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41052378
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Dehkhoda%2C%20Mazandaran
|
Dehkhoda, Mazandaran
|
Dehkhoda (, also Romanized as Dehkhodā) is a village in Rastupey Rural District, in the Central District of Savadkuh County, Mazandaran Province, Iran. At the 2006 census, its population was 96, in 23 families.
References
Populated places in Savadkuh County
|
41052379
|
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Darka%20Rudbar
|
Darka Rudbar
|
Darka Rudbar (, also Romanized as Darkā Rūdbār) is a village in Rastupey Rural District, in the Central District of Savadkuh County, Mazandaran Province, Iran. At the 2006 census, its population was 176, in 46 families.
References
Populated places in Savadkuh County
|
41052380
|
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Folurd
|
Folurd
|
Folurd (, also Romanized as Folūrd and Felūrd) is a village in Rastupey Rural District, in the Central District of Savadkuh County, Mazandaran Province, Iran. At the 2006 census, its population was 402, in 93 families.
References
Populated places in Savadkuh County
|
41052381
|
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Garzin%20Kheyl
|
Garzin Kheyl
|
Garzin Kheyl (, also Romanized as Garzīn Kheyl; also known as Garzīneh Kheyl) is a village in Rastupey Rural District, in the Central District of Savadkuh County, Mazandaran Province, Iran. At the 2006 census, its population was 23, in 7 families.
References
Populated places in Savadkuh County
|
41052383
|
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Kamar%20Posht
|
Kamar Posht
|
Kamar Posht () is a village in Rastupey Rural District, in the Central District of Savadkuh County, Mazandaran Province, Iran. At the 2006 census, its population was 144, in 52 families.
References
Populated places in Savadkuh County
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41052386
|
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Kuh-e%20Estel
|
Kuh-e Estel
|
Kuh-e Estel (, also Romanized as Kūh-e Estel) is a village in Rastupey Rural District, in the Central District of Savadkuh County, Mazandaran Province, Iran. At the 2006 census, its population was 133, in 40 families.
References
Populated places in Savadkuh County
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41052405
|
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/KVC%20Health%20Systems
|
KVC Health Systems
|
KVC Health Systems, Inc. (KVC) is a private, nonprofit child welfare and behavioral healthcare organization. When Kansas became the first U.S. state to privatize its child welfare services in 1996, it selected KVC to be one of the nonprofit service providers. As of 2021, KVC Kansas is the only nonprofit organization that has continually been a foster care case management provider for 25 years KVC has provided foster care case management services longer than any other private organization in the U.S.
Since its founding in 1970, KVC has grown since from a single home for at-risk boys in Kansas to a national organization serving 60,000 children and families in the United States. KVC uses evidence-based research to achieve better outcomes and advance child welfare.
History
What is now KVC Health Systems started in 1970 as Wyandotte House in Wyandotte County, Kansas. B. Wayne Sims was hired in 1980 as president and CEO. He contributed some of the organization's guiding philosophies including, “What would you want for your child?” and “There is no magic answer down the street." He retired at the end of 2015, completing 35 years as KVC's president and CEO. The current CEO is Jason Hooper.
When the state of Kansas became the first state to privatize child welfare services in 1996, KVC was selected as one of the contractors. In 2021, KVC remains the only original case management provider who has provided that service continually for 25 years. These services are provided through subsidiary KVC Kansas, also known as KVC Behavioral HealthCare. An August 2013 visit to Kansas by a delegation from Singapore's government attests to KVC's success in improving outcomes for vulnerable children.
Overview
KVC provides services for children and families including in-home family support, foster care, adoption, behavioral healthcare, and inpatient children's psychiatric treatment.
The organization has been accredited by The Joint Commission since 1991.
KVC Health Systems is the parent organization of subsidiaries including:
KVC Kansas (also known as KVC Behavioral HealthCare)
KVC Hospitals with treatment centers in Kansas City, Wichita and Hays
KVC Missouri (also known as KVC Behavioral HealthCare Missouri) which includes KVC Niles
KVC Nebraska (also known as KVC Behavioral HealthCare Nebraska)
KVC West Virginia (also known as KVC Behavioral HealthCare West Virginia)
KVC Kentucky (also known as KVC Behavioral HealthCare Kentucky)
KVC Foundation
State and federal agencies as well as international governments often call on KVC Health Systems to provide consulting on how to improve child welfare.
Partnerships
Dr. Glenn Saxe, director of The Child Study Center at New York University's Langone Medical Center, has worked with KVC to adapt his Trauma Systems Therapy (TST) approach to the foster care community. This aims to equip foster parents to better support children who have experienced trauma such as abuse or neglect.
KVC Health Systems partnered with the Annie E. Casey Foundation, Child Trends, and the Child Study Center at New York University to conduct a five-year study of integrating trauma-informed care into the child welfare system. The study found that the implementation of TST throughout the entire agency was successful and created positive results for children. Children exposed to TST showed measurable improvements in functioning, behavior regulation and placement stability (which means not moving from foster family to foster family). Within the first three months of exposure to trauma-informed care, children also showed improvements in emotional regulation. Finally, staff reported higher levels of effectiveness with children based on concerted care using an integrated, multi-disciplinary approach grounded in a common language and shared interventions.
Sesame Street in Communities has partnered with KVC Health Systems to help bring resources to children and families in the Kansas City, KS area. This partnership will allow for KVC to train our employees and share with the families we serve on how to best help children deal with difficult topics like grief, traumatic experiences and others.
Notes
External links
KVC Health Systems website
Guidestar profile for KVC Health Systems
CareerBuilder page for KVC Health Systems
NYU Langone Medical Center - KVC's Use of Trauma Systems Therapy
Video of KVC President/CEO Wayne Sims on the history of KVC
Kansas City Royals' James Shields and KU Coach Bill Self Help KVC Kids in Foster Care
Kansas City Royals' Big Game James Section for KVC Kids in Foster Care
Medical and health organizations based in Kansas
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41052429
|
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/On%20the%20Spur%20of%20the%20Moment%20%28album%29
|
On the Spur of the Moment (album)
|
On the Spur of the Moment is a 2011 release by Brainstorm. It is the band's ninth studio full-length release.
Track listing
All songs written and arranged by Brainstorm
"Below the Line" - 06:40
"In the Blink of an Eye" - 04:31
"Temple of Stone" - 03:26
"In These Walls" - 05:21
"Still Insane" - 03:50
"Dark Life" - 04:10
"No Saint - No Sinner" - 05:29
"Where Your Actions Lead You to Live" - 03:30
"A Life on Hold" - 03:08
"My Own Hell" - 06:21
"This Pain Is Mine" (bonus track on digipack edition)
"The Heartless Spawn of Seed" (bonus track on digipack edition)
Personnel
Andy B. Franck – vocals
Torsten Ihlenfeld – guitars, backing vocals
Milan Loncaric – guitars, backing vocals
Antonio Ieva – bass
Dieter Bernert – drums
External links
Official website
2011 albums
Brainstorm (German band) albums
AFM Records albums
|
41052459
|
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Chapar%20Khaneh%2C%20Iran
|
Chapar Khaneh, Iran
|
Chapar Khaneh () may refer to:
Chapar Khaneh, postal service used in the Achaemenid Persian Empire
Chapar Khaneh, Gilan
Chapar Khaneh Rural District, in Gilan province
|
41052474
|
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Corossol%20crater
|
Corossol crater
|
The Corossol structure, which is also known as the Corossol crater, is a circular, in diameter, underwater bedrock feature that is exposed on the gulf floor of the northwestern Gulf of Saint Lawrence offshore of the city of Sept-Îles, Quebec, in eastern Canada. It is hypothesized to be a possible pre-Pleistocene, extraterrestrial impact structure. It lies underwater at a depth of . This underwater feature was found during the study of high-resolution bathymetric and sub-bottom profiler data collected south of the city of Sept-Iles in the northwestern Gulf of Saint Lawrence.
Geology
The Corossol structure has a maximum diameter of and rises above the surrounding sea floor. At its centre, there is central uplift is in diameter and rises to the same elevation as the crater rim to a depth of about below the surface of the Gulf of St Lawrence. This uplift lies within a in diameter and deep circular central cavity. The central cavity is surrounded by a wide brim. In addition, three concentric rings form narrow ( wide), shallow, and discontinuous depressions around the central cavity.
The central uplift, associated central cavity, brim, and rings likely represent both deformation and differential erosion of sedimentary rocks of the Ordovician Saint. Lawrence Platform. The sedimentary strata surrounding the Corossol structure show no deformation. However, seismic data reveal that they are highly fractured by a series of deep faults. These faults also are associated with the concentric rings and form the irregular topography of the structure's brim.
Less than of Quaternary sediments partially fill the central cavity. These sediments consist of glaciomarine and postglacial sediments. The central cavity and its sediment fill are interrupted by two diagonal high bedrock ridges that connect the brim to the central peak. Using high-resolution seismic, it was found that the bedrock is locally covered with a thin veneer of glacial till overlain by of glaciomarine and postglacial sediments. The discontinuous nature of the rings results from either partial burial of the rings under these sediments or partial erosion of the rings.
Geomorphology
The gulf bottom surrounding the Corossol structure is characterized by a relict cuesta landscape consisting of partially eroded, gently inclined sedimentary rock layers that decreases southwards into a flat topography. The cuestas consist of steep northward-facing scarps and gentle southward-dipping slopes. Along its north side, the crater is truncated by a steep scarp of one of these cuestas and a wide and deep basin. Distinct long and wide streamlined glacial lineations cut across the southern half of the Corossol structure. The cuestas and associated paleovalleys likely were created by fluvial erosion during regional sea-level lowstand(s) that likely predates Quaternary glaciations. The passage of the Laurentide Ice Sheet formed the streamlined glacial lineations that cut across the southern half of the Corossol structure. The orientation of these lineations indicate SE–SSE-directed ice flow that scoured the surface of the Corossol structure.
Origin
It is proposed that the Corossol structure was created as a result of the impact of a meteorite of about 300 metres (980 ft) in diameter. The impact origin of the Corossol structure is indicated by its associated geology, faulting, fracturing, and a rock fragment recovered from the crater surface. This rock fragment exhibits, under the microscope, impact melt and shock-induced structures.
Age
The precise, absolute age of the Corossol structure remains undetermined. It geological setting and cross-cutting relationships indicate that it was created long after the Middle Ordovician (470 million years ago) and before the accumulation of glacial till and creation of streamlined lineations, which are interpreted as subglacially produced mega-scale glacial lineations, on its surface. The relict cuestas and evidence of fluvial erosion observed on the outer walls of the structure, imply it was formed during one of the periods of regional lowstand of sea level prior to the Quaternary glaciations.
In 2013, it was stated that the Corossol structure is related to a proposed impact event that is hypothesized to have taken place at the start of the Younger Dryas Episode and it supports the hypothesis that a meteorite impact triggered this cooling episode. A later paper argues that their interpretation is based on the misreading of preliminary results, including a radiocarbon date, published in a conference abstract. Later papers conclude on the basis of regional studies and the presence of till and glacial lineations cutting across the Corossol structure that the radiocarbon date only indicates that it was formed before deglaciation, which occurred approximately 12.7 and 12.4 cal. ka BP. Furthermore, the conference abstract did not take into account the fluvial erosion of the cuestas which support a Pre-Quaternary, possibly Paleogene or older, age for the Corossol structure. As a result, it was concluded that this structure has never been "provisionally dated to 12.9 cal. ka BP" as stated in 2013. Moreover, the Younger Dryas impact hypothesis has now been refuted by earth scientists and planetary impact specialists.
See also
Bloody Creek crater
Charity Shoal crater
References
External links
Bouchard, Jean-François, 2013, Une météorite serait à l’origine du cratère du Corossol Une découverte importante au large de Sept-Îles. UQAR-Info.
Bureau des affaires publiques, 2013, *Découverte scientifique d’envergure pour Michael Higgins et son équipe. Université du Québec à Chicoutimi, November 7, 2013
Dorais, R. 2014, The Corossol Crater's Origins Are Slowly Revealed. Infoceans Quebec Bulletin. vol. 16, no. 6, December 2013
Higgins, M.D., P. Lajeunesse, G. St-Onge, J. Locat, R. Sanfacon, and M.J. Duchesne, 2014, The Submarine 4-km diameter Corossol Crater, Eastern Canada: Evidence for an impact origin. Geophysical Research Abstracts. vol. 16, p. EGU2014-4190.
Documentation of the Corossol crater structure
Impact craters of Quebec
Possible impact craters on Earth
Younger Dryas impact hypothesis
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41052508
|
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Spire%20%28social%20networking%20service%29
|
Spire (social networking service)
|
Spire, formerly known as LifeKraze, was a web-based social networking service founded in April 2010. Members shared "real-world" personal accomplishments with their friends, and were rewarded by other members. Members awarded each other points for each accomplishment. Members used the points they've collected to buy rewards from brand partners.
Spire was founded by two Covenant College alumni, Ben Wagner and David Nielson, as the brainchild of their senior project in 2010. The site quickly developed into an expanding social media platform, gaining significant traction at South by Southwest in 2011. On October 29, 2013 the named was changed from LifeKraze to Spire. With these changes was an updated logo, colors, and minor changes to the website and apps.
The site's membership was open to the general public, and was associated with dozens of brands. Spire launched an iOS app on the App Store on July 24, 2012, and an Android app on the Google Play store on January 23, 2013.
Purpose
Spire was founded to encourage and reward an active lifestyle among its members. It was intended as a tool to promote productive, healthy, active living through using social media. The company's mission was "to connect the world through healthy competition, to focus current passions and to inspire new exploration."
Structure
When members sign up, they were encouraged to build their network of followers in a similar way to other social media like Facebook or Twitter. They then post their activities online in status updates, and then their followers reward them points as they see fit. These points can be redeemed for rewards from companies that encourage an active lifestyle (e.g. health food stores and outdoor equipment outfitters).
Members posted in two categories of status updates: accomplishments and thoughts. Accomplishments were intended to record a user's active lifestyle, and thus are eligible to receive points from followers. Thoughts however, are intended only to foster community among followers, and thus they are not eligible to receive points.
Awards
In 2011, LifeKraze was recognized by Entrepreneur Magazine as one of the 100 Brilliant Companies of the year.
In 2012, LifeKraze was recognized by CNN as one of the "10 Great Mobile Health Apps"
References
Defunct social networking services
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41052513
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Laluk%2C%20Savadkuh
|
Laluk, Savadkuh
|
Laluk (, also Romanized as Lalūk) is a village in Rastupey Rural District, in the Central District of Savadkuh County, Mazandaran Province, Iran. At the 2006 census, its population was 76, in 22 families.
References
Populated places in Savadkuh County
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41052514
|
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Lamzer
|
Lamzer
|
Lamzer (; also known as Lamarz) is a village in Rastupey Rural District, in the Central District of Savadkuh County, Mazandaran Province, Iran. At the 2006 census, its population was 84, in 20 families.
References
Populated places in Savadkuh County
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41052515
|
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Mali%20Darreh
|
Mali Darreh
|
Mali Darreh (, also Romanized as Mālī Darreh) is a village in Rastupey Rural District, in the Central District of Savadkuh County, Mazandaran Province, Iran. At the 2006 census, its population was 9, in 4 families.
References
Populated places in Savadkuh County
|
41052518
|
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Melerd
|
Melerd
|
Melerd (; also known as Melārd) is a village in Rastupey Rural District, in the Central District of Savadkuh County, Mazandaran Province, Iran. At the 2006 census, its population was 75, in 21 families.
References
Populated places in Savadkuh County
|
41052522
|
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Do%20Ab%20Training%20Camp
|
Do Ab Training Camp
|
Do Ab Training Camp ( – Pādegān-e Amūzesh Do Āb; also known as Padegān-e Do Āb) is a village and military installation in Rastupey Rural District, in the Central District of Savadkuh County, Mazandaran Province, Iran. At the 2006 census, its population was 25, in 8 families.
References
Populated places in Savadkuh County
Military installations of Iran
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41052523
|
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Pain%20Do%20Ab
|
Pain Do Ab
|
Pain Do Ab (, also Romanized as Pā’īn Do Āb) is a village in Rastupey Rural District, in the Central District of Savadkuh County, Mazandaran Province, Iran. At the 2006 census, its population was 122, in 37 families.
References
Populated places in Savadkuh County
|
41052525
|
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Pit%20Sara
|
Pit Sara
|
Pit Sara (, also Romanized as Pīt Sarā; also known as Pītsareh and Pīt Sūreh) is a village in Rastupey Rural District, in the Central District of Savadkuh County, Mazandaran Province, Iran. At the 2006 census, its population was 101, in 28 families.
References
Populated places in Savadkuh County
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41052526
|
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Pelpa
|
Pelpa
|
Pelpa (, also Romanized as Pelpā; also known as Pelīā) is a village in Rastupey Rural District, in the Central District of Savadkuh County, Mazandaran Province, Iran. At the 2006 census, its population was 28, in 8 families.
References
Populated places in Savadkuh County
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41052527
|
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Posht-e%20Gol%2C%20Mazandaran
|
Posht-e Gol, Mazandaran
|
Posht-e Gol (; also known as Pesteh Kal and Posht Kal) is a village in Rastupey Rural District, in the Central District of Savadkuh County, Mazandaran Province, Iran. At the 2006 census, its population was 29, in 8 families.
References
Populated places in Savadkuh County
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41052528
|
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Rajeh
|
Rajeh
|
Rajeh () is a village in Rastupey Rural District, in the Central District of Savadkuh County, Mazandaran Province, Iran. At the 2006 census, its population was 272, in 80 families.
References
Populated places in Savadkuh County
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41052530
|
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Sefiddar%20Goleh
|
Sefiddar Goleh
|
Sefiddar Goleh (, also Romanized as Sefīddār Goleh and Sefīdār Goleh) is a village in Rastupey Rural District, in the Central District of Savadkuh County, Mazandaran Province, Iran. At the 2006 census, its population was 96, in 38 families.
References
Populated places in Savadkuh County
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41052532
|
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Simet
|
Simet
|
Simet (, also Romanized as Sīmet and Sīmat) is a village in Rastupey Rural District, in the Central District of Savadkuh County, Mazandaran Province, Iran. At the 2006 census, its population was 189, in 60 families.
References
Populated places in Savadkuh County
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41052533
|
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Sang%20Sarag
|
Sang Sarag
|
Sang Sarag (; also known as Sang Sarak and Sang S‘erek) is a village in Rastupey Rural District, in the Central District of Savadkuh County, Mazandaran Province, Iran. At the 2006 census, its population was 79, in 22 families.
References
Populated places in Savadkuh County
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41052534
|
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Sar%20Chaleshk
|
Sar Chaleshk
|
Sar Chaleshk () is a village in Rastupey Rural District, in the Central District of Savadkuh County, Mazandaran Province, Iran. At the 2006 census, its population was 22, in 6 families.
References
Populated places in Savadkuh County
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41052535
|
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Sartangeh%2C%20Mazandaran
|
Sartangeh, Mazandaran
|
Sartangeh () is a village in Rastupey Rural District, in the Central District of Savadkuh County, Mazandaran Province, Iran. At the 2006 census, its population was 10, in 5 families.
References
Populated places in Savadkuh County
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41052536
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Shur%20Ab%2C%20Mazandaran
|
Shur Ab, Mazandaran
|
Shur Ab (, also Romanized as Shūr Āb) is a village in Rastupey Rural District, in the Central District of Savadkuh County, Mazandaran Province, Iran. At the 2006 census, its population was 112, in 39 families.
References
Populated places in Savadkuh County
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41052538
|
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Shurek%20Chal
|
Shurek Chal
|
Shurek Chal (, also Romanized as Shūrek Chāl) is a village in Rastupey Rural District, in the Central District of Savadkuh County, Mazandaran Province, Iran. At the 2006 census, its population was 80, in 21 families.
References
Populated places in Savadkuh County
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41052539
|
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/2014%20Syrian%20Premier%20League
|
2014 Syrian Premier League
|
The 2014 Syrian Premier League season is the 43rd since its establishment.
This seasons league featured two stages. Stage one pitted two groups of nine teams and kicked off on 2 February 2014. The top three of each group advanced to the Championship Playoff to determine the overall league champions. The bottom two of each group relegated to the second division.
All matches were played in Damascus and Latakia due to security concerns.
Teams
Stadiums and locations
First stage
Each team plays each other once, top three advanced to the championship playoff, bottom two relegate.
Group A
Group B
Championship playoff
Each team plays each other once, the first place teams is the first stage get three points plus, the second place get two points and the third place get one point.
As a result, the teams started with the following points before the playoff: Al Wahda 3 points, Musfat Baniyas 3, Al Jaish 2, Al Shorta 2, Al Muhafaza 1 and Al Wathba 1
Championship Match
Al-Wahda, wins Syrian Premier League Championship 2013–2014.
References
Syrian Premier League seasons
1
Syria
1
Syria
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41052540
|
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Shur%20Mast
|
Shur Mast
|
Shur Mast (, also Romanized as Shūr Mast) is a village in Rastupey Rural District, in the Central District of Savadkuh County, Mazandaran Province, Iran. At the 2006 census, its population was 187, in 56 families.
References
Populated places in Savadkuh County
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41052541
|
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Shur%20Mast-e%20Rudbar
|
Shur Mast-e Rudbar
|
Shur Mast-e Rudbar (, also Romanized as Shūr Mast-e Rūdbār) is a village in Rastupey Rural District, in the Central District of Savadkuh County, Mazandaran Province, Iran. At the 2006 census, its population was 138, in 43 families.
References
Populated places in Savadkuh County
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41052551
|
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/V%C3%A4xeln%20hall%C3%A5
|
Växeln hallå
|
"Växeln hallå" is a song written by Lasse Holm (music) and Gert Lengstrand (lyrics), and performed by Janne "Lucas" Persson ending up 2nd at Melodifestivalen 1980.
The single peaked at 6th place at the Swedish singles chart. The song also stayed at Svensktoppen for ten weeks between the period of 30 March-1 June 1980, spending three weeks at the top.
The song was also recorded as "Doctor hallo".
Cover versions and usage in media
Swedish heavy metal band "Black Ingvars" recorded the song for their 1998 album Schlager Metal.
Credits and personnel
Janne Lucas – vocals
Lasse Holm – songwriter
Gert Lengstrand – songwriter
Credits and personnel adopted from the 7-inch single liner notes.
Charts
References
External links
1980 singles
1980 songs
Janne Lucas songs
Mariann Grammofon singles
Melodifestivalen songs of 1980
Songs about telephone calls
Songs written by Lasse Holm
Songs written by Gert Lengstrand
Swedish-language songs
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41052556
|
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/George%20Bergman
|
George Bergman
|
George Mark Bergman, born on 22 July 1943 in Brooklyn, New York, is an American mathematician. He attended Stuyvesant High School in New York City and received his Ph.D. from Harvard University in 1968, under the direction of John Tate. The year before he had been appointed Assistant Professor of mathematics at the University of California, Berkeley, where he has taught ever since, being promoted to Associate Professor in 1974 and to Professor in 1978.
His primary research area is algebra, in particular associative rings, universal algebra, category theory and the construction of counterexamples. Mathematical logic is an additional research area. Bergman officially retired in 2009, but is still teaching. His interests beyond mathematics include subjects as diverse as third-party politics and the works of James Joyce.
He was designated a member of the Inaugural Class of Fellows of the American Mathematical Society in 2013.
Selected bibliography
(updated 2016)
(with Adam O. Hausknecht)
References
External links
Wall Street Journal article, Oct 27, 2009
UC Berkeley website
University of California, Berkeley College of Letters and Science faculty
20th-century American mathematicians
21st-century American mathematicians
Stuyvesant High School alumni
Living people
1943 births
Harvard University alumni
Academics from Brooklyn
Mathematicians from New York (state)
Algebraists
Fellows of the American Mathematical Society
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41052600
|
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Canadian%20Council%20for%20Refugees
|
Canadian Council for Refugees
|
The Canadian Council for Refugees (CCR; formerly known as the Standing Conference of Canadian Organizations Concerned about/for/with Refugees) is a Montreal-based non-governmental organization that critiques the Government of Canada's public policy regarding refugee settlement and determination, and provides consultation to Canadian immigration authorities. According to the CCR, refugee services should focus on mental health.
History
In 1978, known at the time as the Standing Conference of Canadian Organizations Concerned for Refugees, the organization was composed of approximately 100 refugee advocacy groups.
Before the 2001 September 11 attacks in the US, the CCR issued a statement claiming that there was a disproportionate amount of immigration security provisions applied to particular refugee communities, including Kurds, Sri Lankan Tamils, Palestinians, Sikhs, people from Algeria, and people associated with the People's Mujahedin of Iran.
The CCR argued that, starting in January 2003, refugees became far less likely to show up for their asylum hearings, when Canadian officials stopped asking the U.S. Immigration and Naturalization Service to guarantee that these refugees would not be arrested.
Towards the end of 2005, the CCR became part of a coalition with Amnesty International and the Canadian Council of Churches to question the constitutionality of the Canada–United States Safe Third Country Agreement. According to the CCR, the agreement would result in increased illegal immigration and people smuggling.
Organization
Membership
The structure of the organization is based on membership. An organization must be a Canadian non-profit in order to join, while individuals can join as non-voting Associate Members. With over 200 member organizations, the Council has members in all of Canada's provinces (excluding territories).
Consultations
The CCR holds biannual consultations, the results of which are published on their website library. Each consultation, taking place over three days, has a specific focus. In the consultation of fall 2016, titled "Welcoming Diversity," the CCR published their support for Bill C-6 (titled an Act to amend the Citizenship Act and make consequential amendments to another Act), which was introduced by the Liberal Party of Canada in the summer of 2017. Bill C-6 made significant amendments to Canada's Citizen Act, and made access to Canadian citizenship easier.
Relations with Government of Canada
Safe Third Country Agreement
In 2005, the CCR challenged the Canadian government's Safe Third Country Agreement with the United States, which came into effect in 2004. The Agreement stipulates that "refugee claimants are required to request refugee protection in the first safe country they arrive in, unless they qualify for an exception to the Agreement." In the case of Canadian Council for Refugees, et al. v. Her Majesty the Queen, the CCR, along with the Canadian Council of Churches, Amnesty International, three NGOs and a John Doe, collectively took the Canadian government to Federal Court after a Colombian national was denied refugee status in the United States. At risk of refoulement due to his status being rendered illegal in the US, the court applicants claimed that the US was therefore not a "Safe Third Country" and that "[t]he United States' policies and practices do not meet the conditions set down for authorizing Canada to enter into a STCA. The U.S. does not meet the Refugee Convention requirements nor the Convention Against Torture prohibition." Though, the Federal Court would uphold the challenge in 2007, the government appealed the decision in 2008, and so the STCA continues to be enforced.
Recommendations to the Canadian Government
In 2018, on Canada's Refugee Rights Day (4 April), the CCR published a set of three recommendations to the Canadian government, to:
Resettle 20,000 government-assisted refugees annually.
Ensure applications of privately-sponsored refugees are processed within 12 months.
Reform the refugee determination system so that all claimants have access to a fair hearing before an expert independent tribunal (i.e., the Immigration and Refugee Board of Canada).
Further reading
Hurwitz, Agnès G. 2009. The Collective Responsibility of States to Protect Refugees. Oxford University Press. p. 48. .
Mulira, Jim E. 2010. Ugandans in Canada. Xlibris Corporation. p. 382. . .
Spitzer, Denise L. 2011. Engendering Migrant Health: Canadian Perspectives. University of Toronto Press. p. 258. .
Crichlow, Warren. 2013. Race, Identity, and Representation in Education. Routledge. p. 92. .
"All CCR resources." Canadian Council for Refugees. Retrieved 3 July 2020.
References
External links
Canadian Council for Refugees - Canadian Political Parties and Political Interest Groups - Web Archive created by the University of Toronto Libraries
Political advocacy groups in Canada
Canadian immigration law
Refugee aid organizations in Canada
Immigrant rights organizations
Human rights organizations based in Canada
Organizations based in Montreal
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41052642
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Gummy%20stem%20blight
|
Gummy stem blight
|
Gummy stem blight is a cucurbit-rot disease caused by the fungal plant pathogen Didymella bryoniae (anamorph Phoma cucurbitacearum). Gummy stem blight can affect a host at any stage of growth in its development and affects all parts of the host including leaves, stems and fruits. Symptoms generally consist of circular dark tan lesions that blight the leaf, water soaked leaves, stem cankers, and gummy brown ooze that exudes from cankers, giving it the name . Gummy stem blight reduces yields of edible cucurbits by devastating the vines and leaves and rotting the fruits. There are various methods to control gummy stem blight, including use of treated seed, crop rotation, using preventative fungicides, eradication of diseased material, and deep plowing previous debris.
Hosts and symptoms
Gummy stem blight affects many cucurbits including watermelon, cantaloupe, cucumber, pumpkin, and some squash. Some symptoms are common of all gummy stem blight infections while other symptoms can vary depending on the specific host the pathogen has infected. Hosts can become infected at any time in their life. When the pathogen is present in a young seedling, the cotyledons will sprout appearing dark and drenched. When older plants become infected, their leaves may appear water soaked and begin to develop dark tan lesions. The leaves begin to turn brown at the margins and necrosis progresses towards the base of the leaf.
Cankers, which may or may not have black spots, may appear in the epidermal cortical tissue and on the stems of infected plants. Black spots, if visible, are pycnidia and/or perithecia. Black rot is a common symptom on the fruit of gummy stem blight infected cucurbits. Lesions formed on the fruit; start as water soaked spots that expand and exude gummy ooze. As the spots grow they develop fruiting bodies which turn the spots black. Fruit can also rot internally, with the only symptoms being shriveling and discoloration of centrally located tissue. Fruit rot can occur while in the field or after fruit has been harvested.
D. bryoniae produces signs of infection such as white aerial mycelium, olive-green substrate mycelium and pycnidia. P. cucurbitacearum produces sparse serial mycelium and many pycnidia are present. Young leaves and cotelydons of melon and watermelon that are immature are at high risk to the gummy stem blight infection whereas cucumber and some squash are resistant at young age and only become susceptible once they have matured.
Disease cycle
D. bryoniae is an Ascomycota fungus. In spring, asexual fruiting bodies called pycnidia and sexual fruiting bodies called perithecia are formed from last year's infected plant debris. Pycnidia are flask-shaped structures that house asexual conidia which are readily released from pycnidia through the ostiole when enough moisture is present. Perithecia are also flask-shaped, but they are sexual fruiting bodies which give rise to bitunicate asci that contain 8 ascospores. Ascospores are readily dispersed and spread by wind after rain or during evening dew periods.
Temperature and moisture are the most important factors for germination and development of the pathogen on the plant, with moisture being most important of all. Free moisture must be present on susceptible leaves for at least one hour in order for germination of spores to occur. The pathogen can enter a healthy host in a variety of ways. With enough moisture, conidia directly penetrate through the cuticle and infect healthy cucurbits. Wounds to the plant, especially those left by feeding insects such as the striped cucumber beetle or aphids, are important passageways for the pathogen to enter in older hosts. Other diseases, like powdery mildew, can also weaken a host enough to provide easy entry for D. bryoniae. After spore germination, symptoms can appear as soon as 7 days later.
D. bryoniae survives on or in seeds, surrounding weeds, or organic debris from previously infected cucurbits. Without a host, the pathogen is able to overwinter and survive for over a year as chlamydospores, hardened masses of hyphae that act as survival structures during dry or otherwise adverse conditions. The pathogen is transferred from infected hosts to healthy plants via ascospores carried in the wind and by conidia that are released from pycnidia by water splash and in gummy exude. Conidia are hyaline and aseptate if produced by the anamorph, and either septate or aseptate (more common) if produced by the teleomorph form of the pathogen.
The host must remain wet for growth and spread of the disease. Once the primary infection takes place, as long as it remains wet, the pathogen will spread to the stem where cankers form and ooze a gummy substance full of conidia. Conidia spread from the gummy ooze to another host is considered the secondary asexual cycle.
Environmental presence
Gummy stem blight occurs throughout the southern and eastern United States. Temperature and moisture are the most important factors in the spread of gummy stem blight. For watermelon and cucumber, the best temperature for infection is around 25 °C; for melon the best temperature is around 20 °C. Continual leaf wetness from 1–10 hours is necessary for germination, sporulation, and colonization of conidia. After infection has set in, large brown lesions will retain moisture for long periods of time. Even though it takes constant moisture to facilitate the pathogen, it is highly resistant to dry conditions and can survive as chlamydospores for over a year in dry organic debris.
Management
There are currently no varieties of cucurbit completely resistant to D. bryoniae. Cultural practices and preventive techniques can be taken to avoid or reduce harm done by D. bryoniae. Purchasing and planting reputable disease-free seeds is necessary for ensuring D. bryoniae will not be present at planting. A rotation (of at least 2 years) of cucurbit and non-cucurbit crops should be performed to greatly reduce the incidence of gummy stem blight. Since gummy stem blight can survive as chlamydospores in dead plant debris, it is recommended to remove or deep-plow dead cucurbit plant debris into the soil so it can fully decompose to lessen the likelihood of the pathogen overwintering. Keeping fields pruned and weed-free will help to control gummy stem blight as overgrowth promotes poor air circulation and moisture from humidity, which support D. bryoniae germination and growth. If chemical control is needed in important cucurbit production regions, there are a variety of preventative fungicides commercially available that can be applied during the early stages of plant growth. Effective contact fungicides include chlorothalonil and mancozeb; effective systemic fungicides are sold under the names Folicur/Monsoon, Inspire Super, and Switch. These fungicides should be applied around when the vines of different crops start to grow and make contact with each other.
Importance
Yield losses due to D. bryoniae exceeding 30% can occur in early season crops facilitated by wet weather conditions. Curcurbits are important commodity crops in many parts of the world. In the United States in 2007, cucurbit production accounted for approximately 229,000 hectares with a value of $1.43 billion.
References
Fungal plant pathogens and diseases
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41052656
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Varpey
|
Varpey
|
Varpey (; also known as Varī Pey) is a village in Rastupey Rural District, in the Central District of Savadkuh County, Mazandaran Province, Iran. At the 2006 census, its population was 14, in 6 families.
References
Populated places in Savadkuh County
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41052657
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Precapillary%20resistance
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Precapillary resistance
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Precapillary resistance is the modulation of blood flow by capillaries through vasomotion, either opening (dilating) and letting blood pass through, or by constricting their lumens, reducing bloodflow through the capillary bed (occluding the passage of blood). It is not entirely clear how precapillary resistance is created in many parts of the body. Precapillary sphincters are smooth muscle structures that mediate the precapillary resistance in the mesenteric microcirculation.
See also
Capillary
Metarteriole
Precapillary sphincter
References
Angiology
Circulatory system
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41052658
|
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Vesiyeh%20Sar
|
Vesiyeh Sar
|
Vesiyeh Sar (, also Romanized as Vesīyeh Sar; also known as Vesī Sar and Vesyeh Sar) is a village in Rastupey Rural District, in the Central District of Savadkuh County, Mazandaran Province, Iran. At the 2006 census, its population was 210, in 65 families.
References
Populated places in Savadkuh County
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41052660
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Zal%20Darreh
|
Zal Darreh
|
Zal Darreh (, also Romanized as Z̄āl Darreh and Zāl Darreh) is a village in Rastupey Rural District, in the Central District of Savadkuh County, Mazandaran Province, Iran. At the 2006 census, its population was 28, in 13 families.
References
Populated places in Savadkuh County
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41052661
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ziarat%20Sar
|
Ziarat Sar
|
Ziarat Sar (, also Romanized as Zīārat Sar) is a village in Rastupey Rural District, in the Central District of Savadkuh County, Mazandaran Province, Iran. At the 2006 census, its population was 22, in 8 families.
References
Populated places in Savadkuh County
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41052663
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Javarem
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Javarem
|
Javarem (, also Romanized as Javārem; also known as Jowvārem) is a village in Sorkhkola Rural District, in the Central District of Savadkuh County, Mazandaran Province, Iran. At the 2006 census, its population was 42, in 9 families.
References
Populated places in Savadkuh County
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41052666
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Kar%20Salar
|
Kar Salar
|
Kar Salar (, also Romanized as Kār Sālār; also known as Kārsūlār) is a village in Sorkhkola Rural District of Zirab District, Savadkuh County, Mazandaran province, Iran.
At the 2006 National Census, its population was 183 in 47 households, when it was in the Central District. The following census in 2011 counted 146 people in 47 households. The latest census in 2016 showed a population of 263 people in 80 households, by which time the rural district was transferred to the recently established Zirab District. It was the largest village in its rural district.
References
Savadkuh County
Populated places in Mazandaran Province
Populated places in Savadkuh County
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41052667
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Kanij%20Kola
|
Kanij Kola
|
Kanij Kola (, also Romanized as Kanīj Kolā and Kanīj Kalā) is a village in Sorkhkola Rural District, in the Central District of Savadkuh County, Mazandaran Province, Iran. At the 2006 census, its population was 86, in 26 families.
References
Populated places in Savadkuh County
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41052670
|
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Vachad
|
Vachad
|
Vachad (, also Romanized as Vachād) is a village in Sorkhkola Rural District, in the Central District of Savadkuh County, Mazandaran Province, Iran. At the 2006 census, its population was 89, in 20 families.
References
Populated places in Savadkuh County
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41052671
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Arat%20Bon
|
Arat Bon
|
Arat Bon (, also Romanized as Arāt Bon; also known as Arātahban and Kamand) is a village in Valupey Rural District, in the Central District of Savadkuh County, Mazandaran Province, Iran. At the 2006 census, its population was 253, in 84 families.
References
Populated places in Savadkuh County
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41052672
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Madan-e%20Zirab
|
Madan-e Zirab
|
Madan-e Zirab (, also Romanized as Ma‘dan-e Zīrāb) is a village in Sorkhkola Rural District, in the Central District of Savadkuh County, Mazandaran Province, Iran. At the 2006 census, its population was 71, in 20 families.
References
Populated places in Savadkuh County
|
41052673
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Esparz
|
Esparz
|
Esparz () is a village in Valupey Rural District, in the Central District of Savadkuh County, Mazandaran Province, Iran. At the 2006 census, its population was 27, in 8 families.
References
Populated places in Savadkuh County
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41052674
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Espu%20Kola
|
Espu Kola
|
Espu Kola (, also Romanized as Espū Kolā) is a village in Valupey Rural District, in the Central District of Savadkuh County, Mazandaran Province, Iran. At the 2006 census, its population was 75, with 23 families.
References
Populated places in Savadkuh County
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41052676
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Evat
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Evat
|
Evat (, also Romanized as Evāt; also known as Avbāt, Owbār, and Ūbāt) is a village in Valupey Rural District, in the Central District of Savadkuh County, Mazandaran Province, Iran. At the 2006 census, its population was 105, in 36 families.
References
Populated places in Savadkuh County
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41052677
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Baraniganun
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Baraniganun
|
Baraniganun (, also Romanized as Bāranīganūn; also known as Bāranganān and Barenganān) is a village in Valupey Rural District, in the Central District of Savadkuh County, Mazandaran Province, Iran. At the 2006 census, its population was 8, in 4 families.
References
Populated places in Savadkuh County
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41052678
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Deraseleh
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Deraseleh
|
Deraseleh (, also Romanized as Derāseleh) is a village in Valupey Rural District, in the Central District of Savadkuh County, Mazandaran Province, Iran. At the 2006 census, its population was 89, in 26 families.
References
Populated places in Savadkuh County
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41052680
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Gelian%2C%20Mazandaran
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Gelian, Mazandaran
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Gelian (, also Romanized as Gelīān) is a village in Valupey Rural District, in the Central District of Savadkuh County, Mazandaran Province, Iran. At the 2006 census, its population was 41, in 15 families.
References
Populated places in Savadkuh County
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41052681
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Garrudbar
|
Garrudbar
|
Garrudbar (, also Romanized as Garrūdbār) is a village in Valupey Rural District, in the Central District of Savadkuh County, Mazandaran Province, Iran. At the 2006 census, its population was 18, in 6 families.
References
Populated places in Savadkuh County
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41052682
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Kakerun
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Kakerun
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Kakerun (, also Romanized as Kākerūn and Kākarūn; also known as Kākerān) is a village in Valupey Rural District, in the Central District of Savadkuh County, Mazandaran Province, Iran. At the 2006 census, its population was 44, in 21 families.
References
Populated places in Savadkuh County
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41052684
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Karmozd
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Karmozd
|
Karmozd (, also Romanized as Kārmozd) is a village in Valupey Rural District of the Central District of Savadkuh County, Mazandaran province, Iran. According to historians, the name of this village was adapted from Hormoz, the king of Iran; over time, it evolved to its present name.
At the 2006 National Census, its population was 352 in 86 households. The following census in 2011 counted 624 people in 172 households. The latest census in 2016 showed a population of 1,011 people in 334 households; it was the largest village in its rural district.
References
Savadkuh County
Populated places in Mazandaran Province
Populated places in Savadkuh County
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41052686
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Kalarijan
|
Kalarijan
|
Kalarijan (, also Romanized as Kalārījān) is a village in Valupey Rural District, in the Central District of Savadkuh County, Mazandaran Province, Iran. At the 2006 census, its population was 157, in 52 families.
References
Populated places in Savadkuh County
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41052688
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Kari%20Kola%2C%20Savadkuh
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Kari Kola, Savadkuh
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Kari Kola (, also Romanized as Karī Kolā) is a village in Valupey Rural District, in the Central District of Savadkuh County, Mazandaran Province, Iran. At the 2006 census, its population was 83, in 23 families.
References
Populated places in Savadkuh County
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41052709
|
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/1999%E2%80%932000%20Louisville%20Cardinals%20men%27s%20basketball%20team
|
1999–2000 Louisville Cardinals men's basketball team
|
The 1999–2000 Louisville Cardinals men's basketball team represented the University of Louisville in the 1999–2000 NCAA Division I men's basketball season. The head coach was Denny Crum and the team finished the season with an overall record of 19–12.
References
Louisville Cardinals men's basketball seasons
Louisville
Louisville
Louisville Cardinals men's basketball, 1999-2000
Louisville Cardinals men's basketball, 1999-2000
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41052712
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Willow%20Creek%20Academy
|
Willow Creek Academy
|
Willow Creek Academy (WCA) was a K-8 public charter school located in Sausalito, California. It is part of the Sausalito Marin City School District and is located on the former campus of Bayside Elementary School next to its namesake, Willow Creek.
The school, which has students from Sausalito and even more students from nearby Marin City, was established to keep Sausalito families in the public school system. A 2008 grand jury report from Marin County stated that most graduates of WCA "succeed" in high school and that the WCA test scores are "good"; it added that there is no "notable problem" with student behavior.
In 2011 the University of Southern California's Rossier School of Education named Willow Creek Academy one of the top charter schools in California.
It consolidated into the Martin Luther King Academy in Marin City in 2021.
History
Willow Creek Academy (WCA) received its charter in 2001 and opened its doors in September 2001 as a K-4 school with 37 students, just 19% of all district kids. By 2004-2005, they had 106 students in a K-8 school. In 2014 the school had 289 students. Their enrollment for the 2015-16 school year has grown to 380 students, or 80% of the district kids. The district has also grown from under 200 students to over 500 students, and WCA was responsible for functional all of the growth. Of the total enrollment, about two fifths of the students live in Marin City, two fifths live in Sausalito, and one fifth live out of district. Of the 84 out-of-district kids, the vast majority are from “revenue limit” districts.
SMCSD officials stated that year that some area wealthy families decided to go back to public school due to the existence of Willow Creek.
The district grew rapidly exclusive of those wealthy families. When WCA opened in 2001, there were less than 200 students in the school district and only 19% went to WCA. Today, there are over 500 students and 80% of them go to WCA. The growth is largely due to what WCA has achieved since it opened.
In 2019 the State of California's courts ordered the Sausalito district to desegregate. The office of the Attorney General of California had accused the Sausalito Marin City district of racially discriminating by keeping the two different schools open.
Between spring 2019 and February 2020 the student population declined by 45, with 10 of those from January 2020 to February 2020. Johanna VanderMolen, the vice president of the board of Willow Creek Academy, stated that questions about whether the district would continue to support Willow Creek Academy were factors in 8 of the 10 who left in early 2020.
In 2019 Willow Creek sued the Sausalito district, arguing that the latter was not properly funding the charter school, as California law required the school district to pay charter schools at a rate equivalent to that of school district campuses. In April 2020 the two parties came to an agreement to where the district would continue paying the charter school before it merges. In 2020 the estimated price of what would be needed to fix the Willow Creek facilities to the point where they are best maintained was $40 million.
In 2021 Willow Creek consolidated into the Martin Luther King School in Marin City.
Operations
The school was a public school, open to any student living in the school district. The school district itself owned the property that Willow Creek resided on.
Parents were encouraged to participate in their children's education and the school community by driving on field trips, volunteering in the classroom, campus clean-up days and creek restoration projects.
Facilities
The school had its offices in a former shipyard office facility that was built in the 1940s. In September 2015 a two-alarm fire occurred, causing severe damage to the building.
Academics
Willow Creek Academy had a cumulative score of 795 on the 2013 CST test, significantly less than the 2012 score of 857, which was less than the peak score reached in 2011. WCA had steadily improved over the seven years from 2004 through 2011, with scores as follows: 674, 709, 738, 829, 826, 856, 882, and 889. Willow Creek attributed the 2012 reduction to rapid growth and has stated that the school's goal is to surpass a cumulative score of 900.
Budget
Willow Creek Academy's budget for the 2019-2020 school year is approximately $3.8M. The school's per-student spending has been declining for the past several years, and the funding are filled by grants and other private fundraising, including the Willow Creek Foundation (WCF). WCF is a not-for-profit foundation that was set up to support WCA and educational choice for Sausalito and Marin City families. In 2018-2019, WCF raised $335,000.
In mid-2019, the Sausalito Marin City School District (SMCSD) drastically cut WCA's budget, by around 30%. This now leaves WCA with only $8000 in per-student funding in a district that generates around $20,000 per student. The traditional public school in the district, Bayside Martin Luther King Academy (BMLK), will receive around $45,000 per student in the 2019-2020 school year.
Student demographics
Willow Creek enrolls about 400 students, 75% of the public school students within the Sausalito Marin City School District; 40% of Willow Creek's students were non-Hispanic white while 60% of the students were racial and ethnic minorities and/or mixed-race. About 150 students resided in Marin City; this number was higher than the enrollment of Bayside-Martin Luther King Academy, the K-8 school in Marin City, which had 143 students.
As of spring 2013, the student body was 37% Hispanic, 25% White, 18% African-American, 11% Asian, 1% Native Hawaiian or Pacific Islander, and 8% who self-identify as multi-ethnic. About 65% of the students qualified for free or reduced-price lunch, and 21% of the students are English learners. Willow Creek is a Title I School without a school-wide program. The majority of the parents of WCA's students in 2013 have attended college: 39% are college graduates (of which 20% went to graduate school); an additional 53% have graduated from high school (of which 37% attended some college); 8% are not high school graduates.
Graph of data from the Demographics History table above. Ethnicity with less than 2% omitted for clarity.
Awards
2011-12 - Title I Academic Achievement Awards
2010 - California Distinguished School Award
2006 - Named the sixth best charter school in the state of California, according to the USC School Performance Dashboard (formerly CSI-USC), by the Center on Educational Governance at the USC Rossier School of Education.
References
External links
Willow Creek Academy
Charter K–8 schools in California
Schools in Marin County, California
Sausalito, California
Educational institutions established in 2001
2001 establishments in California
Educational institutions disestablished in 2021
2021 disestablishments in California
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41052719
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Andrew%20Vaughn%20%28disambiguation%29
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Andrew Vaughn (disambiguation)
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Andrew Vaughn (born 1998) is an American professional baseball player.
Andrew Vaughn may also refer to:
Andrew Vaughn, character in The Mechanic
Andrew C. Vaughn House, Franklin, Tennessee
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41052731
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Marcus%20Gilbert
|
Marcus Gilbert
|
Marcus Gilbert may refer to:
Marcus Gilbert (actor) (born 1958), British actor
Marcus Gilbert (American football) (born 1988)
Marcus Gilbert (basketball)
|
41052737
|
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Parish%20Congregation%20of%20the%20Evangelical%20Church%20%28Prague%2010%29
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Parish Congregation of the Evangelical Church (Prague 10)
|
The Parish Congregation of the Evangelical Church is in Prague. Its denomination is the Evangelical Church of Czech Brethren Christian denomination.
History and architecture
The church is not the shape of a traditional church but it has a schematic spire on its front in red bricks.
The organ dates from 1938 and has been used by many notable Czech musicians.
The church had a wooden font installed in 2002 designed by Ivan Jilemnický.
References
Churches in Prague 10
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41052738
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Tr%E1%BA%A7n%20Ng%E1%BB%8Dc%20Ch%C3%A2u
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Trần Ngọc Châu
|
Tran Ngoc Châu (1 January 1924 – 17 June 2020) was a Vietnamese soldier (Lieutenant Colonel), civil administrator (city mayor, province chief), politician (leader of the Lower House of the National Assembly), and later political prisoner, in the Republic of Vietnam until its demise with the Fall of Saigon in 1975. There are published photographs of Châu taken c.1952 and 1969, and others in his memoirs, Vietnam Labyrinth.
Much earlier in 1944, he had joined the Việt Minh to fight for independence from the French. Yet as a Vietnamese Buddhist by 1949 he had decisively turned against Communism in Vietnam. He then joined new nationalist forces led by the French. When Vietnam was divided in 1954, he became an officer in the Army of the Republic of Vietnam (ARVN).
For many years he worked on assignments directly under President Ngô Đình Diệm (1954–1963). He became the mayor of Da Nang, and was later a province chief in the Mekong Delta. In particular, Châu became known for his innovative approaches to the theory and practice of counter-insurgency: the provision of security ("pacification") to civilian populations during the Vietnam War. The ultimate government goal of winning the hearts and minds of the people eventually led him to enter politics.
In 1967, after resigning from the ARVN Châu was elected to the newly formed National Assembly in Saigon. He became a legislative leader. Along with others, however, he failed to persuade his old friend Nguyễn Văn Thiệu, the former general who had become President (1967–1975), to turn toward a negotiated peace. Hence Châu associated with Assembly groups in opposition to the prevailing war policies and the ubiquitous corruption.
Under the pretext that he spoke to his communist brother, Châu was accused of treason in 1970, during a major government crackdown on dissidents. Among others, Daniel Ellsberg spoke on his behalf before the United States Congress. Amid sharp controversy in South Vietnam, widely reported in the international press, Châu was tried and sent to prison for several years. Detention under house arrest followed. Soon after Saigon fell in 1975, he was arrested and held by the new communist regime, in a re-education camp. Released in 1978, he and his family made their escape by boat, eventually arriving in America in 1979.
Early life and career
Family, education
Tran Ngoc Châu was born in 1923 or 1924 into a Confucian–Buddhist family of government officials (historically called mandarins, quan in Vietnamese), who lived in the ancient city of Huế, then the imperial capital, on the coast of central Vietnam. Since birth records at that time were not common, his family designated January 1, 1924, as his birthday "just for convenience". His grandfather Tran Tram was a well-known scholar and a minister in the imperial cabinet, and his father Tran Dao Te was a chief judge. As traditional members of the government, his family had "never resigned themselves to French rule." Châu spent seven youthful years as a student monk at a Buddhist school and seminary. In addition he received a French education at a lycée. Yet along with his brothers and sister, and following respected leaders, Châu became filled with "the Vietnamese nationalist spirit" and determined to fight for his country's independence.
In the Việt Minh resistance
In 1944, Châu joined the anti-French and anti-Japanese "resistance" (khang chien), that is, the Việt Minh. He followed two older brothers and a sister. Then considered a popular patriotic organization, the Việt Minh emphasized Vietnamese nationalism. Châu was picked to attend a 3-month "Political Military Course". Afterwards he was made a platoon leader.
Here Châu mixed with peasants and workers for the first time, experiencing "the great gap between the privileged... and the underprivileged" and the "vital role" played by the rural villagers in Vietnam's destiny. He participated in the rigors of Việt Minh indoctrination, the "critiquing sessions" and party discipline, and admired the dedication of Vietnamese patriots. Exemplary was his young immediate superior Ho Ba, also from a mandarin family. Châu lived the rough life as a guerrilla soldier, entering combat many times. Yet he saw what he thought a senseless execution of a young woman justified as "revolutionary brutality". He also saw evidence of similar harsh behavior by French colonial forces. Châu was selected to head a company (over a hundred soldiers) and led his compatriots into battle. Promoted then to "battalion political commissar", Ho Ba had asked him to join the Communist Party of Vietnam.
A year after Châu had entered the rural Việt Minh, Japan surrendered ending World War II. Up north Việt Minh armed forces seized control of Hanoi in the August Revolution. Ho Chi Minh (1890–1969) proclaimed Vietnamese independence, and became the first President. The French, however, soon returned and war commenced anew. Several writers comment that in 1945 Ho Chi Minh had become indelibly identified with Vietnamese independence, conferring on him the Mandate of Heaven in the eyes of many Vietnamese, and that his ultimate victory against France and later America predictably followed.
Châu's promotion to battalion political officer caused him to reflect on his path "from the contemplative life of a Buddhist monastery to the brutal reality of war". The Việt Minh depended on popular support, which the political commissar facilitated and propagated. In that position, Châu was called upon to show his "personal conviction" in the war and in the "social revolution", and to inspire the goodwill of the people. "It was equally vital that the political commissar be able to impart that conviction", to set "a high standard for others to emulate". To do so, Châu says, was like "converting to a new religion". About Việt Minh ideology and practices, his Buddhist convictions were divided: he favored "social justice, compassion, and liberation of the individual" but he opposed the "cultivated brutality" and "obsessive hatred" of the enemy, and the condemnation of "an entire social class". Châu found himself thinking that communist leaders from the mandarin class were using their peasant recruits to attack mandarin political rivals. "President Ho and General Giáp ... came from the very classes" that communist indoctrination was teaching the cadres to hate. Yet Châu's duties, e.g., in "critiques and self-criticism sessions" and fighting the guerrilla war, left him little time for "personal philosophizing". When asked to join the party, Châu realized that, like most Vietnamese people in the Việt Minh, "I really knew little about communism."
After four years spent mostly in the countryside and forest; the soldier Châu, eventually came to a state of disagreement with the resistance leadership when he learned of its half-hidden politics, and what he took to be the communist vision for Vietnam's future. Although the Việt Minh was then widely considered to represent a popular nationalism, Châu objected to its core communist ideology which rejected many Vietnamese customs, traditional family ties, and the Buddhist religion. He quit the Việt Minh in 1949. Although remaining a nationalist in favor of step-by-step independence, he severed his ties, and began his outright opposition to communism. "I realized my devotion to Buddhism distanced me from Communist ideology", Châu wrote decades later in his memoirs.
In the army of Bảo Đại
Yet his new situation "between the lines of war" was precarious; it could prove to be fatal if he was captured by either the French or the Việt Minh. Soon Châu, unarmed, wearing khakis and a Việt Minh fatigue cap, carefully approached Hội An provincial headquarters in French-controlled Vietnam and cried, "I'm a Việt Minh officer and I want to talk". He was interrogated by civil administrators, Sûreté, and the military, both French nationals and Vietnamese. Later Châu shared his traditional nationalism with an elder Vietnamese leader, Governor Phan Van Giao, whose strategy was to outlast the French and then reconcile with the Việt Minh. At a café he recognized the young waitress as a former, or current, Việt Minh. Châu's Buddhist father, Tran Dao Te, suggested he seek religious guidance through prayer and meditation to aid him in his decision making. Two brothers, and a sister with her husband remained Việt Minh; yet Châu came to confirm his traditional nationalism, and his career as a soldier.
In 1950, Châu entered a military academy at Dalat (north of Saigon) established by the French to train officers for the Vietnamese National Army, nominally under the emperor Bảo Đại. By then the US, Britain, and Thailand recognized Vietnam's 'independence'. Graduating as a lieutenant he was assigned to teach at the academy. Châu then married Bich Nhan whom he had met in Huế. The couple shared a villa and became friends with another young army couple, Nguyễn Văn Thiệu and his wife. Thiệu also had served in the Việt Minh, during 1945–46, before crossing over to the other side. In 1953 Châu traveled to Hanoi (Vietnam being not yet divided) for advanced military study. On his next assignment near Hội An his battalion was surprised by a Việt Minh ambush. His unit's survival was in doubt. For his conduct in battle Châu was awarded the highest medal. He was also promoted to captain. Following French defeat in 1954, full independence, and partition of Vietnam into north and south, Châu served in the military of the southern government, the Army of the Republic of Vietnam (ARVN).
Division of the country resulted in massive population shifts, with most Việt Minh soldiers and cadre (90,000) heading north, and some Buddhists (300,000) and many Catholics (800,000) heading south. The Việt Minh remnant and 'stay behinds' in the south used "armed propanganda" to recruit new followers. Eventually they formed the National Liberation Front (NLF), which soon came to be "known as the Viet Cong by its enemies" (and by the press corps and politicians of America). It fought against the Republic of Vietnam (capital: Saigon), in a continuation of its national struggle for communist revolution and control. By 1960 use of armed violence became the practical policy of the communist party that dominated the NLF, both supported by the Democratic Republic of Vietnam in Hanoi.
Service in the Diệm regime
During the transition from French rule to full independence Ngô Đình Diệm, the President of the Republic, although making costly mistakes managed to lead the southern state through a precarious stage in the establishment of its sovereignty. Meanwhile, Châu in 1955 became commandant of cadets, director of instruction, at his alma mater the Vietnamese military academy at Dalat. He recommended curriculum changes, e.g., inclusion of Vietnamese history and guerrilla warfare, yet the American advisor resisted. For a time he also ran afoul of the secretive Cần Lao political party, a major support of the Diệm regime. The American military sponsored special training at Fort Benning, Georgia, for a group of Vietnamese Army officers including Châu. Later, after transferring from the Fourth Infantry Division, he became chief of staff at Quang Trung Training Center, a large Vietnamese Army facility. There Châu discovered corruption among suppliers.
In 1959, at the request of his commanding officer, Châu prepared a report for the president's eyes. Unexpectedly, President Diệm then scheduled a meeting with Châu ostensibly to discuss his well-prepared report. Instead Diệm spoke at length of his high regard for Châu's mandarin grandfather the state minister Tran Tram, for his father and his accomplished family in Huế, the former Vietnamese capital. The President, himself of a mandarin family, cultivated a formal Confucian style. Au contraire, Ho Chi Minh, also from a mandarin family, preferred instead a villager identity, being popularly known as "Uncle Ho" [Bac Ho in Vietnamese].
The time-honored Confucian philosophy behind the traditional mandarin ethic, remains in Vietnamese culture and elsewhere. Yet it had been challenged in East Asia, methodically and decisively, since the arrival of western culture. The revolutionary Chinese Communist Party had vilified it. Modified teachings of the ancient sage continue, however, and across East Asia Confucian influence has increased markedly during the 21st century.
For Diệm and Châu, its values served as a major reference held in common.
Investigating the Civil Guard
Soon after Diệm assigned Châu to the Civil Guard and Self-Defense Corps as inspector for 'psychological and social conditions'. Following Diệm's instructions Châu investigated the Guard's interaction with the people and its military effectiveness. Diệm had told Châu that his job was extremely important as the popular reputation of the Civil Guard in the countryside largely influenced how most people thought about the entire military.
The Civil Guard (Bao An) was ineffective, poorly paid and poorly trained. Moreover, they preyed on the peasants whom they were supposed to protect. The Guard's political superiors, the provincial and local officials, were "holdovers from the French". To them, anyone who had participated in the independence struggle against France was suspected of being 'Viet Cong'. Châu recommended general reforms: elimination of bribery and corruption, land reform, education, and the cultivation of a nationalist spirit among the people. Châu noted that the Americans aided only the military, ignoring the Civil Guard despite its daily contact with rural people and the Viet Cong.
President Diệm instructed Châu to develop a "refresher course" for the Guard. In doing so Châu addressed such content as: increased motivation, efforts to "earn the trust" of the people, better intelligence gathering, "interactive self-critical sessions", and the protection of civilians. Thereafter, Diệm appointed Châu as a regional commander of the Civil Guard for seven provinces of the Mekong Delta. American officials, military and CIA, began to show interest in Châu's work. Journalist Grant writes that in the Mekong "Châu's job was to set an example that could be followed throughout the country." Yet despite the efforts made, Châu sensed that a "great opportunity" was being missed: to build a national élan among the country people of South Vietnam that would supplant the vapid air of the French holdovers, and to reach out to former Việt Minh in order to rally them to the government's side.
Following up on Châu's Civil Guard experience, Diệm sent him to troubled Malaysia to study the pacification programs there. Among other things, Châu found that, in contrast to Vietnam, in Malaysia (a) civilian officials controlled pacification rather than the military, (b) when arresting quasi-guerrillas certain legal procedures were followed, and (c) government broadcasts were more often true than not. When he returned to Saigon during 1962, his personal meeting with the president lasted a whole day. Yet a subsequent meeting with the president's brother Ngô Đình Nhu disappointed Châu's hopes. Then President Diệm appointed Châu the provincial governor of Kiến Hòa in the Mekong Delta. Châu objected that as a military officer he was not suited to be a civil administrator, but Diệm insisted.
Đà Nẵng: Buddhist crisis
In the meantime, the Diệm regime in early 1963 issued an order banning display of all non-state flags throughout South Vietnam. By its timing the order would first apply to the Buddhist flag during the celebration of Buddha's Birthday (Le Phát Dan) in May. Châu and many Buddhists were "outraged" and he called the President's office. Diệm's family was Catholic. Châu held not Diệm himself, but his influential brothers, responsible for the regime's "oppressive policies toward Buddhists". The next morning a small plane arrived in Kiến Hòa Province to take Châu to Saigon to meet with Diệm. After discussion, Diệm in effect gave Châu complete discretion as province chief in Kiến Hòa. But soon in Huế, violence erupted: nine Buddhists were killed. Then "fiery suicides" by Buddhist monks made headlines and stirred the Vietnamese.
Diệm then quite abruptly appointed Châu mayor of the large city of Đà Nẵng near Huế. At the time Da Nang had also entered a severe civil crisis involving an intense, local conflict between Buddhists and Catholics. These emergencies were a seminal part of what became the nationwide Buddhist crisis. From Diệm's instructions, Châu understood that as mayor he would have "complete authority to do what [he] thought was right". During the troubles in Da Nang, Châu met with Diệm in Saigon nearly every week.
Arriving in Da Nang, Châu consulted separately first with the Buddhist monks, and then later with units of the army stationed in Da Nang (most of whose soldiers Châu describes as Catholics originally from northern Vietnam and anti-Buddhist). A Buddhist elder who arrived from Huế (Châu's hometown, about 100 km. north of Da Nang) endorsed Châu to his co-religionists as a loyal Buddhist. As Da Nang mayor he ordered the release of Buddhists held in detention by the army. When an army colonel refused to obey Châu, he called President Diệm who quickly replaced the rebellious colonel. "The city returned to near-normal."
Yet that August, instigated by Diệm's brother Nhu, armed forces of the Saigon regime conducted the infamous pagoda raids throughout Vietnam, which left many Buddhist monks in jail. In Da Nang, Châu rescued an elderly monk from police custody. Then Châu met with hostile Buddhists in a "stormy session". The Buddhist wanted to stage a large demonstration in Da Nang, to which Châu agreed, but he got a fixed route, security, and assurances. During the parade, however, the Catholic Cathedral in Da Nang was stoned. Châu met with protesting Vietnamese Catholics, especially with Father An. He reminded them that "Diệm, a devout Catholic" had appointed him mayor of Da Nang. Accordingly, it was his duty to "be fair to everyone" and to favor no one. "Passions subsided gradually on all sides, and relative calm returned to the city" of Da Nang by late October.
A few days later Châu heard fresh rumors of a military plot against Diệm. Senior elements in the military, encouraged by the American embassy (yet American support vacillated), had been meeting. They began to plan the 1963 coup d'état, which occurred on November 1.
Diệm's fall, aftermath
When Châu arrived at the Saigon airport from Da Nang for another routine meeting with President Ngô Đình Diệm, gunfire could be heard. Speculation about the military coup was rife, causing widespread disorder and urban panic. As the military-controlled radio carried news about the ongoing coup, Châu telephoned the president's office (the "line suddenly went dead"), and then officer colleagues—in the process Châu declined an invitation to join the coup. At a friend's home he waited, apprehensive of the outcome. Diệm and his brother Nhu were both killed early the next morning, November 2, 1963.
It was Châu's frank appraisal of the conspiring generals, e.g., Dương Văn Minh, that these prospective new rulers were Diệm's inferiors, in moral character, education, patriotic standing, and leadership ability. The coup remains controversial.
Châu arranged to fly immediately back to Da Nang, which remained calm. Yet his sense of honor caused him to persist in his loyalty to the murdered president. His attitude was not welcome among some top generals who led the coup. Under political pressure Châu resigned as mayor of Da Nang. Nonetheless, Châu for a while held positions under the new interior minister (and a coup leader), Tôn Thất Đính, and under the new mayor of Saigon, Duong Ngoc Lam. Meanwhile, a second coup of January 29, 1964, staged by General Nguyễn Khánh, succeeded in forcing a further regime change.
Regarding the war, the American advisors were then "more concerned with security in the provinces" and in 1964 Châu was sent back to Kiến Hòa as province chief. Returning to a familiar setting, his 'homecoming' went well. Châu was comforted to leave Saigon, capital of the "new 'coup-driven' army, with all its intrigues and politics." Vietnamese generals then took little notice of him, but the American CIA remained interested in Châu's work. Subsequently, the Minister of Rural Development in Saigon, Nguyen Đức Thang, appointed Châu as national director of the Pacification Cadre Program in 1965.
Innovative counterinsurgency
In the Vietnam War pacification, a technical term of art, became a nagging source of policy disagreement in the American government between its military establishment and civilian leadership. Initially avoided by the military, later, as merely a low-level professional issue, the Army debated its practical value, i.e., the comparative results obtained by (a) employing counterinsurgency techniques to directly pacify a populated territory, versus (b) the much more familiar techniques of conventional warfare used successfully in Europe, then in Korea. The later strategy sought simply to eliminate the enemy's regular army as a fighting force, after which civic security in the villages and towns was expected to be the normal result. Not considered apparently was the sudden disappearance of guerrilla fighters, who then survived in the countryside with local support. later launching an ambush. From the mid-1950s the American strategy of choice in Vietnam was conventional warfare, a contested decision, considered in hindsight a fatal mistake.
The Army rebuffed President Kennedy's efforts to develop a strong American counterinsurgency capability in general. The Army also declined regarding Vietnam in particular. Marine Lt. Gen. Victor Krulak, however, in Vietnam early favored pacification and opposed conventional attrition strategy. Yet Krulak had failed to convince first Gen. Westmoreland, then McNamara at Defense, and ultimately President Johnson. Châu, too, spoke with Westmoreland, unsuccessfully.
The Viet Cong generally avoided fielding regular army units until late in the war. The Viet Cong (supported by the National Liberation Front (NLF) and the North Vietnamese regime), continued through the 1960s to chiefly employ guerrilla warfare in their insurgency to gain political control of South Vietnam. Viet Cong tactics included deadly assaults against civilian officials of the Government of South Vietnam (GSV). The early pacification efforts of Diệm were later overtaken by the American war of attrition strategy, as hundreds of thousands of American soldiers with advanced weaponry arrived in 1965 and dominated the battlefield. Yet after several years the "other war" (pacification) was revived with the initiation of CORDS. By 1967 the military value, as auxiliaries, of American-led pacification teams, became accommodated by the MACV. Some critics view the initial inability of the U.S. Army command to properly evaluate pacification strategy as symptomatic of its global stature and general overconfidence.
In the meantime, first under Diệm, the GSV with participation by the CIA had contrived to improvise and field various responses to the assaults by the Viet Cong. Châu's contributions to counterinsurgency then were original and significant. Later, heated political controversy would arise over the social ethics and legality of the eventual means developed to "pacify" the countryside.
In Kiến Hòa Province
Châu served as the province chief (governor) of Kiến Hòa Province in the Mekong Delta south of Saigon, 1962–1963 and 1964–1965. Châu had focused "his efforts to devise programs to beat the communists at their own game", in the description of journalist Zalin Grant. At the time Kiến Hòa Province was considered "one of the most communist-dominated" in South Vietnam. In the event, his efforts netted surprising results. Châu's innovative methods and practices proved able to win over the hearts and minds of the people, eventually turning the tide against Viet Cong activity in Kiến Hòa.
"Give me a budget that equals the cost of only one American helicopter", Châu would say, "and I'll give you a pacified province. With that much money I can raise the standard of living of the rice farmers, and government officials in the province can be paid enough so that they won't think it necessary to steal."Cf., O'Donnell (2001) pp. 219–223 in Kiến Hòa: Châu's personal involvement in the selection and training of small teams (221), interviewing villagers, complaint-and-action techniques to weed out abusive officials, social-economic projects to improve farming, schools, and health (221–222, 223).
From his own experiences with guerrilla tactics and strategy, and drawing on his recent investigations of the Civil Guard, Châu developed a novel blend of procedures for counterinsurgency warfare. President Diệm encouraged and supported his experimental approaches to pacification teams and his efforts to implement them in the field.
In Kiến Hòa Province, Châu began to personally train several different kinds of civil-military teams in the skills needed to put the procedures into practice. The purpose of the teams was to first identify and then combat those communist party cadres in the villages who provided civil support for the armed guerrillas in the countryside. The party apparatus of civilian cadres thus facilitated 'the water' in which the "Viet Cong fish" could swim. Châu's teams were instructed how to learn from villagers about the details and identities of their security concerns, and then to work to turn the allegiance or to neutralize the communist party apparatus, which harbored the VC fighters. These quasi-civilian networks, which could be urban as well as rural, were called by counterinsurgency analysts the Viet Cong Infrastructure (VCI), which formed a "shadow government" in South Vietnam.
When working as an instructor of the Civil Guard, Châu's innovations had already drawn the interest of several high-level American military officers. Among the first to visit him here in Kiến Hòa was the counterinsurgency expert, Colonel Edward Lansdale." Later General Westmoreland, commander of MACV, came to listen to Châu's views, but without positive result. Eventually, CIA officer Stewart Methven began working directly with Châu. Pacification methods were adopted by CIA Saigon station chief Peer De Silva, and supported by his superior William Colby who then led CIA's Far East Division.
Census Grievance program
Châu first began to experiment with counterinsurgency tactics while commander of the Civil Guard and Self-Defense Forces in the eastern Mekong delta. President Diệm here backed his work. A major spur to his development of a new approach was the sorry state of South Vietnamese intelligence about the Viet Cong. Apparently the communists cadres already knew most GSV agents who were attempting to spy on them. The VC either fed them misinformation, converted them into double agents, or compromised or killed those few GSV agents who were effective. Châu had to start again, by trial-and-error practice, to construct better village intelligence. Not only, but also better use of information to deliver effective security for the peasant villagers. In doing so Châu combined his idea of village census takers (better intelligence and better use of it) with that of "people's action teams" (PAT) to form a complete pacification program. "Châu apparently had what the Americans with their splintered programs lacked: an overall plan."
In Kiến Hòa Province, Châu begin to train five types of specialized teams: census grievance (interviews), social development, open arms (Viet Cong recruitment), security, and counterterror. First, the "census grievance" teams gathered from villagers local information, political and social; such intelligence operations were "critical to the success of the program" and included social justice issues. To compose the 'census grievance' teams, he carefully selected from the Civil Guard individuals for small squads of three to five. "They interviewed every member of the village or hamlet in which they were operating every day without exception." Second, in follow-up responses that used this information, the "social development" teams set priorities and worked to achieve village improvements: bridges, wells, schools, clinics. Third, were the "open arms" teams [Vietnamese: Chieu Hoi], which used village intelligence to counter Viet Cong indoctrination, persuading those supporting the Viet Cong, such as family members and part-time soldiers, that "it was in their interest to join the government side." Fourth, a "security" team composed of "six to twelve armed men" might work with ten villages at a time, in order to provide protection for the other pacification teams and their efforts. Fifth, the "counterterror" teams were a "weapon of last resort."
From the intelligence that was obtained from the entire Census Grievance program, "we were able to build a rather clear picture of Viet Cong influence in a given area." Identified were people or whole families supporting the Viet Cong out of fear or coercion, as well as at the other end "hard-core VC who participated and directed the most virulent activities." Evidence about hard-core VC was thoroughly screened and "confirmed at the province level." Only in the presence of active "terrorists" would the 'counterterror' team arrive to "arrest" the suspect for interrogation, and where "not feasible... the ultimate sanction [was] invoked: assassination." Châu emphasized the care and skill which must be given to each step in order to succeed in such a delicate political task. He notes his negative opinion about the somewhat similar Phoenix Program that was later established, inferring that mistakes, and worse, eventually corrupted its operation, which became notorious to its critics.
The country people were naturally very suspicious at first, and reluctant to respond to any questions asked by the "census grievance" teams. Each interview was set to last five minutes. Gradually, however, the people "began to see that we were serious about stopping abuses not only by the Viet Cong but by the government officials and the military as well." Villagers made complaints about issues such as sexual abuse and theft. Charges were investigated, and if proven true, the official or tribal chief was punished by loss of job or by prison. Once in a village the Civil Guard was found to have faked Viet Cong raids in order to steal fish from a family pond. The family was reimbursed. People slowly became convinced of the sincerity of the pacification teams and then "rallied to the government side."
Such success carried risk, as "the census grievance teams became prime targets for assassination by the Viet Cong." Information was key. "As our intelligence grew in volume and accuracy, Viet Cong members no longer found it easy to blend into the general populace during the day and commit terrorist acts by night." The 'open arms' teams had started to win back Viet Cong supporters, who might then "convince family members to leave the VC ranks." Other Viet Cong fighters began to fear being captured or killed by the 'counterterror' teams. During Châu's first year a thousand "active Viet Cong guerrillas fled" Kiến Hòa Province. Some disputed the comparative success of Châu and his methods, but his reputation spread as an innovator who could get results.
As national director
Châu's operational program for counterinsurgency, the 'Census Grievance', was observed and studied by interested South Vietnamese and American officials. Many of his tactical elements were adopted by the CIA and later used by CORDS in the creation of the controversial Phoenix Program. Formerly of the CIA and then as head of CORDS which supervised Phoenix, William Colby "knew that Châu had probably contributed more to pacification than any other single Vietnamese."
Châu did not want to kill the Viet Cong guerrillas. He wanted to win them over to the government side. After all most of them were young men, often teenagers, poorly educated, and not really communists....Cf., [Thich] Nhat Hanh (1967), "The war has consistently seen more civilians killed than Viet Cong." Cited by Buttinger (1977), p. 84.
Châu developed ideas, e.g., about subverting the semi-civilian networks that supported the Viet Cong, that were little understood by many American military. However, a small group of dissident officers, often led by Colonel Lansdale, appreciated Châu's work in pacification. These officers, and also CIA agents, opposed the Pentagon's conventional Vietnam strategy of attrition warfare and instead persisted in advocating counterinsurgency methods.
The dissidents understood the worth of Châu's appeal to the rural people of Vietnam. As a consequence, over time "a number of the programs Châu had developed in his province were started countrywide."
A major motivation for Châu's approach to counterinsurgency was his nationalism. He favored Vietnamese values, that could inspire the government's pacification efforts and gain the allegiance of the farmers and villagers. Accordingly, Châu voiced some criticism of the 1965 'take-over' of the Vietnam War by the enormously powerful American military. He remembered approvingly that the former President Ngô Đình Diệm (1901–63) had warned him that it was the Vietnamese themselves who had to enlist their people and manage their war to victory. Châu's insistence that Vietnamese officers and agents take leadership positions in the field, and that Americans stay in the background, agreed with Lansdale's view of Vietnamese participation.
In 1966 in Saigon the new interior minister in charge of pacification, General Nguyen Đức Thang, whose American advisor was Lansdale, appointed Châu as national director of the Pacification Cadre Program in Saigon. Châu cautiously welcomed the challenging assignment. He realized that Lansdale, Lt. Colonel Vann, and others (dissidents at CIA) had pushed his selection and wanted him to succeed in the job. Unfortunately Châu was ultimately not given the discretion and scope of authority he sought in order to properly lead the national pacification efforts in the direction he advocated. He met opposition from the Americans, i.e., the CIA Saigon leadership, and from his own government. His apparent agreement with the CIA station chief on "technical facets" fell short. Châu later wrote:
We never got to the cardinal point I considered so essential: devotion to the nationalist image and resulting motivation of the cadres. ... Such nationalistic motivation could only be successful if the program appeared to be run by Vietnamese; the CIA would have to operate remotely, covertly, and sensitively, so that the project would be seen and felt to be a totally Vietnamese program, without foreign influence.
At the CIA compound in Saigon its leadership, joined there by other American officials from various government agencies, were apparently already satisfied with their approach to running pacification operations in Vietnam. Châu then appeared to lack bureaucratic support to implement his innovations.
Châu relocated to Vũng Tàu (a peninsula south of Saigon) in order to take charge of its National Training Center. A large institution (5,000 trainees for various pacification programs), until 1966 it had been run by Captain Le Xuan Mai. Mai also worked for the CIA and was a Đại Việt proponent. Châu wanted to change the curriculum, but his difficulties with Mai led to a long and bitter struggle before the deceptive Mai left. The dispute came to involve Lt. Colonel Vann, Ambassador William J. Porter, the CIA station chief Gordon Jorgenson, pacification minister Thang, and Prime Minister Nguyễn Cao Kỳ. During the personality and political dispute, which grew in complexity, Châu sensed that he had "lost CIA support."
Ultimately, Châu resigned from the army to enter politics, which had been refashioned under the terms of the new constitution. The CIA had brought in "another talented Vietnamese officer, Nguyen Be" who, after working alongside Châu, "took over the Vũng Tàu center" after Châu left. According to journalist Zalin Grant, Be was later given credit by CIA officials (e.g., by Colby) in written accounts as "the imaginative force" instead of Châu, who was "conveniently forgotten". Colby's 1986 book did spotlight "an imaginative provincial chief" in the Delta, but failed to name him.
CIA & CORDS: redesign
Civil Operations and Revolutionary Development Support (CORDS), an American agency, was conceived in 1967 by Robert Komer, who was selected by President Johnson to supervise the pacification efforts in Vietnam. Komer had concluded that the bureaucratic position of CORDS should be within the American "chain of command" of the Military Assistance Command, Vietnam (MACV), which would provide for U.S Army support, access to funding, and the attention of policy makers. As the "umbrella organization for U.S. pacification efforts in the Republic of Vietnam" CORDS came to dominate the structure and administration of counterinsurgency. It supported the continuation of prior Vietnamese and American pacification efforts and, among other actions, started a new program called Phoenix, Phung Hoáng in Vietnamese.
Controversy surrounded the Phoenix Program on different issues, e.g., its legality (when taking direct action against ununiformed communist cadres doing social-economic support work), its corruption by such exterior motives of profit or revenge (which led to the unwarranted use of violence including the killing of bystanders), and the extent of its political effectiveness against the Viet Cong infrastructure. William Colby, then head of CORDS, testified before the Senate in defense of Phoenix and about correcting acknowledged abuses. Châu, because of its notorious violence, became disillusioned and so eventually often hostile to the Phoenix Program.
From Châu's perspective, what had happened was America's take-over of the war, followed by their taking charge of the pacification effort. Essentially misguided, it abused Vietnamese customs, sentiments, and pride. It did not understand the force of Vietnamese nationalism. The overwhelming presence in the country of the awesome American military cast a long shadow. The war intensified. Massive bombing campaigns and continual search and destroy missions devastated the Vietnamese people, their communities, and the countryside. The presence of hundreds of thousands of young American soldiers led to social corruption. The American civilian agencies with their seemingly vast wealth, furthered the villagers' impression that their government's war was controlled by foreigners. Regarding Phoenix, its prominent American leadership put Vietnamese officials in subordinate positions. Accordingly, it was more difficult for the Phoenix Program to summons in villagers the Vietnamese national spirit to motivate their pacification efforts, more difficult to foster the native social cohesion needed to forestall corruption in the ranks.
Further, Châu considered that pacification worked best as a predominantly civic program, with only secondary, last resort use of paramilitary tactics. Châu had crafted his 'Census Grievance' procedures to function as a unified whole. In constructing Phoenix, the CIA then CORDS had collected components from the various pacification efforts ongoing in Vietnam, then re-assembled them into a variegated program that never achieved the critical, interlocking coherence required to rally the Vietnamese people. Hence much of the corruption and lawless violence that plagued the program and marred its reputation and utility.
Commentary & opinion
The literature on the Vietnam War is vast and complex, particularly regarding pacification and counterinsurgency. Its contemporary relevance to the "War on Terror" following 9/11/2001 is often asserted. Of those commentators discussing Châu and his methods, many but not all share or parallel Châu's later views on the subsequent Phoenix Program: that his subtle, holistic counterinsurgency tactics and strategy in the hands of others acquired, or came to manifest, repugnant, self-defeating elements. Châu wrote in his memoirs that the Phoenix Program, which arguably emerged from his Census Grievance procedures, became an "infamous perversion" of it. The issues were convoluted, however; Châu himself could appear ambiguous. Indeed, general praise for American contributions to pacification was offered by an ARVN senior officer.
In the media, the Phoenix Program under Robert Komer and William Colby became notorious for its alleged criminal conduct, including putative arbitrary killing. Critics of the war often named Phoenix as an example of America's malfeasance. Journalist Zalin Grant writes:
From the start Phoenix was controversial and a magnet for attracting antiwar protests in the States. Some of the suspicion about the program grew from its very name. ... [¶] [Another cause was] Colby's and Komer's insistence on describing Phoenix in bureaucratic terms that were clear only to themselves. ... [This] contributed to a widespread belief that they were out to assassinate the largely innocent opponents of the Saigon government and trying to cover up their immoral acts with bewildering obfuscations.
Frances FitzGerald called it an instrument of terror, which in the context of the war "eliminated the cumbersome category of 'civilian'." Phoenix became the nota bene of critics, and the bête noire of apologists. Commentary when focused on the Phoenix Program often turned negative, and could become caustic and harsh. Others saw it differently, in whole or in part, evaluating the redesigned pacification effort in its entirety as the use of legitimate tactics in war, and focused on what they considered its positive results. [under construction]
Yet subtleties of grey appear to permeate both the black and the white of it, precluding one-dimensional conclusions.
As civilian politician
After the impasse over implementation of his pacification program, and friction with CIA, Châu considered alternatives. Traveling to Huế, he spoke with his father. With his wife he discussed career choices. The political situation in South Vietnam was changing. As a result of demands made during the second Buddhist crisis of early 1966, national elections were scheduled. During his career as an army officer, Châu had served in several major civilian posts: as governor of Kiến Hòa Province (twice), and as mayor of Da Nang the second largest city. Châu decided in 1966 to leave the ARVN. He ran successfully for office the following year. Châu then emerged as a well-known politician in the capital Saigon. Nonetheless, he later ran afoul of the political establishment, was accused of serious crimes in 1970, and then imprisoned for four years.
Vietnam was not familiar with the conduct of fair and free democratic elections. The Diệm regime (1954–63) had staged elections before in South Vietnam, but saw their utility from a traditional point of view. As practiced in similarly situated countries, elections were viewed as a "national holiday" event for the ruling party to muster its popular support and mobilize the population. In order to show its competence, the government worked to manage the election results and overawe its opponents.
Then in the spring of 1966, the Buddhist struggle movement led by Thích Trí Quang obligated the military government to agree to democratic national elections, American style, in 1966 and 1967. The Buddhists had staged massive civil demonstrations (Phật giáo nổi dậy) in Huế and Da Nang, which resonated in Saigon and across the country. Eventually put down by the military, the Buddhists had demanded a return to civilian government through elections. The American embassy privately expressed fear of such a development. In the event, the election campaigns were more fairly contested than before in Vietnam, but were not comparable to elections held in mature democracies.
Lack of civil order and security, due to the ongoing war, prevented voting in about half the districts. The procedure of casting ballots and counting them was generally controlled by officials of the Saigon government who might manipulate the results, depending. Candidates were screened beforehand to eliminate politicians with disapproved views. Forbidden to run were pro-communists, and also "neutralists" (pointedly, "neutralists" included Buddhist activists who favored prompt negotiations with the NLF to end to the war). A majority of Vietnamese were probably neutralists. Campaigning itself was placed under restrictions. A favorable view held that the election was an "accomplishment on the road toward building a democratic political system in wartime." Châu himself was optimistic about the people casting their votes.
Elected to Assembly
Châu was elected to the House of Deputies of the National Assembly from the predominantly rural Kiến Hòa Province. The campaigns leading to the October 1967 vote were unfamiliar phenomena in Vietnam, and called on Châu to make difficult decisions on strategy and regarding innovation in the field. He had wanted to advance the cause of a new Vietnam, a modern nation that would evolve from its own culture and traditions. With the lessons he'd learned from his experiences in counterinsurgency warfare, he was also determined to refashion pacification efforts, to improve life in the villages, and to rally the countryside to the government's side. To spell out such a program Châu wrote a book in Vietnamese, published in 1967, whose title in translation was From War to Peace: Restoration of the Village.
During the six-week campaign Châu crisscrossed the province, where he had twice served as governor, contacting residents to rally support. He competed with nineteen candidates for two openings in the House of Deputies. Châu claimed to enjoy "total support, either tacit or openly, from all Kiến Hòa 's religious leaders", including Buddhist and Catholic. To them he summarized his campaign: first, to listen, to hear their voices and investigate their complaints; second, "to work toward an ending of the war that would satisfy the honor and dignity of both sides."
After Châu had resigned from the army, while he was preparing his run for office, his communist brother Trần Ngọc Hiền unexpectedly visited him in Saigon. Hien did not then reveal his ulterior motives, but later Châu discovered that Hien had been sent by his NLF superiors in order to try to turn Châu. Châu as usual kept his brother at arm's length, although he also entertained a brotherly concern for his safety. Both brothers, Châu and Hien, once again decidedly rejected the crafted political arguments of the other. Hien mocked Châu's run for office; Châu curtly told his brother to stay out of the election. Several years earlier in 1964 or 1965 Hien had visited Châu in Kien Hoa Province. They had not met for 16 years. Hien requested that Châu arrange a meeting with the American ambassador Lodge. Promptly Châu had informed the CIA of his brother's visit. The Embassy through the CIA sought to make use of the "back channel" contact, regarding potential negotiations with Hanoi. But later Hien broke off further communication.
During the campaigning Châu's evident virtues and decorated military career attracted some attention from the international press. His youth in the Việt Minh fighting the French, followed by his decision to break with the communists, also added interest. About him journalist Neil Sheehan later wrote that to his American friends, "Châu was the epitome of a 'good' Vietnamese." Sheehan states:
[Châu] could be astonishingly candid when he was not trying to manipulate. He was honest by Saigon standards, because though advancement and fame interested him, money did not. He was sincere in his desire to improve the lives of the peasantry, even if the system he served did not permit him to follow through in deed, and his four years in the Việt Minh and his highly intelligent and complicated mind enabled him to discuss guerrilla warfare, pacification, the attitude of the rural population, and the flaws in Saigon society with insight and wit.
Apparently to some foreigners Châu seemed to conjure up a mercurial stereotype. Michael Dunn, chief of staff at the American Embassy under Lodge, was puzzled by Châu. He claimed to not be able to tell "which Châu was the real Châu. He was a least a triple personality." Dunn explained and continued:
There were so many Americans interested in Vietnam and so few interesting Vietnamese. But Châu was an extraordinary fellow. ... Many people thought Châu was a very dangerous man, as indeed he was. In the first place, anybody with ideas is dangerous. And the connections he had were remarkable.
Three days before the vote Châu learned of a secret order by provincial governor Huynh Van Du to rig the vote in Kiến Hòa. Châu quickly went to Saigon to see his long-time friend Nguyễn Văn Thiệu, the newly elected president. Thiệu said he could not interfere as the V.P. Nguyễn Cao Kỳ had control over it. On his way out Châu told General Huỳnh Văn Cao that he would "not accept a rigged election." Cao had prominently campaigned for Thiệu–Kỳ, and himself had led a Senate ticket to victory. Somehow, the governor did rescind his secret order. "He [Châu] won a seat in the National Assembly election in 1967 in one of the few unrigged contests in the history of the country", stated The New York Times. Châu got 42% among 17 candidates, most of whom were locals. "It was a tremendous tribute to his service as province chief", wrote Rufus Phillips, an American officer in counterinsurgency. The victory meant a four-year term as a representative in the reconstituted national legislature, where he would speak for the 700,000 constituents of Kiến Hòa province.
In the legislature
Along with like-minded members of the Assembly, Châu had initially favored a legislative group that, while remaining independent of President Nguyễn Văn Thiệu, would generally back him as the national leader. Based on his long-time military association, Châu had spoken with his friend Thiệu soon after the Assembly elections. He encouraged the new civilian president to "broaden his base with popular support from the grassroots level". He suggested that Thiệu reach an understanding with the nascent legislative group. Châu hoped Thiệu would consider how to end the widespread pain and violence of the debilitating war. Eventually, the Thiệu regime might establish a permanent peace by direct negotiations with the NLF and the north. With his own strategies in view, Thiệu bypassed such plans. Châu, too, stayed out of the pro-Thiệu bloc, thereby not jeopardizing his support from "southern Catholics and Buddhists".
In the meantime, in a secret ballot Châu was chosen by his legislative peers as their formal leader, i.e., as the Secretary General in the House of Deputies. Such office is comparable perhaps to the American Speaker of the House. An American academic, who then closely followed South Vietnamese politics, described the politician Châu:
Tran Ngoc Chau was the Secretary-General of the House. He was universally respected as a fair individual and one who, during his tenure as an officer of the House, had maintained a balance between criticism and support of [Thiệu's] government based on his perception of the national interest.
Meeting in Saigon, the Assembly's agenda in late 1967 included establishing institutions and functions of the state, as mandated by the 1966 constitution. The new government structures encompassed: an independent judiciary, an Inspectorate, an Armed Forces Council, and provisions for supervision of local government, and for civil rights. The House soon turned to consider its proper response to the strong power of the President. Such "executive dominance" was expressly made part of the new constitution. In managing its business and confronting the issues, the Assembly's initial cliques, factions, and blocs (chiefly stemming from electoral politics) were challenged. They realigned.
Châu carefully steered a political course, navigating by his moderate Buddhist values. He maintained his southern Catholic support, part of his rural constituency; he also appealed to urban nationalists. The street power of the Buddhist struggle movement, whose leaders had successfully organized radical activists in the major demonstrations of 1963 and 1966, had collapsed. Yet many other Buddhists were elected in 1967, and prominent Buddhists supported Châu's legislative role. Among the various groups of deputies, Châu eventually became a member of the Thống Nhất ("Unification bloc"). Professor Goodman described it as "left of center" yet nationalist, associated with Buddhist issues, and "ideologically moderate". The legislative blocs, however, were fluid; "the efficiency of blocs, as measured by their cohesion, appeared linked not to their rigidity but to the level of cooperation achieved among them."
The violent Tet Offensive of January 1968 suddenly interrupted the politics of South Vietnam. President Thiệu requested the legislature to grant him emergency powers, but Châu speaking for many deputies "declared that the executive already had sufficient powers to cope... and suggested that the present burden be shared between both branches". The Assembly voted 85 to 10 against the grant.
Tet also sparked new calls for a national draft. In the back and forth with legislators, the pro-Army government of former generals criticized its civilian political opponents for their alleged avoidance of military service. These liberals then countered by charging that the sons of senior Army officers were currently themselves dodging service; names were named. Châu listened, at first sharply resenting such urban liberals as Ngô Cong Đức. Yet, as he heard the critics charge the highly politicized, coup-prone Army with malfeasance, it resonated with his own experience. In part the military was "corrupt and incompetent". It often based "promotions on favoritism rather than merit" which weakened the Army and "made it easy for the Communists to spread their message". Gradually Châu realized that these civilian politicians "formed the most active group of Southerners opposed to the government's abuse of power" and that he shared their "fight for reform".
Corruption had become ubiquitous; it damaged South Vietnam's prospects. The ragged war economy, amid destruction and death, and inflation, created stress in the population, yet presented novel business opportunities, not all legitimate. Incoming American war assistance multiplied many fold, as did American aid to millions of Vietnamese refugees caused by the war's escalation. Accordingly, a major source of wealth was the import of vast quantities of American goods: to support military operations, to supply hundreds of thousands of troops, and to mitigate 'collateral damage'. Misappropriation of these imports for commercial resale became a widespread illegal activity. Its higher-end participants were often Vietnamese officials, military officers and their wives.
Other forms of corruption were common. In the government, the hidden selling of their votes by some elected deputies disgraced the process. A pharmacist, Nguyen Cao Thang, was President Thiệu's liaison with the legislature. Part of his duties apparently included delivery of cash payments to deputies. Châu started a political campaign against corruption in general and against the "bag man" Thang in particular. In the National Assembly Châu "had attracted a bloc of followers whose votes could not be bought. He had also aroused Thiệu's ire by attacking government corruption."
As his legislative experience accumulated, Châu thought of starting "a political party with a nationwide grassroots infrastructure". He had reasoned that many fellow deputies were unfortunately not connected to the people who voted, but more to artificial, inbred political networks. Such politicians, hopefully, would be denied reelection. In 1968 Châu spoke with two CIA agents; one offered secret financing to set up and organize a new political party, but it had to be supportive of President Thiệu and the war. The new party project appealed to Chau, but the CIA's secret deal did not. Instead Châu suggested the need for a center nationalist party, independent of the military, and "a new national agenda and policies that could win the support of most of the people." The CIA, however, required that their recipients favor Thiệu, and conform to U.S. policy on the war.
During this period Ambassador Ellsworth Bunker was being cooperative regarding President Thiệu's authoritarian rule. Châu sensed his exposure to powerful elements of the Saigon establishment.
Peace negotiations
Following the aftermath of his election to the National Assembly in October 1967, Châu traveled to America. He saw the early stages of their 1968 elections and the surge in anti-war sentiment about Vietnam. In America, direct entry into negotiations to end the war were contemplated. In Washington Châu gave lectures on the conflict, and conversed with experts and officials (many he'd met in Vietnam), and with members of Congress. Yet the Tet Offensive began the day of Châu's chance to talk with President Johnson, and the meeting was cancelled. Several months after Châu's journey, negotiations between the North Vietnamese and the Americans began in Paris (10 May 1968).
Châu and others sharply criticized the peace negotiations: in place of the Republic of Vietnam stood the Americans. Vietnamese dignity was impugned. It seemed to confirm the Republic's status as a mere client of American power. Instead, Châu insisted, Saigon should open negotiations with the communists, both the NLF (Viet Cong) and the North Vietnamese regime. Meanwhile, the Americans should remain off-stage as an observer, who'd support to Saigon.
In this way a ceasefire might be arranged and the hot war (which then continued to devastate the South and kill an enormous number of its citizens) halted, allowing for the pacification of the combatants. Accordingly, the conflict could be politicized and thus returned to Vietnamese civilian control. A peace could return to the countryside, the villages, the urban areas. Thereafter South Vietnamese nationalist politicians, perhaps even in a coalition government, could nonetheless wage a democratic struggle against the NLF. The nationalists might attract popular support by pitting Vietnamese values against communist ideology. Yet the Thiệu regime's policy then condemned outright any negotiations with the NLF, as either communist or communist inspired. The Thiệu regime in Saigon had legally prohibited public advocacy of peace negotiations or similar deal-making with the communists. "Châu wanted reasonable negotiations and a settlement while Saigon still retained bargaining power. Of course, Nguyễn Văn Thiệu's policy aimed to prevent any such settlement." [Under construction]
Political trial, prison
In 1970, Châu was arrested for treason against the Republic due to his meeting with his brother Hien, who had since the 1940s remained in the Việt Minh and subsequent communist organizations as a party official. Articles about Châu's confinement appeared in the international media. The charges were considered to be largely politically motivated, rather than for questions of loyalty to country. Yet in February 1970 Châu was sentenced to twenty years in prison. That May the Vietnamese Supreme Court held Châu's arrest and conviction unconstitutional, but Thiệu refused him a retrial. [Under construction]
Although released from a prison cell by the Thiệu regime in 1974, Châu continued to be confined, being kept under house arrest in Saigon. In April 1975, during the confusion surrounding the unexpectedly swift Fall of Saigon, and America's ill-planned withdrawal from Vietnam, Châu and his family were left behind. Three Americans, a reporter and an embassy officer, and a retired general with MAAG, each tried to get Châu and his family evacuated during the final few days. Yet blocking their efforts were the sudden turmoil, the mobs, and the general confusion and danger in Saigon. The congestion and the chaotic traffic further obstructed all the exit routes. He and his wife were anxious about their fraught and pregnant daughter, which caused Châu's family "to resign ourselves to whatever we, as losers of the war, must face in the future."
Under the Communist regime
The war ended April 30, 1975, with the occupation of South Vietnam by the conventional military of the north, the People's Army of Vietnam. The timing of the Communist victory was as unexpected as the sudden collapse of the southern ARVN. The party cadres of the National Liberation Front (NLF) were naturally joyous, as these southerners had struggled since the 1950s for communist victory and national unification. A "grand victory celebration" was scheduled in Saigon for May 15, featuring Tôn Đức Thắng the president of the northern Democratic Republic of Vietnam (DRV). He spoke of victory to the crowd from a reviewing stand filled with top communist politicians from north and south. Then down the main streets of the former capital Saigon came army divisions of the victorious north, marching in formation, looking smart in new helmets. Military bands played, and overhead the northern air force flew. Next came tank squadrons, anti-aircraft batteries, and artillery, followed by Soviet missiles, all under the flag of the DRV. Not until the very end came NLF forces (Viet Cong), but not in their own divisions. There were only a small fraction, "several straggling companies, looking unkempt and ragtag after the display that had proceed them." They, too, appeared under the DRV flag.
Trương Như Tảng, then the NLF's Minister of Justice, called the days following victory "a period of rapid disenchantment". In southern Vietnam, a major issue of reunification became how to incorporate former enemies from the long civil war. In May, members of the defeated Thiệu regime were instructed to report for a period of re-education to last 3 days, 10 days, or 30 days depending on their rank. Such a seemingly magnanimous plan won popular approval. Hundreds of thousands reported. Several months passed, however, without explanation; few were released. Tảng reluctantlly realized that the period of confinement initially announced had been a ruse to smooth the state's task of arrest and incarceration. He confronted the NLF President Huỳnh Tấn Phát about this cynical breach of trust with the people. Tảng was brushed off. Next came a wave of arbitrary arrests that "scythed through the cities and villages". Tảng worked to remedy these human rights abuses by drafting new laws, but remained uncertain about their enforcement. "In the first year after liberation, some three hundred thousand people were arrested", many held without trial for years. Tảng's post would soon be eliminated in the reunification process, and his former duties performed by a northerner appointed by the ruling Party in Hanoi.
Re-education camp
By April 30, 1975, control of Saigon had been taken by the northern army. About two months later, while Châu was home with his wife and children, neighborhood dogs began to bark in the middle of the night. Three armed soldiers came to the home, then handcuffed Châu and took him away for interrogation. Afterwards sent "temporarily" to a re-education camp, he was indoctrinated about the victorious revolution. Not allowed visitors nor told an expected duration, Châu would remain confined by the Communist regime at various locations for about three years.
At what Châu came to call the "brainwashing campus" he studied Communist ideology. He found himself in company with many former civilian officials of the defunct Saigon government. Among the several thousands in this prison he found "Chief Justice of the Supreme Court Trần Minh Tiết and hundreds of other senior judges, cabinet members, senators, congressmen, provincial governors, district chiefs, heads of various administrative and technical departments, and political party leaders". Châu later estimated the country-wide total of such prisoners in the hundreds of thousands. Also included were military officers, police officers, minor officials, and school teachers.
Isolated, in rough conditions, the inmates were occupied from 5 a.m. to 10 p.m. daily. The first three months the prisoners worked constructing and fixing up the camp itself: "sheet-iron roofs, corrugated metal walls, and cement floors", all surrounded by concertina wire and security forces. At this campus lectures were given, usually by senior army officers from the north, presenting the Communist version of Vietnamese history. They spoke of crimes committed by the Americans and their puppets, the bright communist future ahead, and the opportunity now for prisoners to remedy their own "mischief and crimes". Ideological literature was available. Group discussion sessions were mandatory; to participants they seemed to last forever. Their 'education' was viewed by many inmates as a form of punishment. Châu thought the northern army officers "believed firmly in their teachings even when they didn't know what they were talking about."
Prisoners might fall ill, become chronically weak, or otherwise lose their health and deteriorate. "Some prisoners went crazy. There were frequent suicides and deaths." Each inmate was forced to write an autobiography that focused on their political views and that confessed their errors. Afterwards, each was separately interviewed regarding personal details and requested to rewrite sections. Châu was questioned in particular about his CIA connections, and made to rewrite his autobiography five times. After 14 months, outside visitors were allowed into the camp, with families often shocked at the weakened appearance of their kin. Châu's wife and children "did not recognize me at first because I had lost forty pounds." It also became clear to the prisoners that close family members 'outside' were being punished for the political 'crimes' of those held inside. Châu's wife arranged for 25 members of his family living in the north to sign a petition requesting clemency.
After two and a half years, 150 inmates including Châu were moved to Thủ Đức prison near Saigon. Their new status and location was subject to transfer to northern Vietnam, where long terms at hard labor were the norm. They joined here others held in the re-education grind, those deemed the "worst criminals". Among them were Buddhist monks and Catholic clergy. After his identity was confirmed, Châu feared his imminent execution. Instead, moved to the old police headquarters in Saigon, he was put in solitary confinement. In his dark cell, Châu knew, communists in prior years had been cruelly held. He practiced yoga and meditation. After three weeks in solitary he was suddenly taken to two elder Communists and interrogated. One told Châu his crimes had resulted in "the killing of tens of thousands of people throughout the country" and demanded a response. Châu replied that "I am defeated, I admit. Ascribe to me whatever crimes you want." He must rewrite his autobiography. In the next two months, given better food, and a table and chair, Châu wrote 800 pages, covering "the crimes I had committed against the people and the revolution".
Châu noticed that the four other inmates receiving the same treatment as him were "notables of the Hòa Hảo, a Buddhist-oriented religion rooted in the Mekong Delta [and] known as staunchly anti-Communist." The Communists were not worried about careerist opponents, whose "brand of anti-Communism ceased to exist the day Americans stopped providing subsidies." But principled anti-Communist might mask their convictions and remain a "potential threat". A senior Communist official uncharacteristically acted friendly toward inmate Châu. Yet this official told Châu he "was the victim of a false illusion" that caused him to be "an anti-Communist by conviction" and hence "a greater threat to the revolution than people who opposed Communism only out of self-interest".
Three questions were then thrown at Châu: his personal reasons for opposing the communist revolution; his motivation to help the Americans; and, the story behind his peace proposal of 1968. The senior officials wanted more precise information in order to understand better the "enemy of the people" types like Châu. Châu felt specially targeted for his personal convictions as a Buddhist and nationalist, which motivated him to serve the people. This was key to his three answers. The process became an issue, Châu mused, not really of courage but of his sense of "personal honor". The senior interrogator told him his political nationalism was mistaken, but that Châu was being given "an opportunity to revive your devotion to serve the people." Then he surprised Châu by informing him of his release. Châu "still suspicious" wrote a letter "promising to do my best to serve the country". A few days later, his wife and eldest daughter arrived to take him home.
Release, escape by boat
After his unexpected release from prison in 1978, Châu went to live with his wife and children. He received family visitors, including his communist brother Trần Ngọc Hiền. Eight years earlier Hien's arrest in Saigon by the Thiệu regime had led to Chau's first imprisonment. Once a highly placed Communist intelligence officer, Hien had become disillusioned by the harsh rule imposed by victorious Hanoi. Subsequently, Hien's advocacy of Buddhist causes had gotten him disciplined then jailed by the Communist Party of Vietnam. Châu's sister and her husband, a civil engineer, also visited Châu. They had come down from northern Vietnam, where they had been living for twenty-five years.
In the late 1970s top Communist leaders in the north seemed to understand victory in the exhausting war as the fruit of their efforts, their suffering, which entitled northern party members to privileges as permanent officials in the south. Châu viewed Communism negatively, but not in absolutist terms. While serving in the Việt Minh during the late 1940s, Chau had admired his companions' dedication and sacrifice, and the Communist self-criticism process; his break with them was due to his disagreement with their Marxist–Leninist ideology. Yet now, released from re-education camp and back in 'occupied' Saigon, Châu became convinced that in general the ruling Communists had lost their political virtue and were "corrupted" by power. When the country was divided in 1954, hundreds of thousands left the northern region assigned to Communist rule, journeying south. After the 1975 Communist military victory had reunited Vietnam, hundreds of thousands would flee by boat.
Trương Như Tảng was present at the founding of the National Liberation Front of South Vietnam (NLF) in 1960. A leftist member of Vietnam's urban intelligentsia and a government official, Tang had served the NLF throughout the war, often secretly, supporting the Viet Cong in various capacities. At the war's end he was the NLF's Minister of Justice. Yet he soon totally soured on Communist rule. About the events in Saigon following the north's victory, Tang wrote in his memoir:
Since shortly after the first days of liberation, escape by boat had been the single great topic of conversation throughout the South. Everyone talked about it but actually making the arrangements was a dangerous business. ... A host of unsavory elements discovered they could profit from what rapidly turned into a mass movement. ... The seas were infested with pirates, and beyond the pirates lay a string of squalid refugee camps... . ¶ Escape was truly a decision that could only be made out of desperation.
The new Communist regime began to question Buddhist monks and laity about their loyalty to its official ideology. The state's religious repression methodically advanced. Most of the leading Buddhist monks were arrested, went underground, or fled the country; by 1985 their ranks had been cut down to one-third. Châu heard that his friend Thich Thien Minh, who had been called a Communist and jailed by Thiệu, "was beaten to death in a Communist prison in 1979." Catholics also endured state oppression.
In 1977 the Socialist Republic of Vietnam (SRV) had encountered sharp opposition from the People's Republic of China (PRC) when the SRV challenged the murderous Communist tyranny in Cambodia. In late 1978 the People's Army of Vietnam moved to overthrow the Khmer Rouge regime. In response the PRC's People's Liberation Army attacked Vietnam across their mutual border in early 1979; this armed conflict was brief but intense.
The long-standing Chinese minority in Vietnam, also called the Hoa, was centered in the Cholon district of Ho Chi Minh City (formerly Saigon). By 1977 these Sino-Vietnamese began to feel the at-first subtle hostility of their new Communist government. Soon the SRV seized the 'opportunity' of the war with China to manifest its dominance over the Hoa. The SRV's tactics of oppression increased, step by step; at the end of 1977 it had become severe, with arbitrary arrests and deportations of its Chinese minority.
Following Châu's release, the friendly senior official from the prison visited him. He told Châu he'd been freed so that he could inform on his friends and acquaintances. Châu was given a position at the Social Studies Center in Saigon, an elite institution linked to a sister organization in Moscow. Chau was assigned the file on the former leaders of the defunct South Vietnamese government. From indications at work he understood his role would also include writing reports on his miscellaneous contacts with fellow Vietnamese, which he silently resolved to avoid.
In 1979, Châu and his family (wife and five of his children) secretly managed to emigrate from Vietnam illegally by boat. They arranged to join with a Chinese group from Cholon also intent on fleeing the Socialist Republic of Vietnam. An unofficial policy then let Chinese leave if they paid the police $2500 in gold per person. On the open seas, a Soviet Russian ship sighted by chance provided them with supplies. The journey was perilous, the boat over-crowded. When they landed in Malaysia the boat sank in the surf. Malaysia sent them to an isolated island in Indonesia. From there Châu with a bribe got a telegram to Keyes Beech, a Los Angeles Times journalist in Bangkok. Finally, with help from Beech, they made their way to Singapore and a flight to Los Angeles. Their arrival in America followed by several years the initial wave of Vietnamese boat people.
Later years in America
In 1980, shortly after his arrival in California, Châu had been interviewed by antiwar journalist Neil Sheehan, who then wrote an article on Communist re-education camps in Vietnam. It appeared in The New York Times. Châu's friend Daniel Ellsberg had given Sheehan his contact information. Of Châu in the article Ellsberg said, "He was critical of the communists but in a judicious manner." Sheehan, however, did not realize at the time the actual extent of the Communist repression in Vietnam. "There was no blood bath", Sheehan quoted Châu as saying. For Châu the immediate impact of the article was the manifest scorn and threats from some fellow Vietnamese refugees, who were his neighbors. Ellsberg complained to Sheehan that although factually correct he had mischaracterized Châu's opinions. "You got him into trouble", Ellsberg told him. Châu, his wife and his children, weathered the angry storm, according to Zalin Grant.
Châu and his family settled in the San Fernando Valley of Los Angeles, rather than in the larger Vietnamese neighborhoods in nearby Orange County. Becoming acculturated, and improving their English, his children became achievers and entered various professional careers. Châu himself learned computer programming and later purchased a home. After five years Châu applied for American citizenship and recited the oath.
A reconciliation eventually occurred between Châu and the former Vietnamese President Nguyễn Văn Thiệu, his friend since 1950, yet in the 1970s a punishing political antagonist. From time to time Châu granted interviews, including for Sheehan's 1988 book A Bright Shining Lie which won a Pulitzer. In April, 1995, he gave an interview over three days to Thomas Ahern, who had been commissioned by the CIA to write the official history of its involvement in Vietnam during the war. Châu returned to Vietnam for a visit in 2006. In 1991 Châu had accepted an invitation to visit Robert Thompson in England, where he talked shop with the counterinsurgency expert of 1950s Malaysia.
In 2013 Tran Ngoc Châu published his book of memoirs which recount experiences and politics during the Vietnam War. He tells of his early formation as a soldier with the Việt Minh, transition to the nationalist cause, service in the Army of the Republic of Vietnam under Diệm, and his innovative pacification program with comments on war and counterinsurgency. He discusses his entry into politics, time in the legislature, his imprisonment, his years in re-education camp, and escape to America. Châu provides mature reflections on the circumstances and episodes. Writer Ken Fermoyle worked with Châu on the book, a product of many years.
Châu appears before the camera several times, talking about his experiences and the situations during the conflict, in the 2017 PBS 10-part documentary series The Vietnam War produced by Ken Burns and Lynn Novick.
Châu died on June 17, 2020, at a hospital in West Hills, Los Angeles. He was 96, and had contracted COVID-19.
See also
Edward Lansdale
John Paul Vann
William Colby
Phoenix Program
Counter-insurgency
Nguyễn Văn Thiệu
Daniel Ellsberg
Bibliography
Primary
Tran Ngoc Châu with Ken Fermoyle, Vietnam Labyrinth. Allies, enemies, & why the United States lost the war (Lubbock: Texas Tech University 2012).
Tran Ngoc Châu, "The curriculum was designed to 'detoxicate' us" pp. 475–480 in Appy (2003).
Tran Ngoc Châu with Tom Sturdevant, "My War Story. From Ho Chi Minh to Ngô Đình Diệm" at pp. 180–209 in Neese & O'Donnell (2001).
Tran Ngoc Châu, "Statement of Tran Ngoc Chau" in The Antioch Review (Fall/Winter 1970–1971), pp. 299–310, translated, annotated, and with an introduction by Trần Văn Dĩnh and Daniel Grady.
Tran Ngoc Châu, two papers (via Daniel Ellsberg) and open letter, pp. 365–381, 357–360, in United States Senate (1970).
Tran Ngoc Châu, a 1968 book on the peace talks [in Vietnamese].
Tran Ngoc Châu, From War to Peace: Restoration of the Village (Saigon 1967) [In Vietnamese].
Tran Ngoc Châu, Pacification Plan, 2 volumes (1965 ) [unpublished].
Ken Fermoyle, "Hawks, Doves and the Dragon" in Pond (2009), pp. 415–492.
Mark Moyar, "Could South Vietnam Have Been Saved? New scholarship raises questions about antiwar consensus of Vietnam historians", in Wall Street Journal of June 28, 2013.
John O'Donnell, "The Strategic Hamlet Program in Kien Hoa Province, South Vietnam: A case study of counter-insurgency" pp. 703–744 in Kunstadter (1967).
Neil Sheehan, "Ex-Saigon Official Tells of 'Re-education' by Hanoi" in The New York Times, January 14, 1980, pp. A1, A8.
Zalin Grant, Facing the Phoenix. The CIA and the political defeat of the United States in Vietnam (New York: Norton 1991).
Elizabeth Pond, The Châu Trial in Vietnamese translation as Vụ Án Trần Ngọc Châu (Westminster: Vietbook USA 2009).
Vietnam War
Counterinsurgency
Thomas L. Ahern Jr., Vietnam Declassified. The CIA and counterinsurgency (University of Kentucky 2010).
Dale Andradé, Ashes to Ashes. The Phoenix Program and the Vietnam War (Lexington: D.C. Heath 1990).
William Colby with James McCargar, Lost Victory. A firsthand account of America's sixteen-year involvement in Vietnam (Chicago: Contemporary Books 1989).
Stuart A. Herrington, Silence was a weapon. The Vietnam War in the villages (Novato: Presidio Press 1982); revised edition after security restrictions lifted to allow discussion of the CIA's role, re-titled Stalking the Vietcong. Inside operation Phoenix. A personal account (Presidio 1997).
Richard A. Hunt, Pacification. The American struggle for Vietnam's hearts and minds (Boulder: Westview 1995).
Edward Geary Lansdale, In the Midst of Wars (NY: Harper & Row 1972; reprint: Fordham University 1991).
Mark Moyar, Phoenix and the Birds of Prey. The CIA's secret campaign to destroy the Viet Cong (Annapolis: Naval Institute Press 1997).
Nguyen Cong Luan, Nationalist in the Viet Nam Wars. Memoirs of a victim turned soldier (Indiana University 2012).
Rufus Phillips, Why Vietnam Matters. A eyewitness account of lessons not learned (Annapolis: Naval Institute 2008).
Douglas Pike, Viet Cong. The organization and techniques of the National Liberation Front of South Vietnam (M.I.T. 1966).
Ken Post, Revolution, Socialism & Nationalism in Viet Nam. Vol. IV, The failure of counter-insurgency in the South (Aldershot: Dartmount 1990).
Thomas W. Scoville, Reorganizing for Pacification Support (Washington: Center of Military History, US Army 1991).
Tran Dinh Tho, Pacification (Washington: Center of Military History 1980), Indochina monograph series.
Douglas Valentine, The Phoenix Program (New York: William Morrow 1990).
Samuel B. Griffith, "Introduction" 1–34, to his translation of Mao Tse-tung, On Guerrilla Warfare (1940; reprint: NY: Praeger 1961).
Robert W. Komer, "Impact of Pacification on Insurgency in South Vietnam" in Journal of International Affairs vol. XXV/1 (1971), reprinted in U.S. House of Reps. (1971) at pp. 290–311, introduced at 289.
Robert W. Komer, "Was There Another Way?" at pp. 211–223, in Thompson and Frizzell (1977).
Bruce Lawlor, "The Phoenix" at pp. 199–202, in Santoli (1981, 1982).
John O'Donnell, "Life and Times of a USOM Prov Rep" at pp. 210–236, in Neese and O'Donnell (2001).
Lorenzo Zambernardi, "Counterinsurgency's Impossible Trilemma", in The Washington Quarterly, v. 33/3, pp. 21–34 (July 2010).
United States Dept. of the Army, The U.S. Army * Marine Corps Counterinsurgency Field Manuel (2006; reprint: University of Chicago 2007).
United States House of Representatives, Govt. Ops. Comm., U.S. Assistance Programs in Vietnam, First Session (Washington: U.S. Govt. Printing Ofc. 1971).
United States Senate, Foreign Rels. Comm., Vietnam: Policy and Prospects 1970, Second Session (Washington: U.S. Govt. Printing Office 1970).
Views on the war
Bùi Tín, From Enemy to Friend. A North Vietnamese perspective on the war (Annapolis: Naval Institute 2002).
Daniel Ellsberg, Papers on the War (New York: Simon & Schuster 1972; reprint: Touchstone 1972).
J. William Fulbright, The Arrogance of Power (New York: Random House 1966).
Ernest Gruening and H.W. Beaser, Vietnam Folly (Washington, DC: National Press 1968).
David Halberstam, The Best and the Brightest (New York: Random House 1972; reprint Penguin 1983).
Max Hastings, Vietnam. An epic tragedy, 1945-1975 (HarperCollins 2018).
David Harris, Our War. What we did in Vietnam and what it did to us (New York: Times Books 1996).
George McT. Kahin, Intervention. How America became involved in Vietnam (New York: Knopf 1986, reprint Anchor 1987)
Stanley Karnow, Vietnam. A history. The first complete account of Vietnam at war (New York: Viking 1983).
Henry Kissinger, Ending the Vietnam War (New York: Simon and Schuster 2003).
Robert W. Komer, Bureaucracy at War. U.S. performance in the Vietnam conflict (Boulder: Westview 1986), introduced by Wm. E. Colby.
Andrew C. Krepinevich Jr., The Army and Vietnam (Johns Hopkins University 1986).
John Prados, Vietnam. The history of an unwinnable war, 1945–1975 (University of Kansas 2009).
Harry G. Summers Jr., On Strategy: The Vietnam War in Context (Carlisle Barracks: US Army War College [1981]).
Trần Văn Đôn, Our Endless War. Inside Vietnam (Novato: Presidio 1978, 1987).
Geoffrey C. Ward and Ken Burns, The Vietnam War. An intimate history (New York: Vintage 2017).
Christian G. Appy, editor, Patriots. The Vietnam War remembered from all sides (New York: Viking 2003).
Harvey Neese and John O'Donnell, editors, Prelude to Tragedy. Vietnam 1960–1965 (Annapolis: Naval Institute Press 2001).
Al Santoli, editor, Everything We Had. An oral history of the Vietnam War by thirty-three American soldiers who fought it (New York: Random House 1981; reprint Ballantine 1982).
W. Scott Thompson and Donaldson D. Frizzell, editors, The Lessons of Vietnam (New York: Crane, Russak 1977).
Spencer C. Tucker, editor, The Encyclopedia of the Vietnam War. A political, social, & military history (Oxford University 2000).
Military History Institute of Vietnam, Victory in Vietnam. The official history of the People's Army of Vietnam, 1954–1975 (Hanoi 1988, revised ed. 1994), translated by William J. Duiker (University of Kansas 2002).
U.S. Dept. of Defense, United States-Vietnam Relations, 1945–1967: Study proposed by the Department of Defense, 12 volumes, (Washington: U.S. Govt. Printing Ofc. 1971); the narrative history with analyses, supported by contemporary documents, was published in a condensed and annotated form as The Pentagon Papers (The New York Times 1971, reprint: Quadrangle 1971).
Civilian society
Larry Berman, The Perfect Spy. The incredible double life of Pham Xuan An Time Magazine reporter and Vietnamese Communist agent (New York: HarperCollins/Smithsonian 2007).
Bùi Diễm with David Chanoff, In the Jaws of History (Boston: Houghton Mifflin 1987).
Joseph Buttinger, Vietnam. The unforgettable tragedy (New York: Horizon 1977).
Dennis J. Duncanson, Government and Revolution in Vietnam (Oxford University 1968).
Daniel Ellsberg, Secrets: A memoir of Vietnam and the Pentagon Papers (New York: Viking Penguin 2002, reprint 2003).
Bernard B. Fall, Viet-Nam Witness 1953–1966 (New York: Praeger 1966, 1967).
Frances FitzGerald, Fire in the Lake. The Vietnamese and the Americans in Vietnam (New York: Atlantic Monthly-Little, Brown 1972).
Piero Gheddo, Cattolici e Buddisti nel Vietnam (Firenze: Vallecchi Editore 1968), transl. as The Cross and the Bo-Tree. Catholics and Buddhists in Vietnam (New York: Sheed & Ward 1970).
Allan E. Goodman, Politics in War. The Bases of Political Community in South Vietnam (Harvard University 1973).
David Halberstam, Ho (New York: McGraw-Hill 1971, 1987).
Hồ Chí Minh, Selected Writings 1920–1969 (Hanoi: Foreign Languages Pub. Hs. 1973).
Hồ Chí Minh, Selected Articles and Speeches (New York: International Publishers 1970).
Hue-Tam Ho Tai, Radicalism and the Origins of the Vietnamese Revolution (Harvard University 1992).
Charles A. Joiner, The Politics of Massacre. Political processes in South Vietnam (Temple University 1974).
Le Ly Hayslip with Jay Wurts, When Heaven and Earth changed Places. A Vietnamese woman's journey from war to peace (New York: Doubleday 1989; reprint: Plume/Penguin 1990).
John T. McAlister Jr. and Paul Mus, The Vietnamese and their revolution (New York: Harper Torchbook 1970).
Nguyen Duy Hinh & Tran Dinh Tho, The South Vietnamese Society (Washington: Center of Military History 1980), Indochina monograph series.
Thích Nhất Hạnh, Vietnam: Lotus in a Sea of Fire (New York: Hill and Wang 1967).
Howard R. Penniman, Elections in South Vietnam (Washington, D.C.: American Enterprise Institute & Stanford: Hoover Institution 1972).
Pham Van Minh, Vietnamese Engaged Buddhism. The struggle movement of 1963–1966 (Westminster: Van Nghe 2002).
Phan Thi Dac, Situation de la Personne au Viet-Nam (Paris: Center d'Études Sociologiques 1966).
Robert Shaplen, The Road from War. Vietnam 1965–1971 (New York: Harper & Row 1971; revised edition: Harper Colophon 1971).
Neil Sheehan, A Bright Shining Lie. John Paul Vann and America in Vietnam (New York: Random House 1988).
Robert J. Topmiller, The Lotus Unleashed. The Buddhist peace movement in South Vietnam, 1964–1966 (University of Kentucky 2002).
Trương Như Tảng with David Chanoff and Doan Van Toai, A Viet Cong Memoir. An inside account of the Vietnam War and its aftermath (New York: Random House 1985; reprint: Vintage 1986).
Denis Warner, The Last Confucian. Vietnam, Southeast Asia, and the West (New York: Macmillan 1963; reprint Penguin 1964).
Alexander B. Woodside, Community and Revolution in Modern Vietnam (Boston: Houghton Mifflin 1976).
David Chanoff and Đoàn Văn Toại, editors, Portrait of the Enemy (New York: Random House 1986).
John C. Donnell and Charles A. Joiner, editors, Electoral Politics in South Vietnam (Lexington: D. C. Heath 1974).
Keesing's Research Report, editor, South Vietnam. A political history 1954–1970 (New York: Scribner's Sons 1970).
Edward P. Metzner, Huynh Van Chinh, Tran Van Phuc, Le Nguyen Binh, Reeducation in Postwar Vietnam. Personal postscripts to peace (College Station: Texan A & M University 2001).
United States Senate, Foreign Rels. Comm., The U. S. Government and the Vietnam War. Executive and legislative roles and relationships, Part IV (U.S. Govt. Printing Ofc. 1994).
Tertiary
The Vietnamese
Joseph Buttinger, The Smaller Dragon. A political history of Vietnam (New York: Praeger 1958).
William J. Duiker, Historical Dictionary of Vietnam (Metuchen: Scarecrow 1989).
Hien V. Ho & Chat V. Dang, Vietnamese History (Scotts Valley: CreateSpace 2011).
Thích Nhất Hạnh, Love in Action. Writings on nonviolent social change (Berkeley: Parallax Press 1993).
K.W. Taylor, A History of the Vietnamese (Cambridge University 2013).
Peter Kunstadter, editor, Southeast Asian Tribes, Minorities, and Nations (Princeton University 1967), volume two.
Harvey H. Smith, et al., editors, Area Handbook for South Vietnam (Washington: American University 1967).
Andrew X. Pham, Catfish and Mandala. A two-wheeled voyage through the landscape and memory of Vietnam (NY: Picador 1999).
Ronald Takaki, Strangers from a different Shore. A history of Asian Americans (Boston: Little, Brown 1989).
Intelligence and warfare
William Colby and Peter Forbath, Honorable Men. My Life in the CIA (New York: Simon and Schuster 1978).
Peer de Silva, Sub Rosa. The CIA and the uses of Intelligence (NY: The New York Times 1978).
Richard Helms with William Hood, With a Look Over my Shoulder. A life in the Central Intelligence Agency (NY: Random House 2003).
Ralph McGehee, Deadly Deceits. My 25 years in the CIA (New York: Sheridan Square 1983).
John Prados, William Colby and the CIA. The secret wars of a controversial spymaster (University of Kansas 2003, 2009).
Robert M. Cassidy, Counterinsurgency and the Global War on Terror. Military culture and irregular war (Westport: Praeger 2006).
John W. Dower, Cultures of War (New York: W. W. Norton 2010, 2011).
Thomas E. Ricks, The Generals. American military command from World War II to today (New York: Penguin 2012).
Historical context
Robert Aldrich, Greater France. A history of French overseas expansion (London: Palgrave Macmillan 1996).
Daniel A. Bell, China's New Confucianism (Princeton University 2008, 2010).
William Theodore de Bary, The Trouble with Confucianism (Harvard University 1991).
Samuel P. Huntington, Political Order in Changing Societies (Yale University 1968, 1970).
Pankaj Mishra, From the Ruins of Empire. The intellectuals who remade Asia (London: Allen Lane 2012; reprint Picador 2013).
Lucian W. Pye, The Mandarin and the Cadre. China's political cultures (University of Michigan 1988).
Merle Goldman and Leo Ou-fan Lee, editors, An Intellectual History of Modern China (Cambridge University 2002):
Arnold Kotler, editor, Engaged Buddhist Reader (Berkeley: Parallax 1996).
Reference notes
External links
Ken Fermoyle, Exploring 'Vietnam Labyrinth'
"Tran Ngoc Chau" at Goodreads'': photo.
1923 births
2020 deaths
South Vietnamese military personnel
South Vietnamese politicians
Members of the National Assembly (South Vietnam)
People from Thừa Thiên-Huế province
Articles containing video clips
Vietnamese emigrants to the United States
People with acquired American citizenship
Computer programmers
Deaths from the COVID-19 pandemic in California
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41052742
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Standards%20%28Bernie%20Worrell%20album%29
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Standards (Bernie Worrell album)
|
Standards is the ninth solo album by former Parliament-Funkadelic keyboardist Bernie Worrell. The album was released in 2011 by Scufflin' Records. This is a cover album, meaning none of these songs are originals written by Worrell, although he puts his signature funky twist on them, using a moog synthesizer on many of the songs. All of the songs are jazz standards.
Track listing
Personnel
Bernie Worrell - Piano, Synthesizer, Rhodes, Organ, Clavinet, Melodica
Ronny Drayton - Guitar
Smokey Hormel - Nylon string guitar, Guitar, Acoustic guitar, Baritone guitar
Andrew Kimball - Guitar
Kyle Cadena - Guitar
Tim Luntzel - Upright bass, Bass
Melvin Gibbs - Bass
Evan Taylor - Drums
JT Lewis - Drums
Glen Fittin - Percussion, Vibraphone
Chops Horns
Darryl Dixon - Alto Sax
David Watson - Tenor, Baritone sax, Flute
Jonathan Arons - Trombone
Freddie Hendrix - Trumpet, Flugel horn
Additional personnel
Darryl Dixon - Horn Arrangement
Bernie Worrell - Producer
Evan Taylor - Producer
Eric Spring - Recording, Mixing
Steve Berson - Mastering
Nina Chiminec - Production Assistant
Justin Emter - Photographs
Agree R. Geronca - Art Direction
References
Bernie Worrell albums
2011 albums
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41052776
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Du%20%C3%A4r%20alltid%20en%20del%20utav%20mej
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Du är alltid en del utav mej
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"Du är alltid en del av mej" is a song with lyrics by Lars Berghagen and music by Lasse Holm. The song was performed by Henrik Åberg at Melodifestivalen 1996. The song's lyrics describe a person who has lost a loved one. The song has become common at funerals, since it can be interpreted that the you-person has died.
At Melodifestivalen, the song was knocked out from the first voting round, but at Svensktoppen it stayed for 36 weeks between 23 March-23 November 1996, topping the chart several times. It meant Melodifestivalen record for a Svensktoppen song, counted as 2006 contest. The record wasn't broken until 2008-2009 with Sanna Nielsen's Empty Room.
Charts
References
External links
Information at Svensk mediedatabas
1996 singles
1996 songs
Melodifestivalen songs of 1996
Songs written by Lasse Berghagen
Songs written by Lasse Holm
Swedish-language songs
Henrik Åberg songs
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41052779
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Japanese%20temperate%20rainforest
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Japanese temperate rainforest
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The Japanese temperate rainforest is located in the Japanese archipelago, in small batches over a wide range of islands, from Kyushu in the South to Hokkaido in the North. Due to its geographic features and climate, the Japanese temperate rainforest is very different from other temperate rainforests in the world. The islands in the Japanese archipelago comprise about 1/400 of the world’s land. The islands are located on a latitude that is normally dry; desert can be found elsewhere in the world at this latitude. However, the oceans surrounding Japan provide enough precipitation to maintain a temperate rainforest.
General description
Japanese temperate rainforest can be classified into three types: the warm temperate zone found in the southern islands and lower elevations in the north, the cool temperate zone found in the northern islands and higher elevations in the south, and the subalpine forest in the higher elevations of northern Honshu and Hokkaido. The distribution of the Japanese temperate rainforest is also highly dependent on altitude; one may see all of three types of temperate rainforest on the higher mountains such as Mount Fuji or Mount Miyanouradake.
Climate
The climate of this region is warm and wet. The mean annual temperature is 6 – 13 °C in the cool temperate zone and 13 – 23 °C in the warm temperate zone. Annual precipitation is 1,200 – 1,800 mm. Some regions have an annual precipitation of more than 2,800 mm. The precipitation pattern of cool and warm temperate zones is almost opposite: the southern warm temperate rainforest has higher precipitation in summer and less precipitation in winter, and the northern cool temperate rainforest has lower precipitation in summer and higher in winter with the snowfall. High precipitation is caused by oceanic circulation and the rain shadow effect. Summer typhoons from the tropics bring warm; moist air to the southern islands, especially on the Pacific Ocean side. Westerly from Siberian High and Tsushima Current cause heavy snowfall on the Sea of Japan side of northern Japan.
Flora
The Japanese temperate rainforest is home to about 5300 plant species, 40 percent of which are unique to Japan. The Japanese archipelago was not influenced by the glacier extension in the last ice age; therefore, it provided refugia for many species. Also, there is no dry, desert area within the islands; thus, flora moved fluently between north and south after the last ice age. In addition, the Japanese islands are isolated, reducing immigration of organisms from the Eurasian continent.
The subalpine (cold) temperate rainforests are dominated by tsuga and fir. Veitch’s fir (Abies veitchii), Maries’ fir (Abies mariesii) and northern Japanese hemlock are commonly seen. Also, Japanese cypress (Chamaecyparis), Thujopsis (also called hiba) can be found there. Other than those trees, broad-leaf trees such as Japanese beech (Fagus crenata) and oak are co-dominant canopy trees in this area. The understory is dominated by the bamboo Sasa veitchii in most lower elevation sites in western Hokkaido. Ferns, sedges (Carex), and shrubs are co-dominant understory species in this area.
The cool temperate rainforest is dominated by Japanese beech (Fagus crenata). Also, Marie's fir, (Abies mariesii), Pinus pumila, oak (Quercus crispula), and Japanese cypress are commonly seen in the cool temperate zone. The understory is dominated by another bamboo species called Chisimazasa (Sasa kurilensis); willow and shrubs such as (Camellia rusticana) are also common in this zone.
The warm temperate rainforest is dominated by Japanese cedar (Cryptomeria), Japanese stone oak (Lithocarpus edulis), and Castanopsis sieboldii. Trochodendron, Isu tree (Distylium racemosum), oak (Quercus crispula), and Machilus thunbergii are co-dominant trees in the warm temperate zone. The understory is dominated by another Sasa species called moso bamboo (Phyllostachys edulis), and Rhododendron, and Rhododendron subg. Hymenanthes. The warm temperate rainforest is home to a great diversity of lichen and mosses due to the warm temperature and high precipitation.
Fauna
Temperate rainforests, especially old-growth forests, provide quality habitat for many species, including natural monument animals or those on the IUCN Red List—species such as the black woodpecker, Japanese black bear, Japanese dormouse, Japanese giant salamander, Japanese serow, Japanese macaque, Japanese golden eagle, sika deer, Japanese grass lizard, and Japanese rat snake. Larger mammals, such as sika deer and Japanese macaque, are commonly seen in all of the temperate zones, but most amphibians and small mammals are unique to each zone. Some species, such as the black woodpecker, live in only old-growth forests and the ongoing loss of their habitat is a serious problem for these species.
Historical usage
Most of the Japanese temperate rainforest has been logged and used as fuel and building materials over time. Before industrial development, people lived with the forest; they respected the forest and mountains. Mountain worship and mountain asceticism have been very common in Japan through the ages. However, industry and war have forced people to cut the forest. The natural old-growth forest has declined rapidly with economic development and the government's policies. Some areas are turned into plantation forest (secondary forest) of Japanese cedar, Quercus serrate, and sawtooth oak (Quercus acutissime).
These forests are known as Satoyama and were well-managed until the government changed its policies again. Takeuchi explains Satoyama as “secondary woodlands and grassland near human settlements that have traditionally used these lands as coppices and meadows for fuel, fertilizer, and fodder.” Increased importing of fossil fuel and timber changed the value of Satoyama in the 1960s. The Japanese forest industry was reduced and people lost interest in forest management and timber harvesting. The population’s aging and loss of timber jobs caused a population decrease in a rural area, which made it difficult to maintain the Satoyama area. Today, however, society’s attention is being pulled back to the function of Satoyama and people have started to maintain the forest again.
Disturbance and conservation
Common disturbances in Japanese temperate rainforests are triggered by typhoons that have a strong influence on both the forests and human populations. Typhoons cause trees to fall as well as floods and landslides. Although some trees falling is a normal part of the forest lifecycle, large numbers of trees falling all at once can alter or damage the ecosystem.
Other recent concerns include damage by animals. Insect infestation and sika deer foraging have become big issues. Infestations by insects have increased rapidly since the 1980s, especially in the last decade, and have impacted the forestry industry. The sika deer's foraging has a less direct impact on the forest itself; however, it represents about 60% of all damage from animals. The deer also eat seedlings, which increases the risk of future canopy decline. Occasionally, sika deer attack orchards in search of food; this may suggest overpopulation of sika deer, possibly due to human impact on their habitat. Ongoing losses from land conversion and climate change also represent serious threats to the conservation of Japanese temperate rainforests.
References
Environment of Japan
Temperate rainforests
Temperate broadleaf and mixed forests
Temperate Northern Pacific
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41052781
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/American%20Samoa%20Rugby%20Union
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American Samoa Rugby Union
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The American Samoa Rugby Union, or ASRU, is the governing body for rugby union in American Samoa. It was established in 1990, and became fully affiliated to the International Rugby Board (IRB) in 2012.
The ASRU is also a full member of the Federation of Oceania Rugby Unions (FORU), which is the regional governing body for rugby in Oceania.
It was chaired by Republican politician Te'o J. Fuavai for several decades.
History
Rugby union has been played in American Samoa since the 1920s, but no governing body existed for the sport for more than 60 years thereafter. When American football was introduced to high schools in the 1970s it became the dominant game, while rugby union was only played in village competitions.
The ASRU was formally incorporated in 1990, but it took more than 20 years before the union applied for full membership of the IRB in 2011. The Executive Council of the IRB granted American Samoa full membership in 2012.
As of 2015 American Samoa's Rugby team has been ranked 102nd best team in the world, therefore making it the worst team in the world.
National teams
American Samoa's national team, known as the Talavalu, has not competed in a Rugby World Cup but has competed at the South Pacific Games, including winning a silver medal for rugby 15s in 1991. American Samoa fields teams in 7s competitions as well as 15s.
See also
Rugby union in American Samoa
American Samoa national rugby union team
American Samoa national rugby sevens team
External links
American Samoa on IRB.com
American Samoa on OceaniaRugby.com
Reference list
Rugby union in American Samoa
Rugby union governing bodies in Oceania
Sports organizations established in 1990
National members of World Rugby
Organizations based in American Samoa
1990 establishments in American Samoa
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41052817
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Lakowm
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Lakowm
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Lakowm (, also Romanized as Lākowm; also known as Lakom) is a village in Valupey Rural District, in the Central District of Savadkuh County, Mazandaran Province, Iran. At the 2006 census, its population was 80, in 20 families.
References
Populated places in Savadkuh County
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41052819
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Larazneh
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Larazneh
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Larazneh () is a village in Valupey Rural District, in the Central District of Savadkuh County, Mazandaran Province, Iran. At the 2006 census, its population was 101, in 28 families.
References
Populated places in Savadkuh County
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41052821
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Memshi
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Memshi
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Memshi (, also Romanized as Memshī) is a village in Valupey Rural District, in the Central District of Savadkuh County, Mazandaran Province, Iran. At the 2006 census, its population was 86, in 23 families.
References
Populated places in Savadkuh County
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41052824
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Mumej%20Kheyl
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Mumej Kheyl
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Mumej Kheyl (, also Romanized as Mūmej Kheyl and Mowmj-e Kheyl; also known as Mamaj Kheyl, Momjeh Kheyl, Mumejeheil, and Mumejekhel) is a village in Valupey Rural District, in the Central District of Savadkuh County, Mazandaran Province, Iran. At the 2006 census, its population was 266, in 76 families.
References
Populated places in Savadkuh County
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41052825
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Paland
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Paland
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Paland (, also Romanized as Pāland and Palend) is a village in Valupey Rural District, in the Central District of Savadkuh County, Mazandaran Province, Iran. At the 2006 census, its population was 90, in 33 families.
References
Populated places in Savadkuh County
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41052827
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Pishin%20Valeh
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Pishin Valeh
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Pishin Valeh (, also Romanized as Pīshīn Vāleh) is a village in Valupey Rural District, in the Central District of Savadkuh County, Mazandaran Province, Iran. At the 2006 census, its population was 69, in 21 families.
References
Populated places in Savadkuh County
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41052833
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Shir%20Darreh%2C%20Mazandaran
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Shir Darreh, Mazandaran
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Shir Darreh (, also Romanized as Shīr Darreh) is a village in Valupey Rural District, in the Central District of Savadkuh County, Mazandaran Province, Iran. At the 2006 census, its population was 59, in 24 families.
References
Populated places in Savadkuh County
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41052835
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Shir%20Kola%2C%20Savadkuh
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Shir Kola, Savadkuh
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Shir Kola (, also Romanized as Shīr Kolā) is a village in Valupey Rural District, in the Central District of Savadkuh County, Mazandaran Province, Iran. At the 2006 census, its population was 129, in 34 families.
References
Populated places in Savadkuh County
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41052837
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Shesh%20Rudbar
|
Shesh Rudbar
|
Shesh Rudbar (, also Romanized as Shesh Rūdbār) is a village in Valupey Rural District, in the Central District of Savadkuh County, Mazandaran Province, Iran. At the 2006 census, its population was 53, in 28 families.
References
Populated places in Savadkuh County
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41052838
|
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Savad%20Rudbar
|
Savad Rudbar
|
Savad Rudbar (, also Romanized as Savād Rūdbār and Savād-e Rūd Bār) is a village in Valupey Rural District, in the Central District of Savadkuh County, Mazandaran Province, Iran. At the 2006 census, its population was 125, in 44 families.
References
Populated places in Savadkuh County
|
41052839
|
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Tilam
|
Tilam
|
Tilam (, also Romanized as Tīlam and Tīlem) is a village in Valupey Rural District, in the Central District of Savadkuh County, Mazandaran Province, Iran. At the 2006 census, its population was 91, in 46 families.
References
Populated places in Savadkuh County
|
41052840
|
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Vasyeh%20Kash
|
Vasyeh Kash
|
Vasyeh Kash (, also Romanized as Vesyeh Kash, Vesyeh Kesh, and Vasīeh Kash; also known as Vastikah, Vazīr Kash, and Vesī Kesh) is a village in Valupey Rural District, in the Central District of Savadkuh County, Mazandaran Province, Iran. At the 2006 census, its population was 76, in 21 families.
References
Populated places in Savadkuh County
|
41052841
|
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Zangian%2C%20Mazandaran
|
Zangian, Mazandaran
|
Zangian (, also Romanized as Zangīān) is a village in Valupey Rural District, in the Central District of Savadkuh County, Mazandaran Province, Iran. At the 2006 census, its population was 84, in 33 families.
References
Populated places in Savadkuh County
|
41052848
|
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Wiley%20Lee%20Housewright
|
Wiley Lee Housewright
|
Wiley Lee Housewright, EdD (17 October 1913 Wylie, Texas – 13 December 2003 Tallahassee) was an American music educator and longtime dean of music at Florida State University.
Career highlights
1934–1941: Director of Music, public schools in Texas and New York
1942–1943: Lecturer of Music, New York University
1946–1947: Assistant Professor of Music, The University of Texas at Austin
1947–1980: Professor of Music, School of Music, Florida State University, Tallahassee
1961–1962: Distinguished professor, Florida State University, Tallahassee
1966–1979: Dean, School of Music, Florida State University, Tallahassee
1968–1970: President, Music Educators National Conference (MENC)
Formal education
1934: Bachelor of Science, University of North Texas, Denton
1938: Master of Arts, Columbia University, New York City
1943: EdD, New York University, New York City
See also
The Housewright Symposium / Vision 2020
Tanglewood Symposium
External links
Wiley L. Housewright papers, Special Collections in Performing Arts, University of Maryland Libraries.
References
1913 births
2003 deaths
University of North Texas College of Music alumni
Florida State University faculty
Columbia University alumni
Steinhardt School of Culture, Education, and Human Development alumni
American music educators
Music of Texas
|
41052855
|
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Laleh%20Band
|
Laleh Band
|
Laleh Band (Lælɛ bænd, ) is a village in Valupey Rural District, in the Central District of Savadkuh County, Mazandaran Province, Iran. At the 2006 census, its population was 287, in 87 families.
References
Populated places in Savadkuh County
lalehband
|
41052865
|
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Longula
|
Longula
|
The monotypic mushroom genus Longula is now included in Agaricus; see Agaricus deserticola.''
Longula was a town in ancient times in the territory of the Volsci in central Italy. It was located south of Rome, and just north of the Volscian capital Antium.
In 493 BC it was captured by a Roman army under the command of the consul Postumus Cominius Auruncus.
In around 488 BC it was retaken by the Volsci.
References
Roman towns and cities in Italy
|
41052876
|
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Shir%20Darreh
|
Shir Darreh
|
Shir Darreh or Shirdarreh () may refer to:
Shir Darreh, Gilan
Shir Darreh, Mazandaran
|
41052883
|
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/2013%20Ford%20EcoBoost%20400
|
2013 Ford EcoBoost 400
|
The 2013 Ford EcoBoost 400 was a NASCAR Sprint Cup Series stock car race that was held on November 17, 2013, at Homestead Miami Speedway in Homestead, Florida. Contested over 267 laps, it was the thirty-sixth and final race in the 2013 NASCAR Sprint Cup Series, as well as the final race in the ten-race Chase for the Sprint Cup, which ends the season. Denny Hamlin won the race. Matt Kenseth finished second while Dale Earnhardt Jr., Martin Truex Jr. and Clint Bowyer rounded out the top five. Jimmie Johnson finished ninth to take his sixth Sprint Cup title.
This race marked Mark Martin's, Ken Schrader's and Tony Raines' final career start.
Results
Qualifying
Race
Statistics after the race
Drivers' Championship standings
Manufacturers' Championship standings
Note: Only the first five positions are included for the driver standings.
References
Ford EcoBoost 400
Ford EcoBoost 400
Ford EcoBoost 400
NASCAR races at Homestead-Miami Speedway
|
41052885
|
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Pollusca
|
Pollusca
|
Pollusca was a town in ancient times in the territory of the Volsci in central Italy. It was located south of Rome, north of the Volscian capital Antium, and just west of Corioli.
In 493 BC it was captured by a Roman army under the command of the consul Postumus Cominius Auruncus. In around 488 BC it was retaken by the Volsci.
References
Roman towns and cities in Italy
|
41052902
|
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/G%C3%A9za%20Varga%20%28director%29
|
Géza Varga (director)
|
Géza Varga (18 January 1921 in Újpest, Hungary – 15 February 2004) was a theatre and radio director and professor.
Biography
His father was Sándor Varga, his mother was Vilma Philadelfi. He studied law at the Pázmány Péter University from 1941 to 1945 and at Academy of Drama between 1942 and 1946. After finishing his studies, he started his career at Ministry of Religion and Public Education. From 1949 to 1951 he worked in Győr at People's Theatre at Transdanubia as a director. From 1951 to 1959 he was the theatre director of Petőfi Theatre, Theatre of Youths and Jókai Theatre. At the same time, he was a professor at his university. In the theatre year 1955–1956 he was the chief director of Szigligeti Ede Theatre in Szolnok. After 1958 he worked as a director at the Magyar Rádió.
He worked in London, Helsinki, Prague, Hamburg, Bucharest, Zagreb, Paris and Beograd as well. He made the first stereo.
Personal life
He married in 1985. His wife was Zsuzsanna Gábor.
Awards
Jászai Mari Award (1967)
Award of Critics at the Radio (1975, 1982)
Meritorious Artist (1977)
Cserés Miklós Award (1994)
References
Sources
Hermann Péter: Ki Kicsoda 2002 CD-ROM, Biográf Kiadó
Géza Varga
External links
Elhunyt Varga Géza
Színházi Adattár
Hungarian directors
Academic staff of Pázmány Péter Catholic University
1921 births
2004 deaths
People from Újpest
Artists of Merit of the Hungarian People's Republic
|
41052931
|
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Stephanie%20Forrest
|
Stephanie Forrest
|
Stephanie Forrest (born circa 1958) is an American computer scientist and director of the Biodesign Center for Biocomputing, Security and Society at the Biodesign Institute at Arizona State University. She was previously Distinguished Professor of Computer Science at the University of New Mexico in Albuquerque. She is best known for her work in adaptive systems, including genetic algorithms, computational immunology, biological modeling, automated software repair, and computer security.
Biography
After earning her BA from St. John's College in 1977, Forrest studied Computer and Communication Sciences at the University of Michigan, where she received her MS in 1982, and in 1985 her PhD, with a thesis entitled "A study of parallelism in the classifier system and its application to classification in KL-ONE semantic networks."
After graduation Forrest worked for Teknowledge Inc. and at the Center for Nonlinear Studies of the Los Alamos National Laboratory. In 1990 she joined the University of New Mexico, where she was appointed Professor of Computer Science and directs the Computer Immune Systems Group, and the Adaptive Computation Laboratory. From 2006 to 2011 she chaired the Computer Science Department. In the 1990s she was also affiliated with the Santa Fe Institute, where she was Interim Vice President for the 1999–2000 term.
In 1991, Forrest was awarded the NSF Presidential Young Investigator Award, and in 2009 she received the IFIP TC2 Manfred Paul Award for Excellence in Software. In 2011, she was awarded the ACM - AAAI Allen Newell Award.
Work
Forrest's research interests are in the field of "adaptive systems, including genetic algorithms, computational immunology, biological modeling, automated software repair, and computer security."
According to the National Academies her research since the 1990s has included "developing the first practical anomaly intrusion-detection system; designing automated responses to cyberattacks; writing an early influential paper proposing automatic software diversity and introducing instruction-set randomization as a particular implementation; developing noncryptographic privacy-enhancing data representations; agent-based modeling of large-scale computational networks; and recently, work on automated repair of security vulnerabilities. She has conducted many computational modeling projects in biology, where her specialties are immunology and evolutionary diseases, such as Influenza and cancer."
Selected bibliography
Forrest has authored and co-authored many publications in her field of expertise. A selection:
Forrest, Stephanie, et al. "Self-nonself discrimination in a computer." Research in Security and Privacy, 1994. Proceedings., 1994 IEEE Computer Society Symposium on. Ieee, 1994.
Forrest, Stephanie, et al. "A sense of self for unix processes." Security and Privacy, 1996. Proceedings., 1996 IEEE Symposium on. IEEE, 1996.
Hofmeyr, Steven A., Stephanie Forrest, and Anil Somayaji. "Intrusion detection using sequences of system calls." Journal of computer security 6.3 (1998): 151–180.
Warrender, Christina, Stephanie Forrest, and Barak Pearlmutter. "Detecting intrusions using system calls: Alternative data models." Security and Privacy, 1999. Proceedings of the 1999 IEEE Symposium on. IEEE, 1999.
Hofmeyr, Steven A., and Stephanie Forrest. "Architecture for an artificial immune system." Evolutionary computation 8.4 (2000): 443–473.
References
External links
Stephanie Forrest at the University of New Mexico
Stephanie Forrest at Arizona State University
Year of birth missing (living people)
Living people
American computer scientists
Complex systems scientists
St. John's College (Annapolis/Santa Fe) alumni
University of Michigan alumni
University of New Mexico faculty
1950s births
Computer security academics
American women computer scientists
Los Alamos National Laboratory personnel
Santa Fe Institute people
Researchers of artificial life
American women academics
21st-century American women
|
41052932
|
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Att%20%C3%A4lska%20dig
|
Att älska dig
|
"Att älska dig" is a song written by Robert Olausson, Sonja Aldén, Bobby Ljunggren and Henrik Wikström, and performed by Shirley Clamp at Melodifestivalen 2005, where the song reached fourth place.
Shirley Clamp also recorded the song in English, as Miracle, on her 2009 compilation album För den som älskar - en samling.
During a parody pause act during Melodifestivalen 2009, Shirley Clamp performed the song pretending to be a cashier woman, sitting at checkout singing a chicken.
Single release
The single peaked at number four on the Swedish singles chart. The song was also tested for Svensktoppen, staying at the chart for 10 times during the period 1 May-3 July 2005, with two fourth places as peak positions.
Charts
References
2005 singles
2005 songs
Melodifestivalen songs of 2005
Swedish-language songs
Shirley Clamp songs
Songs written by Bobby Ljunggren
Songs written by Henrik Wikström
|
41052944
|
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Aliabad%20Rural%20District
|
Aliabad Rural District
|
Aliabad Rural District () may refer to:
Aliabad Rural District (Hashtrud County), East Azerbaijan
Aliabad Rural District (Fars Province)
Aliabad Rural District (Kerman Province)
Aliabad Rural District (Mazandaran Province)
Aliabad Rural District (Taft County), Yazd province
See also
Aliabad-e Malek Rural District
|
41052949
|
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Death%20Will%20Reign
|
Death Will Reign
|
Death Will Reign is the fifth studio album by American Christian deathcore band Impending Doom. The album was released on November 5, 2013, and reached No. 116 on the US Billboard 200, No. 6 on Christian Albums, No. 9 on Hard Rock Albums, No. 18 on Independent Albums and No. 26 on Top Rock Albums charts.
Track listing
Personnel
Impending Doom
Brook Reeves – vocals
Manny Contreras – lead guitar
Eric Correra – rhythm guitar
David Sittig – bass
Brandon Trahan – drums
Additional personnel
Will Putney – production, engineering, mixing
Mike Milford – management
References
2013 albums
Impending Doom albums
E1 Music albums
Albums produced by Will Putney
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41052961
|
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Olsokneset
|
Olsokneset
|
Olsokneset is a headland in Sørkapp Land at Spitsbergen, Svalbard. It is located at the western shore of Spitsbergen, at the southern front of Olsokbreen. The bay of Stormbukta extends from Olsokneset northwards to Bjørnbeinflya.
References
Headlands of Spitsbergen
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41052964
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ahlamerestaq
|
Ahlamerestaq
|
Ahlamerestaq () may refer to:
Ahlamerestaq-e Jonubi Rural District
Ahlamerestaq-e Shomali Rural District
|
41052978
|
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Censorship%20of%20student%20media%20in%20the%20United%20States
|
Censorship of student media in the United States
|
The censorship of student media in the United States is the suppression of student-run news operations' free speech by school administrative bodies, typically state schools. This consists of schools using their authority to control the funding and distribution of publications, taking down articles, and preventing distribution. Some forms of student media censorship extend to expression not funded by or under the official auspices of the school system or college (for example, confiscating independently produced underground publications or imposing discipline for material posted on off-campus websites).
Current legal precedent implies that pupils are not responsible enough to be trusted with constitutional rights and school faculty are allowed to suppress student speech that is deemed to provoke controversy or disrupt learning. Scholars maintain that this type of censorship violates the constitutional right of free speech that young people are afforded under the First Amendment. Opponents of this legal censorship, such as the Student Press Law Center, a non-profit that tracks and provides pro-bono legal aid to student-run media organizations in the U.S, point to the civic and educational value in student expression that is used to organize reform movements and develop political opinions as reasons to encourage unimpeded student journalism.
History
In 1988, the Supreme Court declared 5-3 that student newspapers do not have the same freedoms and safeguards as professional media. The case was the result of the school administration of Hazelwood East High School in Missouri forbidding the publication of two newspaper stories regarding abortion and divorce in 1983. Cathy Kuhlmeier, a student reporter, claimed that the move violated her First Amendment rights. The Court decided that student newspapers were never meant to be public forums and as a result, administrators began to regulate high school and college periodicals.
In response to the Supreme Court's decision on the Hazelwood, several states have enacted legislation to counteract the ruling and protect school publications from interference. The Student Press Law Center started worked with student journalists to lobby state legislatures to adopt New Voices, a law intended to fortify student journalists' right to free expression. By 2013, the states of Arkansas, California, Colorado, Illinois, Iowa, Kansas, Massachusetts, and Oregon had all passed the legislation.
Notable cases in the United States include:
Tinker v. Des Moines Independent Community School District, 1969 – The establishment of the First Amendment rights of students in U.S. public schools. This played a significant role in the Hazelwood School District v. Kuhlmeier case as decision making.
Hazelwood School District v. Kuhlmeier, 1988 – A Supreme Court decision that held that public school curricular student newspapers that have not been established as forums for student expression are subject to a lower level of First Amendment protection than independent student expression or newspapers established (by policy or practice) as forums for student expression.
Papish v. Board of Curators of University of Missouri, 1973 – A Supreme Court ruling that the University of Missouri could not discipline a college student for profanity and "indecent" sexual references in an "underground" publication that she funded and distributed.
Rosenberger v. University of Virginia, 1995 – The Supreme Court of the United States assessment on whether a state university retains from the funding of publications by students with regards to the First Amendment.
Morse v. Frederick, 2007 – A Supreme Court decision in the case of 18-year-old Joseph Frederick, punished for displaying a banner reading "BONG HiTS 4 JESUS" across the street from a school during the 2002 Olympic Torch Relay, concluding that speech promoting illegal drug use during school-sanctioned events is unprotected.
First Amendment
The First Amendment protects the people to exercise their rights of free speech as well as the freedom of the press in journalistic practice. Since the U.S. Supreme Court’s 1988 decision in Hazelwood v. Kuhlmeier, schools been allowed to censor speech in student media for “legitimate pedagogical concern”. Because pedagogical concern lacked a clear definition, it was interpreted differently by different people. Some states have passed legislation that strengthens the free speech rights of student journalists by clearly defining when and where school administration can censor student media and protecting school employees from retribution for supporting the free speech rights of student journalists.
Censored topics
Based on interview and survey data, student media topics that are censored include sexual assault, politics, athletics, women’s reproductive rights, and the #MeToo movement. In 2021, the Foundation for Individual Rights in Education found that 60% of student newspapers at four-year public institutions faced some form of censorship.
Instances of censorship
Fauquier High School's paper, the Falconer, had a story that covered drugs taken down by their principal in 2015.
Student journalists for The Telegraph at Herriman High School published a story in January 2018 about a teacher at their school who was fired for allegedly inappropriately texting a female student and school administrators shut down their website.
The principal of Prosper High School was accused of censorship in May 2018 when he prevented the publication of editorials by student journalists. 17 different organizations, including the National Coalition Against Censorship, Society of Professional Journalists, and the National Scholastic Press Association came together to write a public letter to the school district urging them to stop the censorship.
In 2019, Bear Creek High School's student newspaper was met with legal disputes from their school district when they attempted to publish an article covering pornography. The district also threatened to block the story and fire the paper’s longtime faculty adviser, but ultimately allowed its publication after pressure from the attention their actions had generated in nationwide press.
The Pearl Post, the independent newspaper at Daniel Pearl Magnet High School, reported in 2022 the impact of the COVID-19 vaccine mandate on school staff and noted that after the vaccine mandate was put in place, the school librarian did not show up for school. The former librarian and school administration demanded that any reference to her be removed from the story, but after receiving legal counsel that their reporting of the librarian's name was licit, they chose to keep it in, and the newspaper's advisor was issued a three-day suspension in retaliation.
In May 2022, Northwest Public Schools in Nebraska shut down the Viking Saga high school student newspaper for reporting two stories on LGBT issues.
Impact of censorship
Work such as student activism and protests are heavily obstructed by the censorship of school newspapers. Often when student media, news, or other outlets are challenged or removed without cause other than to censor, the student body suffers a lack of cohesion as the sharing of opinions and information is attacked. This delegitimizes democracy by way of removing the belief that the government, or the school in this case, is responsive to their wishes.
States with laws protecting the free speech of student journalists
As of 2022, sixteen states have passed New Voices legislation in order to provide some protection of the First Amendment rights of student journalists.
Student Press Freedom day
Student Press Freedom day is a national day of student journalists and their contributions celebrated annually since 2020. It has been endorsed by the following organizations:
Student Press Law Center
Associated Collegiate Press
College Media Association
Center for Scholastic Journalism
First Amendment Coalition
Freedom Forum Institute
Journalism Education Association
National Scholastic Press Association
PEN America
Quill & Scroll
SNO Sites
Society of Professional Journalists
See also
References
Journalism education
Student rights
Censorship in the United States
Civil rights of students
United States education law
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41052986
|
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Gunfighter%20%28comics%29
|
Gunfighter (comics)
|
Gunfighter was a comic published by EC Comics from 1948 to 1950, with a total of nine issues. It was part of EC's Pre-"trend comics" era.
Publication history
Gunfighter (renamed from Fat and Slat, four issues), was a comic based on western/crime stories. The comic ran for nine issues, but was then later renamed again to The Haunt of Fear.
References
EC Comics publications
Comics magazines published in the United States
1948 comics debuts
1950 comics endings
Magazines established in 1948
Magazines disestablished in 1950
Bimonthly magazines published in the United States
Western (genre) comics
Defunct American comics
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41052988
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Clara%20Green%20Carl
|
Clara Green Carl
|
Clara Green Carl (born May 1877) was an American writer and murderer from New Straitsville, Ohio. In 1922, she was convicted of having poisoned her second husband, Frank Carl, and his father, Alonzo Carl. She was sentenced to life imprisonment but paroled after 15 years. During her time in prison she escaped once and evaded recapture for a week. It is suspected that she killed her first husband, Robert Gibson, as well. She was "considered one of the most daring woman criminals in the country," earning the nickname "feminine Bluebeard."
History
Green and her childhood sweetheart, Gibson, eloped on March 14, 1908, at Covington, Kentucky, and moved to Cleveland where he worked as a teacher while she became a writer for a newspaper. The couple came up with a get-rich-quick scheme where they travelled from town to town, writing and selling books of local historic areas. Their plan failed. While in Huntsville, Missouri, Gibson became ill with an unusual illness. He died March 18, 1920, leaving Clara a widow and the sole beneficiary of a $3,000 life insurance policy.
A few months after her first husband's death, Green met and married Frank Carl on September 14, 1920, with the impression that he was wealthy. This was a tumultuous relationship, and at one point Mrs. Carl filed a complaint for divorce against her husband in the Hancock Circuit Court. When asked by Mrs. Lizzie Maynard what her grounds for divorce were, Clara replied that "if the law did not provide a way there was always some way." In order to get her to drop the divorce lawsuit, Frank made her the sole beneficiary of his life insurance policy, worth $2,000. In 1921, Clara and Frank invited Frank's elderly father, Alonzo Carl, 85, to come live with them in Philadelphia, Indiana. According to Frank's brother, Herman Carl, his father was in good health when he went to live with the couple. Like Clara's first husband, Alonzo became gravely ill by an unknown illness and died in August 1921. Expecting property from her father-in-law, Clara was furious to find that it had been given to her husband's brother-in-law Dr. Iles. Two months later, Frank was dead, suffering the same illness. The day after her husband's funeral, Clara asked Herman to meet with her to discuss obtaining Alonzo's property from Dr. Iles. Her suspicious actions aroused skepticism among her neighbors who demanded an investigation. Frank and Alonzo's bodies were exhumed, revealing that each man had enough arsenic in his system "to kill a dozen men", according to the prosecutor." Clara was arrested and charged in January 1922.
During her trial, Miss Rhoda Loehr testified that in July 1921, Clara bought arsenic citing that "neighborhood cats had been stealing her chickens [and] she said she wanted to kill the cats." Evidence of arsenic in her second husband and father-in-law revealed this to be true. An investigation into her first husband's death revealed the same results. Clara was found guilty of second degree murder and sentenced to life in prison at the Indiana Women's Prison at Indianapolis. She was "considered one of the most daring woman criminals in the country" earning the nickname "feminine Bluebeard."
While in prison, Clara made a daring and cunning escape in early October 1925. She was assigned outdoor work due to ill health and became a trusty, earning the trust of prison guards after three years of good behavior. Clara was assigned to feeding the prison-yard chickens. One evening, she climbed up one of the chicken coops, hopped the prison wall and escaped. She evaded police for about a week before her re-capture. At aged 54, Clara was paroled on May 26, 1937, 15 years after she was convicted of murder.
References
1877 births
American escapees
American female serial killers
American people convicted of murder
Fugitives
Mariticides
People convicted of murder by Indiana
People from Cleveland
People from Perry County, Ohio
People paroled from life sentence
Poisoners
Prisoners sentenced to life imprisonment by Indiana
Violence against men in North America
Year of death missing
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41052990
|
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/CGR%200-4-0ST%201874
|
CGR 0-4-0ST 1874
|
The Cape Government Railways 0-4-0ST of 1874 was a South African steam locomotive from the pre-Union era in the Cape of Good Hope.
In 1874, a single Cape gauge locomotive was placed in service by the contractors to the Port Elizabeth and Uitenhage Railway Company for the construction of railway lines into the interior. When construction work was completed, the locomotive was taken onto the roster of the Midland System of the Cape Government Railways.
Manufacturer
In 1874, a third Cape gauge locomotive was delivered through the London agents W. Bailey Hawkins & Company to the contractors to the Port Elizabeth and Uitenhage Railway Company in Port Elizabeth. The locomotive, built by Manning Wardle & Company and dispatched from the builders on 10 March 1874, was of a smaller design than the earlier two locomotives of 1873.
Characteristics
The locomotive was a Manning Wardle Class B engine with diameter coupled wheels and cylinders with a bore and stroke.
Service
Work on railway expansion from Port Elizabeth into the interior was already underway in 1874. The locomotive was put to work as construction engine on the northern mainline which was being built northwards from Swartkops via Barkly Bridge, Addo, Alicedale and Cookhouse to Cradock.
At some stage around April 1876, when construction work was completed to Sandflats between Coerney and Alicedale, the locomotive, along with six other contractor's locomotives, was taken over from the contractors by the Cape Government Railways and numbered M14 on the Midland System. In 1877, when Swallow's Cutting was being excavated near Middleton on the section north of Alicedale, the locomotive was transported to the construction site by government bullock cart. This line reached Cookhouse in 1880.
Engine Mliss
Reference has been made in literature to a locomotive named Mliss. In an Uitenhage centenary publication, the first three construction locomotives on the Midland System are described as two engines named Pioneer and Little Bess which each weighed 14 tons, and a third engine named Mliss after "one of Bret Harte's charming heroines", which was imported at about the same time and which weighed only eight tons.
To date, the engine Mliss could not be positively identified. While no. M14 is the most likely candidate, too little is known as yet about the engine itself to positively identify it as the engine Mliss.
Drawing
Since the only known existing picture of this locomotive is heavily touched up, the drawing by Leith Paxton illustrates better what this locomotive looked like. It was based on the original manufacturer's drawing, obtained from the United Kingdom.
References
0050
0050
0-4-0ST locomotives
B locomotives
Manning Wardle locomotives
Railway locomotives introduced in 1874
1874 in South Africa
Cape gauge railway locomotives
Scrapped locomotives
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41052991
|
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Khiyaban-e%20Litkuh
|
Khiyaban-e Litkuh
|
Khiyaban-e Litkuh () may refer to:
Bala Khiyaban-e Litkuh Rural District
Pain Khiyaban-e Litkuh Rural District
|
41053014
|
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Winchester-King%27s%20Somborne%20Syncline
|
Winchester-King's Somborne Syncline
|
The Winchester-King's Somborne Syncline is one of a series of parallel east-west trending
folds in the Cretaceous chalk of Hampshire. It lies at the western end of the South Downs, immediately to the north of the Winchester-East Meon Anticline and east of Salisbury Plain.
Structure
The fold axis runs for around from north of East Tytherley in the west, between Winchester and Kings Worthy, towards Four Marks in the east. To the north-east of Winchester the fold axis is followed by the valley of the River Itchen, which turns abruptly south to cut across the structure and the Winchester-East Meon Anticline to the south.
Parallel folds to the north include the Stockbridge Anticline and the Micheldever Syncline. To the south-west across the River Test is the similar Alderbury-Mottisfont Syncline. As with other nearby folds, the structure is controlled by movement of fault blocks within the Jurassic strata below.
See also
List of geological folds in Great Britain
References
Geology of Hampshire
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41053015
|
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Bowling%20at%20the%202006%20Asian%20Games%20%E2%80%93%20Men%27s%20team
|
Bowling at the 2006 Asian Games – Men's team
|
The men's team of five competition at the 2006 Asian Games in Doha was held on 7 and 8 December 2006 at Qatar Bowling Centre.
Schedule
All times are Arabia Standard Time (UTC+03:00)
Results
References
Results at ABF Website
Results
External links
Official Website
Men's team
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