour of digital disasters involving everything from mobile phones to wireless key boards.
The problem with his argument in the book is that it's not clear why he only focuses digital technology,while there may be a number of other possible causes. A map-maker might have left the crossing off a paper map. Maybe we should blame Ceely for not paying attention. perhaps the railway authorities are at fault for poor signaling system. Or maybe someone has studied the relative dangers and worked out that there really is something specific wrong with the CPS equipment. But Stevenson doesn't say.
It's a problem that runs through the book. In a section on cars, Stevenson gives an accout of the advanced techniques that criminals use to defeat computer-based locking systems for cars. He offers two independent sets of figures on car theft; both show a small rise in some parts of the country. He says that once once again not all new locks have proved reliable. Perhaps, but maybe it's also due to the shortage of policemen on the streets. Or changing social circumstances. Or some combination of these factors.
The game between humans and their smart devices is complex. It is shaped by economics and psychology and the cultures we live in. Somewhere in the mix of those forces there may be way a wiser use of technology.
If there is such a way, it should involve more than just an awareness of the shortcomings of our machines. After all, we have lived with them for thousands of years. They have probably been fooling us for just as long. | 3129.txt | 0 |
[
"The major causes of traffic accidents and car thefts.",
"The relationship between humans and technology",
"The shortcomings of digital devices we use.",
"The human unawareness of technical problems."
] | What is the real concern of the writer of this article? | One evening in February 2007. a student named Paula Ceely brought her car to a stop on a remote in Wales. She got out to open a metal gate that blocked her path. That's when she heard the whistle sounded by the driver of a train.Her Renault Clio parked across a railway line. Second later,she watched the train drag her car almost a kilometre down the railway tracks.
Ceely's near miss made the news because she blamed it on her GPS device.She had never driven the route before.It was dark and raining heavily. Ceely was relying on her GPS. But it made no mention of the crossing."I put my complete trust in the device and it led me right into the path of a speeding train ,"she told the BBC.
Who is to blame here ? Rick Stevenson ,who tells Ceely's story in his book When Machines Fail US, finger at the limitations of technology. We put our faith in digital devices, he says,but our digital helpers are too often not up to the job. They are filled with small problems. And it's not just GPS devices: Stevenson takes us on a tour of digital disasters involving everything from mobile phones to wireless key boards.
The problem with his argument in the book is that it's not clear why he only focuses digital technology,while there may be a number of other possible causes. A map-maker might have left the crossing off a paper map. Maybe we should blame Ceely for not paying attention. perhaps the railway authorities are at fault for poor signaling system. Or maybe someone has studied the relative dangers and worked out that there really is something specific wrong with the CPS equipment. But Stevenson doesn't say.
It's a problem that runs through the book. In a section on cars, Stevenson gives an accout of the advanced techniques that criminals use to defeat computer-based locking systems for cars. He offers two independent sets of figures on car theft; both show a small rise in some parts of the country. He says that once once again not all new locks have proved reliable. Perhaps, but maybe it's also due to the shortage of policemen on the streets. Or changing social circumstances. Or some combination of these factors.
The game between humans and their smart devices is complex. It is shaped by economics and psychology and the cultures we live in. Somewhere in the mix of those forces there may be way a wiser use of technology.
If there is such a way, it should involve more than just an awareness of the shortcomings of our machines. After all, we have lived with them for thousands of years. They have probably been fooling us for just as long. | 3129.txt | 1 |
[
"Savings and the Growth Rate.",
"Banking and Finance: Two Different Realities.",
"Monetary Policy in Britain.",
"The European Continent and Britain."
] | What is the best title of the passage? | There are spectacular differences between financial markets on the Continent of Europe on the one hand, and in Britain on the other hand. In Britain, the market is really the City of London. It is a free market, and it controls most of the flow of savings to investment. On the Continent, either a few banks or government officials direct the flow of funds to suit their economic plans. In Germany the flow is directed by all-powerful banks. In Britain there is more free interplay of market forces and far fewer regulations, rules and "red tape". A French banker summed it up this way: "On the Continent you can't do anything unless you're been told you can; in England on the other hand you can do everything as long as you haven't been told not to."
There are many basic reasons for these differences. One is that Continental savers tend to prefer gold, cash or short-term assets. They invest only 10% of their savings in institutions like pension funds or insurance companies. But in Britain 50% of savings goes to them, and they, in turn, invest directly in equity market. A far lower proportion of savings is put in the banks in the form of liquid assets than on the Continent. Continental governments intervene directly or through the banks to collect savings together and transform them into medium or long-term loans for investment. The equity market is largely bypassed. On the Continent economic planning tends to be far more centralized than in Britain. In Britain it is possible to influence decisions affecting the country's economy from within the City. It attracts a skilled and highly qualified work force. In France, on the other hand, an intelligent young man who wants a career in finance would probably find the civil service more attractive.
In Britain the market, or more accurately, money tends to be regarded as an end in itself. On the Continent it is regarded as a means to an end: investment in the economy. To British eyes continental systems with possible exception of the Dutch seem slow and inefficient. But there is one outstanding fact the City should not overlook. Britain's growth rates and levels of investment over the last ten years have been much lower than on the Continent. There are many reasons for this, but the City must take part of the blame. If it is accepted that the basic function of a financial market is to supply industry and commerce with finance in order to achieve desired rates of growth, it can be said that by concentrating on the market for its own sake the City has tended to forget that basic function. | 3911.txt | 1 |
[
"The British tend to regard money as an end, whereas Continental European consider it a means to an end.",
"The British invest only 10% of their savings in pension funds.",
"On the Continent you can't do anything unless you have been told you can.",
"Intelligent young men who want a career tend to go to civil service on the Continent."
] | What seems to be the most fundamental reason for this difference? | There are spectacular differences between financial markets on the Continent of Europe on the one hand, and in Britain on the other hand. In Britain, the market is really the City of London. It is a free market, and it controls most of the flow of savings to investment. On the Continent, either a few banks or government officials direct the flow of funds to suit their economic plans. In Germany the flow is directed by all-powerful banks. In Britain there is more free interplay of market forces and far fewer regulations, rules and "red tape". A French banker summed it up this way: "On the Continent you can't do anything unless you're been told you can; in England on the other hand you can do everything as long as you haven't been told not to."
There are many basic reasons for these differences. One is that Continental savers tend to prefer gold, cash or short-term assets. They invest only 10% of their savings in institutions like pension funds or insurance companies. But in Britain 50% of savings goes to them, and they, in turn, invest directly in equity market. A far lower proportion of savings is put in the banks in the form of liquid assets than on the Continent. Continental governments intervene directly or through the banks to collect savings together and transform them into medium or long-term loans for investment. The equity market is largely bypassed. On the Continent economic planning tends to be far more centralized than in Britain. In Britain it is possible to influence decisions affecting the country's economy from within the City. It attracts a skilled and highly qualified work force. In France, on the other hand, an intelligent young man who wants a career in finance would probably find the civil service more attractive.
In Britain the market, or more accurately, money tends to be regarded as an end in itself. On the Continent it is regarded as a means to an end: investment in the economy. To British eyes continental systems with possible exception of the Dutch seem slow and inefficient. But there is one outstanding fact the City should not overlook. Britain's growth rates and levels of investment over the last ten years have been much lower than on the Continent. There are many reasons for this, but the City must take part of the blame. If it is accepted that the basic function of a financial market is to supply industry and commerce with finance in order to achieve desired rates of growth, it can be said that by concentrating on the market for its own sake the City has tended to forget that basic function. | 3911.txt | 0 |
[
"is similar to that of the French.",
"makes no difference whatever system it is compared to.",
"is perhaps resembling that of the British.",
"has a low efficiency."
] | According to the passage, the Dutch way of finance and banking _ . | There are spectacular differences between financial markets on the Continent of Europe on the one hand, and in Britain on the other hand. In Britain, the market is really the City of London. It is a free market, and it controls most of the flow of savings to investment. On the Continent, either a few banks or government officials direct the flow of funds to suit their economic plans. In Germany the flow is directed by all-powerful banks. In Britain there is more free interplay of market forces and far fewer regulations, rules and "red tape". A French banker summed it up this way: "On the Continent you can't do anything unless you're been told you can; in England on the other hand you can do everything as long as you haven't been told not to."
There are many basic reasons for these differences. One is that Continental savers tend to prefer gold, cash or short-term assets. They invest only 10% of their savings in institutions like pension funds or insurance companies. But in Britain 50% of savings goes to them, and they, in turn, invest directly in equity market. A far lower proportion of savings is put in the banks in the form of liquid assets than on the Continent. Continental governments intervene directly or through the banks to collect savings together and transform them into medium or long-term loans for investment. The equity market is largely bypassed. On the Continent economic planning tends to be far more centralized than in Britain. In Britain it is possible to influence decisions affecting the country's economy from within the City. It attracts a skilled and highly qualified work force. In France, on the other hand, an intelligent young man who wants a career in finance would probably find the civil service more attractive.
In Britain the market, or more accurately, money tends to be regarded as an end in itself. On the Continent it is regarded as a means to an end: investment in the economy. To British eyes continental systems with possible exception of the Dutch seem slow and inefficient. But there is one outstanding fact the City should not overlook. Britain's growth rates and levels of investment over the last ten years have been much lower than on the Continent. There are many reasons for this, but the City must take part of the blame. If it is accepted that the basic function of a financial market is to supply industry and commerce with finance in order to achieve desired rates of growth, it can be said that by concentrating on the market for its own sake the City has tended to forget that basic function. | 3911.txt | 2 |
[
"beating",
"surplus",
"noticeable",
"seemingly"
] | The word "outstanding" in Line 4, Para 3 _ | There are spectacular differences between financial markets on the Continent of Europe on the one hand, and in Britain on the other hand. In Britain, the market is really the City of London. It is a free market, and it controls most of the flow of savings to investment. On the Continent, either a few banks or government officials direct the flow of funds to suit their economic plans. In Germany the flow is directed by all-powerful banks. In Britain there is more free interplay of market forces and far fewer regulations, rules and "red tape". A French banker summed it up this way: "On the Continent you can't do anything unless you're been told you can; in England on the other hand you can do everything as long as you haven't been told not to."
There are many basic reasons for these differences. One is that Continental savers tend to prefer gold, cash or short-term assets. They invest only 10% of their savings in institutions like pension funds or insurance companies. But in Britain 50% of savings goes to them, and they, in turn, invest directly in equity market. A far lower proportion of savings is put in the banks in the form of liquid assets than on the Continent. Continental governments intervene directly or through the banks to collect savings together and transform them into medium or long-term loans for investment. The equity market is largely bypassed. On the Continent economic planning tends to be far more centralized than in Britain. In Britain it is possible to influence decisions affecting the country's economy from within the City. It attracts a skilled and highly qualified work force. In France, on the other hand, an intelligent young man who wants a career in finance would probably find the civil service more attractive.
In Britain the market, or more accurately, money tends to be regarded as an end in itself. On the Continent it is regarded as a means to an end: investment in the economy. To British eyes continental systems with possible exception of the Dutch seem slow and inefficient. But there is one outstanding fact the City should not overlook. Britain's growth rates and levels of investment over the last ten years have been much lower than on the Continent. There are many reasons for this, but the City must take part of the blame. If it is accepted that the basic function of a financial market is to supply industry and commerce with finance in order to achieve desired rates of growth, it can be said that by concentrating on the market for its own sake the City has tended to forget that basic function. | 3911.txt | 2 |
[
"The Continent maintains a higher growth rate and levels of investment.",
"It has less proportion of savings in the form of liquid assets.",
"It attracts intelligent young men.",
"In functions properly despite the fact that the British discount it."
] | In what way does the continental system seem better? | There are spectacular differences between financial markets on the Continent of Europe on the one hand, and in Britain on the other hand. In Britain, the market is really the City of London. It is a free market, and it controls most of the flow of savings to investment. On the Continent, either a few banks or government officials direct the flow of funds to suit their economic plans. In Germany the flow is directed by all-powerful banks. In Britain there is more free interplay of market forces and far fewer regulations, rules and "red tape". A French banker summed it up this way: "On the Continent you can't do anything unless you're been told you can; in England on the other hand you can do everything as long as you haven't been told not to."
There are many basic reasons for these differences. One is that Continental savers tend to prefer gold, cash or short-term assets. They invest only 10% of their savings in institutions like pension funds or insurance companies. But in Britain 50% of savings goes to them, and they, in turn, invest directly in equity market. A far lower proportion of savings is put in the banks in the form of liquid assets than on the Continent. Continental governments intervene directly or through the banks to collect savings together and transform them into medium or long-term loans for investment. The equity market is largely bypassed. On the Continent economic planning tends to be far more centralized than in Britain. In Britain it is possible to influence decisions affecting the country's economy from within the City. It attracts a skilled and highly qualified work force. In France, on the other hand, an intelligent young man who wants a career in finance would probably find the civil service more attractive.
In Britain the market, or more accurately, money tends to be regarded as an end in itself. On the Continent it is regarded as a means to an end: investment in the economy. To British eyes continental systems with possible exception of the Dutch seem slow and inefficient. But there is one outstanding fact the City should not overlook. Britain's growth rates and levels of investment over the last ten years have been much lower than on the Continent. There are many reasons for this, but the City must take part of the blame. If it is accepted that the basic function of a financial market is to supply industry and commerce with finance in order to achieve desired rates of growth, it can be said that by concentrating on the market for its own sake the City has tended to forget that basic function. | 3911.txt | 0 |
[
"TT has been in existence for decades.",
"Many patients were cured by therapeutic touch.",
"TT therapists are often employed by leading hospitals.",
"More than 100,000 people are undergoing TT treatment."
] | Which of the following is evidence that TT is widely practiced? | A nine year old schoolgirl single handedly cooks up a science fair experiment that ends up debunking (…) a widely practiced medical treatment. Emily Rosa's target was a practice known as therapeutic touch (TT for short), whose advocates manipulate patients' "energy fieldto make them feel better and even, say some, to cure them of various ills. Yet Emily's test shows that these energy fields can't be detected, even by trained TT practitioners . Obviously mindful of the publicity value of the situation, Journal editor George Lundberg appeared on TV to declare, "Age doesn't matter. It's good science that matters, and this is good science."
Emily's mother Linda Rosa, a registered nurse, has been campaigning against TT for nearly a decade. Linda first thought about TT in the late ‘80s, when she learned it was on the approved list for continuing nursing education in Colorado. Its 100,000 trained practitioners (48,000 in the U.S.) don't even touch their patients. Instead, they waved their hands a few inches from the patient's body, pushing energy fields around until they're in "balance." TT advocates say these manipulations can help heal wounds, relieve Pain and reduce fever. The claims are taken seriously enough that TT therapists are frequently hired by leading hospitals, at up to $70 an hour, to smooth patients' energy, sometimes during surgery.
Yet Rosa could not find any evidence that it works. To provide such proof, TT therapists would have to sit down for independent testing-something they haven't been eager to do, even though James Randi has offered more than $1 million to anyone who can demonstrate the existence of a human energy field. (He's had one taker so far. She failed.) A skeptic might conclude that TT practitioners are afraid to lay their beliefs on the line. But who could turn down an innocent fourth grader? Says Emily: "I think they didn't take me very seriously because I'm a kid."
The experiment was straight forward: 21 TT therapists stuck their hands, palms up, through a screen. Emily held her own hand over one of theirs left or right and the practitioners had to say which hand it was. When the results were recorded, they'd done no better than they would have by simply guessing. If there was an energy field, they couldn't feel it. | 3808.txt | 2 |
[
"they didn't take the offer seriously",
"they didn't want to risk their career",
"they were unwilling to reveal their secret",
"they thought it was not in line with their practice"
] | Very few TT practitioners responded to the $1 million offer because ________. | A nine year old schoolgirl single handedly cooks up a science fair experiment that ends up debunking (…) a widely practiced medical treatment. Emily Rosa's target was a practice known as therapeutic touch (TT for short), whose advocates manipulate patients' "energy fieldto make them feel better and even, say some, to cure them of various ills. Yet Emily's test shows that these energy fields can't be detected, even by trained TT practitioners . Obviously mindful of the publicity value of the situation, Journal editor George Lundberg appeared on TV to declare, "Age doesn't matter. It's good science that matters, and this is good science."
Emily's mother Linda Rosa, a registered nurse, has been campaigning against TT for nearly a decade. Linda first thought about TT in the late ‘80s, when she learned it was on the approved list for continuing nursing education in Colorado. Its 100,000 trained practitioners (48,000 in the U.S.) don't even touch their patients. Instead, they waved their hands a few inches from the patient's body, pushing energy fields around until they're in "balance." TT advocates say these manipulations can help heal wounds, relieve Pain and reduce fever. The claims are taken seriously enough that TT therapists are frequently hired by leading hospitals, at up to $70 an hour, to smooth patients' energy, sometimes during surgery.
Yet Rosa could not find any evidence that it works. To provide such proof, TT therapists would have to sit down for independent testing-something they haven't been eager to do, even though James Randi has offered more than $1 million to anyone who can demonstrate the existence of a human energy field. (He's had one taker so far. She failed.) A skeptic might conclude that TT practitioners are afraid to lay their beliefs on the line. But who could turn down an innocent fourth grader? Says Emily: "I think they didn't take me very seriously because I'm a kid."
The experiment was straight forward: 21 TT therapists stuck their hands, palms up, through a screen. Emily held her own hand over one of theirs left or right and the practitioners had to say which hand it was. When the results were recorded, they'd done no better than they would have by simply guessing. If there was an energy field, they couldn't feel it. | 3808.txt | 2 |
[
"to see why TT could work the way it did",
"to find out how TT cured patients' illnesses",
"to test whether she could sense the human energy field",
"to test whether a human energy field really existed"
] | The purpose of Emily Rosa's experiment was ________. | A nine year old schoolgirl single handedly cooks up a science fair experiment that ends up debunking (…) a widely practiced medical treatment. Emily Rosa's target was a practice known as therapeutic touch (TT for short), whose advocates manipulate patients' "energy fieldto make them feel better and even, say some, to cure them of various ills. Yet Emily's test shows that these energy fields can't be detected, even by trained TT practitioners . Obviously mindful of the publicity value of the situation, Journal editor George Lundberg appeared on TV to declare, "Age doesn't matter. It's good science that matters, and this is good science."
Emily's mother Linda Rosa, a registered nurse, has been campaigning against TT for nearly a decade. Linda first thought about TT in the late ‘80s, when she learned it was on the approved list for continuing nursing education in Colorado. Its 100,000 trained practitioners (48,000 in the U.S.) don't even touch their patients. Instead, they waved their hands a few inches from the patient's body, pushing energy fields around until they're in "balance." TT advocates say these manipulations can help heal wounds, relieve Pain and reduce fever. The claims are taken seriously enough that TT therapists are frequently hired by leading hospitals, at up to $70 an hour, to smooth patients' energy, sometimes during surgery.
Yet Rosa could not find any evidence that it works. To provide such proof, TT therapists would have to sit down for independent testing-something they haven't been eager to do, even though James Randi has offered more than $1 million to anyone who can demonstrate the existence of a human energy field. (He's had one taker so far. She failed.) A skeptic might conclude that TT practitioners are afraid to lay their beliefs on the line. But who could turn down an innocent fourth grader? Says Emily: "I think they didn't take me very seriously because I'm a kid."
The experiment was straight forward: 21 TT therapists stuck their hands, palms up, through a screen. Emily held her own hand over one of theirs left or right and the practitioners had to say which hand it was. When the results were recorded, they'd done no better than they would have by simply guessing. If there was an energy field, they couldn't feel it. | 3808.txt | 3 |
[
"It involved nothing more than mere guessing.",
"They thought it was going to be a lot of fun.",
"It was more straightforward than other experiments.",
"They sensed no harm in a little girl's experiment."
] | Why did some TT practitioners agree to be the subjects of Emil's experiment? | A nine year old schoolgirl single handedly cooks up a science fair experiment that ends up debunking (…) a widely practiced medical treatment. Emily Rosa's target was a practice known as therapeutic touch (TT for short), whose advocates manipulate patients' "energy fieldto make them feel better and even, say some, to cure them of various ills. Yet Emily's test shows that these energy fields can't be detected, even by trained TT practitioners . Obviously mindful of the publicity value of the situation, Journal editor George Lundberg appeared on TV to declare, "Age doesn't matter. It's good science that matters, and this is good science."
Emily's mother Linda Rosa, a registered nurse, has been campaigning against TT for nearly a decade. Linda first thought about TT in the late ‘80s, when she learned it was on the approved list for continuing nursing education in Colorado. Its 100,000 trained practitioners (48,000 in the U.S.) don't even touch their patients. Instead, they waved their hands a few inches from the patient's body, pushing energy fields around until they're in "balance." TT advocates say these manipulations can help heal wounds, relieve Pain and reduce fever. The claims are taken seriously enough that TT therapists are frequently hired by leading hospitals, at up to $70 an hour, to smooth patients' energy, sometimes during surgery.
Yet Rosa could not find any evidence that it works. To provide such proof, TT therapists would have to sit down for independent testing-something they haven't been eager to do, even though James Randi has offered more than $1 million to anyone who can demonstrate the existence of a human energy field. (He's had one taker so far. She failed.) A skeptic might conclude that TT practitioners are afraid to lay their beliefs on the line. But who could turn down an innocent fourth grader? Says Emily: "I think they didn't take me very seriously because I'm a kid."
The experiment was straight forward: 21 TT therapists stuck their hands, palms up, through a screen. Emily held her own hand over one of theirs left or right and the practitioners had to say which hand it was. When the results were recorded, they'd done no better than they would have by simply guessing. If there was an energy field, they couldn't feel it. | 3808.txt | 3 |
[
"Some widely accepted beliefs can be deceiving.",
"Solid evidence weighs more than pure theories.",
"Little children can be as clever as trained TT practitioners.",
"The principle of TT is too profound to understand."
] | What can we learn from the passage? | A nine year old schoolgirl single handedly cooks up a science fair experiment that ends up debunking (…) a widely practiced medical treatment. Emily Rosa's target was a practice known as therapeutic touch (TT for short), whose advocates manipulate patients' "energy fieldto make them feel better and even, say some, to cure them of various ills. Yet Emily's test shows that these energy fields can't be detected, even by trained TT practitioners . Obviously mindful of the publicity value of the situation, Journal editor George Lundberg appeared on TV to declare, "Age doesn't matter. It's good science that matters, and this is good science."
Emily's mother Linda Rosa, a registered nurse, has been campaigning against TT for nearly a decade. Linda first thought about TT in the late ‘80s, when she learned it was on the approved list for continuing nursing education in Colorado. Its 100,000 trained practitioners (48,000 in the U.S.) don't even touch their patients. Instead, they waved their hands a few inches from the patient's body, pushing energy fields around until they're in "balance." TT advocates say these manipulations can help heal wounds, relieve Pain and reduce fever. The claims are taken seriously enough that TT therapists are frequently hired by leading hospitals, at up to $70 an hour, to smooth patients' energy, sometimes during surgery.
Yet Rosa could not find any evidence that it works. To provide such proof, TT therapists would have to sit down for independent testing-something they haven't been eager to do, even though James Randi has offered more than $1 million to anyone who can demonstrate the existence of a human energy field. (He's had one taker so far. She failed.) A skeptic might conclude that TT practitioners are afraid to lay their beliefs on the line. But who could turn down an innocent fourth grader? Says Emily: "I think they didn't take me very seriously because I'm a kid."
The experiment was straight forward: 21 TT therapists stuck their hands, palms up, through a screen. Emily held her own hand over one of theirs left or right and the practitioners had to say which hand it was. When the results were recorded, they'd done no better than they would have by simply guessing. If there was an energy field, they couldn't feel it. | 3808.txt | 0 |
[
"What is the difference between an Old World and a New World plant",
"Why are tulips grown in many different parts of the world",
"How did tulips become popular in North America",
"Where were the first Dutch colonies in North America located"
] | Which of the following questions does the passage mainly answer? | Tulips are Old World, rather than New World, plants, with the origins of the species lying in Central Asia. They became an integral part of the gardens of the Ottoman Empire from the sixteenth century onward, and, soon after, part of European life as well. Holland, in particular, became famous for its cultivation of the flower.
A tenuous line marked the advance of the tulip to the New World, where it was unknown in the wild. The first Dutch colonies in North America had been established in New Netherlands by the Dutch West India Company in 1624, and one individual who settled in New Amsterdam (today's Manhattan section of New York City) in 1642 described the flowers that bravely colonized the settlers' gardens. They were the same flowers seen in Dutch still-life paintings of the time: crown imperials, roses, carnations, and of course tulips. They flourished in Pennsylvania too, where in 1698 William Penn received a report of John Tateham's "Great and Stately Palace," its garden full of tulips. By 1760, Boston newspapers were advertising 50 different kinds of mixed tulip "roots." But the length of the journey between Europe and North America created many difficulties. Thomas Hancock, an English settler, wrote thanking his plant supplier for a gift of some tulip bulbs from England, but his letter the following year grumbled that they were all dead.
Tulips arrived in Holland, Michigan, with a later wave of early nineteenth-century Dutch immigrants who quickly colonized the plains of Michigan. Together with many other Dutch settlements, such as the one at Pella, Iowa, they established a regular demand for European plants. The demand was bravely met by a new kind of tulip entrepreneur, the traveling salesperson. One Dutchman, Hendrick van der Schoot, spent six months in 1849 traveling through the United States taking orders for tulip bulbs. While tulip bulbs were traveling from Europe to the United States to satisfy the nostalgic longings of homesick English and Dutch settlers, North American plants were traveling in the opposite direction. In England, the enthusiasm for American plants was one reason why tulips dropped out of fashion in the gardens of the rich and famous. | 392.txt | 2 |
[
"interesting",
"fundamental",
"ornamental",
"overlooked"
] | The word "integral" in line 2 is closest in meaning to | Tulips are Old World, rather than New World, plants, with the origins of the species lying in Central Asia. They became an integral part of the gardens of the Ottoman Empire from the sixteenth century onward, and, soon after, part of European life as well. Holland, in particular, became famous for its cultivation of the flower.
A tenuous line marked the advance of the tulip to the New World, where it was unknown in the wild. The first Dutch colonies in North America had been established in New Netherlands by the Dutch West India Company in 1624, and one individual who settled in New Amsterdam (today's Manhattan section of New York City) in 1642 described the flowers that bravely colonized the settlers' gardens. They were the same flowers seen in Dutch still-life paintings of the time: crown imperials, roses, carnations, and of course tulips. They flourished in Pennsylvania too, where in 1698 William Penn received a report of John Tateham's "Great and Stately Palace," its garden full of tulips. By 1760, Boston newspapers were advertising 50 different kinds of mixed tulip "roots." But the length of the journey between Europe and North America created many difficulties. Thomas Hancock, an English settler, wrote thanking his plant supplier for a gift of some tulip bulbs from England, but his letter the following year grumbled that they were all dead.
Tulips arrived in Holland, Michigan, with a later wave of early nineteenth-century Dutch immigrants who quickly colonized the plains of Michigan. Together with many other Dutch settlements, such as the one at Pella, Iowa, they established a regular demand for European plants. The demand was bravely met by a new kind of tulip entrepreneur, the traveling salesperson. One Dutchman, Hendrick van der Schoot, spent six months in 1849 traveling through the United States taking orders for tulip bulbs. While tulip bulbs were traveling from Europe to the United States to satisfy the nostalgic longings of homesick English and Dutch settlers, North American plants were traveling in the opposite direction. In England, the enthusiasm for American plants was one reason why tulips dropped out of fashion in the gardens of the rich and famous. | 392.txt | 1 |
[
"Central Asia",
"Western Europe",
"India",
"North America"
] | The passage mentions that tulips were first found in which of the following regions? | Tulips are Old World, rather than New World, plants, with the origins of the species lying in Central Asia. They became an integral part of the gardens of the Ottoman Empire from the sixteenth century onward, and, soon after, part of European life as well. Holland, in particular, became famous for its cultivation of the flower.
A tenuous line marked the advance of the tulip to the New World, where it was unknown in the wild. The first Dutch colonies in North America had been established in New Netherlands by the Dutch West India Company in 1624, and one individual who settled in New Amsterdam (today's Manhattan section of New York City) in 1642 described the flowers that bravely colonized the settlers' gardens. They were the same flowers seen in Dutch still-life paintings of the time: crown imperials, roses, carnations, and of course tulips. They flourished in Pennsylvania too, where in 1698 William Penn received a report of John Tateham's "Great and Stately Palace," its garden full of tulips. By 1760, Boston newspapers were advertising 50 different kinds of mixed tulip "roots." But the length of the journey between Europe and North America created many difficulties. Thomas Hancock, an English settler, wrote thanking his plant supplier for a gift of some tulip bulbs from England, but his letter the following year grumbled that they were all dead.
Tulips arrived in Holland, Michigan, with a later wave of early nineteenth-century Dutch immigrants who quickly colonized the plains of Michigan. Together with many other Dutch settlements, such as the one at Pella, Iowa, they established a regular demand for European plants. The demand was bravely met by a new kind of tulip entrepreneur, the traveling salesperson. One Dutchman, Hendrick van der Schoot, spent six months in 1849 traveling through the United States taking orders for tulip bulbs. While tulip bulbs were traveling from Europe to the United States to satisfy the nostalgic longings of homesick English and Dutch settlers, North American plants were traveling in the opposite direction. In England, the enthusiasm for American plants was one reason why tulips dropped out of fashion in the gardens of the rich and famous. | 392.txt | 0 |
[
"were discovered",
"were marketed",
"combined",
"thrived"
] | The word "flourished" in line 11 is closest in meaning to | Tulips are Old World, rather than New World, plants, with the origins of the species lying in Central Asia. They became an integral part of the gardens of the Ottoman Empire from the sixteenth century onward, and, soon after, part of European life as well. Holland, in particular, became famous for its cultivation of the flower.
A tenuous line marked the advance of the tulip to the New World, where it was unknown in the wild. The first Dutch colonies in North America had been established in New Netherlands by the Dutch West India Company in 1624, and one individual who settled in New Amsterdam (today's Manhattan section of New York City) in 1642 described the flowers that bravely colonized the settlers' gardens. They were the same flowers seen in Dutch still-life paintings of the time: crown imperials, roses, carnations, and of course tulips. They flourished in Pennsylvania too, where in 1698 William Penn received a report of John Tateham's "Great and Stately Palace," its garden full of tulips. By 1760, Boston newspapers were advertising 50 different kinds of mixed tulip "roots." But the length of the journey between Europe and North America created many difficulties. Thomas Hancock, an English settler, wrote thanking his plant supplier for a gift of some tulip bulbs from England, but his letter the following year grumbled that they were all dead.
Tulips arrived in Holland, Michigan, with a later wave of early nineteenth-century Dutch immigrants who quickly colonized the plains of Michigan. Together with many other Dutch settlements, such as the one at Pella, Iowa, they established a regular demand for European plants. The demand was bravely met by a new kind of tulip entrepreneur, the traveling salesperson. One Dutchman, Hendrick van der Schoot, spent six months in 1849 traveling through the United States taking orders for tulip bulbs. While tulip bulbs were traveling from Europe to the United States to satisfy the nostalgic longings of homesick English and Dutch settlers, North American plants were traveling in the opposite direction. In England, the enthusiasm for American plants was one reason why tulips dropped out of fashion in the gardens of the rich and famous. | 392.txt | 3 |
[
"imported tulips were considered more valuable than locally grown tulips",
"tulips were commonly passed as gifts from one family to another",
"tulips grew progressively more popular in North America",
"attitudes toward tulips varied from one location to another"
] | The author mentions tulip growing in New Netherlands, Pennsylvania. and Michigan in order to illustrate how | Tulips are Old World, rather than New World, plants, with the origins of the species lying in Central Asia. They became an integral part of the gardens of the Ottoman Empire from the sixteenth century onward, and, soon after, part of European life as well. Holland, in particular, became famous for its cultivation of the flower.
A tenuous line marked the advance of the tulip to the New World, where it was unknown in the wild. The first Dutch colonies in North America had been established in New Netherlands by the Dutch West India Company in 1624, and one individual who settled in New Amsterdam (today's Manhattan section of New York City) in 1642 described the flowers that bravely colonized the settlers' gardens. They were the same flowers seen in Dutch still-life paintings of the time: crown imperials, roses, carnations, and of course tulips. They flourished in Pennsylvania too, where in 1698 William Penn received a report of John Tateham's "Great and Stately Palace," its garden full of tulips. By 1760, Boston newspapers were advertising 50 different kinds of mixed tulip "roots." But the length of the journey between Europe and North America created many difficulties. Thomas Hancock, an English settler, wrote thanking his plant supplier for a gift of some tulip bulbs from England, but his letter the following year grumbled that they were all dead.
Tulips arrived in Holland, Michigan, with a later wave of early nineteenth-century Dutch immigrants who quickly colonized the plains of Michigan. Together with many other Dutch settlements, such as the one at Pella, Iowa, they established a regular demand for European plants. The demand was bravely met by a new kind of tulip entrepreneur, the traveling salesperson. One Dutchman, Hendrick van der Schoot, spent six months in 1849 traveling through the United States taking orders for tulip bulbs. While tulip bulbs were traveling from Europe to the United States to satisfy the nostalgic longings of homesick English and Dutch settlers, North American plants were traveling in the opposite direction. In England, the enthusiasm for American plants was one reason why tulips dropped out of fashion in the gardens of the rich and famous. | 392.txt | 2 |
[
"denied",
"warned",
"complained",
"explained"
] | The word "grumbled" in line 16 is closest in meaning to | Tulips are Old World, rather than New World, plants, with the origins of the species lying in Central Asia. They became an integral part of the gardens of the Ottoman Empire from the sixteenth century onward, and, soon after, part of European life as well. Holland, in particular, became famous for its cultivation of the flower.
A tenuous line marked the advance of the tulip to the New World, where it was unknown in the wild. The first Dutch colonies in North America had been established in New Netherlands by the Dutch West India Company in 1624, and one individual who settled in New Amsterdam (today's Manhattan section of New York City) in 1642 described the flowers that bravely colonized the settlers' gardens. They were the same flowers seen in Dutch still-life paintings of the time: crown imperials, roses, carnations, and of course tulips. They flourished in Pennsylvania too, where in 1698 William Penn received a report of John Tateham's "Great and Stately Palace," its garden full of tulips. By 1760, Boston newspapers were advertising 50 different kinds of mixed tulip "roots." But the length of the journey between Europe and North America created many difficulties. Thomas Hancock, an English settler, wrote thanking his plant supplier for a gift of some tulip bulbs from England, but his letter the following year grumbled that they were all dead.
Tulips arrived in Holland, Michigan, with a later wave of early nineteenth-century Dutch immigrants who quickly colonized the plains of Michigan. Together with many other Dutch settlements, such as the one at Pella, Iowa, they established a regular demand for European plants. The demand was bravely met by a new kind of tulip entrepreneur, the traveling salesperson. One Dutchman, Hendrick van der Schoot, spent six months in 1849 traveling through the United States taking orders for tulip bulbs. While tulip bulbs were traveling from Europe to the United States to satisfy the nostalgic longings of homesick English and Dutch settlers, North American plants were traveling in the opposite direction. In England, the enthusiasm for American plants was one reason why tulips dropped out of fashion in the gardens of the rich and famous. | 392.txt | 2 |
[
"were easy to grow",
"had become readily available",
"made them appear fashionable",
"reminded them of home"
] | The passage mentions that one reason English and Dutch settlers planted tulips in their gardens was that tulips | Tulips are Old World, rather than New World, plants, with the origins of the species lying in Central Asia. They became an integral part of the gardens of the Ottoman Empire from the sixteenth century onward, and, soon after, part of European life as well. Holland, in particular, became famous for its cultivation of the flower.
A tenuous line marked the advance of the tulip to the New World, where it was unknown in the wild. The first Dutch colonies in North America had been established in New Netherlands by the Dutch West India Company in 1624, and one individual who settled in New Amsterdam (today's Manhattan section of New York City) in 1642 described the flowers that bravely colonized the settlers' gardens. They were the same flowers seen in Dutch still-life paintings of the time: crown imperials, roses, carnations, and of course tulips. They flourished in Pennsylvania too, where in 1698 William Penn received a report of John Tateham's "Great and Stately Palace," its garden full of tulips. By 1760, Boston newspapers were advertising 50 different kinds of mixed tulip "roots." But the length of the journey between Europe and North America created many difficulties. Thomas Hancock, an English settler, wrote thanking his plant supplier for a gift of some tulip bulbs from England, but his letter the following year grumbled that they were all dead.
Tulips arrived in Holland, Michigan, with a later wave of early nineteenth-century Dutch immigrants who quickly colonized the plains of Michigan. Together with many other Dutch settlements, such as the one at Pella, Iowa, they established a regular demand for European plants. The demand was bravely met by a new kind of tulip entrepreneur, the traveling salesperson. One Dutchman, Hendrick van der Schoot, spent six months in 1849 traveling through the United States taking orders for tulip bulbs. While tulip bulbs were traveling from Europe to the United States to satisfy the nostalgic longings of homesick English and Dutch settlers, North American plants were traveling in the opposite direction. In England, the enthusiasm for American plants was one reason why tulips dropped out of fashion in the gardens of the rich and famous. | 392.txt | 3 |
[
"tulips",
"plains",
"immigrants",
"plants"
] | The word "they" in line 20 refers to | Tulips are Old World, rather than New World, plants, with the origins of the species lying in Central Asia. They became an integral part of the gardens of the Ottoman Empire from the sixteenth century onward, and, soon after, part of European life as well. Holland, in particular, became famous for its cultivation of the flower.
A tenuous line marked the advance of the tulip to the New World, where it was unknown in the wild. The first Dutch colonies in North America had been established in New Netherlands by the Dutch West India Company in 1624, and one individual who settled in New Amsterdam (today's Manhattan section of New York City) in 1642 described the flowers that bravely colonized the settlers' gardens. They were the same flowers seen in Dutch still-life paintings of the time: crown imperials, roses, carnations, and of course tulips. They flourished in Pennsylvania too, where in 1698 William Penn received a report of John Tateham's "Great and Stately Palace," its garden full of tulips. By 1760, Boston newspapers were advertising 50 different kinds of mixed tulip "roots." But the length of the journey between Europe and North America created many difficulties. Thomas Hancock, an English settler, wrote thanking his plant supplier for a gift of some tulip bulbs from England, but his letter the following year grumbled that they were all dead.
Tulips arrived in Holland, Michigan, with a later wave of early nineteenth-century Dutch immigrants who quickly colonized the plains of Michigan. Together with many other Dutch settlements, such as the one at Pella, Iowa, they established a regular demand for European plants. The demand was bravely met by a new kind of tulip entrepreneur, the traveling salesperson. One Dutchman, Hendrick van der Schoot, spent six months in 1849 traveling through the United States taking orders for tulip bulbs. While tulip bulbs were traveling from Europe to the United States to satisfy the nostalgic longings of homesick English and Dutch settlers, North American plants were traveling in the opposite direction. In England, the enthusiasm for American plants was one reason why tulips dropped out of fashion in the gardens of the rich and famous. | 392.txt | 2 |
[
"They grew in size in order to provide enough plants to export to the New World.",
"They contained a wider variety of tulips than ever before.",
"They contained many new types of North American plants.",
"They decreased in size on the estates of wealthy people."
] | According to the passage , which of the following changes occurred in English gardens during the European settlement of North America? | Tulips are Old World, rather than New World, plants, with the origins of the species lying in Central Asia. They became an integral part of the gardens of the Ottoman Empire from the sixteenth century onward, and, soon after, part of European life as well. Holland, in particular, became famous for its cultivation of the flower.
A tenuous line marked the advance of the tulip to the New World, where it was unknown in the wild. The first Dutch colonies in North America had been established in New Netherlands by the Dutch West India Company in 1624, and one individual who settled in New Amsterdam (today's Manhattan section of New York City) in 1642 described the flowers that bravely colonized the settlers' gardens. They were the same flowers seen in Dutch still-life paintings of the time: crown imperials, roses, carnations, and of course tulips. They flourished in Pennsylvania too, where in 1698 William Penn received a report of John Tateham's "Great and Stately Palace," its garden full of tulips. By 1760, Boston newspapers were advertising 50 different kinds of mixed tulip "roots." But the length of the journey between Europe and North America created many difficulties. Thomas Hancock, an English settler, wrote thanking his plant supplier for a gift of some tulip bulbs from England, but his letter the following year grumbled that they were all dead.
Tulips arrived in Holland, Michigan, with a later wave of early nineteenth-century Dutch immigrants who quickly colonized the plains of Michigan. Together with many other Dutch settlements, such as the one at Pella, Iowa, they established a regular demand for European plants. The demand was bravely met by a new kind of tulip entrepreneur, the traveling salesperson. One Dutchman, Hendrick van der Schoot, spent six months in 1849 traveling through the United States taking orders for tulip bulbs. While tulip bulbs were traveling from Europe to the United States to satisfy the nostalgic longings of homesick English and Dutch settlers, North American plants were traveling in the opposite direction. In England, the enthusiasm for American plants was one reason why tulips dropped out of fashion in the gardens of the rich and famous. | 392.txt | 2 |
[
"They were no longer fashionable by the time they arrived.",
"They often failed to survive the journey.",
"Orders often took six months or longer to fill.",
"Settlers knew little about how to cultivate them."
] | The passage mentions which of the following as a problem associated with the importation of tulips into North America? | Tulips are Old World, rather than New World, plants, with the origins of the species lying in Central Asia. They became an integral part of the gardens of the Ottoman Empire from the sixteenth century onward, and, soon after, part of European life as well. Holland, in particular, became famous for its cultivation of the flower.
A tenuous line marked the advance of the tulip to the New World, where it was unknown in the wild. The first Dutch colonies in North America had been established in New Netherlands by the Dutch West India Company in 1624, and one individual who settled in New Amsterdam (today's Manhattan section of New York City) in 1642 described the flowers that bravely colonized the settlers' gardens. They were the same flowers seen in Dutch still-life paintings of the time: crown imperials, roses, carnations, and of course tulips. They flourished in Pennsylvania too, where in 1698 William Penn received a report of John Tateham's "Great and Stately Palace," its garden full of tulips. By 1760, Boston newspapers were advertising 50 different kinds of mixed tulip "roots." But the length of the journey between Europe and North America created many difficulties. Thomas Hancock, an English settler, wrote thanking his plant supplier for a gift of some tulip bulbs from England, but his letter the following year grumbled that they were all dead.
Tulips arrived in Holland, Michigan, with a later wave of early nineteenth-century Dutch immigrants who quickly colonized the plains of Michigan. Together with many other Dutch settlements, such as the one at Pella, Iowa, they established a regular demand for European plants. The demand was bravely met by a new kind of tulip entrepreneur, the traveling salesperson. One Dutchman, Hendrick van der Schoot, spent six months in 1849 traveling through the United States taking orders for tulip bulbs. While tulip bulbs were traveling from Europe to the United States to satisfy the nostalgic longings of homesick English and Dutch settlers, North American plants were traveling in the opposite direction. In England, the enthusiasm for American plants was one reason why tulips dropped out of fashion in the gardens of the rich and famous. | 392.txt | 1 |
[
"Antarctica and environmental Problems.",
"Antarctica: Earth' s Early-Warning station.",
"Antarctica: a Unique Observation Post.",
"Antarctica: a Mysterious Place."
] | What is the best title for this passage? | Antarctica and Environment
Antarctica has actually become a kind of space station a unique observation post for detecting important changes in the world' s environment. Remote from major sources of pollution and the complex geological and ecological systems that prevail elsewhere, Antarctica makes possible scientific measurements that are often sharper and easier to interpret than those made in other parts of the world.
Growing numbers of scientists therefore see Antarctica as a distant-early-warning sensor, where potentially dangerous global trends may be spotted before they show up to the north. One promising field of investigation is glaciology. Scholars from the United States, Switzerland, and France are pursuing seven separate but related projects that reflect their concern for the health of the West Antarctic Ice Sheeta concern they believe the world at large should share.
The Transantarctic Mountain, some of them more than 14,000 feet high, divide the continent into two very different regions. The part of the continent to the "east" of the mountains is a high plateau covered by an ice sheet nearly two miles thick. "West" of the mountain, the half of the continent south of the Americas is also covered by an ice sheet, but there the ice rests on rock that is mostly well below sea level. If the West Antarctic Ice Sheet disappeared, the western part of the continent would be reduced to a sparse cluster of island.
While ice and snow are obviously central to many environmental experiments, others focus on the mysterious "dry valley" of Antarctica, valleys that contain little ice or snow even in the depths of winter. Slashed through the mountains of southern Victoria Land, these valleys once held enormous glaciers that descended 9,000 feet from the polar plateau to the Ross Sea.
Now the glaciers are gone,perhaps a casualty of the global warming trend during the 10,000 years since the ice age. Even the snow that falls in the dry valleys is blasted out by vicious winds that roars down from the polar plateau to the sea. Left bare are spectacular gorges, rippled fields of sand dunes, clusters of boulders sculptured into fantastic shapes by 100-mile-an-hour winds, and an aura of extraterrestrial desolation.
Despite the unearthly aspect of the dry valleys, some scientists believe they may carry a message of hope of the verdant parts of the earth. Some scientists believe that in some cases the dry valleys may soak up pollutants faster than pollutants enter them. | 303.txt | 0 |
[
"The western part of the continent would be disappeared.",
"The western part of the continent would be reduced.",
"The western part of the continent would become scattered Islands.",
"The western part of the continent would be reduced to a cluster of Islands."
] | What would the result be if the West Antarctic Ice Sheet disappeared? | Antarctica and Environment
Antarctica has actually become a kind of space station a unique observation post for detecting important changes in the world' s environment. Remote from major sources of pollution and the complex geological and ecological systems that prevail elsewhere, Antarctica makes possible scientific measurements that are often sharper and easier to interpret than those made in other parts of the world.
Growing numbers of scientists therefore see Antarctica as a distant-early-warning sensor, where potentially dangerous global trends may be spotted before they show up to the north. One promising field of investigation is glaciology. Scholars from the United States, Switzerland, and France are pursuing seven separate but related projects that reflect their concern for the health of the West Antarctic Ice Sheeta concern they believe the world at large should share.
The Transantarctic Mountain, some of them more than 14,000 feet high, divide the continent into two very different regions. The part of the continent to the "east" of the mountains is a high plateau covered by an ice sheet nearly two miles thick. "West" of the mountain, the half of the continent south of the Americas is also covered by an ice sheet, but there the ice rests on rock that is mostly well below sea level. If the West Antarctic Ice Sheet disappeared, the western part of the continent would be reduced to a sparse cluster of island.
While ice and snow are obviously central to many environmental experiments, others focus on the mysterious "dry valley" of Antarctica, valleys that contain little ice or snow even in the depths of winter. Slashed through the mountains of southern Victoria Land, these valleys once held enormous glaciers that descended 9,000 feet from the polar plateau to the Ross Sea.
Now the glaciers are gone,perhaps a casualty of the global warming trend during the 10,000 years since the ice age. Even the snow that falls in the dry valleys is blasted out by vicious winds that roars down from the polar plateau to the sea. Left bare are spectacular gorges, rippled fields of sand dunes, clusters of boulders sculptured into fantastic shapes by 100-mile-an-hour winds, and an aura of extraterrestrial desolation.
Despite the unearthly aspect of the dry valleys, some scientists believe they may carry a message of hope of the verdant parts of the earth. Some scientists believe that in some cases the dry valleys may soak up pollutants faster than pollutants enter them. | 303.txt | 3 |
[
"Vicious wind blasts the snow away.",
"It rarely snows.",
"Because of the global warming trend and fierce wind.",
"Sand dunes."
] | Why are the Dry Valleys left bare? | Antarctica and Environment
Antarctica has actually become a kind of space station a unique observation post for detecting important changes in the world' s environment. Remote from major sources of pollution and the complex geological and ecological systems that prevail elsewhere, Antarctica makes possible scientific measurements that are often sharper and easier to interpret than those made in other parts of the world.
Growing numbers of scientists therefore see Antarctica as a distant-early-warning sensor, where potentially dangerous global trends may be spotted before they show up to the north. One promising field of investigation is glaciology. Scholars from the United States, Switzerland, and France are pursuing seven separate but related projects that reflect their concern for the health of the West Antarctic Ice Sheeta concern they believe the world at large should share.
The Transantarctic Mountain, some of them more than 14,000 feet high, divide the continent into two very different regions. The part of the continent to the "east" of the mountains is a high plateau covered by an ice sheet nearly two miles thick. "West" of the mountain, the half of the continent south of the Americas is also covered by an ice sheet, but there the ice rests on rock that is mostly well below sea level. If the West Antarctic Ice Sheet disappeared, the western part of the continent would be reduced to a sparse cluster of island.
While ice and snow are obviously central to many environmental experiments, others focus on the mysterious "dry valley" of Antarctica, valleys that contain little ice or snow even in the depths of winter. Slashed through the mountains of southern Victoria Land, these valleys once held enormous glaciers that descended 9,000 feet from the polar plateau to the Ross Sea.
Now the glaciers are gone,perhaps a casualty of the global warming trend during the 10,000 years since the ice age. Even the snow that falls in the dry valleys is blasted out by vicious winds that roars down from the polar plateau to the sea. Left bare are spectacular gorges, rippled fields of sand dunes, clusters of boulders sculptured into fantastic shapes by 100-mile-an-hour winds, and an aura of extraterrestrial desolation.
Despite the unearthly aspect of the dry valleys, some scientists believe they may carry a message of hope of the verdant parts of the earth. Some scientists believe that in some cases the dry valleys may soak up pollutants faster than pollutants enter them. | 303.txt | 2 |
[
"The \"Dry Valleys\" have nothing left inside.",
"The \"Dry Valleys\" never held glaciers.",
"The \"Dry Valleys\"may carry a message of hope for the verdant.",
"The \"Dry Valleys\"are useless to scientists."
] | Which of the following is true? | Antarctica and Environment
Antarctica has actually become a kind of space station a unique observation post for detecting important changes in the world' s environment. Remote from major sources of pollution and the complex geological and ecological systems that prevail elsewhere, Antarctica makes possible scientific measurements that are often sharper and easier to interpret than those made in other parts of the world.
Growing numbers of scientists therefore see Antarctica as a distant-early-warning sensor, where potentially dangerous global trends may be spotted before they show up to the north. One promising field of investigation is glaciology. Scholars from the United States, Switzerland, and France are pursuing seven separate but related projects that reflect their concern for the health of the West Antarctic Ice Sheeta concern they believe the world at large should share.
The Transantarctic Mountain, some of them more than 14,000 feet high, divide the continent into two very different regions. The part of the continent to the "east" of the mountains is a high plateau covered by an ice sheet nearly two miles thick. "West" of the mountain, the half of the continent south of the Americas is also covered by an ice sheet, but there the ice rests on rock that is mostly well below sea level. If the West Antarctic Ice Sheet disappeared, the western part of the continent would be reduced to a sparse cluster of island.
While ice and snow are obviously central to many environmental experiments, others focus on the mysterious "dry valley" of Antarctica, valleys that contain little ice or snow even in the depths of winter. Slashed through the mountains of southern Victoria Land, these valleys once held enormous glaciers that descended 9,000 feet from the polar plateau to the Ross Sea.
Now the glaciers are gone,perhaps a casualty of the global warming trend during the 10,000 years since the ice age. Even the snow that falls in the dry valleys is blasted out by vicious winds that roars down from the polar plateau to the sea. Left bare are spectacular gorges, rippled fields of sand dunes, clusters of boulders sculptured into fantastic shapes by 100-mile-an-hour winds, and an aura of extraterrestrial desolation.
Despite the unearthly aspect of the dry valleys, some scientists believe they may carry a message of hope of the verdant parts of the earth. Some scientists believe that in some cases the dry valleys may soak up pollutants faster than pollutants enter them. | 303.txt | 2 |
[
"tolerance",
"skepticism",
"uncertainty",
"approval"
] | The author views Milton Friedman's statement about CSR with | "There is one and only one social responsibility of businesses," Wrote Milton Friedman, a Nobel prize-winning economist, "That is,to use its resources and engage in activities designed to increase its profit". But even if you accept Firedman' s premise and regard corporate social responsibility (CSR) policies as waste of shareholders' money, things may not be absolutely clear-cut. New research suggest the CSR may create monetary value for companies-at least when they are prosecuted for corruption.
The largest firms in America and Britain together spend more than $15 billion a year on CSR,according to an estimate by EPG, a consulting firm.This could add value to their businesses in three ways. First, consumers may take CSR spending as a "signal" that a company's products are of high quality. Second, customers may be willing to buy a company's products as an indirect way to donate to the good causes it helps.And third, through a more diffuse "halo effect," whereby its good deeds earn it greater consideration from consumers and others.
Previous studies on CSR have had trouble differentiating these effects because consumers can be affected by all three. A recent study attempts to separate them by looking at bribery prosecutions under America's Foreign Corrupt Practices Act (FCPA). It argues that since prosecutors do not consume a company's products as part of their investigations, they could be influenced only by the halo effect.
The study found that, among prosecuted firms, those with the most comprehensive CSR programmes tended to get more lenient penalties. Their analysis ruled out the possibility that it was firms' political influence, rather than their CSR stand, that accounted for the leniency: Companies that contributed more to political campaigns did not receive lower fines.
In all, the study concludes that whereas prosecutors should only evaluate a case based on its merits, they do seem to be influenced by a company's record in CSR. "We estimate that either eliminating a substantial labour-rights concern, such as child labour, or increasing corporate giving by about 20% results in fines that generally are 40% lower than the typical punishment for briding foreign officials, says one researcher.
Researchers admit that their study does not answer the question of how much businesses ought to spend on CSR. Nor does it reveal how much companies are banking on the halo effect, rather than the other possible benefits, when they decide their do-gooding policies. But at least they have demonstrated that when companies get into trouble with the law, evidence of good character can win them a less costly punishment. | 2453.txt | 2 |
[
"winning trust from consumers.",
"guarding it against malpractices.",
"protecting it from being defamed.",
"raising the quality of its products."
] | According to Paragraph 2, CSR helps a company by | "There is one and only one social responsibility of businesses," Wrote Milton Friedman, a Nobel prize-winning economist, "That is,to use its resources and engage in activities designed to increase its profit". But even if you accept Firedman' s premise and regard corporate social responsibility (CSR) policies as waste of shareholders' money, things may not be absolutely clear-cut. New research suggest the CSR may create monetary value for companies-at least when they are prosecuted for corruption.
The largest firms in America and Britain together spend more than $15 billion a year on CSR,according to an estimate by EPG, a consulting firm.This could add value to their businesses in three ways. First, consumers may take CSR spending as a "signal" that a company's products are of high quality. Second, customers may be willing to buy a company's products as an indirect way to donate to the good causes it helps.And third, through a more diffuse "halo effect," whereby its good deeds earn it greater consideration from consumers and others.
Previous studies on CSR have had trouble differentiating these effects because consumers can be affected by all three. A recent study attempts to separate them by looking at bribery prosecutions under America's Foreign Corrupt Practices Act (FCPA). It argues that since prosecutors do not consume a company's products as part of their investigations, they could be influenced only by the halo effect.
The study found that, among prosecuted firms, those with the most comprehensive CSR programmes tended to get more lenient penalties. Their analysis ruled out the possibility that it was firms' political influence, rather than their CSR stand, that accounted for the leniency: Companies that contributed more to political campaigns did not receive lower fines.
In all, the study concludes that whereas prosecutors should only evaluate a case based on its merits, they do seem to be influenced by a company's record in CSR. "We estimate that either eliminating a substantial labour-rights concern, such as child labour, or increasing corporate giving by about 20% results in fines that generally are 40% lower than the typical punishment for briding foreign officials, says one researcher.
Researchers admit that their study does not answer the question of how much businesses ought to spend on CSR. Nor does it reveal how much companies are banking on the halo effect, rather than the other possible benefits, when they decide their do-gooding policies. But at least they have demonstrated that when companies get into trouble with the law, evidence of good character can win them a less costly punishment. | 2453.txt | 0 |
[
"more effective",
"less controversial",
"less severe",
"more lasting"
] | The expression "more lenient" (Line 2, Para. 4) is closest in meaning to | "There is one and only one social responsibility of businesses," Wrote Milton Friedman, a Nobel prize-winning economist, "That is,to use its resources and engage in activities designed to increase its profit". But even if you accept Firedman' s premise and regard corporate social responsibility (CSR) policies as waste of shareholders' money, things may not be absolutely clear-cut. New research suggest the CSR may create monetary value for companies-at least when they are prosecuted for corruption.
The largest firms in America and Britain together spend more than $15 billion a year on CSR,according to an estimate by EPG, a consulting firm.This could add value to their businesses in three ways. First, consumers may take CSR spending as a "signal" that a company's products are of high quality. Second, customers may be willing to buy a company's products as an indirect way to donate to the good causes it helps.And third, through a more diffuse "halo effect," whereby its good deeds earn it greater consideration from consumers and others.
Previous studies on CSR have had trouble differentiating these effects because consumers can be affected by all three. A recent study attempts to separate them by looking at bribery prosecutions under America's Foreign Corrupt Practices Act (FCPA). It argues that since prosecutors do not consume a company's products as part of their investigations, they could be influenced only by the halo effect.
The study found that, among prosecuted firms, those with the most comprehensive CSR programmes tended to get more lenient penalties. Their analysis ruled out the possibility that it was firms' political influence, rather than their CSR stand, that accounted for the leniency: Companies that contributed more to political campaigns did not receive lower fines.
In all, the study concludes that whereas prosecutors should only evaluate a case based on its merits, they do seem to be influenced by a company's record in CSR. "We estimate that either eliminating a substantial labour-rights concern, such as child labour, or increasing corporate giving by about 20% results in fines that generally are 40% lower than the typical punishment for briding foreign officials, says one researcher.
Researchers admit that their study does not answer the question of how much businesses ought to spend on CSR. Nor does it reveal how much companies are banking on the halo effect, rather than the other possible benefits, when they decide their do-gooding policies. But at least they have demonstrated that when companies get into trouble with the law, evidence of good character can win them a less costly punishment. | 2453.txt | 2 |
[
"has an impact on their decision.",
"comes across as reliable evidence.",
"increases the chance of being penalized.",
"constitutes part of the investigation."
] | When prosecutors evaluate a case, a company's CSR record | "There is one and only one social responsibility of businesses," Wrote Milton Friedman, a Nobel prize-winning economist, "That is,to use its resources and engage in activities designed to increase its profit". But even if you accept Firedman' s premise and regard corporate social responsibility (CSR) policies as waste of shareholders' money, things may not be absolutely clear-cut. New research suggest the CSR may create monetary value for companies-at least when they are prosecuted for corruption.
The largest firms in America and Britain together spend more than $15 billion a year on CSR,according to an estimate by EPG, a consulting firm.This could add value to their businesses in three ways. First, consumers may take CSR spending as a "signal" that a company's products are of high quality. Second, customers may be willing to buy a company's products as an indirect way to donate to the good causes it helps.And third, through a more diffuse "halo effect," whereby its good deeds earn it greater consideration from consumers and others.
Previous studies on CSR have had trouble differentiating these effects because consumers can be affected by all three. A recent study attempts to separate them by looking at bribery prosecutions under America's Foreign Corrupt Practices Act (FCPA). It argues that since prosecutors do not consume a company's products as part of their investigations, they could be influenced only by the halo effect.
The study found that, among prosecuted firms, those with the most comprehensive CSR programmes tended to get more lenient penalties. Their analysis ruled out the possibility that it was firms' political influence, rather than their CSR stand, that accounted for the leniency: Companies that contributed more to political campaigns did not receive lower fines.
In all, the study concludes that whereas prosecutors should only evaluate a case based on its merits, they do seem to be influenced by a company's record in CSR. "We estimate that either eliminating a substantial labour-rights concern, such as child labour, or increasing corporate giving by about 20% results in fines that generally are 40% lower than the typical punishment for briding foreign officials, says one researcher.
Researchers admit that their study does not answer the question of how much businesses ought to spend on CSR. Nor does it reveal how much companies are banking on the halo effect, rather than the other possible benefits, when they decide their do-gooding policies. But at least they have demonstrated that when companies get into trouble with the law, evidence of good character can win them a less costly punishment. | 2453.txt | 0 |
[
"Its negative effects on businesses are often overlooked.",
"The necessary amount of companies' spending on it is unknown.",
"Companies' financial capacity for it has been overestimated.",
"It has brought much benefit to the banking industry."
] | Which of the following is true of CSR, according to the last paragraph? | "There is one and only one social responsibility of businesses," Wrote Milton Friedman, a Nobel prize-winning economist, "That is,to use its resources and engage in activities designed to increase its profit". But even if you accept Firedman' s premise and regard corporate social responsibility (CSR) policies as waste of shareholders' money, things may not be absolutely clear-cut. New research suggest the CSR may create monetary value for companies-at least when they are prosecuted for corruption.
The largest firms in America and Britain together spend more than $15 billion a year on CSR,according to an estimate by EPG, a consulting firm.This could add value to their businesses in three ways. First, consumers may take CSR spending as a "signal" that a company's products are of high quality. Second, customers may be willing to buy a company's products as an indirect way to donate to the good causes it helps.And third, through a more diffuse "halo effect," whereby its good deeds earn it greater consideration from consumers and others.
Previous studies on CSR have had trouble differentiating these effects because consumers can be affected by all three. A recent study attempts to separate them by looking at bribery prosecutions under America's Foreign Corrupt Practices Act (FCPA). It argues that since prosecutors do not consume a company's products as part of their investigations, they could be influenced only by the halo effect.
The study found that, among prosecuted firms, those with the most comprehensive CSR programmes tended to get more lenient penalties. Their analysis ruled out the possibility that it was firms' political influence, rather than their CSR stand, that accounted for the leniency: Companies that contributed more to political campaigns did not receive lower fines.
In all, the study concludes that whereas prosecutors should only evaluate a case based on its merits, they do seem to be influenced by a company's record in CSR. "We estimate that either eliminating a substantial labour-rights concern, such as child labour, or increasing corporate giving by about 20% results in fines that generally are 40% lower than the typical punishment for briding foreign officials, says one researcher.
Researchers admit that their study does not answer the question of how much businesses ought to spend on CSR. Nor does it reveal how much companies are banking on the halo effect, rather than the other possible benefits, when they decide their do-gooding policies. But at least they have demonstrated that when companies get into trouble with the law, evidence of good character can win them a less costly punishment. | 2453.txt | 1 |
[
"generalized principles for journalistic interviews are the chief concern for writers on journalism",
"importance should be attached to the systematic study of journalistic interviewing",
"concepts and contextual implications are of secondary importance to journalistic interviewing",
"personal experience and general impression should be excluded from journalistic interviews"
] | The main idea of the first paragraph is that ________. | The importance and focus of the interview in the work of the print and broadcast journalist is reflected in several books that have been written on the topic. Most of these books, as well as several chapters, mainly in, but not limited to, journalism and broadcasting handbooks and reporting texts, stress the "how to" aspects of journalistic interviewing rather than the conceptual aspects of the interview, its context, and implications. Much of the "how to" material is based on personal experiences and general impressions. As we know, in journalism as in other fields, much can be learned from the systematic study of professional practice. Such study brings together evidence from which broad generalized principles can be developed.
There is, as has been suggested, a growing body of research literature in journalism and broadcasting, but very little significant attention has been devoted to the study of the interview itself. On the other hand, many general texts as well as numerous research articles on interviewing in fields other than journalism have been written. Many of these books and articles present the theoretical and empirical aspects of the interview as well as the training of the interviewers. Unhappily, this plentiful general literature about interviewing pays little attention to the journalistic interview. The fact that the general literature on interviewing does not deal with the journalistic interview seems to be surprising for two reasons. First, it seems likely that most people in modern Western societies are more familiar, at least in a positive manner, with journalistic interviewing than with any other form of interviewing. Most of us are probably somewhat familiar with the clinical interview, such as that conducted by physicians and psychologists. In these situations the professional person or interviewer is interested in getting information necessary for the diagnosis and treatment of the person seeking help. Another familiar situation is the job interview. However, very few of us have actually been interviewed personally by the mass media, particularly by television. And yet, we have a vivid acquaintance with the journalistic interview by virtue of our roles as readers, listeners, and viewers. Even so, true understanding of the journalistic interview, especially television interviews, requires thoughtful analyses and even study, as this book indicates. | 2416.txt | 1 |
[
"so the training of journalistic interviewers has likewise been strengthened",
"though the study of the interviewing techniques hasn't received much attention",
"but journalistic interviewing as a specific field has unfortunately been neglected",
"and there has also been a dramatic growth in the study of journalistic interviewing"
] | Much research has been done on interviews in general ________. | The importance and focus of the interview in the work of the print and broadcast journalist is reflected in several books that have been written on the topic. Most of these books, as well as several chapters, mainly in, but not limited to, journalism and broadcasting handbooks and reporting texts, stress the "how to" aspects of journalistic interviewing rather than the conceptual aspects of the interview, its context, and implications. Much of the "how to" material is based on personal experiences and general impressions. As we know, in journalism as in other fields, much can be learned from the systematic study of professional practice. Such study brings together evidence from which broad generalized principles can be developed.
There is, as has been suggested, a growing body of research literature in journalism and broadcasting, but very little significant attention has been devoted to the study of the interview itself. On the other hand, many general texts as well as numerous research articles on interviewing in fields other than journalism have been written. Many of these books and articles present the theoretical and empirical aspects of the interview as well as the training of the interviewers. Unhappily, this plentiful general literature about interviewing pays little attention to the journalistic interview. The fact that the general literature on interviewing does not deal with the journalistic interview seems to be surprising for two reasons. First, it seems likely that most people in modern Western societies are more familiar, at least in a positive manner, with journalistic interviewing than with any other form of interviewing. Most of us are probably somewhat familiar with the clinical interview, such as that conducted by physicians and psychologists. In these situations the professional person or interviewer is interested in getting information necessary for the diagnosis and treatment of the person seeking help. Another familiar situation is the job interview. However, very few of us have actually been interviewed personally by the mass media, particularly by television. And yet, we have a vivid acquaintance with the journalistic interview by virtue of our roles as readers, listeners, and viewers. Even so, true understanding of the journalistic interview, especially television interviews, requires thoughtful analyses and even study, as this book indicates. | 2416.txt | 2 |
[
"but most of them wish to stay away from it",
"and many of them hope to be interviewed some day",
"and many of them would like to acquire a true understanding of it",
"but most of them may not have been interviewed in person"
] | Westerners are familiar with the journalistic interview, ________. | The importance and focus of the interview in the work of the print and broadcast journalist is reflected in several books that have been written on the topic. Most of these books, as well as several chapters, mainly in, but not limited to, journalism and broadcasting handbooks and reporting texts, stress the "how to" aspects of journalistic interviewing rather than the conceptual aspects of the interview, its context, and implications. Much of the "how to" material is based on personal experiences and general impressions. As we know, in journalism as in other fields, much can be learned from the systematic study of professional practice. Such study brings together evidence from which broad generalized principles can be developed.
There is, as has been suggested, a growing body of research literature in journalism and broadcasting, but very little significant attention has been devoted to the study of the interview itself. On the other hand, many general texts as well as numerous research articles on interviewing in fields other than journalism have been written. Many of these books and articles present the theoretical and empirical aspects of the interview as well as the training of the interviewers. Unhappily, this plentiful general literature about interviewing pays little attention to the journalistic interview. The fact that the general literature on interviewing does not deal with the journalistic interview seems to be surprising for two reasons. First, it seems likely that most people in modern Western societies are more familiar, at least in a positive manner, with journalistic interviewing than with any other form of interviewing. Most of us are probably somewhat familiar with the clinical interview, such as that conducted by physicians and psychologists. In these situations the professional person or interviewer is interested in getting information necessary for the diagnosis and treatment of the person seeking help. Another familiar situation is the job interview. However, very few of us have actually been interviewed personally by the mass media, particularly by television. And yet, we have a vivid acquaintance with the journalistic interview by virtue of our roles as readers, listeners, and viewers. Even so, true understanding of the journalistic interview, especially television interviews, requires thoughtful analyses and even study, as this book indicates. | 2416.txt | 3 |
[
"The patient.",
"The physician.",
"The journalist.",
"The psychologist."
] | Who is the interviewee in a clinical interview? | The importance and focus of the interview in the work of the print and broadcast journalist is reflected in several books that have been written on the topic. Most of these books, as well as several chapters, mainly in, but not limited to, journalism and broadcasting handbooks and reporting texts, stress the "how to" aspects of journalistic interviewing rather than the conceptual aspects of the interview, its context, and implications. Much of the "how to" material is based on personal experiences and general impressions. As we know, in journalism as in other fields, much can be learned from the systematic study of professional practice. Such study brings together evidence from which broad generalized principles can be developed.
There is, as has been suggested, a growing body of research literature in journalism and broadcasting, but very little significant attention has been devoted to the study of the interview itself. On the other hand, many general texts as well as numerous research articles on interviewing in fields other than journalism have been written. Many of these books and articles present the theoretical and empirical aspects of the interview as well as the training of the interviewers. Unhappily, this plentiful general literature about interviewing pays little attention to the journalistic interview. The fact that the general literature on interviewing does not deal with the journalistic interview seems to be surprising for two reasons. First, it seems likely that most people in modern Western societies are more familiar, at least in a positive manner, with journalistic interviewing than with any other form of interviewing. Most of us are probably somewhat familiar with the clinical interview, such as that conducted by physicians and psychologists. In these situations the professional person or interviewer is interested in getting information necessary for the diagnosis and treatment of the person seeking help. Another familiar situation is the job interview. However, very few of us have actually been interviewed personally by the mass media, particularly by television. And yet, we have a vivid acquaintance with the journalistic interview by virtue of our roles as readers, listeners, and viewers. Even so, true understanding of the journalistic interview, especially television interviews, requires thoughtful analyses and even study, as this book indicates. | 2416.txt | 0 |
[
"news article",
"journalistic interview",
"research report",
"preface"
] | The text is most likely a part of a ________. | The importance and focus of the interview in the work of the print and broadcast journalist is reflected in several books that have been written on the topic. Most of these books, as well as several chapters, mainly in, but not limited to, journalism and broadcasting handbooks and reporting texts, stress the "how to" aspects of journalistic interviewing rather than the conceptual aspects of the interview, its context, and implications. Much of the "how to" material is based on personal experiences and general impressions. As we know, in journalism as in other fields, much can be learned from the systematic study of professional practice. Such study brings together evidence from which broad generalized principles can be developed.
There is, as has been suggested, a growing body of research literature in journalism and broadcasting, but very little significant attention has been devoted to the study of the interview itself. On the other hand, many general texts as well as numerous research articles on interviewing in fields other than journalism have been written. Many of these books and articles present the theoretical and empirical aspects of the interview as well as the training of the interviewers. Unhappily, this plentiful general literature about interviewing pays little attention to the journalistic interview. The fact that the general literature on interviewing does not deal with the journalistic interview seems to be surprising for two reasons. First, it seems likely that most people in modern Western societies are more familiar, at least in a positive manner, with journalistic interviewing than with any other form of interviewing. Most of us are probably somewhat familiar with the clinical interview, such as that conducted by physicians and psychologists. In these situations the professional person or interviewer is interested in getting information necessary for the diagnosis and treatment of the person seeking help. Another familiar situation is the job interview. However, very few of us have actually been interviewed personally by the mass media, particularly by television. And yet, we have a vivid acquaintance with the journalistic interview by virtue of our roles as readers, listeners, and viewers. Even so, true understanding of the journalistic interview, especially television interviews, requires thoughtful analyses and even study, as this book indicates. | 2416.txt | 3 |
[
"During weekend hours.",
"After 5 in the evening.",
"During working hours.",
"After 11 at night."
] | According to this passage, when is a dial telephone call cheapest? | Are you thinking of writing someone a letter? Call instead. It isn‘t that expensive, especially when you call during the evening, night, or weekend hours. In fact, you can make a ten-minute call anywhere in the continental United States for just $2.60.
For even greater saving, always dial direct, that is, without an operator‘s help. Rates(;) on direct calls are lower after five o‘clock in the evening and lowest after eleven o‘clock at night. Collect, person-to-person, and pay phone calls require the services of an operator, and they cost more than direct calls.
Need to call out of the country? Now calls to many overseas places may be dialed direct. Check your telephone direction for overseas area codes.
Next time you have good news, or you just want to stay in touch, remember, a phone call means so much more than a letter. This has been a message from Southern Bell Telephone Company. | 2525.txt | 3 |
[
"Alaska",
"Los Angeles",
"Hawaii",
"Mexico city"
] | To make a ten-minute call costs $2.60, if you are in New York and want to be connected with a person in _ . | Are you thinking of writing someone a letter? Call instead. It isn‘t that expensive, especially when you call during the evening, night, or weekend hours. In fact, you can make a ten-minute call anywhere in the continental United States for just $2.60.
For even greater saving, always dial direct, that is, without an operator‘s help. Rates(;) on direct calls are lower after five o‘clock in the evening and lowest after eleven o‘clock at night. Collect, person-to-person, and pay phone calls require the services of an operator, and they cost more than direct calls.
Need to call out of the country? Now calls to many overseas places may be dialed direct. Check your telephone direction for overseas area codes.
Next time you have good news, or you just want to stay in touch, remember, a phone call means so much more than a letter. This has been a message from Southern Bell Telephone Company. | 2525.txt | 1 |
[
"A direct dial call.",
"A collect call.",
"A person-to-person call.",
"A call from a pay phone."
] | What type of call requires less money? | Are you thinking of writing someone a letter? Call instead. It isn‘t that expensive, especially when you call during the evening, night, or weekend hours. In fact, you can make a ten-minute call anywhere in the continental United States for just $2.60.
For even greater saving, always dial direct, that is, without an operator‘s help. Rates(;) on direct calls are lower after five o‘clock in the evening and lowest after eleven o‘clock at night. Collect, person-to-person, and pay phone calls require the services of an operator, and they cost more than direct calls.
Need to call out of the country? Now calls to many overseas places may be dialed direct. Check your telephone direction for overseas area codes.
Next time you have good news, or you just want to stay in touch, remember, a phone call means so much more than a letter. This has been a message from Southern Bell Telephone Company. | 2525.txt | 0 |
[
"Dial the operator.",
"Call tell Southern Bell Telephone Company.",
"Check the phone book for the overseas operator‘s number so that he can help you.",
"Check the phone book for overseas area codes so that you can dial direct."
] | What should one do in order to make an overseas call? | Are you thinking of writing someone a letter? Call instead. It isn‘t that expensive, especially when you call during the evening, night, or weekend hours. In fact, you can make a ten-minute call anywhere in the continental United States for just $2.60.
For even greater saving, always dial direct, that is, without an operator‘s help. Rates(;) on direct calls are lower after five o‘clock in the evening and lowest after eleven o‘clock at night. Collect, person-to-person, and pay phone calls require the services of an operator, and they cost more than direct calls.
Need to call out of the country? Now calls to many overseas places may be dialed direct. Check your telephone direction for overseas area codes.
Next time you have good news, or you just want to stay in touch, remember, a phone call means so much more than a letter. This has been a message from Southern Bell Telephone Company. | 2525.txt | 3 |
[
"an article",
"letter",
"a talk",
"a dialogue"
] | This passage is _ . | Are you thinking of writing someone a letter? Call instead. It isn‘t that expensive, especially when you call during the evening, night, or weekend hours. In fact, you can make a ten-minute call anywhere in the continental United States for just $2.60.
For even greater saving, always dial direct, that is, without an operator‘s help. Rates(;) on direct calls are lower after five o‘clock in the evening and lowest after eleven o‘clock at night. Collect, person-to-person, and pay phone calls require the services of an operator, and they cost more than direct calls.
Need to call out of the country? Now calls to many overseas places may be dialed direct. Check your telephone direction for overseas area codes.
Next time you have good news, or you just want to stay in touch, remember, a phone call means so much more than a letter. This has been a message from Southern Bell Telephone Company. | 2525.txt | 2 |
[
"the Clean Air Act has not produced the desired results",
"lead deposits in arctic snow are on the increase",
"lead will stay in soil and snow longer than expected",
"the US is the major source of lead pollution in arctic snow"
] | The study published in the journal Nature indicates that _ . | Lead deposits, which accumulated in soil and snow during the 1960's and 70's, were primarily the result of leaded gasoline emissions originating in the United States. In the twenty years that the Clean Air Act has mandated unleaded gas use in the United States, the lead accumulation worldwide has decreased significantly.
A study published recently in the journal Nature shows that air-borne leaded gas emissions from the United States were the leading contributor to the high concentration of lead in the snow in Greenland. The new study is a result of the continued research led by Dr. Charles Boutron, an expert on the impact of heavy metals on the environment at the National Center for Scientific Research in France. A study by Dr. Boutron published in 1991 showed that lead levels in arctic snow were declining.
In his new study, Dr. Boutron found the ratios of the different forms of lead in the leaded gasoline used in the United States were different from the ratios of European, Asian and Canadian gasolines and thus enabled scientists to differentiate the lead sources. The dominant lead ratio found in Greenland snow matched that found in gasoline from the United States.
In a study published in the journal Ambio, scientists found that lead levels in soil in the Northeastern United States had decreased markedly since the introduction of unleaded gasoline.
Many scientists had believed that the lead would stay in soil and snow for a longer period.
The authors of the Ambio study examined samples of the upper layers of soil taken from the same sites of 30 forest floors in New England, New York and Pennsylvania in 1980 and in 1990. The forest environment processed and redistributed the lead faster than the scientists had expected.
Scientists say both studies demonstrate that certain parts of the ecosystem respond rapidly to reductions in atmospheric pollution, but that these findings should not be used as a license to pollute. | 1555.txt | 3 |
[
"was discouraged",
"was enforced by law",
"was prohibited by law",
"was introduced"
] | Lead accumulation worldwide decreased significantly after the use of unleaded gas in the US _ . | Lead deposits, which accumulated in soil and snow during the 1960's and 70's, were primarily the result of leaded gasoline emissions originating in the United States. In the twenty years that the Clean Air Act has mandated unleaded gas use in the United States, the lead accumulation worldwide has decreased significantly.
A study published recently in the journal Nature shows that air-borne leaded gas emissions from the United States were the leading contributor to the high concentration of lead in the snow in Greenland. The new study is a result of the continued research led by Dr. Charles Boutron, an expert on the impact of heavy metals on the environment at the National Center for Scientific Research in France. A study by Dr. Boutron published in 1991 showed that lead levels in arctic snow were declining.
In his new study, Dr. Boutron found the ratios of the different forms of lead in the leaded gasoline used in the United States were different from the ratios of European, Asian and Canadian gasolines and thus enabled scientists to differentiate the lead sources. The dominant lead ratio found in Greenland snow matched that found in gasoline from the United States.
In a study published in the journal Ambio, scientists found that lead levels in soil in the Northeastern United States had decreased markedly since the introduction of unleaded gasoline.
Many scientists had believed that the lead would stay in soil and snow for a longer period.
The authors of the Ambio study examined samples of the upper layers of soil taken from the same sites of 30 forest floors in New England, New York and Pennsylvania in 1980 and in 1990. The forest environment processed and redistributed the lead faster than the scientists had expected.
Scientists say both studies demonstrate that certain parts of the ecosystem respond rapidly to reductions in atmospheric pollution, but that these findings should not be used as a license to pollute. | 1555.txt | 1 |
[
"By analyzing the data published in journals like Nature and Ambio.",
"By observing the lead accumulations in different parts of the arctic area.",
"By studying the chemical elements of soil and snow in Northeastern America.",
"By comparing the chemical compositions of leaded gasoline used in various countries."
] | How did scientists discover the source of lead pollution in Greenland? | Lead deposits, which accumulated in soil and snow during the 1960's and 70's, were primarily the result of leaded gasoline emissions originating in the United States. In the twenty years that the Clean Air Act has mandated unleaded gas use in the United States, the lead accumulation worldwide has decreased significantly.
A study published recently in the journal Nature shows that air-borne leaded gas emissions from the United States were the leading contributor to the high concentration of lead in the snow in Greenland. The new study is a result of the continued research led by Dr. Charles Boutron, an expert on the impact of heavy metals on the environment at the National Center for Scientific Research in France. A study by Dr. Boutron published in 1991 showed that lead levels in arctic snow were declining.
In his new study, Dr. Boutron found the ratios of the different forms of lead in the leaded gasoline used in the United States were different from the ratios of European, Asian and Canadian gasolines and thus enabled scientists to differentiate the lead sources. The dominant lead ratio found in Greenland snow matched that found in gasoline from the United States.
In a study published in the journal Ambio, scientists found that lead levels in soil in the Northeastern United States had decreased markedly since the introduction of unleaded gasoline.
Many scientists had believed that the lead would stay in soil and snow for a longer period.
The authors of the Ambio study examined samples of the upper layers of soil taken from the same sites of 30 forest floors in New England, New York and Pennsylvania in 1980 and in 1990. The forest environment processed and redistributed the lead faster than the scientists had expected.
Scientists say both studies demonstrate that certain parts of the ecosystem respond rapidly to reductions in atmospheric pollution, but that these findings should not be used as a license to pollute. | 1555.txt | 3 |
[
"forests get rid of lead pollution faster than expected",
"lead accumulations in forests are more difficult to deal with",
"lead deposits are widely distributed in the forests of the US",
"the upper layers of soil in forests are easily polluted by lead emissions"
] | The authors of the Ambio study have found that _ . | Lead deposits, which accumulated in soil and snow during the 1960's and 70's, were primarily the result of leaded gasoline emissions originating in the United States. In the twenty years that the Clean Air Act has mandated unleaded gas use in the United States, the lead accumulation worldwide has decreased significantly.
A study published recently in the journal Nature shows that air-borne leaded gas emissions from the United States were the leading contributor to the high concentration of lead in the snow in Greenland. The new study is a result of the continued research led by Dr. Charles Boutron, an expert on the impact of heavy metals on the environment at the National Center for Scientific Research in France. A study by Dr. Boutron published in 1991 showed that lead levels in arctic snow were declining.
In his new study, Dr. Boutron found the ratios of the different forms of lead in the leaded gasoline used in the United States were different from the ratios of European, Asian and Canadian gasolines and thus enabled scientists to differentiate the lead sources. The dominant lead ratio found in Greenland snow matched that found in gasoline from the United States.
In a study published in the journal Ambio, scientists found that lead levels in soil in the Northeastern United States had decreased markedly since the introduction of unleaded gasoline.
Many scientists had believed that the lead would stay in soil and snow for a longer period.
The authors of the Ambio study examined samples of the upper layers of soil taken from the same sites of 30 forest floors in New England, New York and Pennsylvania in 1980 and in 1990. The forest environment processed and redistributed the lead faster than the scientists had expected.
Scientists say both studies demonstrate that certain parts of the ecosystem respond rapidly to reductions in atmospheric pollution, but that these findings should not be used as a license to pollute. | 1555.txt | 0 |
[
"are puzzled by the mystery of forest pollution",
"feel relieved by the use of unleaded gasoline",
"still consider lead pollution a problem",
"lack sufficient means to combat lead pollution"
] | It can be inferred from the last paragraph that scientists _ . | Lead deposits, which accumulated in soil and snow during the 1960's and 70's, were primarily the result of leaded gasoline emissions originating in the United States. In the twenty years that the Clean Air Act has mandated unleaded gas use in the United States, the lead accumulation worldwide has decreased significantly.
A study published recently in the journal Nature shows that air-borne leaded gas emissions from the United States were the leading contributor to the high concentration of lead in the snow in Greenland. The new study is a result of the continued research led by Dr. Charles Boutron, an expert on the impact of heavy metals on the environment at the National Center for Scientific Research in France. A study by Dr. Boutron published in 1991 showed that lead levels in arctic snow were declining.
In his new study, Dr. Boutron found the ratios of the different forms of lead in the leaded gasoline used in the United States were different from the ratios of European, Asian and Canadian gasolines and thus enabled scientists to differentiate the lead sources. The dominant lead ratio found in Greenland snow matched that found in gasoline from the United States.
In a study published in the journal Ambio, scientists found that lead levels in soil in the Northeastern United States had decreased markedly since the introduction of unleaded gasoline.
Many scientists had believed that the lead would stay in soil and snow for a longer period.
The authors of the Ambio study examined samples of the upper layers of soil taken from the same sites of 30 forest floors in New England, New York and Pennsylvania in 1980 and in 1990. The forest environment processed and redistributed the lead faster than the scientists had expected.
Scientists say both studies demonstrate that certain parts of the ecosystem respond rapidly to reductions in atmospheric pollution, but that these findings should not be used as a license to pollute. | 1555.txt | 2 |
[
"every glance has its significance",
"staring at a person is an expression of interest",
"a gaze longer than 3 seconds is unacceptable",
"a glance conveys more meaning than words"
] | It can be inferred form the first paragraph that ________. | Exchange a glance with someone, then look away. Do you realize that you have made a statement? Hold the glance for a second longer, and you have made a different statement. Hold it for 3 seconds, and the meaning has changed again. For every social situation, there is a permissible time that you can hold a person's gaze without being intimate, rude, or aggressive. If you are on an elevator, what gaze-time are you permitted? To answer this question, consider what you typically do. You very likely give other passengers a quick glance to size them up and to assure them that you mean no threat. Since being close to another person signals the possibility of interaction. You need to emit a signal telling others you want to be left alone. So you cut off eye contact, what sociologist Erving Goffman (1963) calls "a dimming of the lights." You look down at the floor, at the indicator lights, anywhere but into another passenger's eyes. Should you break the rule against staring at a stranger on an elevator, you will make the other person exceedingly uncomfortable, and you are likely to feel a bit strange yourself.
If you hold eye contact for more than 3 seconds, what are you telling another person? Much depends on the person and the situation. For instance, a man and a woman communicate interest in this manner. They typically gaze at each other for about 3 seconds at a time, then drop their eyes down for 3 seconds, before letting their eyes meet again. But if one man gives another man a 3-second-plus stare, he signals, "I know you", "I am interested in you," or "You look peculiar and I am curious about you." This type of stare often produces hostile feelings. | 3918.txt | 0 |
[
"to look into another passenger's eyes",
"to avoid eye contact with other passengers",
"to signal you are not a threat to anyone",
"to keep a distance from other passengers"
] | If you want to be left alone on an elevator, the best thing to do is ________. | Exchange a glance with someone, then look away. Do you realize that you have made a statement? Hold the glance for a second longer, and you have made a different statement. Hold it for 3 seconds, and the meaning has changed again. For every social situation, there is a permissible time that you can hold a person's gaze without being intimate, rude, or aggressive. If you are on an elevator, what gaze-time are you permitted? To answer this question, consider what you typically do. You very likely give other passengers a quick glance to size them up and to assure them that you mean no threat. Since being close to another person signals the possibility of interaction. You need to emit a signal telling others you want to be left alone. So you cut off eye contact, what sociologist Erving Goffman (1963) calls "a dimming of the lights." You look down at the floor, at the indicator lights, anywhere but into another passenger's eyes. Should you break the rule against staring at a stranger on an elevator, you will make the other person exceedingly uncomfortable, and you are likely to feel a bit strange yourself.
If you hold eye contact for more than 3 seconds, what are you telling another person? Much depends on the person and the situation. For instance, a man and a woman communicate interest in this manner. They typically gaze at each other for about 3 seconds at a time, then drop their eyes down for 3 seconds, before letting their eyes meet again. But if one man gives another man a 3-second-plus stare, he signals, "I know you", "I am interested in you," or "You look peculiar and I am curious about you." This type of stare often produces hostile feelings. | 3918.txt | 1 |
[
"closing one's eyes",
"turning off the lights",
"creasing to glance at others",
"reducing gaze-time to the minimum"
] | By "a dimming of the lights" (Para. 1, Line 9) Erving Goffman means "________". | Exchange a glance with someone, then look away. Do you realize that you have made a statement? Hold the glance for a second longer, and you have made a different statement. Hold it for 3 seconds, and the meaning has changed again. For every social situation, there is a permissible time that you can hold a person's gaze without being intimate, rude, or aggressive. If you are on an elevator, what gaze-time are you permitted? To answer this question, consider what you typically do. You very likely give other passengers a quick glance to size them up and to assure them that you mean no threat. Since being close to another person signals the possibility of interaction. You need to emit a signal telling others you want to be left alone. So you cut off eye contact, what sociologist Erving Goffman (1963) calls "a dimming of the lights." You look down at the floor, at the indicator lights, anywhere but into another passenger's eyes. Should you break the rule against staring at a stranger on an elevator, you will make the other person exceedingly uncomfortable, and you are likely to feel a bit strange yourself.
If you hold eye contact for more than 3 seconds, what are you telling another person? Much depends on the person and the situation. For instance, a man and a woman communicate interest in this manner. They typically gaze at each other for about 3 seconds at a time, then drop their eyes down for 3 seconds, before letting their eyes meet again. But if one man gives another man a 3-second-plus stare, he signals, "I know you", "I am interested in you," or "You look peculiar and I am curious about you." This type of stare often produces hostile feelings. | 3918.txt | 2 |
[
"depressed",
"uneasy",
"curious",
"amused"
] | If one is looked at by a stranger for too long, he tends to feel ________. | Exchange a glance with someone, then look away. Do you realize that you have made a statement? Hold the glance for a second longer, and you have made a different statement. Hold it for 3 seconds, and the meaning has changed again. For every social situation, there is a permissible time that you can hold a person's gaze without being intimate, rude, or aggressive. If you are on an elevator, what gaze-time are you permitted? To answer this question, consider what you typically do. You very likely give other passengers a quick glance to size them up and to assure them that you mean no threat. Since being close to another person signals the possibility of interaction. You need to emit a signal telling others you want to be left alone. So you cut off eye contact, what sociologist Erving Goffman (1963) calls "a dimming of the lights." You look down at the floor, at the indicator lights, anywhere but into another passenger's eyes. Should you break the rule against staring at a stranger on an elevator, you will make the other person exceedingly uncomfortable, and you are likely to feel a bit strange yourself.
If you hold eye contact for more than 3 seconds, what are you telling another person? Much depends on the person and the situation. For instance, a man and a woman communicate interest in this manner. They typically gaze at each other for about 3 seconds at a time, then drop their eyes down for 3 seconds, before letting their eyes meet again. But if one man gives another man a 3-second-plus stare, he signals, "I know you", "I am interested in you," or "You look peculiar and I am curious about you." This type of stare often produces hostile feelings. | 3918.txt | 1 |
[
"the limitations of eye contact",
"the exchange of ideas through eye contact",
"proper behavior in situations",
"the role of eye contact in interpersonal communication"
] | The passage mainly discusses ________. | Exchange a glance with someone, then look away. Do you realize that you have made a statement? Hold the glance for a second longer, and you have made a different statement. Hold it for 3 seconds, and the meaning has changed again. For every social situation, there is a permissible time that you can hold a person's gaze without being intimate, rude, or aggressive. If you are on an elevator, what gaze-time are you permitted? To answer this question, consider what you typically do. You very likely give other passengers a quick glance to size them up and to assure them that you mean no threat. Since being close to another person signals the possibility of interaction. You need to emit a signal telling others you want to be left alone. So you cut off eye contact, what sociologist Erving Goffman (1963) calls "a dimming of the lights." You look down at the floor, at the indicator lights, anywhere but into another passenger's eyes. Should you break the rule against staring at a stranger on an elevator, you will make the other person exceedingly uncomfortable, and you are likely to feel a bit strange yourself.
If you hold eye contact for more than 3 seconds, what are you telling another person? Much depends on the person and the situation. For instance, a man and a woman communicate interest in this manner. They typically gaze at each other for about 3 seconds at a time, then drop their eyes down for 3 seconds, before letting their eyes meet again. But if one man gives another man a 3-second-plus stare, he signals, "I know you", "I am interested in you," or "You look peculiar and I am curious about you." This type of stare often produces hostile feelings. | 3918.txt | 3 |
[
"study the growth rate of tigers",
"protect tigers from being killed",
"promote the breeding of young tigers",
"analyze the behavioral patterns of tigers"
] | The ultimate aim of Project Tiger is to _ . | By 1970, according to a World Wildlife Fund report, only about 4,500 tigers survived throughout the world-half of them in India. Mr. Foresters, who followed and counted tiger footprints, estimated that in May 1972 only about 1,800 tigers existed in India. Project Tiger Supported by W.W.F. was immediately launched. Nine tiger reserves were created, with armed guards protecting them.
The project provided opportunities for researchers from India and abroad to study tigers in the reserves and gather previously unavailable information about their habits. Studies show that a male tiger may control a hunting territory of between 10 and 20 square kilometers, depending on its age, size and strength. Theterritory of male includes the smaller territories of three or four tigresses. A tiger marks the boundaries of its territories by spraying urine and other bodily liquids on bushes. But it tries to avoid territorial fights, being guided by the distinctive body smell of other tigers. Tigers fight to death only when a tigress is defending her young, or when a tiger is guarding a tigress from the attentions of other males.
The popular image of the tiger is that of a merciless and unconquerable hunter. But studies show that it catches only one of 20 victims it tries to attack.
Fears have recently developed that Project Tiger has been too successful. It has enabled the tiger population to double (by mid-80 S), but India"s human population has also grown out of control. Currently it is 750 million and likely to be 900 million by the end of the century. Land problem is becoming serious and many rural people feel bitter about the fact that some rich forests are reserved for tigers. A growing number of attacks by tigers on man has added to the hostility . | 2214.txt | 3 |
[
"a tigress never attacks until attacked",
"the tigress is not as fierce as the tigers",
"a tiger usually fights another tiger to defend its own territory",
"the tiger is not an efficient hunter as is commonly described"
] | Studies have shown that _ . | By 1970, according to a World Wildlife Fund report, only about 4,500 tigers survived throughout the world-half of them in India. Mr. Foresters, who followed and counted tiger footprints, estimated that in May 1972 only about 1,800 tigers existed in India. Project Tiger Supported by W.W.F. was immediately launched. Nine tiger reserves were created, with armed guards protecting them.
The project provided opportunities for researchers from India and abroad to study tigers in the reserves and gather previously unavailable information about their habits. Studies show that a male tiger may control a hunting territory of between 10 and 20 square kilometers, depending on its age, size and strength. Theterritory of male includes the smaller territories of three or four tigresses. A tiger marks the boundaries of its territories by spraying urine and other bodily liquids on bushes. But it tries to avoid territorial fights, being guided by the distinctive body smell of other tigers. Tigers fight to death only when a tigress is defending her young, or when a tiger is guarding a tigress from the attentions of other males.
The popular image of the tiger is that of a merciless and unconquerable hunter. But studies show that it catches only one of 20 victims it tries to attack.
Fears have recently developed that Project Tiger has been too successful. It has enabled the tiger population to double (by mid-80 S), but India"s human population has also grown out of control. Currently it is 750 million and likely to be 900 million by the end of the century. Land problem is becoming serious and many rural people feel bitter about the fact that some rich forests are reserved for tigers. A growing number of attacks by tigers on man has added to the hostility . | 2214.txt | 1 |
[
"remains unchanged",
"is often defended by tigresses",
"expands as the tiger grows up",
"is the cause of most fights"
] | According to the passage, a tiger"s territory _ . | By 1970, according to a World Wildlife Fund report, only about 4,500 tigers survived throughout the world-half of them in India. Mr. Foresters, who followed and counted tiger footprints, estimated that in May 1972 only about 1,800 tigers existed in India. Project Tiger Supported by W.W.F. was immediately launched. Nine tiger reserves were created, with armed guards protecting them.
The project provided opportunities for researchers from India and abroad to study tigers in the reserves and gather previously unavailable information about their habits. Studies show that a male tiger may control a hunting territory of between 10 and 20 square kilometers, depending on its age, size and strength. Theterritory of male includes the smaller territories of three or four tigresses. A tiger marks the boundaries of its territories by spraying urine and other bodily liquids on bushes. But it tries to avoid territorial fights, being guided by the distinctive body smell of other tigers. Tigers fight to death only when a tigress is defending her young, or when a tiger is guarding a tigress from the attentions of other males.
The popular image of the tiger is that of a merciless and unconquerable hunter. But studies show that it catches only one of 20 victims it tries to attack.
Fears have recently developed that Project Tiger has been too successful. It has enabled the tiger population to double (by mid-80 S), but India"s human population has also grown out of control. Currently it is 750 million and likely to be 900 million by the end of the century. Land problem is becoming serious and many rural people feel bitter about the fact that some rich forests are reserved for tigers. A growing number of attacks by tigers on man has added to the hostility . | 2214.txt | 0 |
[
"has been carried too far",
"has not received enough attention",
"has failed to achieve its goal",
"is not worth the money spent on it"
] | Some people are afraid that Project Tiger _ . | By 1970, according to a World Wildlife Fund report, only about 4,500 tigers survived throughout the world-half of them in India. Mr. Foresters, who followed and counted tiger footprints, estimated that in May 1972 only about 1,800 tigers existed in India. Project Tiger Supported by W.W.F. was immediately launched. Nine tiger reserves were created, with armed guards protecting them.
The project provided opportunities for researchers from India and abroad to study tigers in the reserves and gather previously unavailable information about their habits. Studies show that a male tiger may control a hunting territory of between 10 and 20 square kilometers, depending on its age, size and strength. Theterritory of male includes the smaller territories of three or four tigresses. A tiger marks the boundaries of its territories by spraying urine and other bodily liquids on bushes. But it tries to avoid territorial fights, being guided by the distinctive body smell of other tigers. Tigers fight to death only when a tigress is defending her young, or when a tiger is guarding a tigress from the attentions of other males.
The popular image of the tiger is that of a merciless and unconquerable hunter. But studies show that it catches only one of 20 victims it tries to attack.
Fears have recently developed that Project Tiger has been too successful. It has enabled the tiger population to double (by mid-80 S), but India"s human population has also grown out of control. Currently it is 750 million and likely to be 900 million by the end of the century. Land problem is becoming serious and many rural people feel bitter about the fact that some rich forests are reserved for tigers. A growing number of attacks by tigers on man has added to the hostility . | 2214.txt | 2 |
[
"to be enthusiastic about Project Tiger",
"to have a matter-of-fact attitude towards Project Tiger",
"to have a hostile attitude towards Project Tiger",
"to be satisfied with Project Tiger"
] | The author seems _ . | By 1970, according to a World Wildlife Fund report, only about 4,500 tigers survived throughout the world-half of them in India. Mr. Foresters, who followed and counted tiger footprints, estimated that in May 1972 only about 1,800 tigers existed in India. Project Tiger Supported by W.W.F. was immediately launched. Nine tiger reserves were created, with armed guards protecting them.
The project provided opportunities for researchers from India and abroad to study tigers in the reserves and gather previously unavailable information about their habits. Studies show that a male tiger may control a hunting territory of between 10 and 20 square kilometers, depending on its age, size and strength. Theterritory of male includes the smaller territories of three or four tigresses. A tiger marks the boundaries of its territories by spraying urine and other bodily liquids on bushes. But it tries to avoid territorial fights, being guided by the distinctive body smell of other tigers. Tigers fight to death only when a tigress is defending her young, or when a tiger is guarding a tigress from the attentions of other males.
The popular image of the tiger is that of a merciless and unconquerable hunter. But studies show that it catches only one of 20 victims it tries to attack.
Fears have recently developed that Project Tiger has been too successful. It has enabled the tiger population to double (by mid-80 S), but India"s human population has also grown out of control. Currently it is 750 million and likely to be 900 million by the end of the century. Land problem is becoming serious and many rural people feel bitter about the fact that some rich forests are reserved for tigers. A growing number of attacks by tigers on man has added to the hostility . | 2214.txt | 1 |
[
"The craftsmanship that shaped Gothic architecture would have continued to dominate artists' outlooks.",
"Some other technical elements would have been adopted to discipline artistic inspiration.",
"Intellectual control over artistic inspiration would not have influenced painting as it did architecture.",
"The role of intuitive inspiration would not have remained fundamental to theories of artistic creation."
] | The passage suggests that which of the following would most likely have occurred if linear perspective and anatomy had not come to influence artistic endeavor? | The belief that art originates in intuitive rather than rational faculties was worked out historically and philosophically in the somewhat wearisome volumes of Benedetto Croce, who is usually considered the originator of a new aesthetic.Croce was, in fact, expressing a very old idea. Long before the Romantics stressed intuition and self-expression, the frenzy of inspiration was regarded as fundamental to art, but philosophers had always assumed it must be controlled by law and by the intellectual power of putting things into harmonious order. This general philosophic concept of art was supported by technical necessities. It was necessary to master certain laws and to use intellect in order to build Gothic cathedrals, or set up the stained glass windows of Chartres. When this bracing element of craftsmanship ceased to dominate artists' outlook, new technical elements had to be adopted to maintain the intellectual element in art. Such were linear perspective and anatomy. | 2014.txt | 1 |
[
"Does Romantic art exhibit the triumph of intuition over intellect",
"Did an emphasis on linear perspective and anatomy dominate Romantic art",
"Are the intellectual and intuitive faculties harmoniously balanced in post- Romantic art",
"Are the effects of the rational control of artistic inspiration evident in the great works of pre-Romantic eras"
] | The passage supplies information for answering which of the following questions? | The belief that art originates in intuitive rather than rational faculties was worked out historically and philosophically in the somewhat wearisome volumes of Benedetto Croce, who is usually considered the originator of a new aesthetic.Croce was, in fact, expressing a very old idea. Long before the Romantics stressed intuition and self-expression, the frenzy of inspiration was regarded as fundamental to art, but philosophers had always assumed it must be controlled by law and by the intellectual power of putting things into harmonious order. This general philosophic concept of art was supported by technical necessities. It was necessary to master certain laws and to use intellect in order to build Gothic cathedrals, or set up the stained glass windows of Chartres. When this bracing element of craftsmanship ceased to dominate artists' outlook, new technical elements had to be adopted to maintain the intellectual element in art. Such were linear perspective and anatomy. | 2014.txt | 3 |
[
"Intellectual elements in art exert a necessary control over artistic inspiration.",
"Architecture has never again reached the artistic greatness of the Gothic cathedrals.",
"Aesthetic philosophy is determined by the technical necessities of art.",
"Artistic craftsmanship is more important in architectural art than in pictorial art."
] | The passage implies that which of the following was a traditional assumption of aesthetic philosophers? | The belief that art originates in intuitive rather than rational faculties was worked out historically and philosophically in the somewhat wearisome volumes of Benedetto Croce, who is usually considered the originator of a new aesthetic.Croce was, in fact, expressing a very old idea. Long before the Romantics stressed intuition and self-expression, the frenzy of inspiration was regarded as fundamental to art, but philosophers had always assumed it must be controlled by law and by the intellectual power of putting things into harmonious order. This general philosophic concept of art was supported by technical necessities. It was necessary to master certain laws and to use intellect in order to build Gothic cathedrals, or set up the stained glass windows of Chartres. When this bracing element of craftsmanship ceased to dominate artists' outlook, new technical elements had to be adopted to maintain the intellectual element in art. Such were linear perspective and anatomy. | 2014.txt | 0 |
[
"Expand his argument to include painting as well as architecture",
"Indicate his disagreement with Croce's theory of the origins of art",
"Support his point that rational order of some kind has often seemed to discipline artistic inspiration",
"Explain the rational elements in Gothic painting that corresponded to craftsmanship in Gothic architecture"
] | The author mentions "linear perspective and anatomy" in the last sentence in order to do which of the following? | The belief that art originates in intuitive rather than rational faculties was worked out historically and philosophically in the somewhat wearisome volumes of Benedetto Croce, who is usually considered the originator of a new aesthetic.Croce was, in fact, expressing a very old idea. Long before the Romantics stressed intuition and self-expression, the frenzy of inspiration was regarded as fundamental to art, but philosophers had always assumed it must be controlled by law and by the intellectual power of putting things into harmonious order. This general philosophic concept of art was supported by technical necessities. It was necessary to master certain laws and to use intellect in order to build Gothic cathedrals, or set up the stained glass windows of Chartres. When this bracing element of craftsmanship ceased to dominate artists' outlook, new technical elements had to be adopted to maintain the intellectual element in art. Such were linear perspective and anatomy. | 2014.txt | 2 |
[
"are capable of reliably recognizing the shape of an object",
"are close to exhibiting humanlike behavior",
"are not very different in their performance from those of the 50's",
"still cannot communicate with people in a human language"
] | The author says that the powerful computers of today ________. | In the 1950s, the pioneers of artificial intelligence (AI) predicted that, by the end of this century, computers would be conversing with us at work and robots would be performing our housework. But as useful as computers are, they're nowhere close to achieving anything remotely resembling these early aspirations for humanlike behavior. Never mind something as complex as conversation: the most powerful computers struggle to reliably recognize the shape of an object, the most elementary of tasks for a ten-month-old kid.
A growing group of AI researchers think they know where the field went wrong. The problem, the scientists say, is that AI has been trying to separate the highest, most abstract levels of thought, like language and mathematics, and to duplicate them with logical, step-by-step programs. A new movement in AI, on the other hand, takes a closer look at the more roundabout way in which nature came up with intelligence. Many of these researchers study evolution and natural adaptation instead of formal logic and conventional computer programs. Rather than digital computers and transistors, some want to work with brain cells and proteins. The results of these early efforts are as promising as they are peculiar, and the new nature-based AI movement is slowly but surely moving to the forefront of the field.
Imitating the brain's neural network is a huge step in the right direction, says computer scientist and biophysicist Michael Conrad, but it still misses an important aspect of natural intelligence. "People tend to treat the brain as if it were made up of color-coded transistors", he explains, "but it's not simply a clever network of switches. There are lots of important things going on inside the brain cells themselves." Specifically, Conrad believes that many of the brain's capabilities stem from the pattern recognition proficiency of the individual molecules that make up each brain cell. The best way to build and artificially intelligent device, he claims, would be to build it around the same sort of molecular skills.
Right now, the option that conventional computers and software are fundamentally incapable of matching the processes that take place in the brain remains controversial. But if it proves true, then the efforts of Conrad and his fellow AI rebels could turn out to be the only game in town. | 3696.txt | 3 |
[
"the shift of the focus of study on to the recognition of the shapes of objects",
"the belief that human intelligence cannot be duplicated with logical, step-by-step programs",
"the aspirations of scientists to duplicate the intelligence of a ten-month-old child",
"the efforts made by scientists in the study of the similarities between transistors and brain cells"
] | The new trend in artificial intelligence research stems from ________. | In the 1950s, the pioneers of artificial intelligence (AI) predicted that, by the end of this century, computers would be conversing with us at work and robots would be performing our housework. But as useful as computers are, they're nowhere close to achieving anything remotely resembling these early aspirations for humanlike behavior. Never mind something as complex as conversation: the most powerful computers struggle to reliably recognize the shape of an object, the most elementary of tasks for a ten-month-old kid.
A growing group of AI researchers think they know where the field went wrong. The problem, the scientists say, is that AI has been trying to separate the highest, most abstract levels of thought, like language and mathematics, and to duplicate them with logical, step-by-step programs. A new movement in AI, on the other hand, takes a closer look at the more roundabout way in which nature came up with intelligence. Many of these researchers study evolution and natural adaptation instead of formal logic and conventional computer programs. Rather than digital computers and transistors, some want to work with brain cells and proteins. The results of these early efforts are as promising as they are peculiar, and the new nature-based AI movement is slowly but surely moving to the forefront of the field.
Imitating the brain's neural network is a huge step in the right direction, says computer scientist and biophysicist Michael Conrad, but it still misses an important aspect of natural intelligence. "People tend to treat the brain as if it were made up of color-coded transistors", he explains, "but it's not simply a clever network of switches. There are lots of important things going on inside the brain cells themselves." Specifically, Conrad believes that many of the brain's capabilities stem from the pattern recognition proficiency of the individual molecules that make up each brain cell. The best way to build and artificially intelligent device, he claims, would be to build it around the same sort of molecular skills.
Right now, the option that conventional computers and software are fundamentally incapable of matching the processes that take place in the brain remains controversial. But if it proves true, then the efforts of Conrad and his fellow AI rebels could turn out to be the only game in town. | 3696.txt | 1 |
[
"find a roundabout way to design powerful computers",
"build a computer using a clever network of switches",
"find out how intelligence developed in nature",
"separate the highest and most abstract levels of thought"
] | Conrad and his group of AI researchers have been making enormous efforts to ________. | In the 1950s, the pioneers of artificial intelligence (AI) predicted that, by the end of this century, computers would be conversing with us at work and robots would be performing our housework. But as useful as computers are, they're nowhere close to achieving anything remotely resembling these early aspirations for humanlike behavior. Never mind something as complex as conversation: the most powerful computers struggle to reliably recognize the shape of an object, the most elementary of tasks for a ten-month-old kid.
A growing group of AI researchers think they know where the field went wrong. The problem, the scientists say, is that AI has been trying to separate the highest, most abstract levels of thought, like language and mathematics, and to duplicate them with logical, step-by-step programs. A new movement in AI, on the other hand, takes a closer look at the more roundabout way in which nature came up with intelligence. Many of these researchers study evolution and natural adaptation instead of formal logic and conventional computer programs. Rather than digital computers and transistors, some want to work with brain cells and proteins. The results of these early efforts are as promising as they are peculiar, and the new nature-based AI movement is slowly but surely moving to the forefront of the field.
Imitating the brain's neural network is a huge step in the right direction, says computer scientist and biophysicist Michael Conrad, but it still misses an important aspect of natural intelligence. "People tend to treat the brain as if it were made up of color-coded transistors", he explains, "but it's not simply a clever network of switches. There are lots of important things going on inside the brain cells themselves." Specifically, Conrad believes that many of the brain's capabilities stem from the pattern recognition proficiency of the individual molecules that make up each brain cell. The best way to build and artificially intelligent device, he claims, would be to build it around the same sort of molecular skills.
Right now, the option that conventional computers and software are fundamentally incapable of matching the processes that take place in the brain remains controversial. But if it proves true, then the efforts of Conrad and his fellow AI rebels could turn out to be the only game in town. | 3696.txt | 2 |
[
"It has created a sensation among artificial intelligence researchers but will soon die out.",
"It's a breakthrough in duplicating human thought processes.",
"It's more like a peculiar game rather than a real scientific effort.",
"It may prove to be in the right direction though nobody is sure of its future prospects."
] | What's the author's opinion about the new AI movement? | In the 1950s, the pioneers of artificial intelligence (AI) predicted that, by the end of this century, computers would be conversing with us at work and robots would be performing our housework. But as useful as computers are, they're nowhere close to achieving anything remotely resembling these early aspirations for humanlike behavior. Never mind something as complex as conversation: the most powerful computers struggle to reliably recognize the shape of an object, the most elementary of tasks for a ten-month-old kid.
A growing group of AI researchers think they know where the field went wrong. The problem, the scientists say, is that AI has been trying to separate the highest, most abstract levels of thought, like language and mathematics, and to duplicate them with logical, step-by-step programs. A new movement in AI, on the other hand, takes a closer look at the more roundabout way in which nature came up with intelligence. Many of these researchers study evolution and natural adaptation instead of formal logic and conventional computer programs. Rather than digital computers and transistors, some want to work with brain cells and proteins. The results of these early efforts are as promising as they are peculiar, and the new nature-based AI movement is slowly but surely moving to the forefront of the field.
Imitating the brain's neural network is a huge step in the right direction, says computer scientist and biophysicist Michael Conrad, but it still misses an important aspect of natural intelligence. "People tend to treat the brain as if it were made up of color-coded transistors", he explains, "but it's not simply a clever network of switches. There are lots of important things going on inside the brain cells themselves." Specifically, Conrad believes that many of the brain's capabilities stem from the pattern recognition proficiency of the individual molecules that make up each brain cell. The best way to build and artificially intelligent device, he claims, would be to build it around the same sort of molecular skills.
Right now, the option that conventional computers and software are fundamentally incapable of matching the processes that take place in the brain remains controversial. But if it proves true, then the efforts of Conrad and his fellow AI rebels could turn out to be the only game in town. | 3696.txt | 1 |
[
"The only approach to building an artificially intelligent computer.",
"The only way for them to win a prize in artificial intelligence research.",
"The only area worth studying in computer science.",
"The only game they would like to play in town."
] | Which of the following is closest in meaning to the phrase "the only game in town" (Line 3, Para. 4)? | In the 1950s, the pioneers of artificial intelligence (AI) predicted that, by the end of this century, computers would be conversing with us at work and robots would be performing our housework. But as useful as computers are, they're nowhere close to achieving anything remotely resembling these early aspirations for humanlike behavior. Never mind something as complex as conversation: the most powerful computers struggle to reliably recognize the shape of an object, the most elementary of tasks for a ten-month-old kid.
A growing group of AI researchers think they know where the field went wrong. The problem, the scientists say, is that AI has been trying to separate the highest, most abstract levels of thought, like language and mathematics, and to duplicate them with logical, step-by-step programs. A new movement in AI, on the other hand, takes a closer look at the more roundabout way in which nature came up with intelligence. Many of these researchers study evolution and natural adaptation instead of formal logic and conventional computer programs. Rather than digital computers and transistors, some want to work with brain cells and proteins. The results of these early efforts are as promising as they are peculiar, and the new nature-based AI movement is slowly but surely moving to the forefront of the field.
Imitating the brain's neural network is a huge step in the right direction, says computer scientist and biophysicist Michael Conrad, but it still misses an important aspect of natural intelligence. "People tend to treat the brain as if it were made up of color-coded transistors", he explains, "but it's not simply a clever network of switches. There are lots of important things going on inside the brain cells themselves." Specifically, Conrad believes that many of the brain's capabilities stem from the pattern recognition proficiency of the individual molecules that make up each brain cell. The best way to build and artificially intelligent device, he claims, would be to build it around the same sort of molecular skills.
Right now, the option that conventional computers and software are fundamentally incapable of matching the processes that take place in the brain remains controversial. But if it proves true, then the efforts of Conrad and his fellow AI rebels could turn out to be the only game in town. | 3696.txt | 3 |
[
"Amphibians can regulate their metabolic rates to generate energy.",
"Amphibians use the same means of thermoregulation as mammals and birds do.",
"The body temperature of amphibians sometimes differs from the temperature of their surroundings.",
"The body temperature of amphibians is independent of their metabolic activity."
] | According to paragraph 1, what indicates that amphibians have some control over their body temperature? | In contrast to mammals and birds, amphibians are unable to produce thermal energy through their metabolic activity, which would allow them to regulate their body temperature independent of the surrounding or ambient temperature. However, the idea that amphibians have no control whatsoever over their body temperature has been proven false because their body temperature does not always correspond to the surrounding temperature. While amphibians are poor thermoregulators, they do exercise control over their body temperature to a limited degree.
Physiological adaptations can assist amphibians in colonizing habitats where extreme conditions prevail. The tolerance range in body temperature represents the range of temperatures within which a species can survive. One species of North American newt is still active when temperatures drop to -2°C while one South American frog feels comfortable even when temperatures rise to 41°C-the highest body temperature measured in a free-ranging amphibian. Recently it has been shown that some North American frog and toad species can survive up to five days with a body temperature of -6°C with approximately one-third of their body fluids frozen. The other tissues are protected because they contain the frost-protective agents glycerin or glucose. Additionally, in many species the tolerance boundaries are flexible and can change as a result of acclimatization (long-term exposure to particular conditions).
Frog species that remain exposed to the sun despite high diurnal (daytime) temperatures exhibit some fascinating modifications in the skin structure that function as morphological adaptations. Most amphibian skin is fully water permeable and is therefore not a barrier against evaporation or solar radiation. The African savanna frog Hyperolius viridiflavus stores guanine crystals in its skin, which enable it to better reflect solar radiation, thus providing protection against overheating. The tree frog Phyllomedusa sauvagei responds to evaporative losses with gland secretions that provide a greasy film over its entire body that helps prevent desiccation (dehydration).
However, behavior is by far the most important factor in thermoregulation. The principal elements in behavioral thermoregulation are basking (heliothermy), heat exchange with substrates such as rock or earth (thigmothermy), and diurnal and annual avoidance behaviors, which include moving to shelter during the day for cooling and hibernating or estivating (reducing activity during cold or hot weather, respectively). Heliothermy is especially common among frogs and toads: it allows them to increase their body temperature by more than 10°C. The Andean toad Bufo spinulosus exposes itself immediately after sunrise on moist ground and attains its preferred body temperature by this means, long before either ground or air is correspondingly warmed. A positive side effect of this approach is that it accelerates the digestion of the prey consumed overnight, thus also accelerating growth. Thigmothermy is a behavior present in most amphibians, although pressing against the ground serves a dual purpose: heat absorption by conductivity and water absorption through the skin. The effect of thigmothermy is especially evident in the Andean toad during rainfall: its body temperature corresponds to the temperature of the warm earth and not to the much cooler air temperature.
Avoidance behavior occurs whenever physiological and morphological adaptations are insufficient to maintain body temperature within the vital range. Nocturnal activity in amphibians with low tolerance for high ambient temperatures is a typical thermoregulatory behavior of avoidance. Seasonal avoidance behavior is extremely important in many amphibians. Species whose habitat lies in the temperate latitudes are confronted by lethal low temperatures in winter, while species dwelling in semi- and regions are exposed to long dry, hot periods in summer.
In amphibians hibernation occurs in mud or deep holes away from frost. North of the Pyrenees Mountains, the natterjack toad offers a good example of hibernation, passing the winter dug deep into sandy ground. Conversely, natterjacks in southern Spain remain active during the mild winters common to the region and are instead forced into inactivity during the dry, hot summer season. Summer estivation also occurs by burrowing into the ground or hiding in cool, deep rock crevasses to avoid desiccation and lethal ambient temperature. Amphibians are therefore hardly at mercy of ambient temperature, since by means of the mechanisms described above they are more than) exercise some control over their body temperature. | 3094.txt | 2 |
[
"To make the point that an amphibian's temperature tolerance depends on a number of factors",
"To indicate how precise the range of body temperatures is for certain amphibians",
"To contrast its ability to adapt to that of the North American newt",
"To help illustrate the range of environmental conditions to which amphibians have adapted"
] | Why does the author mention a "South American frog" species in the passage? | In contrast to mammals and birds, amphibians are unable to produce thermal energy through their metabolic activity, which would allow them to regulate their body temperature independent of the surrounding or ambient temperature. However, the idea that amphibians have no control whatsoever over their body temperature has been proven false because their body temperature does not always correspond to the surrounding temperature. While amphibians are poor thermoregulators, they do exercise control over their body temperature to a limited degree.
Physiological adaptations can assist amphibians in colonizing habitats where extreme conditions prevail. The tolerance range in body temperature represents the range of temperatures within which a species can survive. One species of North American newt is still active when temperatures drop to -2°C while one South American frog feels comfortable even when temperatures rise to 41°C-the highest body temperature measured in a free-ranging amphibian. Recently it has been shown that some North American frog and toad species can survive up to five days with a body temperature of -6°C with approximately one-third of their body fluids frozen. The other tissues are protected because they contain the frost-protective agents glycerin or glucose. Additionally, in many species the tolerance boundaries are flexible and can change as a result of acclimatization (long-term exposure to particular conditions).
Frog species that remain exposed to the sun despite high diurnal (daytime) temperatures exhibit some fascinating modifications in the skin structure that function as morphological adaptations. Most amphibian skin is fully water permeable and is therefore not a barrier against evaporation or solar radiation. The African savanna frog Hyperolius viridiflavus stores guanine crystals in its skin, which enable it to better reflect solar radiation, thus providing protection against overheating. The tree frog Phyllomedusa sauvagei responds to evaporative losses with gland secretions that provide a greasy film over its entire body that helps prevent desiccation (dehydration).
However, behavior is by far the most important factor in thermoregulation. The principal elements in behavioral thermoregulation are basking (heliothermy), heat exchange with substrates such as rock or earth (thigmothermy), and diurnal and annual avoidance behaviors, which include moving to shelter during the day for cooling and hibernating or estivating (reducing activity during cold or hot weather, respectively). Heliothermy is especially common among frogs and toads: it allows them to increase their body temperature by more than 10°C. The Andean toad Bufo spinulosus exposes itself immediately after sunrise on moist ground and attains its preferred body temperature by this means, long before either ground or air is correspondingly warmed. A positive side effect of this approach is that it accelerates the digestion of the prey consumed overnight, thus also accelerating growth. Thigmothermy is a behavior present in most amphibians, although pressing against the ground serves a dual purpose: heat absorption by conductivity and water absorption through the skin. The effect of thigmothermy is especially evident in the Andean toad during rainfall: its body temperature corresponds to the temperature of the warm earth and not to the much cooler air temperature.
Avoidance behavior occurs whenever physiological and morphological adaptations are insufficient to maintain body temperature within the vital range. Nocturnal activity in amphibians with low tolerance for high ambient temperatures is a typical thermoregulatory behavior of avoidance. Seasonal avoidance behavior is extremely important in many amphibians. Species whose habitat lies in the temperate latitudes are confronted by lethal low temperatures in winter, while species dwelling in semi- and regions are exposed to long dry, hot periods in summer.
In amphibians hibernation occurs in mud or deep holes away from frost. North of the Pyrenees Mountains, the natterjack toad offers a good example of hibernation, passing the winter dug deep into sandy ground. Conversely, natterjacks in southern Spain remain active during the mild winters common to the region and are instead forced into inactivity during the dry, hot summer season. Summer estivation also occurs by burrowing into the ground or hiding in cool, deep rock crevasses to avoid desiccation and lethal ambient temperature. Amphibians are therefore hardly at mercy of ambient temperature, since by means of the mechanisms described above they are more than) exercise some control over their body temperature. | 3094.txt | 3 |
[
"Their internal body temperatures never fall below -6°C.",
"They do not remain at temperatures below freezing for very long periods of time.",
"Their tolerance boundaries are flexible",
"Some of their body tissues contain substances that prevent freezing."
] | According to paragraph 2, what allows some North American frog and toad species to survive in ambient temperatures well below freezing? | In contrast to mammals and birds, amphibians are unable to produce thermal energy through their metabolic activity, which would allow them to regulate their body temperature independent of the surrounding or ambient temperature. However, the idea that amphibians have no control whatsoever over their body temperature has been proven false because their body temperature does not always correspond to the surrounding temperature. While amphibians are poor thermoregulators, they do exercise control over their body temperature to a limited degree.
Physiological adaptations can assist amphibians in colonizing habitats where extreme conditions prevail. The tolerance range in body temperature represents the range of temperatures within which a species can survive. One species of North American newt is still active when temperatures drop to -2°C while one South American frog feels comfortable even when temperatures rise to 41°C-the highest body temperature measured in a free-ranging amphibian. Recently it has been shown that some North American frog and toad species can survive up to five days with a body temperature of -6°C with approximately one-third of their body fluids frozen. The other tissues are protected because they contain the frost-protective agents glycerin or glucose. Additionally, in many species the tolerance boundaries are flexible and can change as a result of acclimatization (long-term exposure to particular conditions).
Frog species that remain exposed to the sun despite high diurnal (daytime) temperatures exhibit some fascinating modifications in the skin structure that function as morphological adaptations. Most amphibian skin is fully water permeable and is therefore not a barrier against evaporation or solar radiation. The African savanna frog Hyperolius viridiflavus stores guanine crystals in its skin, which enable it to better reflect solar radiation, thus providing protection against overheating. The tree frog Phyllomedusa sauvagei responds to evaporative losses with gland secretions that provide a greasy film over its entire body that helps prevent desiccation (dehydration).
However, behavior is by far the most important factor in thermoregulation. The principal elements in behavioral thermoregulation are basking (heliothermy), heat exchange with substrates such as rock or earth (thigmothermy), and diurnal and annual avoidance behaviors, which include moving to shelter during the day for cooling and hibernating or estivating (reducing activity during cold or hot weather, respectively). Heliothermy is especially common among frogs and toads: it allows them to increase their body temperature by more than 10°C. The Andean toad Bufo spinulosus exposes itself immediately after sunrise on moist ground and attains its preferred body temperature by this means, long before either ground or air is correspondingly warmed. A positive side effect of this approach is that it accelerates the digestion of the prey consumed overnight, thus also accelerating growth. Thigmothermy is a behavior present in most amphibians, although pressing against the ground serves a dual purpose: heat absorption by conductivity and water absorption through the skin. The effect of thigmothermy is especially evident in the Andean toad during rainfall: its body temperature corresponds to the temperature of the warm earth and not to the much cooler air temperature.
Avoidance behavior occurs whenever physiological and morphological adaptations are insufficient to maintain body temperature within the vital range. Nocturnal activity in amphibians with low tolerance for high ambient temperatures is a typical thermoregulatory behavior of avoidance. Seasonal avoidance behavior is extremely important in many amphibians. Species whose habitat lies in the temperate latitudes are confronted by lethal low temperatures in winter, while species dwelling in semi- and regions are exposed to long dry, hot periods in summer.
In amphibians hibernation occurs in mud or deep holes away from frost. North of the Pyrenees Mountains, the natterjack toad offers a good example of hibernation, passing the winter dug deep into sandy ground. Conversely, natterjacks in southern Spain remain active during the mild winters common to the region and are instead forced into inactivity during the dry, hot summer season. Summer estivation also occurs by burrowing into the ground or hiding in cool, deep rock crevasses to avoid desiccation and lethal ambient temperature. Amphibians are therefore hardly at mercy of ambient temperature, since by means of the mechanisms described above they are more than) exercise some control over their body temperature. | 3094.txt | 3 |
[
"protects its glandular system",
"helps reduce its secretions",
"increases the amount of solar radiation that its skin can reflect",
"modifies its skin structure to protect against the drying effects of the sun"
] | "Phyllomedusa sauvager " is mentioned as an example of a frog with an adaptation that | In contrast to mammals and birds, amphibians are unable to produce thermal energy through their metabolic activity, which would allow them to regulate their body temperature independent of the surrounding or ambient temperature. However, the idea that amphibians have no control whatsoever over their body temperature has been proven false because their body temperature does not always correspond to the surrounding temperature. While amphibians are poor thermoregulators, they do exercise control over their body temperature to a limited degree.
Physiological adaptations can assist amphibians in colonizing habitats where extreme conditions prevail. The tolerance range in body temperature represents the range of temperatures within which a species can survive. One species of North American newt is still active when temperatures drop to -2°C while one South American frog feels comfortable even when temperatures rise to 41°C-the highest body temperature measured in a free-ranging amphibian. Recently it has been shown that some North American frog and toad species can survive up to five days with a body temperature of -6°C with approximately one-third of their body fluids frozen. The other tissues are protected because they contain the frost-protective agents glycerin or glucose. Additionally, in many species the tolerance boundaries are flexible and can change as a result of acclimatization (long-term exposure to particular conditions).
Frog species that remain exposed to the sun despite high diurnal (daytime) temperatures exhibit some fascinating modifications in the skin structure that function as morphological adaptations. Most amphibian skin is fully water permeable and is therefore not a barrier against evaporation or solar radiation. The African savanna frog Hyperolius viridiflavus stores guanine crystals in its skin, which enable it to better reflect solar radiation, thus providing protection against overheating. The tree frog Phyllomedusa sauvagei responds to evaporative losses with gland secretions that provide a greasy film over its entire body that helps prevent desiccation (dehydration).
However, behavior is by far the most important factor in thermoregulation. The principal elements in behavioral thermoregulation are basking (heliothermy), heat exchange with substrates such as rock or earth (thigmothermy), and diurnal and annual avoidance behaviors, which include moving to shelter during the day for cooling and hibernating or estivating (reducing activity during cold or hot weather, respectively). Heliothermy is especially common among frogs and toads: it allows them to increase their body temperature by more than 10°C. The Andean toad Bufo spinulosus exposes itself immediately after sunrise on moist ground and attains its preferred body temperature by this means, long before either ground or air is correspondingly warmed. A positive side effect of this approach is that it accelerates the digestion of the prey consumed overnight, thus also accelerating growth. Thigmothermy is a behavior present in most amphibians, although pressing against the ground serves a dual purpose: heat absorption by conductivity and water absorption through the skin. The effect of thigmothermy is especially evident in the Andean toad during rainfall: its body temperature corresponds to the temperature of the warm earth and not to the much cooler air temperature.
Avoidance behavior occurs whenever physiological and morphological adaptations are insufficient to maintain body temperature within the vital range. Nocturnal activity in amphibians with low tolerance for high ambient temperatures is a typical thermoregulatory behavior of avoidance. Seasonal avoidance behavior is extremely important in many amphibians. Species whose habitat lies in the temperate latitudes are confronted by lethal low temperatures in winter, while species dwelling in semi- and regions are exposed to long dry, hot periods in summer.
In amphibians hibernation occurs in mud or deep holes away from frost. North of the Pyrenees Mountains, the natterjack toad offers a good example of hibernation, passing the winter dug deep into sandy ground. Conversely, natterjacks in southern Spain remain active during the mild winters common to the region and are instead forced into inactivity during the dry, hot summer season. Summer estivation also occurs by burrowing into the ground or hiding in cool, deep rock crevasses to avoid desiccation and lethal ambient temperature. Amphibians are therefore hardly at mercy of ambient temperature, since by means of the mechanisms described above they are more than) exercise some control over their body temperature. | 3094.txt | 3 |
[
"pressing against the ground",
"speeding up of the metabolism",
"reducing activity during the summer",
"adjusting exposure to the sun"
] | Paragraph 4 mentions each of the following as an example of behavioral thermoregulation EXCEPT | In contrast to mammals and birds, amphibians are unable to produce thermal energy through their metabolic activity, which would allow them to regulate their body temperature independent of the surrounding or ambient temperature. However, the idea that amphibians have no control whatsoever over their body temperature has been proven false because their body temperature does not always correspond to the surrounding temperature. While amphibians are poor thermoregulators, they do exercise control over their body temperature to a limited degree.
Physiological adaptations can assist amphibians in colonizing habitats where extreme conditions prevail. The tolerance range in body temperature represents the range of temperatures within which a species can survive. One species of North American newt is still active when temperatures drop to -2°C while one South American frog feels comfortable even when temperatures rise to 41°C-the highest body temperature measured in a free-ranging amphibian. Recently it has been shown that some North American frog and toad species can survive up to five days with a body temperature of -6°C with approximately one-third of their body fluids frozen. The other tissues are protected because they contain the frost-protective agents glycerin or glucose. Additionally, in many species the tolerance boundaries are flexible and can change as a result of acclimatization (long-term exposure to particular conditions).
Frog species that remain exposed to the sun despite high diurnal (daytime) temperatures exhibit some fascinating modifications in the skin structure that function as morphological adaptations. Most amphibian skin is fully water permeable and is therefore not a barrier against evaporation or solar radiation. The African savanna frog Hyperolius viridiflavus stores guanine crystals in its skin, which enable it to better reflect solar radiation, thus providing protection against overheating. The tree frog Phyllomedusa sauvagei responds to evaporative losses with gland secretions that provide a greasy film over its entire body that helps prevent desiccation (dehydration).
However, behavior is by far the most important factor in thermoregulation. The principal elements in behavioral thermoregulation are basking (heliothermy), heat exchange with substrates such as rock or earth (thigmothermy), and diurnal and annual avoidance behaviors, which include moving to shelter during the day for cooling and hibernating or estivating (reducing activity during cold or hot weather, respectively). Heliothermy is especially common among frogs and toads: it allows them to increase their body temperature by more than 10°C. The Andean toad Bufo spinulosus exposes itself immediately after sunrise on moist ground and attains its preferred body temperature by this means, long before either ground or air is correspondingly warmed. A positive side effect of this approach is that it accelerates the digestion of the prey consumed overnight, thus also accelerating growth. Thigmothermy is a behavior present in most amphibians, although pressing against the ground serves a dual purpose: heat absorption by conductivity and water absorption through the skin. The effect of thigmothermy is especially evident in the Andean toad during rainfall: its body temperature corresponds to the temperature of the warm earth and not to the much cooler air temperature.
Avoidance behavior occurs whenever physiological and morphological adaptations are insufficient to maintain body temperature within the vital range. Nocturnal activity in amphibians with low tolerance for high ambient temperatures is a typical thermoregulatory behavior of avoidance. Seasonal avoidance behavior is extremely important in many amphibians. Species whose habitat lies in the temperate latitudes are confronted by lethal low temperatures in winter, while species dwelling in semi- and regions are exposed to long dry, hot periods in summer.
In amphibians hibernation occurs in mud or deep holes away from frost. North of the Pyrenees Mountains, the natterjack toad offers a good example of hibernation, passing the winter dug deep into sandy ground. Conversely, natterjacks in southern Spain remain active during the mild winters common to the region and are instead forced into inactivity during the dry, hot summer season. Summer estivation also occurs by burrowing into the ground or hiding in cool, deep rock crevasses to avoid desiccation and lethal ambient temperature. Amphibians are therefore hardly at mercy of ambient temperature, since by means of the mechanisms described above they are more than) exercise some control over their body temperature. | 3094.txt | 1 |
[
"Heliothermy and thigmothermy",
"Diurnal avoidance behavior",
"Absorbing heat from the air",
"Moving to shelter during the summer"
] | The "Andean toad Bufo spinulosus" illustrates which of the following behavioral modifications? | In contrast to mammals and birds, amphibians are unable to produce thermal energy through their metabolic activity, which would allow them to regulate their body temperature independent of the surrounding or ambient temperature. However, the idea that amphibians have no control whatsoever over their body temperature has been proven false because their body temperature does not always correspond to the surrounding temperature. While amphibians are poor thermoregulators, they do exercise control over their body temperature to a limited degree.
Physiological adaptations can assist amphibians in colonizing habitats where extreme conditions prevail. The tolerance range in body temperature represents the range of temperatures within which a species can survive. One species of North American newt is still active when temperatures drop to -2°C while one South American frog feels comfortable even when temperatures rise to 41°C-the highest body temperature measured in a free-ranging amphibian. Recently it has been shown that some North American frog and toad species can survive up to five days with a body temperature of -6°C with approximately one-third of their body fluids frozen. The other tissues are protected because they contain the frost-protective agents glycerin or glucose. Additionally, in many species the tolerance boundaries are flexible and can change as a result of acclimatization (long-term exposure to particular conditions).
Frog species that remain exposed to the sun despite high diurnal (daytime) temperatures exhibit some fascinating modifications in the skin structure that function as morphological adaptations. Most amphibian skin is fully water permeable and is therefore not a barrier against evaporation or solar radiation. The African savanna frog Hyperolius viridiflavus stores guanine crystals in its skin, which enable it to better reflect solar radiation, thus providing protection against overheating. The tree frog Phyllomedusa sauvagei responds to evaporative losses with gland secretions that provide a greasy film over its entire body that helps prevent desiccation (dehydration).
However, behavior is by far the most important factor in thermoregulation. The principal elements in behavioral thermoregulation are basking (heliothermy), heat exchange with substrates such as rock or earth (thigmothermy), and diurnal and annual avoidance behaviors, which include moving to shelter during the day for cooling and hibernating or estivating (reducing activity during cold or hot weather, respectively). Heliothermy is especially common among frogs and toads: it allows them to increase their body temperature by more than 10°C. The Andean toad Bufo spinulosus exposes itself immediately after sunrise on moist ground and attains its preferred body temperature by this means, long before either ground or air is correspondingly warmed. A positive side effect of this approach is that it accelerates the digestion of the prey consumed overnight, thus also accelerating growth. Thigmothermy is a behavior present in most amphibians, although pressing against the ground serves a dual purpose: heat absorption by conductivity and water absorption through the skin. The effect of thigmothermy is especially evident in the Andean toad during rainfall: its body temperature corresponds to the temperature of the warm earth and not to the much cooler air temperature.
Avoidance behavior occurs whenever physiological and morphological adaptations are insufficient to maintain body temperature within the vital range. Nocturnal activity in amphibians with low tolerance for high ambient temperatures is a typical thermoregulatory behavior of avoidance. Seasonal avoidance behavior is extremely important in many amphibians. Species whose habitat lies in the temperate latitudes are confronted by lethal low temperatures in winter, while species dwelling in semi- and regions are exposed to long dry, hot periods in summer.
In amphibians hibernation occurs in mud or deep holes away from frost. North of the Pyrenees Mountains, the natterjack toad offers a good example of hibernation, passing the winter dug deep into sandy ground. Conversely, natterjacks in southern Spain remain active during the mild winters common to the region and are instead forced into inactivity during the dry, hot summer season. Summer estivation also occurs by burrowing into the ground or hiding in cool, deep rock crevasses to avoid desiccation and lethal ambient temperature. Amphibians are therefore hardly at mercy of ambient temperature, since by means of the mechanisms described above they are more than) exercise some control over their body temperature. | 3094.txt | 0 |
[
"raises",
"lowers",
"reaches",
"regulates"
] | The word "attains" in the passage is closest in meaning to | In contrast to mammals and birds, amphibians are unable to produce thermal energy through their metabolic activity, which would allow them to regulate their body temperature independent of the surrounding or ambient temperature. However, the idea that amphibians have no control whatsoever over their body temperature has been proven false because their body temperature does not always correspond to the surrounding temperature. While amphibians are poor thermoregulators, they do exercise control over their body temperature to a limited degree.
Physiological adaptations can assist amphibians in colonizing habitats where extreme conditions prevail. The tolerance range in body temperature represents the range of temperatures within which a species can survive. One species of North American newt is still active when temperatures drop to -2°C while one South American frog feels comfortable even when temperatures rise to 41°C-the highest body temperature measured in a free-ranging amphibian. Recently it has been shown that some North American frog and toad species can survive up to five days with a body temperature of -6°C with approximately one-third of their body fluids frozen. The other tissues are protected because they contain the frost-protective agents glycerin or glucose. Additionally, in many species the tolerance boundaries are flexible and can change as a result of acclimatization (long-term exposure to particular conditions).
Frog species that remain exposed to the sun despite high diurnal (daytime) temperatures exhibit some fascinating modifications in the skin structure that function as morphological adaptations. Most amphibian skin is fully water permeable and is therefore not a barrier against evaporation or solar radiation. The African savanna frog Hyperolius viridiflavus stores guanine crystals in its skin, which enable it to better reflect solar radiation, thus providing protection against overheating. The tree frog Phyllomedusa sauvagei responds to evaporative losses with gland secretions that provide a greasy film over its entire body that helps prevent desiccation (dehydration).
However, behavior is by far the most important factor in thermoregulation. The principal elements in behavioral thermoregulation are basking (heliothermy), heat exchange with substrates such as rock or earth (thigmothermy), and diurnal and annual avoidance behaviors, which include moving to shelter during the day for cooling and hibernating or estivating (reducing activity during cold or hot weather, respectively). Heliothermy is especially common among frogs and toads: it allows them to increase their body temperature by more than 10°C. The Andean toad Bufo spinulosus exposes itself immediately after sunrise on moist ground and attains its preferred body temperature by this means, long before either ground or air is correspondingly warmed. A positive side effect of this approach is that it accelerates the digestion of the prey consumed overnight, thus also accelerating growth. Thigmothermy is a behavior present in most amphibians, although pressing against the ground serves a dual purpose: heat absorption by conductivity and water absorption through the skin. The effect of thigmothermy is especially evident in the Andean toad during rainfall: its body temperature corresponds to the temperature of the warm earth and not to the much cooler air temperature.
Avoidance behavior occurs whenever physiological and morphological adaptations are insufficient to maintain body temperature within the vital range. Nocturnal activity in amphibians with low tolerance for high ambient temperatures is a typical thermoregulatory behavior of avoidance. Seasonal avoidance behavior is extremely important in many amphibians. Species whose habitat lies in the temperate latitudes are confronted by lethal low temperatures in winter, while species dwelling in semi- and regions are exposed to long dry, hot periods in summer.
In amphibians hibernation occurs in mud or deep holes away from frost. North of the Pyrenees Mountains, the natterjack toad offers a good example of hibernation, passing the winter dug deep into sandy ground. Conversely, natterjacks in southern Spain remain active during the mild winters common to the region and are instead forced into inactivity during the dry, hot summer season. Summer estivation also occurs by burrowing into the ground or hiding in cool, deep rock crevasses to avoid desiccation and lethal ambient temperature. Amphibians are therefore hardly at mercy of ambient temperature, since by means of the mechanisms described above they are more than) exercise some control over their body temperature. | 3094.txt | 2 |
[
"gradually increasing body temperature by 10°C",
"basking as soon as the sun comes up",
"waiting for the ground and air to warm",
"keeping body temperature above the temperature of the air"
] | The phrase "this approach" in the passage refers to | In contrast to mammals and birds, amphibians are unable to produce thermal energy through their metabolic activity, which would allow them to regulate their body temperature independent of the surrounding or ambient temperature. However, the idea that amphibians have no control whatsoever over their body temperature has been proven false because their body temperature does not always correspond to the surrounding temperature. While amphibians are poor thermoregulators, they do exercise control over their body temperature to a limited degree.
Physiological adaptations can assist amphibians in colonizing habitats where extreme conditions prevail. The tolerance range in body temperature represents the range of temperatures within which a species can survive. One species of North American newt is still active when temperatures drop to -2°C while one South American frog feels comfortable even when temperatures rise to 41°C-the highest body temperature measured in a free-ranging amphibian. Recently it has been shown that some North American frog and toad species can survive up to five days with a body temperature of -6°C with approximately one-third of their body fluids frozen. The other tissues are protected because they contain the frost-protective agents glycerin or glucose. Additionally, in many species the tolerance boundaries are flexible and can change as a result of acclimatization (long-term exposure to particular conditions).
Frog species that remain exposed to the sun despite high diurnal (daytime) temperatures exhibit some fascinating modifications in the skin structure that function as morphological adaptations. Most amphibian skin is fully water permeable and is therefore not a barrier against evaporation or solar radiation. The African savanna frog Hyperolius viridiflavus stores guanine crystals in its skin, which enable it to better reflect solar radiation, thus providing protection against overheating. The tree frog Phyllomedusa sauvagei responds to evaporative losses with gland secretions that provide a greasy film over its entire body that helps prevent desiccation (dehydration).
However, behavior is by far the most important factor in thermoregulation. The principal elements in behavioral thermoregulation are basking (heliothermy), heat exchange with substrates such as rock or earth (thigmothermy), and diurnal and annual avoidance behaviors, which include moving to shelter during the day for cooling and hibernating or estivating (reducing activity during cold or hot weather, respectively). Heliothermy is especially common among frogs and toads: it allows them to increase their body temperature by more than 10°C. The Andean toad Bufo spinulosus exposes itself immediately after sunrise on moist ground and attains its preferred body temperature by this means, long before either ground or air is correspondingly warmed. A positive side effect of this approach is that it accelerates the digestion of the prey consumed overnight, thus also accelerating growth. Thigmothermy is a behavior present in most amphibians, although pressing against the ground serves a dual purpose: heat absorption by conductivity and water absorption through the skin. The effect of thigmothermy is especially evident in the Andean toad during rainfall: its body temperature corresponds to the temperature of the warm earth and not to the much cooler air temperature.
Avoidance behavior occurs whenever physiological and morphological adaptations are insufficient to maintain body temperature within the vital range. Nocturnal activity in amphibians with low tolerance for high ambient temperatures is a typical thermoregulatory behavior of avoidance. Seasonal avoidance behavior is extremely important in many amphibians. Species whose habitat lies in the temperate latitudes are confronted by lethal low temperatures in winter, while species dwelling in semi- and regions are exposed to long dry, hot periods in summer.
In amphibians hibernation occurs in mud or deep holes away from frost. North of the Pyrenees Mountains, the natterjack toad offers a good example of hibernation, passing the winter dug deep into sandy ground. Conversely, natterjacks in southern Spain remain active during the mild winters common to the region and are instead forced into inactivity during the dry, hot summer season. Summer estivation also occurs by burrowing into the ground or hiding in cool, deep rock crevasses to avoid desiccation and lethal ambient temperature. Amphibians are therefore hardly at mercy of ambient temperature, since by means of the mechanisms described above they are more than) exercise some control over their body temperature. | 3094.txt | 1 |
[
"Amphibians' habitats are areas where temperatures vary from day to day.",
"Amphibians have less tolerance for high ambient temperatures than for low ambient temperatures.",
"Amphibians lack adequate physiological adaptations for dealing with ambient temperatures.",
"Amphibians cannot protect themselves from the extreme summer heat by being active only at night."
] | According to paragraph 5, why is avoidance behavior important for some amphibians? | In contrast to mammals and birds, amphibians are unable to produce thermal energy through their metabolic activity, which would allow them to regulate their body temperature independent of the surrounding or ambient temperature. However, the idea that amphibians have no control whatsoever over their body temperature has been proven false because their body temperature does not always correspond to the surrounding temperature. While amphibians are poor thermoregulators, they do exercise control over their body temperature to a limited degree.
Physiological adaptations can assist amphibians in colonizing habitats where extreme conditions prevail. The tolerance range in body temperature represents the range of temperatures within which a species can survive. One species of North American newt is still active when temperatures drop to -2°C while one South American frog feels comfortable even when temperatures rise to 41°C-the highest body temperature measured in a free-ranging amphibian. Recently it has been shown that some North American frog and toad species can survive up to five days with a body temperature of -6°C with approximately one-third of their body fluids frozen. The other tissues are protected because they contain the frost-protective agents glycerin or glucose. Additionally, in many species the tolerance boundaries are flexible and can change as a result of acclimatization (long-term exposure to particular conditions).
Frog species that remain exposed to the sun despite high diurnal (daytime) temperatures exhibit some fascinating modifications in the skin structure that function as morphological adaptations. Most amphibian skin is fully water permeable and is therefore not a barrier against evaporation or solar radiation. The African savanna frog Hyperolius viridiflavus stores guanine crystals in its skin, which enable it to better reflect solar radiation, thus providing protection against overheating. The tree frog Phyllomedusa sauvagei responds to evaporative losses with gland secretions that provide a greasy film over its entire body that helps prevent desiccation (dehydration).
However, behavior is by far the most important factor in thermoregulation. The principal elements in behavioral thermoregulation are basking (heliothermy), heat exchange with substrates such as rock or earth (thigmothermy), and diurnal and annual avoidance behaviors, which include moving to shelter during the day for cooling and hibernating or estivating (reducing activity during cold or hot weather, respectively). Heliothermy is especially common among frogs and toads: it allows them to increase their body temperature by more than 10°C. The Andean toad Bufo spinulosus exposes itself immediately after sunrise on moist ground and attains its preferred body temperature by this means, long before either ground or air is correspondingly warmed. A positive side effect of this approach is that it accelerates the digestion of the prey consumed overnight, thus also accelerating growth. Thigmothermy is a behavior present in most amphibians, although pressing against the ground serves a dual purpose: heat absorption by conductivity and water absorption through the skin. The effect of thigmothermy is especially evident in the Andean toad during rainfall: its body temperature corresponds to the temperature of the warm earth and not to the much cooler air temperature.
Avoidance behavior occurs whenever physiological and morphological adaptations are insufficient to maintain body temperature within the vital range. Nocturnal activity in amphibians with low tolerance for high ambient temperatures is a typical thermoregulatory behavior of avoidance. Seasonal avoidance behavior is extremely important in many amphibians. Species whose habitat lies in the temperate latitudes are confronted by lethal low temperatures in winter, while species dwelling in semi- and regions are exposed to long dry, hot periods in summer.
In amphibians hibernation occurs in mud or deep holes away from frost. North of the Pyrenees Mountains, the natterjack toad offers a good example of hibernation, passing the winter dug deep into sandy ground. Conversely, natterjacks in southern Spain remain active during the mild winters common to the region and are instead forced into inactivity during the dry, hot summer season. Summer estivation also occurs by burrowing into the ground or hiding in cool, deep rock crevasses to avoid desiccation and lethal ambient temperature. Amphibians are therefore hardly at mercy of ambient temperature, since by means of the mechanisms described above they are more than) exercise some control over their body temperature. | 3094.txt | 2 |
[
"arriving",
"originating",
"evolving",
"living"
] | The word "dwelling" in the passage is closest in meaning to | In contrast to mammals and birds, amphibians are unable to produce thermal energy through their metabolic activity, which would allow them to regulate their body temperature independent of the surrounding or ambient temperature. However, the idea that amphibians have no control whatsoever over their body temperature has been proven false because their body temperature does not always correspond to the surrounding temperature. While amphibians are poor thermoregulators, they do exercise control over their body temperature to a limited degree.
Physiological adaptations can assist amphibians in colonizing habitats where extreme conditions prevail. The tolerance range in body temperature represents the range of temperatures within which a species can survive. One species of North American newt is still active when temperatures drop to -2°C while one South American frog feels comfortable even when temperatures rise to 41°C-the highest body temperature measured in a free-ranging amphibian. Recently it has been shown that some North American frog and toad species can survive up to five days with a body temperature of -6°C with approximately one-third of their body fluids frozen. The other tissues are protected because they contain the frost-protective agents glycerin or glucose. Additionally, in many species the tolerance boundaries are flexible and can change as a result of acclimatization (long-term exposure to particular conditions).
Frog species that remain exposed to the sun despite high diurnal (daytime) temperatures exhibit some fascinating modifications in the skin structure that function as morphological adaptations. Most amphibian skin is fully water permeable and is therefore not a barrier against evaporation or solar radiation. The African savanna frog Hyperolius viridiflavus stores guanine crystals in its skin, which enable it to better reflect solar radiation, thus providing protection against overheating. The tree frog Phyllomedusa sauvagei responds to evaporative losses with gland secretions that provide a greasy film over its entire body that helps prevent desiccation (dehydration).
However, behavior is by far the most important factor in thermoregulation. The principal elements in behavioral thermoregulation are basking (heliothermy), heat exchange with substrates such as rock or earth (thigmothermy), and diurnal and annual avoidance behaviors, which include moving to shelter during the day for cooling and hibernating or estivating (reducing activity during cold or hot weather, respectively). Heliothermy is especially common among frogs and toads: it allows them to increase their body temperature by more than 10°C. The Andean toad Bufo spinulosus exposes itself immediately after sunrise on moist ground and attains its preferred body temperature by this means, long before either ground or air is correspondingly warmed. A positive side effect of this approach is that it accelerates the digestion of the prey consumed overnight, thus also accelerating growth. Thigmothermy is a behavior present in most amphibians, although pressing against the ground serves a dual purpose: heat absorption by conductivity and water absorption through the skin. The effect of thigmothermy is especially evident in the Andean toad during rainfall: its body temperature corresponds to the temperature of the warm earth and not to the much cooler air temperature.
Avoidance behavior occurs whenever physiological and morphological adaptations are insufficient to maintain body temperature within the vital range. Nocturnal activity in amphibians with low tolerance for high ambient temperatures is a typical thermoregulatory behavior of avoidance. Seasonal avoidance behavior is extremely important in many amphibians. Species whose habitat lies in the temperate latitudes are confronted by lethal low temperatures in winter, while species dwelling in semi- and regions are exposed to long dry, hot periods in summer.
In amphibians hibernation occurs in mud or deep holes away from frost. North of the Pyrenees Mountains, the natterjack toad offers a good example of hibernation, passing the winter dug deep into sandy ground. Conversely, natterjacks in southern Spain remain active during the mild winters common to the region and are instead forced into inactivity during the dry, hot summer season. Summer estivation also occurs by burrowing into the ground or hiding in cool, deep rock crevasses to avoid desiccation and lethal ambient temperature. Amphibians are therefore hardly at mercy of ambient temperature, since by means of the mechanisms described above they are more than) exercise some control over their body temperature. | 3094.txt | 3 |
[
"Amphibians have greater tolerance for heat than for cold.",
"Desiccation is not a threat to amphibians",
"Both hibernation and estivation may serve as avoidance behaviors depending on the climate",
"Some species of amphibians are active only in the spring and in the fall"
] | In paragraph 6, which of the following can be inferred from the discussion of the natterjack? | In contrast to mammals and birds, amphibians are unable to produce thermal energy through their metabolic activity, which would allow them to regulate their body temperature independent of the surrounding or ambient temperature. However, the idea that amphibians have no control whatsoever over their body temperature has been proven false because their body temperature does not always correspond to the surrounding temperature. While amphibians are poor thermoregulators, they do exercise control over their body temperature to a limited degree.
Physiological adaptations can assist amphibians in colonizing habitats where extreme conditions prevail. The tolerance range in body temperature represents the range of temperatures within which a species can survive. One species of North American newt is still active when temperatures drop to -2°C while one South American frog feels comfortable even when temperatures rise to 41°C-the highest body temperature measured in a free-ranging amphibian. Recently it has been shown that some North American frog and toad species can survive up to five days with a body temperature of -6°C with approximately one-third of their body fluids frozen. The other tissues are protected because they contain the frost-protective agents glycerin or glucose. Additionally, in many species the tolerance boundaries are flexible and can change as a result of acclimatization (long-term exposure to particular conditions).
Frog species that remain exposed to the sun despite high diurnal (daytime) temperatures exhibit some fascinating modifications in the skin structure that function as morphological adaptations. Most amphibian skin is fully water permeable and is therefore not a barrier against evaporation or solar radiation. The African savanna frog Hyperolius viridiflavus stores guanine crystals in its skin, which enable it to better reflect solar radiation, thus providing protection against overheating. The tree frog Phyllomedusa sauvagei responds to evaporative losses with gland secretions that provide a greasy film over its entire body that helps prevent desiccation (dehydration).
However, behavior is by far the most important factor in thermoregulation. The principal elements in behavioral thermoregulation are basking (heliothermy), heat exchange with substrates such as rock or earth (thigmothermy), and diurnal and annual avoidance behaviors, which include moving to shelter during the day for cooling and hibernating or estivating (reducing activity during cold or hot weather, respectively). Heliothermy is especially common among frogs and toads: it allows them to increase their body temperature by more than 10°C. The Andean toad Bufo spinulosus exposes itself immediately after sunrise on moist ground and attains its preferred body temperature by this means, long before either ground or air is correspondingly warmed. A positive side effect of this approach is that it accelerates the digestion of the prey consumed overnight, thus also accelerating growth. Thigmothermy is a behavior present in most amphibians, although pressing against the ground serves a dual purpose: heat absorption by conductivity and water absorption through the skin. The effect of thigmothermy is especially evident in the Andean toad during rainfall: its body temperature corresponds to the temperature of the warm earth and not to the much cooler air temperature.
Avoidance behavior occurs whenever physiological and morphological adaptations are insufficient to maintain body temperature within the vital range. Nocturnal activity in amphibians with low tolerance for high ambient temperatures is a typical thermoregulatory behavior of avoidance. Seasonal avoidance behavior is extremely important in many amphibians. Species whose habitat lies in the temperate latitudes are confronted by lethal low temperatures in winter, while species dwelling in semi- and regions are exposed to long dry, hot periods in summer.
In amphibians hibernation occurs in mud or deep holes away from frost. North of the Pyrenees Mountains, the natterjack toad offers a good example of hibernation, passing the winter dug deep into sandy ground. Conversely, natterjacks in southern Spain remain active during the mild winters common to the region and are instead forced into inactivity during the dry, hot summer season. Summer estivation also occurs by burrowing into the ground or hiding in cool, deep rock crevasses to avoid desiccation and lethal ambient temperature. Amphibians are therefore hardly at mercy of ambient temperature, since by means of the mechanisms described above they are more than) exercise some control over their body temperature. | 3094.txt | 2 |
[
"Californians seldom hire illegal foreign workers unless they get work permits",
"Californian citizens' attitude towards immigrant workers remains ambivalent",
"it is difficult for immigrants to find a job in California due to the hostility from the locals",
"parents hire Mexican nannies for their kids so that they can learn Spanish at an early age"
] | From the first paragraph we learn that _ . | On climbing-frames in the smarter neighbourhoods of Los Angeles, white kids occasionally shout to each other in Spanish. They learn their first words from Mexican nannies who are often working illegally, just like the maids who scrub floors and the gardeners who cut their lawns, which helps to explain why fixing America's broken immigration system is proving so difficult. Californians, no less than the residents of other states, find illegal immigration distasteful. Yet they depend on immigrants for even such intimate tasks as bringing up their children.
This week the Senate was trying again to reconcile these contradictory impulses. It seemed close to the promise of legalisation for the nation's roughly 12m illegals, some 2.5m of them in California alone. But their cases will not be considered until the border is deemed to have been made more secure and the current stockpile of legal immigrants is cleared-something that will take at least eight years. Worse, from the immigrants' point of view, they will probably have to leave the country and then petition to return, in what is known as" touch-back" .
If it becomes law, the Senate bill will transform America's immigration system. Following the lead of Canada, Australia, New Zealand and Britain, America would adopt a points system that will give priority to the sort of young, employable immigrants who are most likely to contribute to the economy. Family ties, essential in deciding immigration claims since the 1960s, would become less important.
Immigrant advocates have become more militant. Last year huge, mostly orderly crowds gathered on the streets of Los Angeles, Chicago and other cities to protest against a bill, passed by the House of Representatives, that would have criminalised illegal immigrants. Many carried American flags. Rallies earlier this month, by contrast, were dominated by professional protesters. In Los Angeles a small and occasionally angry crowd clashed with police. Protesters have called for another rally next month in Hollywood.
Although the pressure for reform appears overwhelming, it is not clear that a deal can be done this year. Compromise may prove more elusive in the House of Representatives. Because of the way that congressional districts are drawn, many politicians represent constituencies with large numbers of ethnic minorities or hardly any at all.
Nor is it clear that the Senate plan would bring illegal immigrants out of the shadows. Those who have American children（up to 40% of those in California）will be reluctant to" touch-back" . Much will also depend on how many visas are made available to unskilled workers. If there are too few, the supply of immigrant labour will surely continue to meet the demand for it, regardless of what the law says. | 454.txt | 1 |
[
"There is a possibility that illegal immigrants in America can finally receive legal status.",
"The American immigration policy will be modified to emphasize different factors, other than family bond, of immigration decision.",
"The problem of illegal immigrants will be solved in the near future.",
"Family connection has been an important factor in the immigration to U. S, and will continue to be."
] | Which of the following statements is NOT true according to the text? | On climbing-frames in the smarter neighbourhoods of Los Angeles, white kids occasionally shout to each other in Spanish. They learn their first words from Mexican nannies who are often working illegally, just like the maids who scrub floors and the gardeners who cut their lawns, which helps to explain why fixing America's broken immigration system is proving so difficult. Californians, no less than the residents of other states, find illegal immigration distasteful. Yet they depend on immigrants for even such intimate tasks as bringing up their children.
This week the Senate was trying again to reconcile these contradictory impulses. It seemed close to the promise of legalisation for the nation's roughly 12m illegals, some 2.5m of them in California alone. But their cases will not be considered until the border is deemed to have been made more secure and the current stockpile of legal immigrants is cleared-something that will take at least eight years. Worse, from the immigrants' point of view, they will probably have to leave the country and then petition to return, in what is known as" touch-back" .
If it becomes law, the Senate bill will transform America's immigration system. Following the lead of Canada, Australia, New Zealand and Britain, America would adopt a points system that will give priority to the sort of young, employable immigrants who are most likely to contribute to the economy. Family ties, essential in deciding immigration claims since the 1960s, would become less important.
Immigrant advocates have become more militant. Last year huge, mostly orderly crowds gathered on the streets of Los Angeles, Chicago and other cities to protest against a bill, passed by the House of Representatives, that would have criminalised illegal immigrants. Many carried American flags. Rallies earlier this month, by contrast, were dominated by professional protesters. In Los Angeles a small and occasionally angry crowd clashed with police. Protesters have called for another rally next month in Hollywood.
Although the pressure for reform appears overwhelming, it is not clear that a deal can be done this year. Compromise may prove more elusive in the House of Representatives. Because of the way that congressional districts are drawn, many politicians represent constituencies with large numbers of ethnic minorities or hardly any at all.
Nor is it clear that the Senate plan would bring illegal immigrants out of the shadows. Those who have American children（up to 40% of those in California）will be reluctant to" touch-back" . Much will also depend on how many visas are made available to unskilled workers. If there are too few, the supply of immigrant labour will surely continue to meet the demand for it, regardless of what the law says. | 454.txt | 2 |
[
"those Mexican workers",
"those with college education",
"those who marry American citizens",
"those who are hardworking"
] | According to the text, _ will be most likely to be allowed to immigrate to America. | On climbing-frames in the smarter neighbourhoods of Los Angeles, white kids occasionally shout to each other in Spanish. They learn their first words from Mexican nannies who are often working illegally, just like the maids who scrub floors and the gardeners who cut their lawns, which helps to explain why fixing America's broken immigration system is proving so difficult. Californians, no less than the residents of other states, find illegal immigration distasteful. Yet they depend on immigrants for even such intimate tasks as bringing up their children.
This week the Senate was trying again to reconcile these contradictory impulses. It seemed close to the promise of legalisation for the nation's roughly 12m illegals, some 2.5m of them in California alone. But their cases will not be considered until the border is deemed to have been made more secure and the current stockpile of legal immigrants is cleared-something that will take at least eight years. Worse, from the immigrants' point of view, they will probably have to leave the country and then petition to return, in what is known as" touch-back" .
If it becomes law, the Senate bill will transform America's immigration system. Following the lead of Canada, Australia, New Zealand and Britain, America would adopt a points system that will give priority to the sort of young, employable immigrants who are most likely to contribute to the economy. Family ties, essential in deciding immigration claims since the 1960s, would become less important.
Immigrant advocates have become more militant. Last year huge, mostly orderly crowds gathered on the streets of Los Angeles, Chicago and other cities to protest against a bill, passed by the House of Representatives, that would have criminalised illegal immigrants. Many carried American flags. Rallies earlier this month, by contrast, were dominated by professional protesters. In Los Angeles a small and occasionally angry crowd clashed with police. Protesters have called for another rally next month in Hollywood.
Although the pressure for reform appears overwhelming, it is not clear that a deal can be done this year. Compromise may prove more elusive in the House of Representatives. Because of the way that congressional districts are drawn, many politicians represent constituencies with large numbers of ethnic minorities or hardly any at all.
Nor is it clear that the Senate plan would bring illegal immigrants out of the shadows. Those who have American children（up to 40% of those in California）will be reluctant to" touch-back" . Much will also depend on how many visas are made available to unskilled workers. If there are too few, the supply of immigrant labour will surely continue to meet the demand for it, regardless of what the law says. | 454.txt | 1 |
[
"violent",
"carrying guns",
"loving wars",
"frequent"
] | Which of the following best defines the word" militant" （Line 1, Paragraph 4）? | On climbing-frames in the smarter neighbourhoods of Los Angeles, white kids occasionally shout to each other in Spanish. They learn their first words from Mexican nannies who are often working illegally, just like the maids who scrub floors and the gardeners who cut their lawns, which helps to explain why fixing America's broken immigration system is proving so difficult. Californians, no less than the residents of other states, find illegal immigration distasteful. Yet they depend on immigrants for even such intimate tasks as bringing up their children.
This week the Senate was trying again to reconcile these contradictory impulses. It seemed close to the promise of legalisation for the nation's roughly 12m illegals, some 2.5m of them in California alone. But their cases will not be considered until the border is deemed to have been made more secure and the current stockpile of legal immigrants is cleared-something that will take at least eight years. Worse, from the immigrants' point of view, they will probably have to leave the country and then petition to return, in what is known as" touch-back" .
If it becomes law, the Senate bill will transform America's immigration system. Following the lead of Canada, Australia, New Zealand and Britain, America would adopt a points system that will give priority to the sort of young, employable immigrants who are most likely to contribute to the economy. Family ties, essential in deciding immigration claims since the 1960s, would become less important.
Immigrant advocates have become more militant. Last year huge, mostly orderly crowds gathered on the streets of Los Angeles, Chicago and other cities to protest against a bill, passed by the House of Representatives, that would have criminalised illegal immigrants. Many carried American flags. Rallies earlier this month, by contrast, were dominated by professional protesters. In Los Angeles a small and occasionally angry crowd clashed with police. Protesters have called for another rally next month in Hollywood.
Although the pressure for reform appears overwhelming, it is not clear that a deal can be done this year. Compromise may prove more elusive in the House of Representatives. Because of the way that congressional districts are drawn, many politicians represent constituencies with large numbers of ethnic minorities or hardly any at all.
Nor is it clear that the Senate plan would bring illegal immigrants out of the shadows. Those who have American children（up to 40% of those in California）will be reluctant to" touch-back" . Much will also depend on how many visas are made available to unskilled workers. If there are too few, the supply of immigrant labour will surely continue to meet the demand for it, regardless of what the law says. | 454.txt | 0 |
[
"If there are not enough visas, a lot of people have to\" touch-back\" .",
"If there are enough visas, every currently illegal immigrant will be legalized.",
"Illegal immigrants who have American children are more easily to receive visas.",
"If there are not enough visas, there will still be a lot of illegal immigrants."
] | What does the last sentence of the last paragraph mean? | On climbing-frames in the smarter neighbourhoods of Los Angeles, white kids occasionally shout to each other in Spanish. They learn their first words from Mexican nannies who are often working illegally, just like the maids who scrub floors and the gardeners who cut their lawns, which helps to explain why fixing America's broken immigration system is proving so difficult. Californians, no less than the residents of other states, find illegal immigration distasteful. Yet they depend on immigrants for even such intimate tasks as bringing up their children.
This week the Senate was trying again to reconcile these contradictory impulses. It seemed close to the promise of legalisation for the nation's roughly 12m illegals, some 2.5m of them in California alone. But their cases will not be considered until the border is deemed to have been made more secure and the current stockpile of legal immigrants is cleared-something that will take at least eight years. Worse, from the immigrants' point of view, they will probably have to leave the country and then petition to return, in what is known as" touch-back" .
If it becomes law, the Senate bill will transform America's immigration system. Following the lead of Canada, Australia, New Zealand and Britain, America would adopt a points system that will give priority to the sort of young, employable immigrants who are most likely to contribute to the economy. Family ties, essential in deciding immigration claims since the 1960s, would become less important.
Immigrant advocates have become more militant. Last year huge, mostly orderly crowds gathered on the streets of Los Angeles, Chicago and other cities to protest against a bill, passed by the House of Representatives, that would have criminalised illegal immigrants. Many carried American flags. Rallies earlier this month, by contrast, were dominated by professional protesters. In Los Angeles a small and occasionally angry crowd clashed with police. Protesters have called for another rally next month in Hollywood.
Although the pressure for reform appears overwhelming, it is not clear that a deal can be done this year. Compromise may prove more elusive in the House of Representatives. Because of the way that congressional districts are drawn, many politicians represent constituencies with large numbers of ethnic minorities or hardly any at all.
Nor is it clear that the Senate plan would bring illegal immigrants out of the shadows. Those who have American children（up to 40% of those in California）will be reluctant to" touch-back" . Much will also depend on how many visas are made available to unskilled workers. If there are too few, the supply of immigrant labour will surely continue to meet the demand for it, regardless of what the law says. | 454.txt | 3 |
[
"the Duchess of Windsor is regarded as a woman of virtue",
"looking slim is a symbol of having a large fortune",
"being thin is viewed as a much desired quality",
"religious people are not necessarily virtuous"
] | In the eyes of the author, an odd phenomenon nowadays is that ________. | Now woman can be too rich or too thin. This saying often attributed to the late Duchess of Windsor embodies much of the odd spirit of our times. Being thin is deemed as such a virtue.
The problem with such a view is that some people actually attempt to live by it. I myself have fantasies of slipping into narrow designer clothes. Consequently, I have been on a diet for the better-or worse-part of my life. Being rich wouldn't be bad either, but that won't happen unless an unknown relative dies suddenly in some distant land, leaving me millions of dollars.
Where did we go off the track? When did eating butter become a sin, and a little bit of extra flesh unappealing, if not repellent? All religions have certain days when people refrain from eating, and excessive eating is one of Christianity's seven deadly sins. However, until quite recently, most people had a problem getting enough to eat. In some religious groups, wealth was a symbol of probable salvation and high morals, and fatness a sign of wealth and well-being.
Today the opposite is true. We have shifted to thinness as our new mark of virtue. The result is that being fat-or even only somewhat overweight-is bad because it implies a lack of moral strength.
Our obsession with thinness is also fueled by health concerns. It is true that in this country we have more overweight people than ever before, and that, in many cases, being overweight correlates with an increased risk of heart and blood vessel disease. These diseases, however, may have as much to do with our way of life and our high-fat diets as with excess weight. And the associated risk of cancer in the digestive system may be more of a dietary problem-too much fat and a lack of fiber-than a weight problem.
The real concern, then, is not that we weigh too much, but that we neither exercise enough nor eat well. Exercise is necessary for strong bones and both heart and lung health. A balanced diet without a lot of fat can also help the body avoid many diseases. We should surely stop paying so much attention to weight. Simply being thin is not enough. It is actually hazardous if those who get (or already are) thin think they are automatically healthy and thus free from paying attention to their overall life-style. Thinness can be pure vainglory . | 4008.txt | 2 |
[
"had to go on a diet for the greater part of her life",
"could still prevent herself from going off the track",
"had to seek help from rich distant relatives",
"had to wear highly fashionable clothes"
] | Swept by the prevailing trend, the author ________. | Now woman can be too rich or too thin. This saying often attributed to the late Duchess of Windsor embodies much of the odd spirit of our times. Being thin is deemed as such a virtue.
The problem with such a view is that some people actually attempt to live by it. I myself have fantasies of slipping into narrow designer clothes. Consequently, I have been on a diet for the better-or worse-part of my life. Being rich wouldn't be bad either, but that won't happen unless an unknown relative dies suddenly in some distant land, leaving me millions of dollars.
Where did we go off the track? When did eating butter become a sin, and a little bit of extra flesh unappealing, if not repellent? All religions have certain days when people refrain from eating, and excessive eating is one of Christianity's seven deadly sins. However, until quite recently, most people had a problem getting enough to eat. In some religious groups, wealth was a symbol of probable salvation and high morals, and fatness a sign of wealth and well-being.
Today the opposite is true. We have shifted to thinness as our new mark of virtue. The result is that being fat-or even only somewhat overweight-is bad because it implies a lack of moral strength.
Our obsession with thinness is also fueled by health concerns. It is true that in this country we have more overweight people than ever before, and that, in many cases, being overweight correlates with an increased risk of heart and blood vessel disease. These diseases, however, may have as much to do with our way of life and our high-fat diets as with excess weight. And the associated risk of cancer in the digestive system may be more of a dietary problem-too much fat and a lack of fiber-than a weight problem.
The real concern, then, is not that we weigh too much, but that we neither exercise enough nor eat well. Exercise is necessary for strong bones and both heart and lung health. A balanced diet without a lot of fat can also help the body avoid many diseases. We should surely stop paying so much attention to weight. Simply being thin is not enough. It is actually hazardous if those who get (or already are) thin think they are automatically healthy and thus free from paying attention to their overall life-style. Thinness can be pure vainglory . | 4008.txt | 0 |
[
"were closely related to their religious beliefs",
"changed from time to time",
"varied between the poor and the rich",
"led to different moral standards"
] | In human history, people's views on body weight ________. | Now woman can be too rich or too thin. This saying often attributed to the late Duchess of Windsor embodies much of the odd spirit of our times. Being thin is deemed as such a virtue.
The problem with such a view is that some people actually attempt to live by it. I myself have fantasies of slipping into narrow designer clothes. Consequently, I have been on a diet for the better-or worse-part of my life. Being rich wouldn't be bad either, but that won't happen unless an unknown relative dies suddenly in some distant land, leaving me millions of dollars.
Where did we go off the track? When did eating butter become a sin, and a little bit of extra flesh unappealing, if not repellent? All religions have certain days when people refrain from eating, and excessive eating is one of Christianity's seven deadly sins. However, until quite recently, most people had a problem getting enough to eat. In some religious groups, wealth was a symbol of probable salvation and high morals, and fatness a sign of wealth and well-being.
Today the opposite is true. We have shifted to thinness as our new mark of virtue. The result is that being fat-or even only somewhat overweight-is bad because it implies a lack of moral strength.
Our obsession with thinness is also fueled by health concerns. It is true that in this country we have more overweight people than ever before, and that, in many cases, being overweight correlates with an increased risk of heart and blood vessel disease. These diseases, however, may have as much to do with our way of life and our high-fat diets as with excess weight. And the associated risk of cancer in the digestive system may be more of a dietary problem-too much fat and a lack of fiber-than a weight problem.
The real concern, then, is not that we weigh too much, but that we neither exercise enough nor eat well. Exercise is necessary for strong bones and both heart and lung health. A balanced diet without a lot of fat can also help the body avoid many diseases. We should surely stop paying so much attention to weight. Simply being thin is not enough. It is actually hazardous if those who get (or already are) thin think they are automatically healthy and thus free from paying attention to their overall life-style. Thinness can be pure vainglory . | 4008.txt | 1 |
[
"from an economic and educational perspective",
"from sociological and medical points of view",
"from a historical and religious standpoint",
"in the light of moral principles"
] | The author criticizes women's obsession with thinness ________. | Now woman can be too rich or too thin. This saying often attributed to the late Duchess of Windsor embodies much of the odd spirit of our times. Being thin is deemed as such a virtue.
The problem with such a view is that some people actually attempt to live by it. I myself have fantasies of slipping into narrow designer clothes. Consequently, I have been on a diet for the better-or worse-part of my life. Being rich wouldn't be bad either, but that won't happen unless an unknown relative dies suddenly in some distant land, leaving me millions of dollars.
Where did we go off the track? When did eating butter become a sin, and a little bit of extra flesh unappealing, if not repellent? All religions have certain days when people refrain from eating, and excessive eating is one of Christianity's seven deadly sins. However, until quite recently, most people had a problem getting enough to eat. In some religious groups, wealth was a symbol of probable salvation and high morals, and fatness a sign of wealth and well-being.
Today the opposite is true. We have shifted to thinness as our new mark of virtue. The result is that being fat-or even only somewhat overweight-is bad because it implies a lack of moral strength.
Our obsession with thinness is also fueled by health concerns. It is true that in this country we have more overweight people than ever before, and that, in many cases, being overweight correlates with an increased risk of heart and blood vessel disease. These diseases, however, may have as much to do with our way of life and our high-fat diets as with excess weight. And the associated risk of cancer in the digestive system may be more of a dietary problem-too much fat and a lack of fiber-than a weight problem.
The real concern, then, is not that we weigh too much, but that we neither exercise enough nor eat well. Exercise is necessary for strong bones and both heart and lung health. A balanced diet without a lot of fat can also help the body avoid many diseases. We should surely stop paying so much attention to weight. Simply being thin is not enough. It is actually hazardous if those who get (or already are) thin think they are automatically healthy and thus free from paying attention to their overall life-style. Thinness can be pure vainglory . | 4008.txt | 1 |
[
"They should be more concerned with their overall lifestyle.",
"They should be more watchful for fatal diseases.",
"They should gain weight to look healthy.",
"They should rid themselves of fantasies about designer clothes."
] | What's the author's advice to women who are absorbed in the idea of thinness? | Now woman can be too rich or too thin. This saying often attributed to the late Duchess of Windsor embodies much of the odd spirit of our times. Being thin is deemed as such a virtue.
The problem with such a view is that some people actually attempt to live by it. I myself have fantasies of slipping into narrow designer clothes. Consequently, I have been on a diet for the better-or worse-part of my life. Being rich wouldn't be bad either, but that won't happen unless an unknown relative dies suddenly in some distant land, leaving me millions of dollars.
Where did we go off the track? When did eating butter become a sin, and a little bit of extra flesh unappealing, if not repellent? All religions have certain days when people refrain from eating, and excessive eating is one of Christianity's seven deadly sins. However, until quite recently, most people had a problem getting enough to eat. In some religious groups, wealth was a symbol of probable salvation and high morals, and fatness a sign of wealth and well-being.
Today the opposite is true. We have shifted to thinness as our new mark of virtue. The result is that being fat-or even only somewhat overweight-is bad because it implies a lack of moral strength.
Our obsession with thinness is also fueled by health concerns. It is true that in this country we have more overweight people than ever before, and that, in many cases, being overweight correlates with an increased risk of heart and blood vessel disease. These diseases, however, may have as much to do with our way of life and our high-fat diets as with excess weight. And the associated risk of cancer in the digestive system may be more of a dietary problem-too much fat and a lack of fiber-than a weight problem.
The real concern, then, is not that we weigh too much, but that we neither exercise enough nor eat well. Exercise is necessary for strong bones and both heart and lung health. A balanced diet without a lot of fat can also help the body avoid many diseases. We should surely stop paying so much attention to weight. Simply being thin is not enough. It is actually hazardous if those who get (or already are) thin think they are automatically healthy and thus free from paying attention to their overall life-style. Thinness can be pure vainglory . | 4008.txt | 0 |
[
"practical",
"customary",
"possible",
"unusual"
] | The word "standard" in line 12 is closest in meaning to | Of all modern instruments, the violin is apparently one of the simplest. It consists in essence of a hollow, varnished wooden sound box, or resonator, and a long neck, covered with a fingerboard, along which four strings are stretched at high tension. The beauty of design, shape, and decoration is no accident: the proportions of the instrument are determined almost entirely by acoustical considerations. Its simplicity of appearance is deceptive. About 70 parts are involved in the construction of a violin. Its tone and its outstanding range of expressiveness make it an ideal solo instrument. No less important, however, is its role as an orchestral and chamber instrument. In combination with the larger and deeper-sounding members of the same family, the violins form the nucleus of the modern symphony orchestra.
The violin has been in existence since about 1550. Its importance as an instrument in its own right dates from the early 1600's, when it first became standard in Italian opera orchestras. Its stature as an orchestral instrument was raised further when in 1626 Louis XIII of France established at his court the orchestra known as Les vingt-quatre violins du Roy (The King's 24 Violins), which was to become widely famous later in the century.
In its early history, the violin had a dull and rather quiet tone resulting from the fact that the strings were thick and were attached to the body of the instrument very loosely. During the eighteenth and nineteenth century, exciting technical changes were inspired by such composer-violinists as Vivaldi and Tartini. Their instrumental compositions demanded a fuller, clearer, and more brilliant tone that was produced by using thinner strings and a far higher string tension. Small changes had to be made to the violin's internal structure and to the fingerboard so that they could withstand the extra strain. Accordingly, a higher standard of performance was achieved, in terms of both facility and interpretation. Left-hand technique was considerably elaborated, and new fingering patterns on the fingerboard were developed for very high notes. | 421.txt | 1 |
[
"how the violin became a renowned instrument",
"the competition in the 1600's between French and Italian orchestras",
"the superiority of French violins",
"why the violin was considered the only instrument suitable to be played by royalty"
] | "The King's 24 Violins" is mentioned in line 15 to illustrate | Of all modern instruments, the violin is apparently one of the simplest. It consists in essence of a hollow, varnished wooden sound box, or resonator, and a long neck, covered with a fingerboard, along which four strings are stretched at high tension. The beauty of design, shape, and decoration is no accident: the proportions of the instrument are determined almost entirely by acoustical considerations. Its simplicity of appearance is deceptive. About 70 parts are involved in the construction of a violin. Its tone and its outstanding range of expressiveness make it an ideal solo instrument. No less important, however, is its role as an orchestral and chamber instrument. In combination with the larger and deeper-sounding members of the same family, the violins form the nucleus of the modern symphony orchestra.
The violin has been in existence since about 1550. Its importance as an instrument in its own right dates from the early 1600's, when it first became standard in Italian opera orchestras. Its stature as an orchestral instrument was raised further when in 1626 Louis XIII of France established at his court the orchestra known as Les vingt-quatre violins du Roy (The King's 24 Violins), which was to become widely famous later in the century.
In its early history, the violin had a dull and rather quiet tone resulting from the fact that the strings were thick and were attached to the body of the instrument very loosely. During the eighteenth and nineteenth century, exciting technical changes were inspired by such composer-violinists as Vivaldi and Tartini. Their instrumental compositions demanded a fuller, clearer, and more brilliant tone that was produced by using thinner strings and a far higher string tension. Small changes had to be made to the violin's internal structure and to the fingerboard so that they could withstand the extra strain. Accordingly, a higher standard of performance was achieved, in terms of both facility and interpretation. Left-hand technique was considerably elaborated, and new fingering patterns on the fingerboard were developed for very high notes. | 421.txt | 0 |
[
"The violin has been modified to fit its evolving musical functions.",
"The violin is probably the best known and most widely distributed musical instrument in the world.",
"The violin had reached the height of its popularity by the middle of the eighteenth century.",
"The technique of playing the violin has remained essentially the same since the 1600's."
] | What is the main idea presented in paragraph 3? | Of all modern instruments, the violin is apparently one of the simplest. It consists in essence of a hollow, varnished wooden sound box, or resonator, and a long neck, covered with a fingerboard, along which four strings are stretched at high tension. The beauty of design, shape, and decoration is no accident: the proportions of the instrument are determined almost entirely by acoustical considerations. Its simplicity of appearance is deceptive. About 70 parts are involved in the construction of a violin. Its tone and its outstanding range of expressiveness make it an ideal solo instrument. No less important, however, is its role as an orchestral and chamber instrument. In combination with the larger and deeper-sounding members of the same family, the violins form the nucleus of the modern symphony orchestra.
The violin has been in existence since about 1550. Its importance as an instrument in its own right dates from the early 1600's, when it first became standard in Italian opera orchestras. Its stature as an orchestral instrument was raised further when in 1626 Louis XIII of France established at his court the orchestra known as Les vingt-quatre violins du Roy (The King's 24 Violins), which was to become widely famous later in the century.
In its early history, the violin had a dull and rather quiet tone resulting from the fact that the strings were thick and were attached to the body of the instrument very loosely. During the eighteenth and nineteenth century, exciting technical changes were inspired by such composer-violinists as Vivaldi and Tartini. Their instrumental compositions demanded a fuller, clearer, and more brilliant tone that was produced by using thinner strings and a far higher string tension. Small changes had to be made to the violin's internal structure and to the fingerboard so that they could withstand the extra strain. Accordingly, a higher standard of performance was achieved, in terms of both facility and interpretation. Left-hand technique was considerably elaborated, and new fingering patterns on the fingerboard were developed for very high notes. | 421.txt | 0 |
[
"inspired more people to play the violin",
"had to be adapted to the violin",
"demanded more sophisticated violins",
"could be played only by their students"
] | The author mentions Vivaldi and Tartini in line 19 as examples of composers whose music | Of all modern instruments, the violin is apparently one of the simplest. It consists in essence of a hollow, varnished wooden sound box, or resonator, and a long neck, covered with a fingerboard, along which four strings are stretched at high tension. The beauty of design, shape, and decoration is no accident: the proportions of the instrument are determined almost entirely by acoustical considerations. Its simplicity of appearance is deceptive. About 70 parts are involved in the construction of a violin. Its tone and its outstanding range of expressiveness make it an ideal solo instrument. No less important, however, is its role as an orchestral and chamber instrument. In combination with the larger and deeper-sounding members of the same family, the violins form the nucleus of the modern symphony orchestra.
The violin has been in existence since about 1550. Its importance as an instrument in its own right dates from the early 1600's, when it first became standard in Italian opera orchestras. Its stature as an orchestral instrument was raised further when in 1626 Louis XIII of France established at his court the orchestra known as Les vingt-quatre violins du Roy (The King's 24 Violins), which was to become widely famous later in the century.
In its early history, the violin had a dull and rather quiet tone resulting from the fact that the strings were thick and were attached to the body of the instrument very loosely. During the eighteenth and nineteenth century, exciting technical changes were inspired by such composer-violinists as Vivaldi and Tartini. Their instrumental compositions demanded a fuller, clearer, and more brilliant tone that was produced by using thinner strings and a far higher string tension. Small changes had to be made to the violin's internal structure and to the fingerboard so that they could withstand the extra strain. Accordingly, a higher standard of performance was achieved, in terms of both facility and interpretation. Left-hand technique was considerably elaborated, and new fingering patterns on the fingerboard were developed for very high notes. | 421.txt | 2 |
Subsets and Splits
No community queries yet
The top public SQL queries from the community will appear here once available.