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Which employer did Martin Neil Baily work for in Jul, 2002? | July 03, 2002 | {
"text": [
"Peterson Institute for International Economics"
]
} | L2_Q521114_P108_4 | Martin Neil Baily works for Peterson Institute for International Economics from Jan, 2001 to Jan, 2007.
Martin Neil Baily works for University of Maryland, Baltimore from Jan, 1989 to Jan, 1996.
Martin Neil Baily works for Brookings Institution from Jan, 1979 to Jan, 1989.
Martin Neil Baily works for Yale University from Jan, 1973 to Jan, 1979.
Martin Neil Baily works for McKinsey & Company from Jan, 1996 to Jan, 1999. | Martin Neil BailyMartin Neil Baily (born March 29, 1949) is an economist at the Brookings Institution and formerly at the Peterson Institute. He is best known for his work on productivity and competitiveness and for his tenure as a cabinet member during the Clinton Administration. He was one of three members of the Council of Economic Advisers from 1994 to 1996, and chairman of the Council from 1999 to 2001. He currently co-chairs the Bipartisan Policy Center's Financial Regulatory Reform Initiative and serves as a senior advisor at Albright Stonebridge Group.Baily was a senior fellow at the Brookings Institution (1979–89) and subsequently professor of economics at the University of Maryland (1989–96). He was vice chairman of a National Academy of Sciences – National Research Council panel investigating the effect of computers on productivity. Baily co-founded the microeconomics issues of the "Brookings Papers on Economic Activity". He was a principal at McKinsey & Company's Global Institute (1996–99) and has been a senior adviser to McKinsey since 2002. He joined the board of The Phoenix Companies in 2005 and is an academic adviser to the Congressional Budget Office and associate editor of the "Journal of Economic Perspectives".Baily earned his Ph.D. in economics at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology (MIT) and his undergraduate degree at Cambridge University (UK), and taught at MIT and Yale University. He is the author of numerous books and articles and coauthor with Jacob Kirkegaard of "Transforming the European Economy" (2004).Congressional testimony: | [
"Brookings Institution",
"McKinsey & Company",
"University of Maryland, Baltimore",
"Yale University"
] |
|
Which employer did Martin Neil Baily work for in 2002-07-03? | July 03, 2002 | {
"text": [
"Peterson Institute for International Economics"
]
} | L2_Q521114_P108_4 | Martin Neil Baily works for Peterson Institute for International Economics from Jan, 2001 to Jan, 2007.
Martin Neil Baily works for University of Maryland, Baltimore from Jan, 1989 to Jan, 1996.
Martin Neil Baily works for Brookings Institution from Jan, 1979 to Jan, 1989.
Martin Neil Baily works for Yale University from Jan, 1973 to Jan, 1979.
Martin Neil Baily works for McKinsey & Company from Jan, 1996 to Jan, 1999. | Martin Neil BailyMartin Neil Baily (born March 29, 1949) is an economist at the Brookings Institution and formerly at the Peterson Institute. He is best known for his work on productivity and competitiveness and for his tenure as a cabinet member during the Clinton Administration. He was one of three members of the Council of Economic Advisers from 1994 to 1996, and chairman of the Council from 1999 to 2001. He currently co-chairs the Bipartisan Policy Center's Financial Regulatory Reform Initiative and serves as a senior advisor at Albright Stonebridge Group.Baily was a senior fellow at the Brookings Institution (1979–89) and subsequently professor of economics at the University of Maryland (1989–96). He was vice chairman of a National Academy of Sciences – National Research Council panel investigating the effect of computers on productivity. Baily co-founded the microeconomics issues of the "Brookings Papers on Economic Activity". He was a principal at McKinsey & Company's Global Institute (1996–99) and has been a senior adviser to McKinsey since 2002. He joined the board of The Phoenix Companies in 2005 and is an academic adviser to the Congressional Budget Office and associate editor of the "Journal of Economic Perspectives".Baily earned his Ph.D. in economics at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology (MIT) and his undergraduate degree at Cambridge University (UK), and taught at MIT and Yale University. He is the author of numerous books and articles and coauthor with Jacob Kirkegaard of "Transforming the European Economy" (2004).Congressional testimony: | [
"Brookings Institution",
"McKinsey & Company",
"University of Maryland, Baltimore",
"Yale University"
] |
|
Which employer did Martin Neil Baily work for in 03/07/2002? | July 03, 2002 | {
"text": [
"Peterson Institute for International Economics"
]
} | L2_Q521114_P108_4 | Martin Neil Baily works for Peterson Institute for International Economics from Jan, 2001 to Jan, 2007.
Martin Neil Baily works for University of Maryland, Baltimore from Jan, 1989 to Jan, 1996.
Martin Neil Baily works for Brookings Institution from Jan, 1979 to Jan, 1989.
Martin Neil Baily works for Yale University from Jan, 1973 to Jan, 1979.
Martin Neil Baily works for McKinsey & Company from Jan, 1996 to Jan, 1999. | Martin Neil BailyMartin Neil Baily (born March 29, 1949) is an economist at the Brookings Institution and formerly at the Peterson Institute. He is best known for his work on productivity and competitiveness and for his tenure as a cabinet member during the Clinton Administration. He was one of three members of the Council of Economic Advisers from 1994 to 1996, and chairman of the Council from 1999 to 2001. He currently co-chairs the Bipartisan Policy Center's Financial Regulatory Reform Initiative and serves as a senior advisor at Albright Stonebridge Group.Baily was a senior fellow at the Brookings Institution (1979–89) and subsequently professor of economics at the University of Maryland (1989–96). He was vice chairman of a National Academy of Sciences – National Research Council panel investigating the effect of computers on productivity. Baily co-founded the microeconomics issues of the "Brookings Papers on Economic Activity". He was a principal at McKinsey & Company's Global Institute (1996–99) and has been a senior adviser to McKinsey since 2002. He joined the board of The Phoenix Companies in 2005 and is an academic adviser to the Congressional Budget Office and associate editor of the "Journal of Economic Perspectives".Baily earned his Ph.D. in economics at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology (MIT) and his undergraduate degree at Cambridge University (UK), and taught at MIT and Yale University. He is the author of numerous books and articles and coauthor with Jacob Kirkegaard of "Transforming the European Economy" (2004).Congressional testimony: | [
"Brookings Institution",
"McKinsey & Company",
"University of Maryland, Baltimore",
"Yale University"
] |
|
Which employer did Martin Neil Baily work for in Jul 03, 2002? | July 03, 2002 | {
"text": [
"Peterson Institute for International Economics"
]
} | L2_Q521114_P108_4 | Martin Neil Baily works for Peterson Institute for International Economics from Jan, 2001 to Jan, 2007.
Martin Neil Baily works for University of Maryland, Baltimore from Jan, 1989 to Jan, 1996.
Martin Neil Baily works for Brookings Institution from Jan, 1979 to Jan, 1989.
Martin Neil Baily works for Yale University from Jan, 1973 to Jan, 1979.
Martin Neil Baily works for McKinsey & Company from Jan, 1996 to Jan, 1999. | Martin Neil BailyMartin Neil Baily (born March 29, 1949) is an economist at the Brookings Institution and formerly at the Peterson Institute. He is best known for his work on productivity and competitiveness and for his tenure as a cabinet member during the Clinton Administration. He was one of three members of the Council of Economic Advisers from 1994 to 1996, and chairman of the Council from 1999 to 2001. He currently co-chairs the Bipartisan Policy Center's Financial Regulatory Reform Initiative and serves as a senior advisor at Albright Stonebridge Group.Baily was a senior fellow at the Brookings Institution (1979–89) and subsequently professor of economics at the University of Maryland (1989–96). He was vice chairman of a National Academy of Sciences – National Research Council panel investigating the effect of computers on productivity. Baily co-founded the microeconomics issues of the "Brookings Papers on Economic Activity". He was a principal at McKinsey & Company's Global Institute (1996–99) and has been a senior adviser to McKinsey since 2002. He joined the board of The Phoenix Companies in 2005 and is an academic adviser to the Congressional Budget Office and associate editor of the "Journal of Economic Perspectives".Baily earned his Ph.D. in economics at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology (MIT) and his undergraduate degree at Cambridge University (UK), and taught at MIT and Yale University. He is the author of numerous books and articles and coauthor with Jacob Kirkegaard of "Transforming the European Economy" (2004).Congressional testimony: | [
"Brookings Institution",
"McKinsey & Company",
"University of Maryland, Baltimore",
"Yale University"
] |
|
Which employer did Martin Neil Baily work for in 07/03/2002? | July 03, 2002 | {
"text": [
"Peterson Institute for International Economics"
]
} | L2_Q521114_P108_4 | Martin Neil Baily works for Peterson Institute for International Economics from Jan, 2001 to Jan, 2007.
Martin Neil Baily works for University of Maryland, Baltimore from Jan, 1989 to Jan, 1996.
Martin Neil Baily works for Brookings Institution from Jan, 1979 to Jan, 1989.
Martin Neil Baily works for Yale University from Jan, 1973 to Jan, 1979.
Martin Neil Baily works for McKinsey & Company from Jan, 1996 to Jan, 1999. | Martin Neil BailyMartin Neil Baily (born March 29, 1949) is an economist at the Brookings Institution and formerly at the Peterson Institute. He is best known for his work on productivity and competitiveness and for his tenure as a cabinet member during the Clinton Administration. He was one of three members of the Council of Economic Advisers from 1994 to 1996, and chairman of the Council from 1999 to 2001. He currently co-chairs the Bipartisan Policy Center's Financial Regulatory Reform Initiative and serves as a senior advisor at Albright Stonebridge Group.Baily was a senior fellow at the Brookings Institution (1979–89) and subsequently professor of economics at the University of Maryland (1989–96). He was vice chairman of a National Academy of Sciences – National Research Council panel investigating the effect of computers on productivity. Baily co-founded the microeconomics issues of the "Brookings Papers on Economic Activity". He was a principal at McKinsey & Company's Global Institute (1996–99) and has been a senior adviser to McKinsey since 2002. He joined the board of The Phoenix Companies in 2005 and is an academic adviser to the Congressional Budget Office and associate editor of the "Journal of Economic Perspectives".Baily earned his Ph.D. in economics at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology (MIT) and his undergraduate degree at Cambridge University (UK), and taught at MIT and Yale University. He is the author of numerous books and articles and coauthor with Jacob Kirkegaard of "Transforming the European Economy" (2004).Congressional testimony: | [
"Brookings Institution",
"McKinsey & Company",
"University of Maryland, Baltimore",
"Yale University"
] |
|
Which employer did Martin Neil Baily work for in 03-Jul-200203-July-2002? | July 03, 2002 | {
"text": [
"Peterson Institute for International Economics"
]
} | L2_Q521114_P108_4 | Martin Neil Baily works for Peterson Institute for International Economics from Jan, 2001 to Jan, 2007.
Martin Neil Baily works for University of Maryland, Baltimore from Jan, 1989 to Jan, 1996.
Martin Neil Baily works for Brookings Institution from Jan, 1979 to Jan, 1989.
Martin Neil Baily works for Yale University from Jan, 1973 to Jan, 1979.
Martin Neil Baily works for McKinsey & Company from Jan, 1996 to Jan, 1999. | Martin Neil BailyMartin Neil Baily (born March 29, 1949) is an economist at the Brookings Institution and formerly at the Peterson Institute. He is best known for his work on productivity and competitiveness and for his tenure as a cabinet member during the Clinton Administration. He was one of three members of the Council of Economic Advisers from 1994 to 1996, and chairman of the Council from 1999 to 2001. He currently co-chairs the Bipartisan Policy Center's Financial Regulatory Reform Initiative and serves as a senior advisor at Albright Stonebridge Group.Baily was a senior fellow at the Brookings Institution (1979–89) and subsequently professor of economics at the University of Maryland (1989–96). He was vice chairman of a National Academy of Sciences – National Research Council panel investigating the effect of computers on productivity. Baily co-founded the microeconomics issues of the "Brookings Papers on Economic Activity". He was a principal at McKinsey & Company's Global Institute (1996–99) and has been a senior adviser to McKinsey since 2002. He joined the board of The Phoenix Companies in 2005 and is an academic adviser to the Congressional Budget Office and associate editor of the "Journal of Economic Perspectives".Baily earned his Ph.D. in economics at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology (MIT) and his undergraduate degree at Cambridge University (UK), and taught at MIT and Yale University. He is the author of numerous books and articles and coauthor with Jacob Kirkegaard of "Transforming the European Economy" (2004).Congressional testimony: | [
"Brookings Institution",
"McKinsey & Company",
"University of Maryland, Baltimore",
"Yale University"
] |
|
Who was the head of Gallargues-le-Montueux in Sep, 1944? | September 26, 1944 | {
"text": [
"Aimé Girard"
]
} | L2_Q75014_P6_0 | Freddy Cerda is the head of the government of Gallargues-le-Montueux from Mar, 2014 to Dec, 2022.
Marcel Dublet is the head of the government of Gallargues-le-Montueux from Jan, 1947 to Jan, 1959.
Marcelle Chappert is the head of the government of Gallargues-le-Montueux from Mar, 1989 to Jun, 1995.
Alain Daudet is the head of the government of Gallargues-le-Montueux from Jan, 1971 to Mar, 1977.
René Pourreau is the head of the government of Gallargues-le-Montueux from Jun, 1995 to Mar, 2014.
Aimé Girard is the head of the government of Gallargues-le-Montueux from Jan, 1944 to Jan, 1945.
Roger Julien is the head of the government of Gallargues-le-Montueux from Mar, 1977 to Mar, 1989.
André Brun is the head of the government of Gallargues-le-Montueux from Jan, 1959 to Jan, 1971.
Louis Aubanel is the head of the government of Gallargues-le-Montueux from Jan, 1945 to Jan, 1947. | Gallargues-le-MontueuxGallargues-le-Montueux () is a commune in the Gard department in southern France.The climate is hot-summer Mediterranean (Köppen: "Csa"). On 28 June 2019, during the June 2019 European heat wave, a temperature of was recorded in Gallargues-le-Montueux. It was initially reported as the highest temperature in French meteorological history, but a subsequent review of measurements by Météo-France determined that the temperature reached in nearby Verargues.There is a public preschool/nursery ("ecole maternelle") as well as the public Ecole Elementaire la Maurelle.The "collège" (junior high school) serving the community is Collège de Gallargues-le-Montueux. In addition to Gallargues-le-Montueux, it also serves Aigues-Vives and Aimargues. It opened in September 2014. it has about 600 students. on June 28, 2019, the highest temperature ever recorded in France - 45.8C - was experienced here. | [
"Louis Aubanel",
"Alain Daudet",
"Roger Julien",
"René Pourreau",
"Freddy Cerda",
"André Brun",
"Marcelle Chappert",
"Marcel Dublet"
] |
|
Who was the head of Gallargues-le-Montueux in 1944-09-26? | September 26, 1944 | {
"text": [
"Aimé Girard"
]
} | L2_Q75014_P6_0 | Freddy Cerda is the head of the government of Gallargues-le-Montueux from Mar, 2014 to Dec, 2022.
Marcel Dublet is the head of the government of Gallargues-le-Montueux from Jan, 1947 to Jan, 1959.
Marcelle Chappert is the head of the government of Gallargues-le-Montueux from Mar, 1989 to Jun, 1995.
Alain Daudet is the head of the government of Gallargues-le-Montueux from Jan, 1971 to Mar, 1977.
René Pourreau is the head of the government of Gallargues-le-Montueux from Jun, 1995 to Mar, 2014.
Aimé Girard is the head of the government of Gallargues-le-Montueux from Jan, 1944 to Jan, 1945.
Roger Julien is the head of the government of Gallargues-le-Montueux from Mar, 1977 to Mar, 1989.
André Brun is the head of the government of Gallargues-le-Montueux from Jan, 1959 to Jan, 1971.
Louis Aubanel is the head of the government of Gallargues-le-Montueux from Jan, 1945 to Jan, 1947. | Gallargues-le-MontueuxGallargues-le-Montueux () is a commune in the Gard department in southern France.The climate is hot-summer Mediterranean (Köppen: "Csa"). On 28 June 2019, during the June 2019 European heat wave, a temperature of was recorded in Gallargues-le-Montueux. It was initially reported as the highest temperature in French meteorological history, but a subsequent review of measurements by Météo-France determined that the temperature reached in nearby Verargues.There is a public preschool/nursery ("ecole maternelle") as well as the public Ecole Elementaire la Maurelle.The "collège" (junior high school) serving the community is Collège de Gallargues-le-Montueux. In addition to Gallargues-le-Montueux, it also serves Aigues-Vives and Aimargues. It opened in September 2014. it has about 600 students. on June 28, 2019, the highest temperature ever recorded in France - 45.8C - was experienced here. | [
"Louis Aubanel",
"Alain Daudet",
"Roger Julien",
"René Pourreau",
"Freddy Cerda",
"André Brun",
"Marcelle Chappert",
"Marcel Dublet"
] |
|
Who was the head of Gallargues-le-Montueux in 26/09/1944? | September 26, 1944 | {
"text": [
"Aimé Girard"
]
} | L2_Q75014_P6_0 | Freddy Cerda is the head of the government of Gallargues-le-Montueux from Mar, 2014 to Dec, 2022.
Marcel Dublet is the head of the government of Gallargues-le-Montueux from Jan, 1947 to Jan, 1959.
Marcelle Chappert is the head of the government of Gallargues-le-Montueux from Mar, 1989 to Jun, 1995.
Alain Daudet is the head of the government of Gallargues-le-Montueux from Jan, 1971 to Mar, 1977.
René Pourreau is the head of the government of Gallargues-le-Montueux from Jun, 1995 to Mar, 2014.
Aimé Girard is the head of the government of Gallargues-le-Montueux from Jan, 1944 to Jan, 1945.
Roger Julien is the head of the government of Gallargues-le-Montueux from Mar, 1977 to Mar, 1989.
André Brun is the head of the government of Gallargues-le-Montueux from Jan, 1959 to Jan, 1971.
Louis Aubanel is the head of the government of Gallargues-le-Montueux from Jan, 1945 to Jan, 1947. | Gallargues-le-MontueuxGallargues-le-Montueux () is a commune in the Gard department in southern France.The climate is hot-summer Mediterranean (Köppen: "Csa"). On 28 June 2019, during the June 2019 European heat wave, a temperature of was recorded in Gallargues-le-Montueux. It was initially reported as the highest temperature in French meteorological history, but a subsequent review of measurements by Météo-France determined that the temperature reached in nearby Verargues.There is a public preschool/nursery ("ecole maternelle") as well as the public Ecole Elementaire la Maurelle.The "collège" (junior high school) serving the community is Collège de Gallargues-le-Montueux. In addition to Gallargues-le-Montueux, it also serves Aigues-Vives and Aimargues. It opened in September 2014. it has about 600 students. on June 28, 2019, the highest temperature ever recorded in France - 45.8C - was experienced here. | [
"Louis Aubanel",
"Alain Daudet",
"Roger Julien",
"René Pourreau",
"Freddy Cerda",
"André Brun",
"Marcelle Chappert",
"Marcel Dublet"
] |
|
Who was the head of Gallargues-le-Montueux in Sep 26, 1944? | September 26, 1944 | {
"text": [
"Aimé Girard"
]
} | L2_Q75014_P6_0 | Freddy Cerda is the head of the government of Gallargues-le-Montueux from Mar, 2014 to Dec, 2022.
Marcel Dublet is the head of the government of Gallargues-le-Montueux from Jan, 1947 to Jan, 1959.
Marcelle Chappert is the head of the government of Gallargues-le-Montueux from Mar, 1989 to Jun, 1995.
Alain Daudet is the head of the government of Gallargues-le-Montueux from Jan, 1971 to Mar, 1977.
René Pourreau is the head of the government of Gallargues-le-Montueux from Jun, 1995 to Mar, 2014.
Aimé Girard is the head of the government of Gallargues-le-Montueux from Jan, 1944 to Jan, 1945.
Roger Julien is the head of the government of Gallargues-le-Montueux from Mar, 1977 to Mar, 1989.
André Brun is the head of the government of Gallargues-le-Montueux from Jan, 1959 to Jan, 1971.
Louis Aubanel is the head of the government of Gallargues-le-Montueux from Jan, 1945 to Jan, 1947. | Gallargues-le-MontueuxGallargues-le-Montueux () is a commune in the Gard department in southern France.The climate is hot-summer Mediterranean (Köppen: "Csa"). On 28 June 2019, during the June 2019 European heat wave, a temperature of was recorded in Gallargues-le-Montueux. It was initially reported as the highest temperature in French meteorological history, but a subsequent review of measurements by Météo-France determined that the temperature reached in nearby Verargues.There is a public preschool/nursery ("ecole maternelle") as well as the public Ecole Elementaire la Maurelle.The "collège" (junior high school) serving the community is Collège de Gallargues-le-Montueux. In addition to Gallargues-le-Montueux, it also serves Aigues-Vives and Aimargues. It opened in September 2014. it has about 600 students. on June 28, 2019, the highest temperature ever recorded in France - 45.8C - was experienced here. | [
"Louis Aubanel",
"Alain Daudet",
"Roger Julien",
"René Pourreau",
"Freddy Cerda",
"André Brun",
"Marcelle Chappert",
"Marcel Dublet"
] |
|
Who was the head of Gallargues-le-Montueux in 09/26/1944? | September 26, 1944 | {
"text": [
"Aimé Girard"
]
} | L2_Q75014_P6_0 | Freddy Cerda is the head of the government of Gallargues-le-Montueux from Mar, 2014 to Dec, 2022.
Marcel Dublet is the head of the government of Gallargues-le-Montueux from Jan, 1947 to Jan, 1959.
Marcelle Chappert is the head of the government of Gallargues-le-Montueux from Mar, 1989 to Jun, 1995.
Alain Daudet is the head of the government of Gallargues-le-Montueux from Jan, 1971 to Mar, 1977.
René Pourreau is the head of the government of Gallargues-le-Montueux from Jun, 1995 to Mar, 2014.
Aimé Girard is the head of the government of Gallargues-le-Montueux from Jan, 1944 to Jan, 1945.
Roger Julien is the head of the government of Gallargues-le-Montueux from Mar, 1977 to Mar, 1989.
André Brun is the head of the government of Gallargues-le-Montueux from Jan, 1959 to Jan, 1971.
Louis Aubanel is the head of the government of Gallargues-le-Montueux from Jan, 1945 to Jan, 1947. | Gallargues-le-MontueuxGallargues-le-Montueux () is a commune in the Gard department in southern France.The climate is hot-summer Mediterranean (Köppen: "Csa"). On 28 June 2019, during the June 2019 European heat wave, a temperature of was recorded in Gallargues-le-Montueux. It was initially reported as the highest temperature in French meteorological history, but a subsequent review of measurements by Météo-France determined that the temperature reached in nearby Verargues.There is a public preschool/nursery ("ecole maternelle") as well as the public Ecole Elementaire la Maurelle.The "collège" (junior high school) serving the community is Collège de Gallargues-le-Montueux. In addition to Gallargues-le-Montueux, it also serves Aigues-Vives and Aimargues. It opened in September 2014. it has about 600 students. on June 28, 2019, the highest temperature ever recorded in France - 45.8C - was experienced here. | [
"Louis Aubanel",
"Alain Daudet",
"Roger Julien",
"René Pourreau",
"Freddy Cerda",
"André Brun",
"Marcelle Chappert",
"Marcel Dublet"
] |
|
Who was the head of Gallargues-le-Montueux in 26-Sep-194426-September-1944? | September 26, 1944 | {
"text": [
"Aimé Girard"
]
} | L2_Q75014_P6_0 | Freddy Cerda is the head of the government of Gallargues-le-Montueux from Mar, 2014 to Dec, 2022.
Marcel Dublet is the head of the government of Gallargues-le-Montueux from Jan, 1947 to Jan, 1959.
Marcelle Chappert is the head of the government of Gallargues-le-Montueux from Mar, 1989 to Jun, 1995.
Alain Daudet is the head of the government of Gallargues-le-Montueux from Jan, 1971 to Mar, 1977.
René Pourreau is the head of the government of Gallargues-le-Montueux from Jun, 1995 to Mar, 2014.
Aimé Girard is the head of the government of Gallargues-le-Montueux from Jan, 1944 to Jan, 1945.
Roger Julien is the head of the government of Gallargues-le-Montueux from Mar, 1977 to Mar, 1989.
André Brun is the head of the government of Gallargues-le-Montueux from Jan, 1959 to Jan, 1971.
Louis Aubanel is the head of the government of Gallargues-le-Montueux from Jan, 1945 to Jan, 1947. | Gallargues-le-MontueuxGallargues-le-Montueux () is a commune in the Gard department in southern France.The climate is hot-summer Mediterranean (Köppen: "Csa"). On 28 June 2019, during the June 2019 European heat wave, a temperature of was recorded in Gallargues-le-Montueux. It was initially reported as the highest temperature in French meteorological history, but a subsequent review of measurements by Météo-France determined that the temperature reached in nearby Verargues.There is a public preschool/nursery ("ecole maternelle") as well as the public Ecole Elementaire la Maurelle.The "collège" (junior high school) serving the community is Collège de Gallargues-le-Montueux. In addition to Gallargues-le-Montueux, it also serves Aigues-Vives and Aimargues. It opened in September 2014. it has about 600 students. on June 28, 2019, the highest temperature ever recorded in France - 45.8C - was experienced here. | [
"Louis Aubanel",
"Alain Daudet",
"Roger Julien",
"René Pourreau",
"Freddy Cerda",
"André Brun",
"Marcelle Chappert",
"Marcel Dublet"
] |
|
Which position did Sir Love Jones-Parry, 1st Baronet hold in Apr, 1885? | April 09, 1885 | {
"text": [
"Member of the 22nd Parliament of the United Kingdom"
]
} | L2_Q3402767_P39_1 | Sir Love Jones-Parry, 1st Baronet holds the position of Member of the 20th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Nov, 1868 to Jan, 1874.
Sir Love Jones-Parry, 1st Baronet holds the position of Member of the 22nd Parliament of the United Kingdom from Mar, 1882 to Nov, 1885.
Sir Love Jones-Parry, 1st Baronet holds the position of Member of the 23rd Parliament of the United Kingdom from Nov, 1885 to Jun, 1886. | Sir Love Jones-Parry, 1st BaronetSir Thomas Duncombe Love Jones-Parry, 1st Baronet (5 January 1832 – 18 December 1891), was a British landowner and Liberal politician. He was one of the founders of the Y Wladfa settlement in Patagonia.Love Jones-Parry inherited the Madryn estate from his father, Sir Love Jones-Parry. He was educated at Rugby School and Christ Church, Oxford, later becoming a High Sheriff in 1854. He was a prominent figure in eisteddfodic circles, where he had the bardic name "Elphin".Jones-Parry rose to prominence in politics when he won the Caernarvonshire seat in the 1868 election, defeating the Tory candidate, Douglas Pennant (later Lord Penrhyn). He lost this seat at the next election, but won the Caernarvon Boroughs seat at a by-election in 1882 and held it until 1886. He was made a baronet by Gladstone for his services to the Liberal Party.Towards the end of 1862 Captain Love Jones-Parry, accompanied by Lewis Jones, left for Patagonia to decide whether it was a suitable area for Welsh emigrants. The trip was largely financed by Jones-Parry, who paid at least £750 from his own pocket. They first visited Buenos Aires where they held discussions with the Interior Minister Guillermo Rawson then, having come to an agreement, they headed south. They reached Patagonia in a small ship named the "Candelaria", and were driven by a storm into a bay which they named "Porth Madryn" after Jones-Parry's estate in Wales. The town which grew near the spot where they landed is now named Puerto Madryn .Following a favourable report from Jones-Parry and Lewis Jones, a group of 162 Welsh emigrants departed for Patagonia in the ship "Mimosa" in 1865. Later there was criticism that the report had given too favourable an impression of the area, though the criticism was directed at Lewis Jones rather than Love Jones-Parry. | [
"Member of the 20th Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the 23rd Parliament of the United Kingdom"
] |
|
Which position did Sir Love Jones-Parry, 1st Baronet hold in 1885-04-09? | April 09, 1885 | {
"text": [
"Member of the 22nd Parliament of the United Kingdom"
]
} | L2_Q3402767_P39_1 | Sir Love Jones-Parry, 1st Baronet holds the position of Member of the 20th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Nov, 1868 to Jan, 1874.
Sir Love Jones-Parry, 1st Baronet holds the position of Member of the 22nd Parliament of the United Kingdom from Mar, 1882 to Nov, 1885.
Sir Love Jones-Parry, 1st Baronet holds the position of Member of the 23rd Parliament of the United Kingdom from Nov, 1885 to Jun, 1886. | Sir Love Jones-Parry, 1st BaronetSir Thomas Duncombe Love Jones-Parry, 1st Baronet (5 January 1832 – 18 December 1891), was a British landowner and Liberal politician. He was one of the founders of the Y Wladfa settlement in Patagonia.Love Jones-Parry inherited the Madryn estate from his father, Sir Love Jones-Parry. He was educated at Rugby School and Christ Church, Oxford, later becoming a High Sheriff in 1854. He was a prominent figure in eisteddfodic circles, where he had the bardic name "Elphin".Jones-Parry rose to prominence in politics when he won the Caernarvonshire seat in the 1868 election, defeating the Tory candidate, Douglas Pennant (later Lord Penrhyn). He lost this seat at the next election, but won the Caernarvon Boroughs seat at a by-election in 1882 and held it until 1886. He was made a baronet by Gladstone for his services to the Liberal Party.Towards the end of 1862 Captain Love Jones-Parry, accompanied by Lewis Jones, left for Patagonia to decide whether it was a suitable area for Welsh emigrants. The trip was largely financed by Jones-Parry, who paid at least £750 from his own pocket. They first visited Buenos Aires where they held discussions with the Interior Minister Guillermo Rawson then, having come to an agreement, they headed south. They reached Patagonia in a small ship named the "Candelaria", and were driven by a storm into a bay which they named "Porth Madryn" after Jones-Parry's estate in Wales. The town which grew near the spot where they landed is now named Puerto Madryn .Following a favourable report from Jones-Parry and Lewis Jones, a group of 162 Welsh emigrants departed for Patagonia in the ship "Mimosa" in 1865. Later there was criticism that the report had given too favourable an impression of the area, though the criticism was directed at Lewis Jones rather than Love Jones-Parry. | [
"Member of the 20th Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the 23rd Parliament of the United Kingdom"
] |
|
Which position did Sir Love Jones-Parry, 1st Baronet hold in 09/04/1885? | April 09, 1885 | {
"text": [
"Member of the 22nd Parliament of the United Kingdom"
]
} | L2_Q3402767_P39_1 | Sir Love Jones-Parry, 1st Baronet holds the position of Member of the 20th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Nov, 1868 to Jan, 1874.
Sir Love Jones-Parry, 1st Baronet holds the position of Member of the 22nd Parliament of the United Kingdom from Mar, 1882 to Nov, 1885.
Sir Love Jones-Parry, 1st Baronet holds the position of Member of the 23rd Parliament of the United Kingdom from Nov, 1885 to Jun, 1886. | Sir Love Jones-Parry, 1st BaronetSir Thomas Duncombe Love Jones-Parry, 1st Baronet (5 January 1832 – 18 December 1891), was a British landowner and Liberal politician. He was one of the founders of the Y Wladfa settlement in Patagonia.Love Jones-Parry inherited the Madryn estate from his father, Sir Love Jones-Parry. He was educated at Rugby School and Christ Church, Oxford, later becoming a High Sheriff in 1854. He was a prominent figure in eisteddfodic circles, where he had the bardic name "Elphin".Jones-Parry rose to prominence in politics when he won the Caernarvonshire seat in the 1868 election, defeating the Tory candidate, Douglas Pennant (later Lord Penrhyn). He lost this seat at the next election, but won the Caernarvon Boroughs seat at a by-election in 1882 and held it until 1886. He was made a baronet by Gladstone for his services to the Liberal Party.Towards the end of 1862 Captain Love Jones-Parry, accompanied by Lewis Jones, left for Patagonia to decide whether it was a suitable area for Welsh emigrants. The trip was largely financed by Jones-Parry, who paid at least £750 from his own pocket. They first visited Buenos Aires where they held discussions with the Interior Minister Guillermo Rawson then, having come to an agreement, they headed south. They reached Patagonia in a small ship named the "Candelaria", and were driven by a storm into a bay which they named "Porth Madryn" after Jones-Parry's estate in Wales. The town which grew near the spot where they landed is now named Puerto Madryn .Following a favourable report from Jones-Parry and Lewis Jones, a group of 162 Welsh emigrants departed for Patagonia in the ship "Mimosa" in 1865. Later there was criticism that the report had given too favourable an impression of the area, though the criticism was directed at Lewis Jones rather than Love Jones-Parry. | [
"Member of the 20th Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the 23rd Parliament of the United Kingdom"
] |
|
Which position did Sir Love Jones-Parry, 1st Baronet hold in Apr 09, 1885? | April 09, 1885 | {
"text": [
"Member of the 22nd Parliament of the United Kingdom"
]
} | L2_Q3402767_P39_1 | Sir Love Jones-Parry, 1st Baronet holds the position of Member of the 20th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Nov, 1868 to Jan, 1874.
Sir Love Jones-Parry, 1st Baronet holds the position of Member of the 22nd Parliament of the United Kingdom from Mar, 1882 to Nov, 1885.
Sir Love Jones-Parry, 1st Baronet holds the position of Member of the 23rd Parliament of the United Kingdom from Nov, 1885 to Jun, 1886. | Sir Love Jones-Parry, 1st BaronetSir Thomas Duncombe Love Jones-Parry, 1st Baronet (5 January 1832 – 18 December 1891), was a British landowner and Liberal politician. He was one of the founders of the Y Wladfa settlement in Patagonia.Love Jones-Parry inherited the Madryn estate from his father, Sir Love Jones-Parry. He was educated at Rugby School and Christ Church, Oxford, later becoming a High Sheriff in 1854. He was a prominent figure in eisteddfodic circles, where he had the bardic name "Elphin".Jones-Parry rose to prominence in politics when he won the Caernarvonshire seat in the 1868 election, defeating the Tory candidate, Douglas Pennant (later Lord Penrhyn). He lost this seat at the next election, but won the Caernarvon Boroughs seat at a by-election in 1882 and held it until 1886. He was made a baronet by Gladstone for his services to the Liberal Party.Towards the end of 1862 Captain Love Jones-Parry, accompanied by Lewis Jones, left for Patagonia to decide whether it was a suitable area for Welsh emigrants. The trip was largely financed by Jones-Parry, who paid at least £750 from his own pocket. They first visited Buenos Aires where they held discussions with the Interior Minister Guillermo Rawson then, having come to an agreement, they headed south. They reached Patagonia in a small ship named the "Candelaria", and were driven by a storm into a bay which they named "Porth Madryn" after Jones-Parry's estate in Wales. The town which grew near the spot where they landed is now named Puerto Madryn .Following a favourable report from Jones-Parry and Lewis Jones, a group of 162 Welsh emigrants departed for Patagonia in the ship "Mimosa" in 1865. Later there was criticism that the report had given too favourable an impression of the area, though the criticism was directed at Lewis Jones rather than Love Jones-Parry. | [
"Member of the 20th Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the 23rd Parliament of the United Kingdom"
] |
|
Which position did Sir Love Jones-Parry, 1st Baronet hold in 04/09/1885? | April 09, 1885 | {
"text": [
"Member of the 22nd Parliament of the United Kingdom"
]
} | L2_Q3402767_P39_1 | Sir Love Jones-Parry, 1st Baronet holds the position of Member of the 20th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Nov, 1868 to Jan, 1874.
Sir Love Jones-Parry, 1st Baronet holds the position of Member of the 22nd Parliament of the United Kingdom from Mar, 1882 to Nov, 1885.
Sir Love Jones-Parry, 1st Baronet holds the position of Member of the 23rd Parliament of the United Kingdom from Nov, 1885 to Jun, 1886. | Sir Love Jones-Parry, 1st BaronetSir Thomas Duncombe Love Jones-Parry, 1st Baronet (5 January 1832 – 18 December 1891), was a British landowner and Liberal politician. He was one of the founders of the Y Wladfa settlement in Patagonia.Love Jones-Parry inherited the Madryn estate from his father, Sir Love Jones-Parry. He was educated at Rugby School and Christ Church, Oxford, later becoming a High Sheriff in 1854. He was a prominent figure in eisteddfodic circles, where he had the bardic name "Elphin".Jones-Parry rose to prominence in politics when he won the Caernarvonshire seat in the 1868 election, defeating the Tory candidate, Douglas Pennant (later Lord Penrhyn). He lost this seat at the next election, but won the Caernarvon Boroughs seat at a by-election in 1882 and held it until 1886. He was made a baronet by Gladstone for his services to the Liberal Party.Towards the end of 1862 Captain Love Jones-Parry, accompanied by Lewis Jones, left for Patagonia to decide whether it was a suitable area for Welsh emigrants. The trip was largely financed by Jones-Parry, who paid at least £750 from his own pocket. They first visited Buenos Aires where they held discussions with the Interior Minister Guillermo Rawson then, having come to an agreement, they headed south. They reached Patagonia in a small ship named the "Candelaria", and were driven by a storm into a bay which they named "Porth Madryn" after Jones-Parry's estate in Wales. The town which grew near the spot where they landed is now named Puerto Madryn .Following a favourable report from Jones-Parry and Lewis Jones, a group of 162 Welsh emigrants departed for Patagonia in the ship "Mimosa" in 1865. Later there was criticism that the report had given too favourable an impression of the area, though the criticism was directed at Lewis Jones rather than Love Jones-Parry. | [
"Member of the 20th Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the 23rd Parliament of the United Kingdom"
] |
|
Which position did Sir Love Jones-Parry, 1st Baronet hold in 09-Apr-188509-April-1885? | April 09, 1885 | {
"text": [
"Member of the 22nd Parliament of the United Kingdom"
]
} | L2_Q3402767_P39_1 | Sir Love Jones-Parry, 1st Baronet holds the position of Member of the 20th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Nov, 1868 to Jan, 1874.
Sir Love Jones-Parry, 1st Baronet holds the position of Member of the 22nd Parliament of the United Kingdom from Mar, 1882 to Nov, 1885.
Sir Love Jones-Parry, 1st Baronet holds the position of Member of the 23rd Parliament of the United Kingdom from Nov, 1885 to Jun, 1886. | Sir Love Jones-Parry, 1st BaronetSir Thomas Duncombe Love Jones-Parry, 1st Baronet (5 January 1832 – 18 December 1891), was a British landowner and Liberal politician. He was one of the founders of the Y Wladfa settlement in Patagonia.Love Jones-Parry inherited the Madryn estate from his father, Sir Love Jones-Parry. He was educated at Rugby School and Christ Church, Oxford, later becoming a High Sheriff in 1854. He was a prominent figure in eisteddfodic circles, where he had the bardic name "Elphin".Jones-Parry rose to prominence in politics when he won the Caernarvonshire seat in the 1868 election, defeating the Tory candidate, Douglas Pennant (later Lord Penrhyn). He lost this seat at the next election, but won the Caernarvon Boroughs seat at a by-election in 1882 and held it until 1886. He was made a baronet by Gladstone for his services to the Liberal Party.Towards the end of 1862 Captain Love Jones-Parry, accompanied by Lewis Jones, left for Patagonia to decide whether it was a suitable area for Welsh emigrants. The trip was largely financed by Jones-Parry, who paid at least £750 from his own pocket. They first visited Buenos Aires where they held discussions with the Interior Minister Guillermo Rawson then, having come to an agreement, they headed south. They reached Patagonia in a small ship named the "Candelaria", and were driven by a storm into a bay which they named "Porth Madryn" after Jones-Parry's estate in Wales. The town which grew near the spot where they landed is now named Puerto Madryn .Following a favourable report from Jones-Parry and Lewis Jones, a group of 162 Welsh emigrants departed for Patagonia in the ship "Mimosa" in 1865. Later there was criticism that the report had given too favourable an impression of the area, though the criticism was directed at Lewis Jones rather than Love Jones-Parry. | [
"Member of the 20th Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the 23rd Parliament of the United Kingdom"
] |
|
Which team did Valentin Lemnaru play for in Aug, 2006? | August 15, 2006 | {
"text": [
"FC Dinamo București II",
"FC Dinamo Bucharest"
]
} | L2_Q7910784_P54_3 | Valentin Lemnaru plays for FC Dunărea Călărași from Jan, 2005 to Jan, 2006.
Valentin Lemnaru plays for ASA 2013 Târgu Mureș from Feb, 2017 to Sep, 2017.
Valentin Lemnaru plays for FC Arieșul Turda from Aug, 2018 to Dec, 2022.
Valentin Lemnaru plays for FC Dinamo București II from Jan, 2006 to Jan, 2009.
Valentin Lemnaru plays for FC Astra Giurgiu from Jan, 2009 to Jan, 2009.
Valentin Lemnaru plays for FC Politehnica Timișoara from Jan, 2001 to Jan, 2005.
Valentin Lemnaru plays for FC Steaua București from Jan, 2014 to Jan, 2014.
Valentin Lemnaru plays for CS Pandurii Târgu Jiu from Jan, 2011 to Jan, 2013.
Valentin Lemnaru plays for FC Dinamo Bucharest from Jan, 2006 to Jan, 2009.
Valentin Lemnaru plays for FC Academica Clinceni from Sep, 2016 to Feb, 2017.
Valentin Lemnaru plays for FC Petrolul Ploiești from Jan, 2015 to Jan, 2016.
Valentin Lemnaru plays for FC Universitatea Cluj from Sep, 2017 to Aug, 2018.
Valentin Lemnaru plays for East Riffa Club from Jan, 2016 to Sep, 2016. | Valentin LemnaruValentin Ionuț Lemnaru (born 24 June 1984) is a Romanian footballer who plays as a forward for Sticla Arieșul Turda. He played in Liga I for Politehnica Timișoara, Pandurii Târgu Jiu, Petrolul Ploiești and Universitatea Cluj.Lemnaru started playing football as a goalkeeper at the age of eight at his home town team, Victoria Lehliu. When he was fourteen, he went to Sportul Studenţesc and decided to play as a forward because he was too short to be a goalkeeper.Lemnaru left Sportul Studenţesc to join Politehnica Timișoara in 2001. In 2003, due to salary issues, he refused to play for Politehnica Timișoara and he was suspended by the team owner, Claudio Zambon, for almost two years. During the suspension he worked at the A2 motorway (Romania). In 2005, with the help of Lehliu's mayor, who paid Zambon the player's transfer fee, Lemnaru returned to his home town team and he was soon transferred to Dunărea Călărași.In 2006 Lemnaru joined Dinamo Bucureşti. He played mostly for the reserves team of the club but he made one appearance at the first team with whom he won the 2006–07 Liga I title. In January 2009 he was loaned to Astra Ploieşti and later that year Lemnaru was transferred by the second league team Universitatea Cluj. He scored 16 goals for Universitatea Cluj in one and a half seasons and after the team promoted in Liga I, the striker was loaned to Pandurii Târgu Jiu.Later he was definitively transferred to Pandurii Târgu Jiu where he played until September 2013, scoring 15 goals in 71 matches. With Pandurii he managed to finish the 2012–13 Liga I season on the second place, thus leading to the 2013–14 UEFA Europa League qualification.Lemnaru returned at Universitatea Cluj for whom he scored 13 goals in the 2013–14 Liga I season. He had a significant contribution to saving the team from relegation, being the top scorer of Universitatea Cluj and the second highest scorer of 2013–14 Liga I season. Roumors appeared that Lemnaru could be called to play for the Romania national football team, or the Moldova national football team but none were concretized.In July 2014, Lemnaru signed a contract for two years with the Romanian champions Steaua București. He made his debut for Steaua in a UEFA Champions League game against FC Aktobe. But this remained his only game for Steaua, and in September 2014 he was sold back to Universitatea Cluj where he signed a two-year deal. | [
"FC Petrolul Ploiești",
"FC Academica Clinceni",
"FC Arieșul Turda",
"East Riffa Club",
"ASA 2013 Târgu Mureș",
"FC Politehnica Timișoara",
"FC Dunărea Călărași",
"FC Universitatea Cluj",
"CS Pandurii Târgu Jiu",
"FC Steaua București",
"FC Astra Giurgiu"
] |
|
Which team did Valentin Lemnaru play for in 2006-08-15? | August 15, 2006 | {
"text": [
"FC Dinamo București II",
"FC Dinamo Bucharest"
]
} | L2_Q7910784_P54_3 | Valentin Lemnaru plays for FC Dunărea Călărași from Jan, 2005 to Jan, 2006.
Valentin Lemnaru plays for ASA 2013 Târgu Mureș from Feb, 2017 to Sep, 2017.
Valentin Lemnaru plays for FC Arieșul Turda from Aug, 2018 to Dec, 2022.
Valentin Lemnaru plays for FC Dinamo București II from Jan, 2006 to Jan, 2009.
Valentin Lemnaru plays for FC Astra Giurgiu from Jan, 2009 to Jan, 2009.
Valentin Lemnaru plays for FC Politehnica Timișoara from Jan, 2001 to Jan, 2005.
Valentin Lemnaru plays for FC Steaua București from Jan, 2014 to Jan, 2014.
Valentin Lemnaru plays for CS Pandurii Târgu Jiu from Jan, 2011 to Jan, 2013.
Valentin Lemnaru plays for FC Dinamo Bucharest from Jan, 2006 to Jan, 2009.
Valentin Lemnaru plays for FC Academica Clinceni from Sep, 2016 to Feb, 2017.
Valentin Lemnaru plays for FC Petrolul Ploiești from Jan, 2015 to Jan, 2016.
Valentin Lemnaru plays for FC Universitatea Cluj from Sep, 2017 to Aug, 2018.
Valentin Lemnaru plays for East Riffa Club from Jan, 2016 to Sep, 2016. | Valentin LemnaruValentin Ionuț Lemnaru (born 24 June 1984) is a Romanian footballer who plays as a forward for Sticla Arieșul Turda. He played in Liga I for Politehnica Timișoara, Pandurii Târgu Jiu, Petrolul Ploiești and Universitatea Cluj.Lemnaru started playing football as a goalkeeper at the age of eight at his home town team, Victoria Lehliu. When he was fourteen, he went to Sportul Studenţesc and decided to play as a forward because he was too short to be a goalkeeper.Lemnaru left Sportul Studenţesc to join Politehnica Timișoara in 2001. In 2003, due to salary issues, he refused to play for Politehnica Timișoara and he was suspended by the team owner, Claudio Zambon, for almost two years. During the suspension he worked at the A2 motorway (Romania). In 2005, with the help of Lehliu's mayor, who paid Zambon the player's transfer fee, Lemnaru returned to his home town team and he was soon transferred to Dunărea Călărași.In 2006 Lemnaru joined Dinamo Bucureşti. He played mostly for the reserves team of the club but he made one appearance at the first team with whom he won the 2006–07 Liga I title. In January 2009 he was loaned to Astra Ploieşti and later that year Lemnaru was transferred by the second league team Universitatea Cluj. He scored 16 goals for Universitatea Cluj in one and a half seasons and after the team promoted in Liga I, the striker was loaned to Pandurii Târgu Jiu.Later he was definitively transferred to Pandurii Târgu Jiu where he played until September 2013, scoring 15 goals in 71 matches. With Pandurii he managed to finish the 2012–13 Liga I season on the second place, thus leading to the 2013–14 UEFA Europa League qualification.Lemnaru returned at Universitatea Cluj for whom he scored 13 goals in the 2013–14 Liga I season. He had a significant contribution to saving the team from relegation, being the top scorer of Universitatea Cluj and the second highest scorer of 2013–14 Liga I season. Roumors appeared that Lemnaru could be called to play for the Romania national football team, or the Moldova national football team but none were concretized.In July 2014, Lemnaru signed a contract for two years with the Romanian champions Steaua București. He made his debut for Steaua in a UEFA Champions League game against FC Aktobe. But this remained his only game for Steaua, and in September 2014 he was sold back to Universitatea Cluj where he signed a two-year deal. | [
"FC Petrolul Ploiești",
"FC Academica Clinceni",
"FC Arieșul Turda",
"East Riffa Club",
"ASA 2013 Târgu Mureș",
"FC Politehnica Timișoara",
"FC Dunărea Călărași",
"FC Universitatea Cluj",
"CS Pandurii Târgu Jiu",
"FC Steaua București",
"FC Astra Giurgiu"
] |
|
Which team did Valentin Lemnaru play for in 15/08/2006? | August 15, 2006 | {
"text": [
"FC Dinamo București II",
"FC Dinamo Bucharest"
]
} | L2_Q7910784_P54_3 | Valentin Lemnaru plays for FC Dunărea Călărași from Jan, 2005 to Jan, 2006.
Valentin Lemnaru plays for ASA 2013 Târgu Mureș from Feb, 2017 to Sep, 2017.
Valentin Lemnaru plays for FC Arieșul Turda from Aug, 2018 to Dec, 2022.
Valentin Lemnaru plays for FC Dinamo București II from Jan, 2006 to Jan, 2009.
Valentin Lemnaru plays for FC Astra Giurgiu from Jan, 2009 to Jan, 2009.
Valentin Lemnaru plays for FC Politehnica Timișoara from Jan, 2001 to Jan, 2005.
Valentin Lemnaru plays for FC Steaua București from Jan, 2014 to Jan, 2014.
Valentin Lemnaru plays for CS Pandurii Târgu Jiu from Jan, 2011 to Jan, 2013.
Valentin Lemnaru plays for FC Dinamo Bucharest from Jan, 2006 to Jan, 2009.
Valentin Lemnaru plays for FC Academica Clinceni from Sep, 2016 to Feb, 2017.
Valentin Lemnaru plays for FC Petrolul Ploiești from Jan, 2015 to Jan, 2016.
Valentin Lemnaru plays for FC Universitatea Cluj from Sep, 2017 to Aug, 2018.
Valentin Lemnaru plays for East Riffa Club from Jan, 2016 to Sep, 2016. | Valentin LemnaruValentin Ionuț Lemnaru (born 24 June 1984) is a Romanian footballer who plays as a forward for Sticla Arieșul Turda. He played in Liga I for Politehnica Timișoara, Pandurii Târgu Jiu, Petrolul Ploiești and Universitatea Cluj.Lemnaru started playing football as a goalkeeper at the age of eight at his home town team, Victoria Lehliu. When he was fourteen, he went to Sportul Studenţesc and decided to play as a forward because he was too short to be a goalkeeper.Lemnaru left Sportul Studenţesc to join Politehnica Timișoara in 2001. In 2003, due to salary issues, he refused to play for Politehnica Timișoara and he was suspended by the team owner, Claudio Zambon, for almost two years. During the suspension he worked at the A2 motorway (Romania). In 2005, with the help of Lehliu's mayor, who paid Zambon the player's transfer fee, Lemnaru returned to his home town team and he was soon transferred to Dunărea Călărași.In 2006 Lemnaru joined Dinamo Bucureşti. He played mostly for the reserves team of the club but he made one appearance at the first team with whom he won the 2006–07 Liga I title. In January 2009 he was loaned to Astra Ploieşti and later that year Lemnaru was transferred by the second league team Universitatea Cluj. He scored 16 goals for Universitatea Cluj in one and a half seasons and after the team promoted in Liga I, the striker was loaned to Pandurii Târgu Jiu.Later he was definitively transferred to Pandurii Târgu Jiu where he played until September 2013, scoring 15 goals in 71 matches. With Pandurii he managed to finish the 2012–13 Liga I season on the second place, thus leading to the 2013–14 UEFA Europa League qualification.Lemnaru returned at Universitatea Cluj for whom he scored 13 goals in the 2013–14 Liga I season. He had a significant contribution to saving the team from relegation, being the top scorer of Universitatea Cluj and the second highest scorer of 2013–14 Liga I season. Roumors appeared that Lemnaru could be called to play for the Romania national football team, or the Moldova national football team but none were concretized.In July 2014, Lemnaru signed a contract for two years with the Romanian champions Steaua București. He made his debut for Steaua in a UEFA Champions League game against FC Aktobe. But this remained his only game for Steaua, and in September 2014 he was sold back to Universitatea Cluj where he signed a two-year deal. | [
"FC Petrolul Ploiești",
"FC Academica Clinceni",
"FC Arieșul Turda",
"East Riffa Club",
"ASA 2013 Târgu Mureș",
"FC Politehnica Timișoara",
"FC Dunărea Călărași",
"FC Universitatea Cluj",
"CS Pandurii Târgu Jiu",
"FC Steaua București",
"FC Astra Giurgiu"
] |
|
Which team did Valentin Lemnaru play for in Aug 15, 2006? | August 15, 2006 | {
"text": [
"FC Dinamo București II",
"FC Dinamo Bucharest"
]
} | L2_Q7910784_P54_3 | Valentin Lemnaru plays for FC Dunărea Călărași from Jan, 2005 to Jan, 2006.
Valentin Lemnaru plays for ASA 2013 Târgu Mureș from Feb, 2017 to Sep, 2017.
Valentin Lemnaru plays for FC Arieșul Turda from Aug, 2018 to Dec, 2022.
Valentin Lemnaru plays for FC Dinamo București II from Jan, 2006 to Jan, 2009.
Valentin Lemnaru plays for FC Astra Giurgiu from Jan, 2009 to Jan, 2009.
Valentin Lemnaru plays for FC Politehnica Timișoara from Jan, 2001 to Jan, 2005.
Valentin Lemnaru plays for FC Steaua București from Jan, 2014 to Jan, 2014.
Valentin Lemnaru plays for CS Pandurii Târgu Jiu from Jan, 2011 to Jan, 2013.
Valentin Lemnaru plays for FC Dinamo Bucharest from Jan, 2006 to Jan, 2009.
Valentin Lemnaru plays for FC Academica Clinceni from Sep, 2016 to Feb, 2017.
Valentin Lemnaru plays for FC Petrolul Ploiești from Jan, 2015 to Jan, 2016.
Valentin Lemnaru plays for FC Universitatea Cluj from Sep, 2017 to Aug, 2018.
Valentin Lemnaru plays for East Riffa Club from Jan, 2016 to Sep, 2016. | Valentin LemnaruValentin Ionuț Lemnaru (born 24 June 1984) is a Romanian footballer who plays as a forward for Sticla Arieșul Turda. He played in Liga I for Politehnica Timișoara, Pandurii Târgu Jiu, Petrolul Ploiești and Universitatea Cluj.Lemnaru started playing football as a goalkeeper at the age of eight at his home town team, Victoria Lehliu. When he was fourteen, he went to Sportul Studenţesc and decided to play as a forward because he was too short to be a goalkeeper.Lemnaru left Sportul Studenţesc to join Politehnica Timișoara in 2001. In 2003, due to salary issues, he refused to play for Politehnica Timișoara and he was suspended by the team owner, Claudio Zambon, for almost two years. During the suspension he worked at the A2 motorway (Romania). In 2005, with the help of Lehliu's mayor, who paid Zambon the player's transfer fee, Lemnaru returned to his home town team and he was soon transferred to Dunărea Călărași.In 2006 Lemnaru joined Dinamo Bucureşti. He played mostly for the reserves team of the club but he made one appearance at the first team with whom he won the 2006–07 Liga I title. In January 2009 he was loaned to Astra Ploieşti and later that year Lemnaru was transferred by the second league team Universitatea Cluj. He scored 16 goals for Universitatea Cluj in one and a half seasons and after the team promoted in Liga I, the striker was loaned to Pandurii Târgu Jiu.Later he was definitively transferred to Pandurii Târgu Jiu where he played until September 2013, scoring 15 goals in 71 matches. With Pandurii he managed to finish the 2012–13 Liga I season on the second place, thus leading to the 2013–14 UEFA Europa League qualification.Lemnaru returned at Universitatea Cluj for whom he scored 13 goals in the 2013–14 Liga I season. He had a significant contribution to saving the team from relegation, being the top scorer of Universitatea Cluj and the second highest scorer of 2013–14 Liga I season. Roumors appeared that Lemnaru could be called to play for the Romania national football team, or the Moldova national football team but none were concretized.In July 2014, Lemnaru signed a contract for two years with the Romanian champions Steaua București. He made his debut for Steaua in a UEFA Champions League game against FC Aktobe. But this remained his only game for Steaua, and in September 2014 he was sold back to Universitatea Cluj where he signed a two-year deal. | [
"FC Petrolul Ploiești",
"FC Academica Clinceni",
"FC Arieșul Turda",
"East Riffa Club",
"ASA 2013 Târgu Mureș",
"FC Politehnica Timișoara",
"FC Dunărea Călărași",
"FC Universitatea Cluj",
"CS Pandurii Târgu Jiu",
"FC Steaua București",
"FC Astra Giurgiu"
] |
|
Which team did Valentin Lemnaru play for in 08/15/2006? | August 15, 2006 | {
"text": [
"FC Dinamo București II",
"FC Dinamo Bucharest"
]
} | L2_Q7910784_P54_3 | Valentin Lemnaru plays for FC Dunărea Călărași from Jan, 2005 to Jan, 2006.
Valentin Lemnaru plays for ASA 2013 Târgu Mureș from Feb, 2017 to Sep, 2017.
Valentin Lemnaru plays for FC Arieșul Turda from Aug, 2018 to Dec, 2022.
Valentin Lemnaru plays for FC Dinamo București II from Jan, 2006 to Jan, 2009.
Valentin Lemnaru plays for FC Astra Giurgiu from Jan, 2009 to Jan, 2009.
Valentin Lemnaru plays for FC Politehnica Timișoara from Jan, 2001 to Jan, 2005.
Valentin Lemnaru plays for FC Steaua București from Jan, 2014 to Jan, 2014.
Valentin Lemnaru plays for CS Pandurii Târgu Jiu from Jan, 2011 to Jan, 2013.
Valentin Lemnaru plays for FC Dinamo Bucharest from Jan, 2006 to Jan, 2009.
Valentin Lemnaru plays for FC Academica Clinceni from Sep, 2016 to Feb, 2017.
Valentin Lemnaru plays for FC Petrolul Ploiești from Jan, 2015 to Jan, 2016.
Valentin Lemnaru plays for FC Universitatea Cluj from Sep, 2017 to Aug, 2018.
Valentin Lemnaru plays for East Riffa Club from Jan, 2016 to Sep, 2016. | Valentin LemnaruValentin Ionuț Lemnaru (born 24 June 1984) is a Romanian footballer who plays as a forward for Sticla Arieșul Turda. He played in Liga I for Politehnica Timișoara, Pandurii Târgu Jiu, Petrolul Ploiești and Universitatea Cluj.Lemnaru started playing football as a goalkeeper at the age of eight at his home town team, Victoria Lehliu. When he was fourteen, he went to Sportul Studenţesc and decided to play as a forward because he was too short to be a goalkeeper.Lemnaru left Sportul Studenţesc to join Politehnica Timișoara in 2001. In 2003, due to salary issues, he refused to play for Politehnica Timișoara and he was suspended by the team owner, Claudio Zambon, for almost two years. During the suspension he worked at the A2 motorway (Romania). In 2005, with the help of Lehliu's mayor, who paid Zambon the player's transfer fee, Lemnaru returned to his home town team and he was soon transferred to Dunărea Călărași.In 2006 Lemnaru joined Dinamo Bucureşti. He played mostly for the reserves team of the club but he made one appearance at the first team with whom he won the 2006–07 Liga I title. In January 2009 he was loaned to Astra Ploieşti and later that year Lemnaru was transferred by the second league team Universitatea Cluj. He scored 16 goals for Universitatea Cluj in one and a half seasons and after the team promoted in Liga I, the striker was loaned to Pandurii Târgu Jiu.Later he was definitively transferred to Pandurii Târgu Jiu where he played until September 2013, scoring 15 goals in 71 matches. With Pandurii he managed to finish the 2012–13 Liga I season on the second place, thus leading to the 2013–14 UEFA Europa League qualification.Lemnaru returned at Universitatea Cluj for whom he scored 13 goals in the 2013–14 Liga I season. He had a significant contribution to saving the team from relegation, being the top scorer of Universitatea Cluj and the second highest scorer of 2013–14 Liga I season. Roumors appeared that Lemnaru could be called to play for the Romania national football team, or the Moldova national football team but none were concretized.In July 2014, Lemnaru signed a contract for two years with the Romanian champions Steaua București. He made his debut for Steaua in a UEFA Champions League game against FC Aktobe. But this remained his only game for Steaua, and in September 2014 he was sold back to Universitatea Cluj where he signed a two-year deal. | [
"FC Petrolul Ploiești",
"FC Academica Clinceni",
"FC Arieșul Turda",
"East Riffa Club",
"ASA 2013 Târgu Mureș",
"FC Politehnica Timișoara",
"FC Dunărea Călărași",
"FC Universitatea Cluj",
"CS Pandurii Târgu Jiu",
"FC Steaua București",
"FC Astra Giurgiu"
] |
|
Which team did Valentin Lemnaru play for in 15-Aug-200615-August-2006? | August 15, 2006 | {
"text": [
"FC Dinamo București II",
"FC Dinamo Bucharest"
]
} | L2_Q7910784_P54_3 | Valentin Lemnaru plays for FC Dunărea Călărași from Jan, 2005 to Jan, 2006.
Valentin Lemnaru plays for ASA 2013 Târgu Mureș from Feb, 2017 to Sep, 2017.
Valentin Lemnaru plays for FC Arieșul Turda from Aug, 2018 to Dec, 2022.
Valentin Lemnaru plays for FC Dinamo București II from Jan, 2006 to Jan, 2009.
Valentin Lemnaru plays for FC Astra Giurgiu from Jan, 2009 to Jan, 2009.
Valentin Lemnaru plays for FC Politehnica Timișoara from Jan, 2001 to Jan, 2005.
Valentin Lemnaru plays for FC Steaua București from Jan, 2014 to Jan, 2014.
Valentin Lemnaru plays for CS Pandurii Târgu Jiu from Jan, 2011 to Jan, 2013.
Valentin Lemnaru plays for FC Dinamo Bucharest from Jan, 2006 to Jan, 2009.
Valentin Lemnaru plays for FC Academica Clinceni from Sep, 2016 to Feb, 2017.
Valentin Lemnaru plays for FC Petrolul Ploiești from Jan, 2015 to Jan, 2016.
Valentin Lemnaru plays for FC Universitatea Cluj from Sep, 2017 to Aug, 2018.
Valentin Lemnaru plays for East Riffa Club from Jan, 2016 to Sep, 2016. | Valentin LemnaruValentin Ionuț Lemnaru (born 24 June 1984) is a Romanian footballer who plays as a forward for Sticla Arieșul Turda. He played in Liga I for Politehnica Timișoara, Pandurii Târgu Jiu, Petrolul Ploiești and Universitatea Cluj.Lemnaru started playing football as a goalkeeper at the age of eight at his home town team, Victoria Lehliu. When he was fourteen, he went to Sportul Studenţesc and decided to play as a forward because he was too short to be a goalkeeper.Lemnaru left Sportul Studenţesc to join Politehnica Timișoara in 2001. In 2003, due to salary issues, he refused to play for Politehnica Timișoara and he was suspended by the team owner, Claudio Zambon, for almost two years. During the suspension he worked at the A2 motorway (Romania). In 2005, with the help of Lehliu's mayor, who paid Zambon the player's transfer fee, Lemnaru returned to his home town team and he was soon transferred to Dunărea Călărași.In 2006 Lemnaru joined Dinamo Bucureşti. He played mostly for the reserves team of the club but he made one appearance at the first team with whom he won the 2006–07 Liga I title. In January 2009 he was loaned to Astra Ploieşti and later that year Lemnaru was transferred by the second league team Universitatea Cluj. He scored 16 goals for Universitatea Cluj in one and a half seasons and after the team promoted in Liga I, the striker was loaned to Pandurii Târgu Jiu.Later he was definitively transferred to Pandurii Târgu Jiu where he played until September 2013, scoring 15 goals in 71 matches. With Pandurii he managed to finish the 2012–13 Liga I season on the second place, thus leading to the 2013–14 UEFA Europa League qualification.Lemnaru returned at Universitatea Cluj for whom he scored 13 goals in the 2013–14 Liga I season. He had a significant contribution to saving the team from relegation, being the top scorer of Universitatea Cluj and the second highest scorer of 2013–14 Liga I season. Roumors appeared that Lemnaru could be called to play for the Romania national football team, or the Moldova national football team but none were concretized.In July 2014, Lemnaru signed a contract for two years with the Romanian champions Steaua București. He made his debut for Steaua in a UEFA Champions League game against FC Aktobe. But this remained his only game for Steaua, and in September 2014 he was sold back to Universitatea Cluj where he signed a two-year deal. | [
"FC Petrolul Ploiești",
"FC Academica Clinceni",
"FC Arieșul Turda",
"East Riffa Club",
"ASA 2013 Târgu Mureș",
"FC Politehnica Timișoara",
"FC Dunărea Călărași",
"FC Universitatea Cluj",
"CS Pandurii Târgu Jiu",
"FC Steaua București",
"FC Astra Giurgiu"
] |
|
Who was the chair of Democratic Progressive Party in Nov, 1987? | November 30, 1987 | {
"text": [
"Yao Chia-wen",
"Chiang Peng-chien"
]
} | L2_Q903822_P488_1 | Shih Ming-teh is the chair of Democratic Progressive Party from May, 1994 to Mar, 1996.
Ker Chien-ming is the chair of Democratic Progressive Party from Mar, 2011 to Apr, 2011.
Huang Hsin-chieh is the chair of Democratic Progressive Party from Nov, 1989 to Nov, 1991.
Chen Chu is the chair of Democratic Progressive Party from Feb, 2012 to May, 2012.
Su Tseng-chang is the chair of Democratic Progressive Party from May, 2012 to May, 2014.
Lin Yi-hsiung is the chair of Democratic Progressive Party from Aug, 1998 to Jul, 2000.
Cho Jung-tai is the chair of Democratic Progressive Party from Jan, 2019 to May, 2020.
Hsu Hsin-liang is the chair of Democratic Progressive Party from Jun, 1996 to Aug, 1998.
Chai Trong-rong is the chair of Democratic Progressive Party from Mar, 2007 to May, 2007.
Frank Hsieh is the chair of Democratic Progressive Party from Jan, 2008 to May, 2008.
Yao Chia-wen is the chair of Democratic Progressive Party from Nov, 1987 to Nov, 1988.
Annette Lu is the chair of Democratic Progressive Party from Dec, 2005 to Jan, 2006.
Chen Shui-bian is the chair of Democratic Progressive Party from Oct, 2007 to Jan, 2008.
Yu Shyi-kun is the chair of Democratic Progressive Party from Jan, 2006 to Oct, 2007.
Chang Chun-hung is the chair of Democratic Progressive Party from Mar, 1996 to Jun, 1996.
Lin Yu-chang is the chair of Democratic Progressive Party from Nov, 2018 to Jan, 2019.
Chiang Peng-chien is the chair of Democratic Progressive Party from Nov, 1986 to Nov, 1987. | Democratic Progressive PartyThe Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) is a Taiwanese nationalist and center-left political party in Taiwan (Republic of China). Controlling both the Republic of China presidency and the unicameral Legislative Yuan, it is the majority ruling party and the dominant party in the Pan-Green Coalition as of 2020.Founded in 1986, the DPP is one of two major parties in Taiwan, along with the historically dominant Kuomintang. It has traditionally been associated with strong advocacy of human rights, and a distinct Taiwanese identity. The incumbent President and three-time leader of the DPP, Tsai Ing-wen, is the second member of the DPP to hold the office.The DPP is a longtime member of Liberal International and a founding member of the Council of Asian Liberals and Democrats. It represented Taiwan in the Unrepresented Nations and Peoples Organization. The DPP and its affiliated parties are widely classified as socially liberal because of their legislators' strong antinuclear stance and support for same-sex marriage. They are also proponents of a Taiwanese national identity. In addition, the DPP is more willing to increase military expenditures to defend against a potential Chinese invasion, and on foreign policy favors closer ties with the United States and Japan.The DPP's roots were in the "tangwai" – or "outside-the-KMT" – movement, which formed in opposition to the Kuomintang's one-party authoritarian rule under the "party-state" system. This movement culminated in the formation of the DPP as an alternative, but still illegal, party on September 28, 1986 by eighteen organizing members at Grand Hotel Taipei, with a total of 132 people joining the party in attendance. The new party members contested the 1986 election as "nonpartisan" candidates since competing parties would remain illegal until the following year. These early members of the party, like the "tangwai", drew heavily from the ranks of family members and defense lawyers of political prisoners, as well as intellectuals and artists who had spent time abroad. These individuals were strongly committed to political change toward democracy and freedom of speech, press, assembly, and association.The "tangwai" were not a unified political unit and consisted of factions which carried over into the early DPP. At its founding the DPP consisted of three factions: the Kang group (a moderate faction led by Kang Ning-hsiang), New Tide faction (consisting of intellectuals and social activists led by Wu Nai-ren and Chiou I-jen), and the Progress Faction (led by Lin Cheng-chieh, a "waishengren" opposed to independence). Moderates would later coalesce around the Formosa faction, founded by those arrested during the Formosa Incident after their release from prison. In the early days of the party, the Formosa faction focused on winning elections by wielding the star power of its leaders, while New Tide would focus on ideological mobilization and developing grassroots support for social movements. As a result, the Formosa faction would become more moderate, often bending to public opinion, while New Tide would become more ideologically cohesive. By 1988 the Formosa Faction would dominate high-level positions within the party.The party did not at the outset give explicit support to an independent Taiwanese national identity, partially because moderates such as Hsu Hsin-liang were concerned that such a move that could have invited a violent crackdown by the Kuomintang and alienate voters, but also because some members such as Lin Cheng-chieh supported unification. Partially due to their waning influence within the party and partially due to their ideological commitment, between 1988 and 1991 the New Tide Faction would push the independence issue, bolstered by the return of pro-independence activists from overseas who were previously barred from Taiwan. In 1991, in order to head off the New Tide, party chairman Hsu Hsin-liang of the moderate Formosa faction agreed to include language in the party charter which advocated for the drafting of a new constitution as well as declaration of a new Republic of Taiwan via referendum (which resulted in many pro-unification members leaving the party). However, the party would quickly begin to walk back on this language, and eventually in 1999 the party congress passed a resolution that Taiwan was already an independent country, under the official name "Republic of China," and that any constitutional changes should be approved by the people via referendum, while emphasizing the use of the name "Taiwan" in international settings.Despite its lack of electoral success, the pressure that the DPP created on the ruling KMT via its demands are widely credited in the political reforms of the 1990s, most notably the direct popular election of Republic of China's president and all representatives in the National Assembly and Legislative Yuan, as well the ability to open discuss events from the past such as the February 28 Incident and its long aftermath of martial law, and space for a greater variety of political views and advocacy. Once the DPP had representation in the Legislative Yuan, the party used the legislature as a forum to challenge the ruling KMT. Post-democratization, the DPP shifted their focus to anti-corruption issues, in particular regarding KMT connections to organized crime as well as "party assets" illegally acquired from the government during martial law. Meanwhile, factions continued to form within the DPP as a mechanism for coalition-building within the party; notably, future President Chen Shui-bian would form the Justice Alliance faction. The DPP won the presidency with the election of Chen Shui-bian in March 2000 with a plurality, due to Pan-Blue voters splitting their vote between the Kuomintang and independent candidate James Soong, ending 91 years of KMT rule in the Republic of China. Chen softened the party's stance on independence to appeal to moderate voters, appease the United States, and placate China. He also promised not to change the ROC state symbols or declare formal independence as long as the People's Republic of China did not attack Taiwan. Further, he advocated for economic exchange with China as well as the establishment of transportation links.In 2002 the DPP became the first party other than the KMT to reach a plurality in the Legislative Yuan following the 2001 legislative election. However, a majority coalition between the KMT, People First Party, and New Party prevented it from taking control of the chamber. This coalition was at odds with the presidency from the beginning, and led to President Chen's abandonment of the centrist positions that he ran his campaign on.In 2003, Chen announced a campaign to draft a referendum law as well as a new constitution, a move which appealed to the fundamentalist wing of the DPP. By now, the New Tide faction had begun to favor pragmatic approaches to their pro-independence goals and dominated decision-making positions within the party. By contrast, grassroots support was divided largely between moderate and fundamentalist wings. Though Chen's plans for a referendum on a new constitution were scuttled by the legislature, he did manage to include a largely symbolic referendum on the PRC military threat to coincide with the 2004 presidential election. President Chen Shui-bian would be narrowly re-elected in 2004 after an assassination attempt the day before the election, and in the later legislative election, the pan-blue coalition opposition retained control of the chamber.President Chen's moves sparked a debate within the party between fundamentalists and moderates who were concerned that voters would abandon their party. The fundamentalists won out, and as a result the DPP would largely follow Chen's lead. The DPP suffered a significant election defeat in nationwide local and county elections in December 2005, while the pan-blue coalition captured 16 of 23 county and city government offices under the leadership of popular Taipei mayor and KMT Party Chairman Ma Ying-jeou. Moderates within the party would blame this loss on the party's fundamentalist turn.The results led to a shake up of the party leadership. Su Tseng-chang resigned as DPP chairman soon after election results were announced. Su had pledged to step down if the DPP lost either Taipei County or failed to win 10 of the 23 mayor/magistrate positions. Vice President Annette Lu was appointed acting DPP leader. Presidential Office Secretary-General Yu Shyi-kun was elected in a three-way race against legislator Chai Trong-rong and Wong Chin-chu with 54.4% of the vote.Premier Frank Hsieh, DPP election organizer and former mayor of Kaohsiung twice tendered a verbal resignation immediately following the election, but his resignation was not accepted by President Chen until 17 January 2006 after the DPP chairmanship election had concluded. The former DPP Chairman Su Tseng-chang was appointed to replace Hsieh as premier. Hsieh and his cabinet resigned en masse on January 24 to make way for Su and his new cabinet. President Chen had offered the position of Presidential Office Secretary-General (vacated by Su) to the departing premier, but Hsieh declined and left office criticizing President Chen for his tough line on dealing with China.In 2005, following the passage of the Anti-Secession Law, the Chen administration issued a statement asserting the position that Taiwan's future should be decided by the people on Taiwan only.On 30 September 2007, the DPP approved a resolution asserting a separate identity from China and called for the enactment of a new constitution for a "normal nation". It struck an accommodating tone by advocating general use of "Taiwan" as the country's name without calling for abandonment of the name Republic of China.In the national elections held in early months of 2008, the DPP won less than 25% of the seats (38.2% vote share) in the new Legislative Yuan while its presidential candidate, former Kaohsiung mayor Frank Hsieh, lost to KMT candidate Ma Ying-jeou by a wide margin (41.55% vs. 58.45%). In May, the DPP elected moderate Tsai Ing-wen as their new leader over fundamentalist Koo Kwang-ming. Tsai became the first female leader of the DPP and the first female leader to lead a major party in Taiwan.The first months since backed to the opposition were dominated by press coverage of the travails of Chen Shui-bian and his wife Wu Shu-jen. On 15 August 2008, Chen resigned from the DPP and apologized: "Today I have to say sorry to all of the DPP members and supporters. I let everyone down, caused you humiliation and failed to meet your expectations. My acts have caused irreparable damage to the party. I love the DPP deeply and am proud of being a DPP member. To express my deepest regrets to all DPP members and supporters, I announce my withdrawal from the DPP immediately. My wife Wu Shu-jen is also withdrawing from the party." DPP Chairperson followed with a public statement on behalf of the party: "In regard to Chen and his wife's decision to withdraw from the party and his desire to shoulder responsibility for his actions as well as to undergo an investigation by the party's anti-corruption committee, we respect his decision and accept it."The DPP vowed to reflect on public misgivings towards the party. Chairperson Tsai insisted on the need for the party to remember its history, defend the Republic of China's sovereignty and national security, and maintain its confidence.The party re-emerged as a voice in Taiwan's political debate when Ma's administration reached the end of its first year in office. The DPP marked the anniversary with massive rallies in Taipei and Kaohsiung. Tsai's address to the crowd in Taipei on May 17 proclaimed a "citizens' movement to protect Republic of China" seeking to "protect our democracy and protect Republic of China."On 16 January 2016, Taiwan held a general election for its presidency and for the Legislative Yuan. The DPP gained the presidential seat, with the election of Tsai Ing-wen, who received 56.12% of the votes, while her opponent Eric Chu gained 31.2%. In addition, the DPP gained a majority of the Legislative Yuan, winning 68 seats in the 113-seat legislature, up from 40 in 2012 election, thus giving them the majority for the first time in its history. President Tsai won reelection in the 2020 Taiwanese presidential election on January 11, 2020, and the Democratic Progressive Party retained its legislative majority, winning 61 seats.Programs supported by the party include moderate social welfare policies involving the rights of women, senior citizens, children, young people, labor, minorities, indigenous peoples, farmers, and other disadvantaged sectors of the society. Furthermore, its platform includes a legal and political order based on human rights and democracy; balanced economic and financial administration; fair and open social welfare; educational and cultural reform; and, independent defence and peaceful foreign policy with closer ties to United States and Japan. For these reasons, it used to be considered a party of the center-left economically though its base consisted largely of the middle class. The party also has a social liberal stance that includes support for gender equality and same-sex marriage under Tsai's leadership, and also has a conservative base that includes support from the Presbyterian Church in Taiwan.The primary political axis in Taiwan involves the issue of Taiwan independence versus eventual unification with China. Although the differences tend to be portrayed in polarized terms, both major coalitions have developed modified, nuanced and often complex positions. Though opposed in the philosophical origins, the practical differences between such positions can sometimes be subtle.The current official position of the party is that Taiwan is an independent and sovereign country whose territory consists of Taiwan and its surrounding smaller islands and whose sovereignty derives only from the ROC citizens living in Taiwan (similar philosophy of self-determination), based on the 1999 "Resolution on Taiwan's Future". It considers Taiwan as an independent nation under the name of Republic of China, making a formal declaration of independence unnecessary. Though calls for drafting a new constitution and a declaration of a Republic of Taiwan was written into the party charter in 1991, the 1999 resolution has practically superseded the earlier charter. The DPP rejects the so-called "One China principle" defined in 1992 as the basis for official diplomatic relations with the PRC and advocates a Taiwanese national identity which is separate from mainland China. By contrast, the KMT or pan-blue coalition agrees that the Republic of China is an independent and sovereign country that is not part of the PRC, but argues that a one China principle (with different definitions across the strait) can be used as the basis for talks with China. The KMT also opposes Taiwan independence and argues that efforts to establish a Taiwanese national identity separated from the Chinese national identity are unnecessary and needlessly provocative. Some KMT conservative officials have called efforts from DPP "anti-China" (opposing migrants from mainland China, who DPP officials did not recognize as Taiwanese, but Chinese). At the other end of the political spectrum, the acceptance by the DPP of the symbols of the Republic of China is opposed by the Taiwan Solidarity Union.The first years of the DPP as the ruling party drew accusations from the opposition that, as a self-styled Taiwanese nationalist party, the DPP was itself inadequately sensitive to the ethnographic diversity of Taiwan's population. Where the KMT had been guilty of Chinese chauvinism, the critics charged, the DPP might offer nothing more as a remedy than Hoklo chauvinism. The DPP argues that its efforts to promote a Taiwanese national identity are merely an effort to normalize a Taiwanese identity repressed during years of authoritarian Kuomintang rule.Since the democratization of Taiwan in the 1990s, the DPP has had its strongest performance in the Hokkien-speaking counties and cities of Taiwan, compared with the predominantly Hakka and Mandarin-speaking counties, that tend to support the Kuomintang.The deep-rooted hostility between Taiwanese aborigines and (Taiwanese) Hoklo, and the effective KMT networks within aboriginal communities contribute to aboriginal skepticism against the DPP and the aboriginals tendency to vote for the KMT. Aboriginals have criticized politicians for abusing the "indigenization" movement for political gains, such as aboriginal opposition to the DPP's "rectification" by recognizing the Truku for political reasons, where the Atayal and Seediq slammed the Truku for their name rectification. In 2008, the majority of mountain townships voted for Ma Ying-jeou. However, the DPP share of the aboriginal vote has been rising.The DPP National Party Congress selects, for two-year terms, the 30 members of the Central Executive Committee and the 11 members of the Central Review Committee. The Central Executive Committee, in turn, chooses the 10 members of the Central Standing Committee. Since 2012, the DPP has had a "China Affairs Committee" to deal with Cross-Strait relations; the name caused some controversy within the party and in the Taiwan media, with critics suggesting that "Mainland Affairs Committee" or "Cross-Strait Affairs Committee" would show less of a hostile "One Country on Each Side" attitude.For many years the DPP officially recognized several factions within its membership, such as the New Tide faction (), the Formosa faction (), the Justice Alliance faction () and Welfare State Alliance faction (). Each faction endorsed slightly different policies. The factions were often generationally identifiable, representing individuals who had entered the party at different times. In 2006, the party ended recognition of factions. The factions have since stated that they will comply with the resolution. However, the factions are still referred to by name in national media.On April 25, 2021, some people in Hong Kong and Macao reported that they cannot browse the Democratic Progressive Party website, even using VPN, even though Taiwan citizens can still browse into the website normally. | [
"Su Tseng-chang",
"Shih Ming-teh",
"Annette Lu",
"Huang Hsin-chieh",
"Lin Yu-chang",
"Yu Shyi-kun",
"Cho Jung-tai",
"Chang Chun-hung",
"Chen Shui-bian",
"Hsu Hsin-liang",
"Lin Yi-hsiung",
"Ker Chien-ming",
"Frank Hsieh",
"Chai Trong-rong",
"Chiang Peng-chien",
"Chen Chu",
"Su Tseng-chang",
"Shih Ming-teh",
"Annette Lu",
"Huang Hsin-chieh",
"Lin Yu-chang",
"Yu Shyi-kun",
"Cho Jung-tai",
"Chang Chun-hung",
"Chen Shui-bian",
"Hsu Hsin-liang",
"Lin Yi-hsiung",
"Ker Chien-ming",
"Frank Hsieh",
"Chai Trong-rong",
"Chen Chu"
] |
|
Who was the chair of Democratic Progressive Party in 1987-11-30? | November 30, 1987 | {
"text": [
"Yao Chia-wen",
"Chiang Peng-chien"
]
} | L2_Q903822_P488_1 | Shih Ming-teh is the chair of Democratic Progressive Party from May, 1994 to Mar, 1996.
Ker Chien-ming is the chair of Democratic Progressive Party from Mar, 2011 to Apr, 2011.
Huang Hsin-chieh is the chair of Democratic Progressive Party from Nov, 1989 to Nov, 1991.
Chen Chu is the chair of Democratic Progressive Party from Feb, 2012 to May, 2012.
Su Tseng-chang is the chair of Democratic Progressive Party from May, 2012 to May, 2014.
Lin Yi-hsiung is the chair of Democratic Progressive Party from Aug, 1998 to Jul, 2000.
Cho Jung-tai is the chair of Democratic Progressive Party from Jan, 2019 to May, 2020.
Hsu Hsin-liang is the chair of Democratic Progressive Party from Jun, 1996 to Aug, 1998.
Chai Trong-rong is the chair of Democratic Progressive Party from Mar, 2007 to May, 2007.
Frank Hsieh is the chair of Democratic Progressive Party from Jan, 2008 to May, 2008.
Yao Chia-wen is the chair of Democratic Progressive Party from Nov, 1987 to Nov, 1988.
Annette Lu is the chair of Democratic Progressive Party from Dec, 2005 to Jan, 2006.
Chen Shui-bian is the chair of Democratic Progressive Party from Oct, 2007 to Jan, 2008.
Yu Shyi-kun is the chair of Democratic Progressive Party from Jan, 2006 to Oct, 2007.
Chang Chun-hung is the chair of Democratic Progressive Party from Mar, 1996 to Jun, 1996.
Lin Yu-chang is the chair of Democratic Progressive Party from Nov, 2018 to Jan, 2019.
Chiang Peng-chien is the chair of Democratic Progressive Party from Nov, 1986 to Nov, 1987. | Democratic Progressive PartyThe Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) is a Taiwanese nationalist and center-left political party in Taiwan (Republic of China). Controlling both the Republic of China presidency and the unicameral Legislative Yuan, it is the majority ruling party and the dominant party in the Pan-Green Coalition as of 2020.Founded in 1986, the DPP is one of two major parties in Taiwan, along with the historically dominant Kuomintang. It has traditionally been associated with strong advocacy of human rights, and a distinct Taiwanese identity. The incumbent President and three-time leader of the DPP, Tsai Ing-wen, is the second member of the DPP to hold the office.The DPP is a longtime member of Liberal International and a founding member of the Council of Asian Liberals and Democrats. It represented Taiwan in the Unrepresented Nations and Peoples Organization. The DPP and its affiliated parties are widely classified as socially liberal because of their legislators' strong antinuclear stance and support for same-sex marriage. They are also proponents of a Taiwanese national identity. In addition, the DPP is more willing to increase military expenditures to defend against a potential Chinese invasion, and on foreign policy favors closer ties with the United States and Japan.The DPP's roots were in the "tangwai" – or "outside-the-KMT" – movement, which formed in opposition to the Kuomintang's one-party authoritarian rule under the "party-state" system. This movement culminated in the formation of the DPP as an alternative, but still illegal, party on September 28, 1986 by eighteen organizing members at Grand Hotel Taipei, with a total of 132 people joining the party in attendance. The new party members contested the 1986 election as "nonpartisan" candidates since competing parties would remain illegal until the following year. These early members of the party, like the "tangwai", drew heavily from the ranks of family members and defense lawyers of political prisoners, as well as intellectuals and artists who had spent time abroad. These individuals were strongly committed to political change toward democracy and freedom of speech, press, assembly, and association.The "tangwai" were not a unified political unit and consisted of factions which carried over into the early DPP. At its founding the DPP consisted of three factions: the Kang group (a moderate faction led by Kang Ning-hsiang), New Tide faction (consisting of intellectuals and social activists led by Wu Nai-ren and Chiou I-jen), and the Progress Faction (led by Lin Cheng-chieh, a "waishengren" opposed to independence). Moderates would later coalesce around the Formosa faction, founded by those arrested during the Formosa Incident after their release from prison. In the early days of the party, the Formosa faction focused on winning elections by wielding the star power of its leaders, while New Tide would focus on ideological mobilization and developing grassroots support for social movements. As a result, the Formosa faction would become more moderate, often bending to public opinion, while New Tide would become more ideologically cohesive. By 1988 the Formosa Faction would dominate high-level positions within the party.The party did not at the outset give explicit support to an independent Taiwanese national identity, partially because moderates such as Hsu Hsin-liang were concerned that such a move that could have invited a violent crackdown by the Kuomintang and alienate voters, but also because some members such as Lin Cheng-chieh supported unification. Partially due to their waning influence within the party and partially due to their ideological commitment, between 1988 and 1991 the New Tide Faction would push the independence issue, bolstered by the return of pro-independence activists from overseas who were previously barred from Taiwan. In 1991, in order to head off the New Tide, party chairman Hsu Hsin-liang of the moderate Formosa faction agreed to include language in the party charter which advocated for the drafting of a new constitution as well as declaration of a new Republic of Taiwan via referendum (which resulted in many pro-unification members leaving the party). However, the party would quickly begin to walk back on this language, and eventually in 1999 the party congress passed a resolution that Taiwan was already an independent country, under the official name "Republic of China," and that any constitutional changes should be approved by the people via referendum, while emphasizing the use of the name "Taiwan" in international settings.Despite its lack of electoral success, the pressure that the DPP created on the ruling KMT via its demands are widely credited in the political reforms of the 1990s, most notably the direct popular election of Republic of China's president and all representatives in the National Assembly and Legislative Yuan, as well the ability to open discuss events from the past such as the February 28 Incident and its long aftermath of martial law, and space for a greater variety of political views and advocacy. Once the DPP had representation in the Legislative Yuan, the party used the legislature as a forum to challenge the ruling KMT. Post-democratization, the DPP shifted their focus to anti-corruption issues, in particular regarding KMT connections to organized crime as well as "party assets" illegally acquired from the government during martial law. Meanwhile, factions continued to form within the DPP as a mechanism for coalition-building within the party; notably, future President Chen Shui-bian would form the Justice Alliance faction. The DPP won the presidency with the election of Chen Shui-bian in March 2000 with a plurality, due to Pan-Blue voters splitting their vote between the Kuomintang and independent candidate James Soong, ending 91 years of KMT rule in the Republic of China. Chen softened the party's stance on independence to appeal to moderate voters, appease the United States, and placate China. He also promised not to change the ROC state symbols or declare formal independence as long as the People's Republic of China did not attack Taiwan. Further, he advocated for economic exchange with China as well as the establishment of transportation links.In 2002 the DPP became the first party other than the KMT to reach a plurality in the Legislative Yuan following the 2001 legislative election. However, a majority coalition between the KMT, People First Party, and New Party prevented it from taking control of the chamber. This coalition was at odds with the presidency from the beginning, and led to President Chen's abandonment of the centrist positions that he ran his campaign on.In 2003, Chen announced a campaign to draft a referendum law as well as a new constitution, a move which appealed to the fundamentalist wing of the DPP. By now, the New Tide faction had begun to favor pragmatic approaches to their pro-independence goals and dominated decision-making positions within the party. By contrast, grassroots support was divided largely between moderate and fundamentalist wings. Though Chen's plans for a referendum on a new constitution were scuttled by the legislature, he did manage to include a largely symbolic referendum on the PRC military threat to coincide with the 2004 presidential election. President Chen Shui-bian would be narrowly re-elected in 2004 after an assassination attempt the day before the election, and in the later legislative election, the pan-blue coalition opposition retained control of the chamber.President Chen's moves sparked a debate within the party between fundamentalists and moderates who were concerned that voters would abandon their party. The fundamentalists won out, and as a result the DPP would largely follow Chen's lead. The DPP suffered a significant election defeat in nationwide local and county elections in December 2005, while the pan-blue coalition captured 16 of 23 county and city government offices under the leadership of popular Taipei mayor and KMT Party Chairman Ma Ying-jeou. Moderates within the party would blame this loss on the party's fundamentalist turn.The results led to a shake up of the party leadership. Su Tseng-chang resigned as DPP chairman soon after election results were announced. Su had pledged to step down if the DPP lost either Taipei County or failed to win 10 of the 23 mayor/magistrate positions. Vice President Annette Lu was appointed acting DPP leader. Presidential Office Secretary-General Yu Shyi-kun was elected in a three-way race against legislator Chai Trong-rong and Wong Chin-chu with 54.4% of the vote.Premier Frank Hsieh, DPP election organizer and former mayor of Kaohsiung twice tendered a verbal resignation immediately following the election, but his resignation was not accepted by President Chen until 17 January 2006 after the DPP chairmanship election had concluded. The former DPP Chairman Su Tseng-chang was appointed to replace Hsieh as premier. Hsieh and his cabinet resigned en masse on January 24 to make way for Su and his new cabinet. President Chen had offered the position of Presidential Office Secretary-General (vacated by Su) to the departing premier, but Hsieh declined and left office criticizing President Chen for his tough line on dealing with China.In 2005, following the passage of the Anti-Secession Law, the Chen administration issued a statement asserting the position that Taiwan's future should be decided by the people on Taiwan only.On 30 September 2007, the DPP approved a resolution asserting a separate identity from China and called for the enactment of a new constitution for a "normal nation". It struck an accommodating tone by advocating general use of "Taiwan" as the country's name without calling for abandonment of the name Republic of China.In the national elections held in early months of 2008, the DPP won less than 25% of the seats (38.2% vote share) in the new Legislative Yuan while its presidential candidate, former Kaohsiung mayor Frank Hsieh, lost to KMT candidate Ma Ying-jeou by a wide margin (41.55% vs. 58.45%). In May, the DPP elected moderate Tsai Ing-wen as their new leader over fundamentalist Koo Kwang-ming. Tsai became the first female leader of the DPP and the first female leader to lead a major party in Taiwan.The first months since backed to the opposition were dominated by press coverage of the travails of Chen Shui-bian and his wife Wu Shu-jen. On 15 August 2008, Chen resigned from the DPP and apologized: "Today I have to say sorry to all of the DPP members and supporters. I let everyone down, caused you humiliation and failed to meet your expectations. My acts have caused irreparable damage to the party. I love the DPP deeply and am proud of being a DPP member. To express my deepest regrets to all DPP members and supporters, I announce my withdrawal from the DPP immediately. My wife Wu Shu-jen is also withdrawing from the party." DPP Chairperson followed with a public statement on behalf of the party: "In regard to Chen and his wife's decision to withdraw from the party and his desire to shoulder responsibility for his actions as well as to undergo an investigation by the party's anti-corruption committee, we respect his decision and accept it."The DPP vowed to reflect on public misgivings towards the party. Chairperson Tsai insisted on the need for the party to remember its history, defend the Republic of China's sovereignty and national security, and maintain its confidence.The party re-emerged as a voice in Taiwan's political debate when Ma's administration reached the end of its first year in office. The DPP marked the anniversary with massive rallies in Taipei and Kaohsiung. Tsai's address to the crowd in Taipei on May 17 proclaimed a "citizens' movement to protect Republic of China" seeking to "protect our democracy and protect Republic of China."On 16 January 2016, Taiwan held a general election for its presidency and for the Legislative Yuan. The DPP gained the presidential seat, with the election of Tsai Ing-wen, who received 56.12% of the votes, while her opponent Eric Chu gained 31.2%. In addition, the DPP gained a majority of the Legislative Yuan, winning 68 seats in the 113-seat legislature, up from 40 in 2012 election, thus giving them the majority for the first time in its history. President Tsai won reelection in the 2020 Taiwanese presidential election on January 11, 2020, and the Democratic Progressive Party retained its legislative majority, winning 61 seats.Programs supported by the party include moderate social welfare policies involving the rights of women, senior citizens, children, young people, labor, minorities, indigenous peoples, farmers, and other disadvantaged sectors of the society. Furthermore, its platform includes a legal and political order based on human rights and democracy; balanced economic and financial administration; fair and open social welfare; educational and cultural reform; and, independent defence and peaceful foreign policy with closer ties to United States and Japan. For these reasons, it used to be considered a party of the center-left economically though its base consisted largely of the middle class. The party also has a social liberal stance that includes support for gender equality and same-sex marriage under Tsai's leadership, and also has a conservative base that includes support from the Presbyterian Church in Taiwan.The primary political axis in Taiwan involves the issue of Taiwan independence versus eventual unification with China. Although the differences tend to be portrayed in polarized terms, both major coalitions have developed modified, nuanced and often complex positions. Though opposed in the philosophical origins, the practical differences between such positions can sometimes be subtle.The current official position of the party is that Taiwan is an independent and sovereign country whose territory consists of Taiwan and its surrounding smaller islands and whose sovereignty derives only from the ROC citizens living in Taiwan (similar philosophy of self-determination), based on the 1999 "Resolution on Taiwan's Future". It considers Taiwan as an independent nation under the name of Republic of China, making a formal declaration of independence unnecessary. Though calls for drafting a new constitution and a declaration of a Republic of Taiwan was written into the party charter in 1991, the 1999 resolution has practically superseded the earlier charter. The DPP rejects the so-called "One China principle" defined in 1992 as the basis for official diplomatic relations with the PRC and advocates a Taiwanese national identity which is separate from mainland China. By contrast, the KMT or pan-blue coalition agrees that the Republic of China is an independent and sovereign country that is not part of the PRC, but argues that a one China principle (with different definitions across the strait) can be used as the basis for talks with China. The KMT also opposes Taiwan independence and argues that efforts to establish a Taiwanese national identity separated from the Chinese national identity are unnecessary and needlessly provocative. Some KMT conservative officials have called efforts from DPP "anti-China" (opposing migrants from mainland China, who DPP officials did not recognize as Taiwanese, but Chinese). At the other end of the political spectrum, the acceptance by the DPP of the symbols of the Republic of China is opposed by the Taiwan Solidarity Union.The first years of the DPP as the ruling party drew accusations from the opposition that, as a self-styled Taiwanese nationalist party, the DPP was itself inadequately sensitive to the ethnographic diversity of Taiwan's population. Where the KMT had been guilty of Chinese chauvinism, the critics charged, the DPP might offer nothing more as a remedy than Hoklo chauvinism. The DPP argues that its efforts to promote a Taiwanese national identity are merely an effort to normalize a Taiwanese identity repressed during years of authoritarian Kuomintang rule.Since the democratization of Taiwan in the 1990s, the DPP has had its strongest performance in the Hokkien-speaking counties and cities of Taiwan, compared with the predominantly Hakka and Mandarin-speaking counties, that tend to support the Kuomintang.The deep-rooted hostility between Taiwanese aborigines and (Taiwanese) Hoklo, and the effective KMT networks within aboriginal communities contribute to aboriginal skepticism against the DPP and the aboriginals tendency to vote for the KMT. Aboriginals have criticized politicians for abusing the "indigenization" movement for political gains, such as aboriginal opposition to the DPP's "rectification" by recognizing the Truku for political reasons, where the Atayal and Seediq slammed the Truku for their name rectification. In 2008, the majority of mountain townships voted for Ma Ying-jeou. However, the DPP share of the aboriginal vote has been rising.The DPP National Party Congress selects, for two-year terms, the 30 members of the Central Executive Committee and the 11 members of the Central Review Committee. The Central Executive Committee, in turn, chooses the 10 members of the Central Standing Committee. Since 2012, the DPP has had a "China Affairs Committee" to deal with Cross-Strait relations; the name caused some controversy within the party and in the Taiwan media, with critics suggesting that "Mainland Affairs Committee" or "Cross-Strait Affairs Committee" would show less of a hostile "One Country on Each Side" attitude.For many years the DPP officially recognized several factions within its membership, such as the New Tide faction (), the Formosa faction (), the Justice Alliance faction () and Welfare State Alliance faction (). Each faction endorsed slightly different policies. The factions were often generationally identifiable, representing individuals who had entered the party at different times. In 2006, the party ended recognition of factions. The factions have since stated that they will comply with the resolution. However, the factions are still referred to by name in national media.On April 25, 2021, some people in Hong Kong and Macao reported that they cannot browse the Democratic Progressive Party website, even using VPN, even though Taiwan citizens can still browse into the website normally. | [
"Su Tseng-chang",
"Shih Ming-teh",
"Annette Lu",
"Huang Hsin-chieh",
"Lin Yu-chang",
"Yu Shyi-kun",
"Cho Jung-tai",
"Chang Chun-hung",
"Chen Shui-bian",
"Hsu Hsin-liang",
"Lin Yi-hsiung",
"Ker Chien-ming",
"Frank Hsieh",
"Chai Trong-rong",
"Chiang Peng-chien",
"Chen Chu",
"Su Tseng-chang",
"Shih Ming-teh",
"Annette Lu",
"Huang Hsin-chieh",
"Lin Yu-chang",
"Yu Shyi-kun",
"Cho Jung-tai",
"Chang Chun-hung",
"Chen Shui-bian",
"Hsu Hsin-liang",
"Lin Yi-hsiung",
"Ker Chien-ming",
"Frank Hsieh",
"Chai Trong-rong",
"Chen Chu"
] |
|
Who was the chair of Democratic Progressive Party in 30/11/1987? | November 30, 1987 | {
"text": [
"Yao Chia-wen",
"Chiang Peng-chien"
]
} | L2_Q903822_P488_1 | Shih Ming-teh is the chair of Democratic Progressive Party from May, 1994 to Mar, 1996.
Ker Chien-ming is the chair of Democratic Progressive Party from Mar, 2011 to Apr, 2011.
Huang Hsin-chieh is the chair of Democratic Progressive Party from Nov, 1989 to Nov, 1991.
Chen Chu is the chair of Democratic Progressive Party from Feb, 2012 to May, 2012.
Su Tseng-chang is the chair of Democratic Progressive Party from May, 2012 to May, 2014.
Lin Yi-hsiung is the chair of Democratic Progressive Party from Aug, 1998 to Jul, 2000.
Cho Jung-tai is the chair of Democratic Progressive Party from Jan, 2019 to May, 2020.
Hsu Hsin-liang is the chair of Democratic Progressive Party from Jun, 1996 to Aug, 1998.
Chai Trong-rong is the chair of Democratic Progressive Party from Mar, 2007 to May, 2007.
Frank Hsieh is the chair of Democratic Progressive Party from Jan, 2008 to May, 2008.
Yao Chia-wen is the chair of Democratic Progressive Party from Nov, 1987 to Nov, 1988.
Annette Lu is the chair of Democratic Progressive Party from Dec, 2005 to Jan, 2006.
Chen Shui-bian is the chair of Democratic Progressive Party from Oct, 2007 to Jan, 2008.
Yu Shyi-kun is the chair of Democratic Progressive Party from Jan, 2006 to Oct, 2007.
Chang Chun-hung is the chair of Democratic Progressive Party from Mar, 1996 to Jun, 1996.
Lin Yu-chang is the chair of Democratic Progressive Party from Nov, 2018 to Jan, 2019.
Chiang Peng-chien is the chair of Democratic Progressive Party from Nov, 1986 to Nov, 1987. | Democratic Progressive PartyThe Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) is a Taiwanese nationalist and center-left political party in Taiwan (Republic of China). Controlling both the Republic of China presidency and the unicameral Legislative Yuan, it is the majority ruling party and the dominant party in the Pan-Green Coalition as of 2020.Founded in 1986, the DPP is one of two major parties in Taiwan, along with the historically dominant Kuomintang. It has traditionally been associated with strong advocacy of human rights, and a distinct Taiwanese identity. The incumbent President and three-time leader of the DPP, Tsai Ing-wen, is the second member of the DPP to hold the office.The DPP is a longtime member of Liberal International and a founding member of the Council of Asian Liberals and Democrats. It represented Taiwan in the Unrepresented Nations and Peoples Organization. The DPP and its affiliated parties are widely classified as socially liberal because of their legislators' strong antinuclear stance and support for same-sex marriage. They are also proponents of a Taiwanese national identity. In addition, the DPP is more willing to increase military expenditures to defend against a potential Chinese invasion, and on foreign policy favors closer ties with the United States and Japan.The DPP's roots were in the "tangwai" – or "outside-the-KMT" – movement, which formed in opposition to the Kuomintang's one-party authoritarian rule under the "party-state" system. This movement culminated in the formation of the DPP as an alternative, but still illegal, party on September 28, 1986 by eighteen organizing members at Grand Hotel Taipei, with a total of 132 people joining the party in attendance. The new party members contested the 1986 election as "nonpartisan" candidates since competing parties would remain illegal until the following year. These early members of the party, like the "tangwai", drew heavily from the ranks of family members and defense lawyers of political prisoners, as well as intellectuals and artists who had spent time abroad. These individuals were strongly committed to political change toward democracy and freedom of speech, press, assembly, and association.The "tangwai" were not a unified political unit and consisted of factions which carried over into the early DPP. At its founding the DPP consisted of three factions: the Kang group (a moderate faction led by Kang Ning-hsiang), New Tide faction (consisting of intellectuals and social activists led by Wu Nai-ren and Chiou I-jen), and the Progress Faction (led by Lin Cheng-chieh, a "waishengren" opposed to independence). Moderates would later coalesce around the Formosa faction, founded by those arrested during the Formosa Incident after their release from prison. In the early days of the party, the Formosa faction focused on winning elections by wielding the star power of its leaders, while New Tide would focus on ideological mobilization and developing grassroots support for social movements. As a result, the Formosa faction would become more moderate, often bending to public opinion, while New Tide would become more ideologically cohesive. By 1988 the Formosa Faction would dominate high-level positions within the party.The party did not at the outset give explicit support to an independent Taiwanese national identity, partially because moderates such as Hsu Hsin-liang were concerned that such a move that could have invited a violent crackdown by the Kuomintang and alienate voters, but also because some members such as Lin Cheng-chieh supported unification. Partially due to their waning influence within the party and partially due to their ideological commitment, between 1988 and 1991 the New Tide Faction would push the independence issue, bolstered by the return of pro-independence activists from overseas who were previously barred from Taiwan. In 1991, in order to head off the New Tide, party chairman Hsu Hsin-liang of the moderate Formosa faction agreed to include language in the party charter which advocated for the drafting of a new constitution as well as declaration of a new Republic of Taiwan via referendum (which resulted in many pro-unification members leaving the party). However, the party would quickly begin to walk back on this language, and eventually in 1999 the party congress passed a resolution that Taiwan was already an independent country, under the official name "Republic of China," and that any constitutional changes should be approved by the people via referendum, while emphasizing the use of the name "Taiwan" in international settings.Despite its lack of electoral success, the pressure that the DPP created on the ruling KMT via its demands are widely credited in the political reforms of the 1990s, most notably the direct popular election of Republic of China's president and all representatives in the National Assembly and Legislative Yuan, as well the ability to open discuss events from the past such as the February 28 Incident and its long aftermath of martial law, and space for a greater variety of political views and advocacy. Once the DPP had representation in the Legislative Yuan, the party used the legislature as a forum to challenge the ruling KMT. Post-democratization, the DPP shifted their focus to anti-corruption issues, in particular regarding KMT connections to organized crime as well as "party assets" illegally acquired from the government during martial law. Meanwhile, factions continued to form within the DPP as a mechanism for coalition-building within the party; notably, future President Chen Shui-bian would form the Justice Alliance faction. The DPP won the presidency with the election of Chen Shui-bian in March 2000 with a plurality, due to Pan-Blue voters splitting their vote between the Kuomintang and independent candidate James Soong, ending 91 years of KMT rule in the Republic of China. Chen softened the party's stance on independence to appeal to moderate voters, appease the United States, and placate China. He also promised not to change the ROC state symbols or declare formal independence as long as the People's Republic of China did not attack Taiwan. Further, he advocated for economic exchange with China as well as the establishment of transportation links.In 2002 the DPP became the first party other than the KMT to reach a plurality in the Legislative Yuan following the 2001 legislative election. However, a majority coalition between the KMT, People First Party, and New Party prevented it from taking control of the chamber. This coalition was at odds with the presidency from the beginning, and led to President Chen's abandonment of the centrist positions that he ran his campaign on.In 2003, Chen announced a campaign to draft a referendum law as well as a new constitution, a move which appealed to the fundamentalist wing of the DPP. By now, the New Tide faction had begun to favor pragmatic approaches to their pro-independence goals and dominated decision-making positions within the party. By contrast, grassroots support was divided largely between moderate and fundamentalist wings. Though Chen's plans for a referendum on a new constitution were scuttled by the legislature, he did manage to include a largely symbolic referendum on the PRC military threat to coincide with the 2004 presidential election. President Chen Shui-bian would be narrowly re-elected in 2004 after an assassination attempt the day before the election, and in the later legislative election, the pan-blue coalition opposition retained control of the chamber.President Chen's moves sparked a debate within the party between fundamentalists and moderates who were concerned that voters would abandon their party. The fundamentalists won out, and as a result the DPP would largely follow Chen's lead. The DPP suffered a significant election defeat in nationwide local and county elections in December 2005, while the pan-blue coalition captured 16 of 23 county and city government offices under the leadership of popular Taipei mayor and KMT Party Chairman Ma Ying-jeou. Moderates within the party would blame this loss on the party's fundamentalist turn.The results led to a shake up of the party leadership. Su Tseng-chang resigned as DPP chairman soon after election results were announced. Su had pledged to step down if the DPP lost either Taipei County or failed to win 10 of the 23 mayor/magistrate positions. Vice President Annette Lu was appointed acting DPP leader. Presidential Office Secretary-General Yu Shyi-kun was elected in a three-way race against legislator Chai Trong-rong and Wong Chin-chu with 54.4% of the vote.Premier Frank Hsieh, DPP election organizer and former mayor of Kaohsiung twice tendered a verbal resignation immediately following the election, but his resignation was not accepted by President Chen until 17 January 2006 after the DPP chairmanship election had concluded. The former DPP Chairman Su Tseng-chang was appointed to replace Hsieh as premier. Hsieh and his cabinet resigned en masse on January 24 to make way for Su and his new cabinet. President Chen had offered the position of Presidential Office Secretary-General (vacated by Su) to the departing premier, but Hsieh declined and left office criticizing President Chen for his tough line on dealing with China.In 2005, following the passage of the Anti-Secession Law, the Chen administration issued a statement asserting the position that Taiwan's future should be decided by the people on Taiwan only.On 30 September 2007, the DPP approved a resolution asserting a separate identity from China and called for the enactment of a new constitution for a "normal nation". It struck an accommodating tone by advocating general use of "Taiwan" as the country's name without calling for abandonment of the name Republic of China.In the national elections held in early months of 2008, the DPP won less than 25% of the seats (38.2% vote share) in the new Legislative Yuan while its presidential candidate, former Kaohsiung mayor Frank Hsieh, lost to KMT candidate Ma Ying-jeou by a wide margin (41.55% vs. 58.45%). In May, the DPP elected moderate Tsai Ing-wen as their new leader over fundamentalist Koo Kwang-ming. Tsai became the first female leader of the DPP and the first female leader to lead a major party in Taiwan.The first months since backed to the opposition were dominated by press coverage of the travails of Chen Shui-bian and his wife Wu Shu-jen. On 15 August 2008, Chen resigned from the DPP and apologized: "Today I have to say sorry to all of the DPP members and supporters. I let everyone down, caused you humiliation and failed to meet your expectations. My acts have caused irreparable damage to the party. I love the DPP deeply and am proud of being a DPP member. To express my deepest regrets to all DPP members and supporters, I announce my withdrawal from the DPP immediately. My wife Wu Shu-jen is also withdrawing from the party." DPP Chairperson followed with a public statement on behalf of the party: "In regard to Chen and his wife's decision to withdraw from the party and his desire to shoulder responsibility for his actions as well as to undergo an investigation by the party's anti-corruption committee, we respect his decision and accept it."The DPP vowed to reflect on public misgivings towards the party. Chairperson Tsai insisted on the need for the party to remember its history, defend the Republic of China's sovereignty and national security, and maintain its confidence.The party re-emerged as a voice in Taiwan's political debate when Ma's administration reached the end of its first year in office. The DPP marked the anniversary with massive rallies in Taipei and Kaohsiung. Tsai's address to the crowd in Taipei on May 17 proclaimed a "citizens' movement to protect Republic of China" seeking to "protect our democracy and protect Republic of China."On 16 January 2016, Taiwan held a general election for its presidency and for the Legislative Yuan. The DPP gained the presidential seat, with the election of Tsai Ing-wen, who received 56.12% of the votes, while her opponent Eric Chu gained 31.2%. In addition, the DPP gained a majority of the Legislative Yuan, winning 68 seats in the 113-seat legislature, up from 40 in 2012 election, thus giving them the majority for the first time in its history. President Tsai won reelection in the 2020 Taiwanese presidential election on January 11, 2020, and the Democratic Progressive Party retained its legislative majority, winning 61 seats.Programs supported by the party include moderate social welfare policies involving the rights of women, senior citizens, children, young people, labor, minorities, indigenous peoples, farmers, and other disadvantaged sectors of the society. Furthermore, its platform includes a legal and political order based on human rights and democracy; balanced economic and financial administration; fair and open social welfare; educational and cultural reform; and, independent defence and peaceful foreign policy with closer ties to United States and Japan. For these reasons, it used to be considered a party of the center-left economically though its base consisted largely of the middle class. The party also has a social liberal stance that includes support for gender equality and same-sex marriage under Tsai's leadership, and also has a conservative base that includes support from the Presbyterian Church in Taiwan.The primary political axis in Taiwan involves the issue of Taiwan independence versus eventual unification with China. Although the differences tend to be portrayed in polarized terms, both major coalitions have developed modified, nuanced and often complex positions. Though opposed in the philosophical origins, the practical differences between such positions can sometimes be subtle.The current official position of the party is that Taiwan is an independent and sovereign country whose territory consists of Taiwan and its surrounding smaller islands and whose sovereignty derives only from the ROC citizens living in Taiwan (similar philosophy of self-determination), based on the 1999 "Resolution on Taiwan's Future". It considers Taiwan as an independent nation under the name of Republic of China, making a formal declaration of independence unnecessary. Though calls for drafting a new constitution and a declaration of a Republic of Taiwan was written into the party charter in 1991, the 1999 resolution has practically superseded the earlier charter. The DPP rejects the so-called "One China principle" defined in 1992 as the basis for official diplomatic relations with the PRC and advocates a Taiwanese national identity which is separate from mainland China. By contrast, the KMT or pan-blue coalition agrees that the Republic of China is an independent and sovereign country that is not part of the PRC, but argues that a one China principle (with different definitions across the strait) can be used as the basis for talks with China. The KMT also opposes Taiwan independence and argues that efforts to establish a Taiwanese national identity separated from the Chinese national identity are unnecessary and needlessly provocative. Some KMT conservative officials have called efforts from DPP "anti-China" (opposing migrants from mainland China, who DPP officials did not recognize as Taiwanese, but Chinese). At the other end of the political spectrum, the acceptance by the DPP of the symbols of the Republic of China is opposed by the Taiwan Solidarity Union.The first years of the DPP as the ruling party drew accusations from the opposition that, as a self-styled Taiwanese nationalist party, the DPP was itself inadequately sensitive to the ethnographic diversity of Taiwan's population. Where the KMT had been guilty of Chinese chauvinism, the critics charged, the DPP might offer nothing more as a remedy than Hoklo chauvinism. The DPP argues that its efforts to promote a Taiwanese national identity are merely an effort to normalize a Taiwanese identity repressed during years of authoritarian Kuomintang rule.Since the democratization of Taiwan in the 1990s, the DPP has had its strongest performance in the Hokkien-speaking counties and cities of Taiwan, compared with the predominantly Hakka and Mandarin-speaking counties, that tend to support the Kuomintang.The deep-rooted hostility between Taiwanese aborigines and (Taiwanese) Hoklo, and the effective KMT networks within aboriginal communities contribute to aboriginal skepticism against the DPP and the aboriginals tendency to vote for the KMT. Aboriginals have criticized politicians for abusing the "indigenization" movement for political gains, such as aboriginal opposition to the DPP's "rectification" by recognizing the Truku for political reasons, where the Atayal and Seediq slammed the Truku for their name rectification. In 2008, the majority of mountain townships voted for Ma Ying-jeou. However, the DPP share of the aboriginal vote has been rising.The DPP National Party Congress selects, for two-year terms, the 30 members of the Central Executive Committee and the 11 members of the Central Review Committee. The Central Executive Committee, in turn, chooses the 10 members of the Central Standing Committee. Since 2012, the DPP has had a "China Affairs Committee" to deal with Cross-Strait relations; the name caused some controversy within the party and in the Taiwan media, with critics suggesting that "Mainland Affairs Committee" or "Cross-Strait Affairs Committee" would show less of a hostile "One Country on Each Side" attitude.For many years the DPP officially recognized several factions within its membership, such as the New Tide faction (), the Formosa faction (), the Justice Alliance faction () and Welfare State Alliance faction (). Each faction endorsed slightly different policies. The factions were often generationally identifiable, representing individuals who had entered the party at different times. In 2006, the party ended recognition of factions. The factions have since stated that they will comply with the resolution. However, the factions are still referred to by name in national media.On April 25, 2021, some people in Hong Kong and Macao reported that they cannot browse the Democratic Progressive Party website, even using VPN, even though Taiwan citizens can still browse into the website normally. | [
"Su Tseng-chang",
"Shih Ming-teh",
"Annette Lu",
"Huang Hsin-chieh",
"Lin Yu-chang",
"Yu Shyi-kun",
"Cho Jung-tai",
"Chang Chun-hung",
"Chen Shui-bian",
"Hsu Hsin-liang",
"Lin Yi-hsiung",
"Ker Chien-ming",
"Frank Hsieh",
"Chai Trong-rong",
"Chiang Peng-chien",
"Chen Chu",
"Su Tseng-chang",
"Shih Ming-teh",
"Annette Lu",
"Huang Hsin-chieh",
"Lin Yu-chang",
"Yu Shyi-kun",
"Cho Jung-tai",
"Chang Chun-hung",
"Chen Shui-bian",
"Hsu Hsin-liang",
"Lin Yi-hsiung",
"Ker Chien-ming",
"Frank Hsieh",
"Chai Trong-rong",
"Chen Chu"
] |
|
Who was the chair of Democratic Progressive Party in Nov 30, 1987? | November 30, 1987 | {
"text": [
"Yao Chia-wen",
"Chiang Peng-chien"
]
} | L2_Q903822_P488_1 | Shih Ming-teh is the chair of Democratic Progressive Party from May, 1994 to Mar, 1996.
Ker Chien-ming is the chair of Democratic Progressive Party from Mar, 2011 to Apr, 2011.
Huang Hsin-chieh is the chair of Democratic Progressive Party from Nov, 1989 to Nov, 1991.
Chen Chu is the chair of Democratic Progressive Party from Feb, 2012 to May, 2012.
Su Tseng-chang is the chair of Democratic Progressive Party from May, 2012 to May, 2014.
Lin Yi-hsiung is the chair of Democratic Progressive Party from Aug, 1998 to Jul, 2000.
Cho Jung-tai is the chair of Democratic Progressive Party from Jan, 2019 to May, 2020.
Hsu Hsin-liang is the chair of Democratic Progressive Party from Jun, 1996 to Aug, 1998.
Chai Trong-rong is the chair of Democratic Progressive Party from Mar, 2007 to May, 2007.
Frank Hsieh is the chair of Democratic Progressive Party from Jan, 2008 to May, 2008.
Yao Chia-wen is the chair of Democratic Progressive Party from Nov, 1987 to Nov, 1988.
Annette Lu is the chair of Democratic Progressive Party from Dec, 2005 to Jan, 2006.
Chen Shui-bian is the chair of Democratic Progressive Party from Oct, 2007 to Jan, 2008.
Yu Shyi-kun is the chair of Democratic Progressive Party from Jan, 2006 to Oct, 2007.
Chang Chun-hung is the chair of Democratic Progressive Party from Mar, 1996 to Jun, 1996.
Lin Yu-chang is the chair of Democratic Progressive Party from Nov, 2018 to Jan, 2019.
Chiang Peng-chien is the chair of Democratic Progressive Party from Nov, 1986 to Nov, 1987. | Democratic Progressive PartyThe Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) is a Taiwanese nationalist and center-left political party in Taiwan (Republic of China). Controlling both the Republic of China presidency and the unicameral Legislative Yuan, it is the majority ruling party and the dominant party in the Pan-Green Coalition as of 2020.Founded in 1986, the DPP is one of two major parties in Taiwan, along with the historically dominant Kuomintang. It has traditionally been associated with strong advocacy of human rights, and a distinct Taiwanese identity. The incumbent President and three-time leader of the DPP, Tsai Ing-wen, is the second member of the DPP to hold the office.The DPP is a longtime member of Liberal International and a founding member of the Council of Asian Liberals and Democrats. It represented Taiwan in the Unrepresented Nations and Peoples Organization. The DPP and its affiliated parties are widely classified as socially liberal because of their legislators' strong antinuclear stance and support for same-sex marriage. They are also proponents of a Taiwanese national identity. In addition, the DPP is more willing to increase military expenditures to defend against a potential Chinese invasion, and on foreign policy favors closer ties with the United States and Japan.The DPP's roots were in the "tangwai" – or "outside-the-KMT" – movement, which formed in opposition to the Kuomintang's one-party authoritarian rule under the "party-state" system. This movement culminated in the formation of the DPP as an alternative, but still illegal, party on September 28, 1986 by eighteen organizing members at Grand Hotel Taipei, with a total of 132 people joining the party in attendance. The new party members contested the 1986 election as "nonpartisan" candidates since competing parties would remain illegal until the following year. These early members of the party, like the "tangwai", drew heavily from the ranks of family members and defense lawyers of political prisoners, as well as intellectuals and artists who had spent time abroad. These individuals were strongly committed to political change toward democracy and freedom of speech, press, assembly, and association.The "tangwai" were not a unified political unit and consisted of factions which carried over into the early DPP. At its founding the DPP consisted of three factions: the Kang group (a moderate faction led by Kang Ning-hsiang), New Tide faction (consisting of intellectuals and social activists led by Wu Nai-ren and Chiou I-jen), and the Progress Faction (led by Lin Cheng-chieh, a "waishengren" opposed to independence). Moderates would later coalesce around the Formosa faction, founded by those arrested during the Formosa Incident after their release from prison. In the early days of the party, the Formosa faction focused on winning elections by wielding the star power of its leaders, while New Tide would focus on ideological mobilization and developing grassroots support for social movements. As a result, the Formosa faction would become more moderate, often bending to public opinion, while New Tide would become more ideologically cohesive. By 1988 the Formosa Faction would dominate high-level positions within the party.The party did not at the outset give explicit support to an independent Taiwanese national identity, partially because moderates such as Hsu Hsin-liang were concerned that such a move that could have invited a violent crackdown by the Kuomintang and alienate voters, but also because some members such as Lin Cheng-chieh supported unification. Partially due to their waning influence within the party and partially due to their ideological commitment, between 1988 and 1991 the New Tide Faction would push the independence issue, bolstered by the return of pro-independence activists from overseas who were previously barred from Taiwan. In 1991, in order to head off the New Tide, party chairman Hsu Hsin-liang of the moderate Formosa faction agreed to include language in the party charter which advocated for the drafting of a new constitution as well as declaration of a new Republic of Taiwan via referendum (which resulted in many pro-unification members leaving the party). However, the party would quickly begin to walk back on this language, and eventually in 1999 the party congress passed a resolution that Taiwan was already an independent country, under the official name "Republic of China," and that any constitutional changes should be approved by the people via referendum, while emphasizing the use of the name "Taiwan" in international settings.Despite its lack of electoral success, the pressure that the DPP created on the ruling KMT via its demands are widely credited in the political reforms of the 1990s, most notably the direct popular election of Republic of China's president and all representatives in the National Assembly and Legislative Yuan, as well the ability to open discuss events from the past such as the February 28 Incident and its long aftermath of martial law, and space for a greater variety of political views and advocacy. Once the DPP had representation in the Legislative Yuan, the party used the legislature as a forum to challenge the ruling KMT. Post-democratization, the DPP shifted their focus to anti-corruption issues, in particular regarding KMT connections to organized crime as well as "party assets" illegally acquired from the government during martial law. Meanwhile, factions continued to form within the DPP as a mechanism for coalition-building within the party; notably, future President Chen Shui-bian would form the Justice Alliance faction. The DPP won the presidency with the election of Chen Shui-bian in March 2000 with a plurality, due to Pan-Blue voters splitting their vote between the Kuomintang and independent candidate James Soong, ending 91 years of KMT rule in the Republic of China. Chen softened the party's stance on independence to appeal to moderate voters, appease the United States, and placate China. He also promised not to change the ROC state symbols or declare formal independence as long as the People's Republic of China did not attack Taiwan. Further, he advocated for economic exchange with China as well as the establishment of transportation links.In 2002 the DPP became the first party other than the KMT to reach a plurality in the Legislative Yuan following the 2001 legislative election. However, a majority coalition between the KMT, People First Party, and New Party prevented it from taking control of the chamber. This coalition was at odds with the presidency from the beginning, and led to President Chen's abandonment of the centrist positions that he ran his campaign on.In 2003, Chen announced a campaign to draft a referendum law as well as a new constitution, a move which appealed to the fundamentalist wing of the DPP. By now, the New Tide faction had begun to favor pragmatic approaches to their pro-independence goals and dominated decision-making positions within the party. By contrast, grassroots support was divided largely between moderate and fundamentalist wings. Though Chen's plans for a referendum on a new constitution were scuttled by the legislature, he did manage to include a largely symbolic referendum on the PRC military threat to coincide with the 2004 presidential election. President Chen Shui-bian would be narrowly re-elected in 2004 after an assassination attempt the day before the election, and in the later legislative election, the pan-blue coalition opposition retained control of the chamber.President Chen's moves sparked a debate within the party between fundamentalists and moderates who were concerned that voters would abandon their party. The fundamentalists won out, and as a result the DPP would largely follow Chen's lead. The DPP suffered a significant election defeat in nationwide local and county elections in December 2005, while the pan-blue coalition captured 16 of 23 county and city government offices under the leadership of popular Taipei mayor and KMT Party Chairman Ma Ying-jeou. Moderates within the party would blame this loss on the party's fundamentalist turn.The results led to a shake up of the party leadership. Su Tseng-chang resigned as DPP chairman soon after election results were announced. Su had pledged to step down if the DPP lost either Taipei County or failed to win 10 of the 23 mayor/magistrate positions. Vice President Annette Lu was appointed acting DPP leader. Presidential Office Secretary-General Yu Shyi-kun was elected in a three-way race against legislator Chai Trong-rong and Wong Chin-chu with 54.4% of the vote.Premier Frank Hsieh, DPP election organizer and former mayor of Kaohsiung twice tendered a verbal resignation immediately following the election, but his resignation was not accepted by President Chen until 17 January 2006 after the DPP chairmanship election had concluded. The former DPP Chairman Su Tseng-chang was appointed to replace Hsieh as premier. Hsieh and his cabinet resigned en masse on January 24 to make way for Su and his new cabinet. President Chen had offered the position of Presidential Office Secretary-General (vacated by Su) to the departing premier, but Hsieh declined and left office criticizing President Chen for his tough line on dealing with China.In 2005, following the passage of the Anti-Secession Law, the Chen administration issued a statement asserting the position that Taiwan's future should be decided by the people on Taiwan only.On 30 September 2007, the DPP approved a resolution asserting a separate identity from China and called for the enactment of a new constitution for a "normal nation". It struck an accommodating tone by advocating general use of "Taiwan" as the country's name without calling for abandonment of the name Republic of China.In the national elections held in early months of 2008, the DPP won less than 25% of the seats (38.2% vote share) in the new Legislative Yuan while its presidential candidate, former Kaohsiung mayor Frank Hsieh, lost to KMT candidate Ma Ying-jeou by a wide margin (41.55% vs. 58.45%). In May, the DPP elected moderate Tsai Ing-wen as their new leader over fundamentalist Koo Kwang-ming. Tsai became the first female leader of the DPP and the first female leader to lead a major party in Taiwan.The first months since backed to the opposition were dominated by press coverage of the travails of Chen Shui-bian and his wife Wu Shu-jen. On 15 August 2008, Chen resigned from the DPP and apologized: "Today I have to say sorry to all of the DPP members and supporters. I let everyone down, caused you humiliation and failed to meet your expectations. My acts have caused irreparable damage to the party. I love the DPP deeply and am proud of being a DPP member. To express my deepest regrets to all DPP members and supporters, I announce my withdrawal from the DPP immediately. My wife Wu Shu-jen is also withdrawing from the party." DPP Chairperson followed with a public statement on behalf of the party: "In regard to Chen and his wife's decision to withdraw from the party and his desire to shoulder responsibility for his actions as well as to undergo an investigation by the party's anti-corruption committee, we respect his decision and accept it."The DPP vowed to reflect on public misgivings towards the party. Chairperson Tsai insisted on the need for the party to remember its history, defend the Republic of China's sovereignty and national security, and maintain its confidence.The party re-emerged as a voice in Taiwan's political debate when Ma's administration reached the end of its first year in office. The DPP marked the anniversary with massive rallies in Taipei and Kaohsiung. Tsai's address to the crowd in Taipei on May 17 proclaimed a "citizens' movement to protect Republic of China" seeking to "protect our democracy and protect Republic of China."On 16 January 2016, Taiwan held a general election for its presidency and for the Legislative Yuan. The DPP gained the presidential seat, with the election of Tsai Ing-wen, who received 56.12% of the votes, while her opponent Eric Chu gained 31.2%. In addition, the DPP gained a majority of the Legislative Yuan, winning 68 seats in the 113-seat legislature, up from 40 in 2012 election, thus giving them the majority for the first time in its history. President Tsai won reelection in the 2020 Taiwanese presidential election on January 11, 2020, and the Democratic Progressive Party retained its legislative majority, winning 61 seats.Programs supported by the party include moderate social welfare policies involving the rights of women, senior citizens, children, young people, labor, minorities, indigenous peoples, farmers, and other disadvantaged sectors of the society. Furthermore, its platform includes a legal and political order based on human rights and democracy; balanced economic and financial administration; fair and open social welfare; educational and cultural reform; and, independent defence and peaceful foreign policy with closer ties to United States and Japan. For these reasons, it used to be considered a party of the center-left economically though its base consisted largely of the middle class. The party also has a social liberal stance that includes support for gender equality and same-sex marriage under Tsai's leadership, and also has a conservative base that includes support from the Presbyterian Church in Taiwan.The primary political axis in Taiwan involves the issue of Taiwan independence versus eventual unification with China. Although the differences tend to be portrayed in polarized terms, both major coalitions have developed modified, nuanced and often complex positions. Though opposed in the philosophical origins, the practical differences between such positions can sometimes be subtle.The current official position of the party is that Taiwan is an independent and sovereign country whose territory consists of Taiwan and its surrounding smaller islands and whose sovereignty derives only from the ROC citizens living in Taiwan (similar philosophy of self-determination), based on the 1999 "Resolution on Taiwan's Future". It considers Taiwan as an independent nation under the name of Republic of China, making a formal declaration of independence unnecessary. Though calls for drafting a new constitution and a declaration of a Republic of Taiwan was written into the party charter in 1991, the 1999 resolution has practically superseded the earlier charter. The DPP rejects the so-called "One China principle" defined in 1992 as the basis for official diplomatic relations with the PRC and advocates a Taiwanese national identity which is separate from mainland China. By contrast, the KMT or pan-blue coalition agrees that the Republic of China is an independent and sovereign country that is not part of the PRC, but argues that a one China principle (with different definitions across the strait) can be used as the basis for talks with China. The KMT also opposes Taiwan independence and argues that efforts to establish a Taiwanese national identity separated from the Chinese national identity are unnecessary and needlessly provocative. Some KMT conservative officials have called efforts from DPP "anti-China" (opposing migrants from mainland China, who DPP officials did not recognize as Taiwanese, but Chinese). At the other end of the political spectrum, the acceptance by the DPP of the symbols of the Republic of China is opposed by the Taiwan Solidarity Union.The first years of the DPP as the ruling party drew accusations from the opposition that, as a self-styled Taiwanese nationalist party, the DPP was itself inadequately sensitive to the ethnographic diversity of Taiwan's population. Where the KMT had been guilty of Chinese chauvinism, the critics charged, the DPP might offer nothing more as a remedy than Hoklo chauvinism. The DPP argues that its efforts to promote a Taiwanese national identity are merely an effort to normalize a Taiwanese identity repressed during years of authoritarian Kuomintang rule.Since the democratization of Taiwan in the 1990s, the DPP has had its strongest performance in the Hokkien-speaking counties and cities of Taiwan, compared with the predominantly Hakka and Mandarin-speaking counties, that tend to support the Kuomintang.The deep-rooted hostility between Taiwanese aborigines and (Taiwanese) Hoklo, and the effective KMT networks within aboriginal communities contribute to aboriginal skepticism against the DPP and the aboriginals tendency to vote for the KMT. Aboriginals have criticized politicians for abusing the "indigenization" movement for political gains, such as aboriginal opposition to the DPP's "rectification" by recognizing the Truku for political reasons, where the Atayal and Seediq slammed the Truku for their name rectification. In 2008, the majority of mountain townships voted for Ma Ying-jeou. However, the DPP share of the aboriginal vote has been rising.The DPP National Party Congress selects, for two-year terms, the 30 members of the Central Executive Committee and the 11 members of the Central Review Committee. The Central Executive Committee, in turn, chooses the 10 members of the Central Standing Committee. Since 2012, the DPP has had a "China Affairs Committee" to deal with Cross-Strait relations; the name caused some controversy within the party and in the Taiwan media, with critics suggesting that "Mainland Affairs Committee" or "Cross-Strait Affairs Committee" would show less of a hostile "One Country on Each Side" attitude.For many years the DPP officially recognized several factions within its membership, such as the New Tide faction (), the Formosa faction (), the Justice Alliance faction () and Welfare State Alliance faction (). Each faction endorsed slightly different policies. The factions were often generationally identifiable, representing individuals who had entered the party at different times. In 2006, the party ended recognition of factions. The factions have since stated that they will comply with the resolution. However, the factions are still referred to by name in national media.On April 25, 2021, some people in Hong Kong and Macao reported that they cannot browse the Democratic Progressive Party website, even using VPN, even though Taiwan citizens can still browse into the website normally. | [
"Su Tseng-chang",
"Shih Ming-teh",
"Annette Lu",
"Huang Hsin-chieh",
"Lin Yu-chang",
"Yu Shyi-kun",
"Cho Jung-tai",
"Chang Chun-hung",
"Chen Shui-bian",
"Hsu Hsin-liang",
"Lin Yi-hsiung",
"Ker Chien-ming",
"Frank Hsieh",
"Chai Trong-rong",
"Chiang Peng-chien",
"Chen Chu",
"Su Tseng-chang",
"Shih Ming-teh",
"Annette Lu",
"Huang Hsin-chieh",
"Lin Yu-chang",
"Yu Shyi-kun",
"Cho Jung-tai",
"Chang Chun-hung",
"Chen Shui-bian",
"Hsu Hsin-liang",
"Lin Yi-hsiung",
"Ker Chien-ming",
"Frank Hsieh",
"Chai Trong-rong",
"Chen Chu"
] |
|
Who was the chair of Democratic Progressive Party in 11/30/1987? | November 30, 1987 | {
"text": [
"Yao Chia-wen",
"Chiang Peng-chien"
]
} | L2_Q903822_P488_1 | Shih Ming-teh is the chair of Democratic Progressive Party from May, 1994 to Mar, 1996.
Ker Chien-ming is the chair of Democratic Progressive Party from Mar, 2011 to Apr, 2011.
Huang Hsin-chieh is the chair of Democratic Progressive Party from Nov, 1989 to Nov, 1991.
Chen Chu is the chair of Democratic Progressive Party from Feb, 2012 to May, 2012.
Su Tseng-chang is the chair of Democratic Progressive Party from May, 2012 to May, 2014.
Lin Yi-hsiung is the chair of Democratic Progressive Party from Aug, 1998 to Jul, 2000.
Cho Jung-tai is the chair of Democratic Progressive Party from Jan, 2019 to May, 2020.
Hsu Hsin-liang is the chair of Democratic Progressive Party from Jun, 1996 to Aug, 1998.
Chai Trong-rong is the chair of Democratic Progressive Party from Mar, 2007 to May, 2007.
Frank Hsieh is the chair of Democratic Progressive Party from Jan, 2008 to May, 2008.
Yao Chia-wen is the chair of Democratic Progressive Party from Nov, 1987 to Nov, 1988.
Annette Lu is the chair of Democratic Progressive Party from Dec, 2005 to Jan, 2006.
Chen Shui-bian is the chair of Democratic Progressive Party from Oct, 2007 to Jan, 2008.
Yu Shyi-kun is the chair of Democratic Progressive Party from Jan, 2006 to Oct, 2007.
Chang Chun-hung is the chair of Democratic Progressive Party from Mar, 1996 to Jun, 1996.
Lin Yu-chang is the chair of Democratic Progressive Party from Nov, 2018 to Jan, 2019.
Chiang Peng-chien is the chair of Democratic Progressive Party from Nov, 1986 to Nov, 1987. | Democratic Progressive PartyThe Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) is a Taiwanese nationalist and center-left political party in Taiwan (Republic of China). Controlling both the Republic of China presidency and the unicameral Legislative Yuan, it is the majority ruling party and the dominant party in the Pan-Green Coalition as of 2020.Founded in 1986, the DPP is one of two major parties in Taiwan, along with the historically dominant Kuomintang. It has traditionally been associated with strong advocacy of human rights, and a distinct Taiwanese identity. The incumbent President and three-time leader of the DPP, Tsai Ing-wen, is the second member of the DPP to hold the office.The DPP is a longtime member of Liberal International and a founding member of the Council of Asian Liberals and Democrats. It represented Taiwan in the Unrepresented Nations and Peoples Organization. The DPP and its affiliated parties are widely classified as socially liberal because of their legislators' strong antinuclear stance and support for same-sex marriage. They are also proponents of a Taiwanese national identity. In addition, the DPP is more willing to increase military expenditures to defend against a potential Chinese invasion, and on foreign policy favors closer ties with the United States and Japan.The DPP's roots were in the "tangwai" – or "outside-the-KMT" – movement, which formed in opposition to the Kuomintang's one-party authoritarian rule under the "party-state" system. This movement culminated in the formation of the DPP as an alternative, but still illegal, party on September 28, 1986 by eighteen organizing members at Grand Hotel Taipei, with a total of 132 people joining the party in attendance. The new party members contested the 1986 election as "nonpartisan" candidates since competing parties would remain illegal until the following year. These early members of the party, like the "tangwai", drew heavily from the ranks of family members and defense lawyers of political prisoners, as well as intellectuals and artists who had spent time abroad. These individuals were strongly committed to political change toward democracy and freedom of speech, press, assembly, and association.The "tangwai" were not a unified political unit and consisted of factions which carried over into the early DPP. At its founding the DPP consisted of three factions: the Kang group (a moderate faction led by Kang Ning-hsiang), New Tide faction (consisting of intellectuals and social activists led by Wu Nai-ren and Chiou I-jen), and the Progress Faction (led by Lin Cheng-chieh, a "waishengren" opposed to independence). Moderates would later coalesce around the Formosa faction, founded by those arrested during the Formosa Incident after their release from prison. In the early days of the party, the Formosa faction focused on winning elections by wielding the star power of its leaders, while New Tide would focus on ideological mobilization and developing grassroots support for social movements. As a result, the Formosa faction would become more moderate, often bending to public opinion, while New Tide would become more ideologically cohesive. By 1988 the Formosa Faction would dominate high-level positions within the party.The party did not at the outset give explicit support to an independent Taiwanese national identity, partially because moderates such as Hsu Hsin-liang were concerned that such a move that could have invited a violent crackdown by the Kuomintang and alienate voters, but also because some members such as Lin Cheng-chieh supported unification. Partially due to their waning influence within the party and partially due to their ideological commitment, between 1988 and 1991 the New Tide Faction would push the independence issue, bolstered by the return of pro-independence activists from overseas who were previously barred from Taiwan. In 1991, in order to head off the New Tide, party chairman Hsu Hsin-liang of the moderate Formosa faction agreed to include language in the party charter which advocated for the drafting of a new constitution as well as declaration of a new Republic of Taiwan via referendum (which resulted in many pro-unification members leaving the party). However, the party would quickly begin to walk back on this language, and eventually in 1999 the party congress passed a resolution that Taiwan was already an independent country, under the official name "Republic of China," and that any constitutional changes should be approved by the people via referendum, while emphasizing the use of the name "Taiwan" in international settings.Despite its lack of electoral success, the pressure that the DPP created on the ruling KMT via its demands are widely credited in the political reforms of the 1990s, most notably the direct popular election of Republic of China's president and all representatives in the National Assembly and Legislative Yuan, as well the ability to open discuss events from the past such as the February 28 Incident and its long aftermath of martial law, and space for a greater variety of political views and advocacy. Once the DPP had representation in the Legislative Yuan, the party used the legislature as a forum to challenge the ruling KMT. Post-democratization, the DPP shifted their focus to anti-corruption issues, in particular regarding KMT connections to organized crime as well as "party assets" illegally acquired from the government during martial law. Meanwhile, factions continued to form within the DPP as a mechanism for coalition-building within the party; notably, future President Chen Shui-bian would form the Justice Alliance faction. The DPP won the presidency with the election of Chen Shui-bian in March 2000 with a plurality, due to Pan-Blue voters splitting their vote between the Kuomintang and independent candidate James Soong, ending 91 years of KMT rule in the Republic of China. Chen softened the party's stance on independence to appeal to moderate voters, appease the United States, and placate China. He also promised not to change the ROC state symbols or declare formal independence as long as the People's Republic of China did not attack Taiwan. Further, he advocated for economic exchange with China as well as the establishment of transportation links.In 2002 the DPP became the first party other than the KMT to reach a plurality in the Legislative Yuan following the 2001 legislative election. However, a majority coalition between the KMT, People First Party, and New Party prevented it from taking control of the chamber. This coalition was at odds with the presidency from the beginning, and led to President Chen's abandonment of the centrist positions that he ran his campaign on.In 2003, Chen announced a campaign to draft a referendum law as well as a new constitution, a move which appealed to the fundamentalist wing of the DPP. By now, the New Tide faction had begun to favor pragmatic approaches to their pro-independence goals and dominated decision-making positions within the party. By contrast, grassroots support was divided largely between moderate and fundamentalist wings. Though Chen's plans for a referendum on a new constitution were scuttled by the legislature, he did manage to include a largely symbolic referendum on the PRC military threat to coincide with the 2004 presidential election. President Chen Shui-bian would be narrowly re-elected in 2004 after an assassination attempt the day before the election, and in the later legislative election, the pan-blue coalition opposition retained control of the chamber.President Chen's moves sparked a debate within the party between fundamentalists and moderates who were concerned that voters would abandon their party. The fundamentalists won out, and as a result the DPP would largely follow Chen's lead. The DPP suffered a significant election defeat in nationwide local and county elections in December 2005, while the pan-blue coalition captured 16 of 23 county and city government offices under the leadership of popular Taipei mayor and KMT Party Chairman Ma Ying-jeou. Moderates within the party would blame this loss on the party's fundamentalist turn.The results led to a shake up of the party leadership. Su Tseng-chang resigned as DPP chairman soon after election results were announced. Su had pledged to step down if the DPP lost either Taipei County or failed to win 10 of the 23 mayor/magistrate positions. Vice President Annette Lu was appointed acting DPP leader. Presidential Office Secretary-General Yu Shyi-kun was elected in a three-way race against legislator Chai Trong-rong and Wong Chin-chu with 54.4% of the vote.Premier Frank Hsieh, DPP election organizer and former mayor of Kaohsiung twice tendered a verbal resignation immediately following the election, but his resignation was not accepted by President Chen until 17 January 2006 after the DPP chairmanship election had concluded. The former DPP Chairman Su Tseng-chang was appointed to replace Hsieh as premier. Hsieh and his cabinet resigned en masse on January 24 to make way for Su and his new cabinet. President Chen had offered the position of Presidential Office Secretary-General (vacated by Su) to the departing premier, but Hsieh declined and left office criticizing President Chen for his tough line on dealing with China.In 2005, following the passage of the Anti-Secession Law, the Chen administration issued a statement asserting the position that Taiwan's future should be decided by the people on Taiwan only.On 30 September 2007, the DPP approved a resolution asserting a separate identity from China and called for the enactment of a new constitution for a "normal nation". It struck an accommodating tone by advocating general use of "Taiwan" as the country's name without calling for abandonment of the name Republic of China.In the national elections held in early months of 2008, the DPP won less than 25% of the seats (38.2% vote share) in the new Legislative Yuan while its presidential candidate, former Kaohsiung mayor Frank Hsieh, lost to KMT candidate Ma Ying-jeou by a wide margin (41.55% vs. 58.45%). In May, the DPP elected moderate Tsai Ing-wen as their new leader over fundamentalist Koo Kwang-ming. Tsai became the first female leader of the DPP and the first female leader to lead a major party in Taiwan.The first months since backed to the opposition were dominated by press coverage of the travails of Chen Shui-bian and his wife Wu Shu-jen. On 15 August 2008, Chen resigned from the DPP and apologized: "Today I have to say sorry to all of the DPP members and supporters. I let everyone down, caused you humiliation and failed to meet your expectations. My acts have caused irreparable damage to the party. I love the DPP deeply and am proud of being a DPP member. To express my deepest regrets to all DPP members and supporters, I announce my withdrawal from the DPP immediately. My wife Wu Shu-jen is also withdrawing from the party." DPP Chairperson followed with a public statement on behalf of the party: "In regard to Chen and his wife's decision to withdraw from the party and his desire to shoulder responsibility for his actions as well as to undergo an investigation by the party's anti-corruption committee, we respect his decision and accept it."The DPP vowed to reflect on public misgivings towards the party. Chairperson Tsai insisted on the need for the party to remember its history, defend the Republic of China's sovereignty and national security, and maintain its confidence.The party re-emerged as a voice in Taiwan's political debate when Ma's administration reached the end of its first year in office. The DPP marked the anniversary with massive rallies in Taipei and Kaohsiung. Tsai's address to the crowd in Taipei on May 17 proclaimed a "citizens' movement to protect Republic of China" seeking to "protect our democracy and protect Republic of China."On 16 January 2016, Taiwan held a general election for its presidency and for the Legislative Yuan. The DPP gained the presidential seat, with the election of Tsai Ing-wen, who received 56.12% of the votes, while her opponent Eric Chu gained 31.2%. In addition, the DPP gained a majority of the Legislative Yuan, winning 68 seats in the 113-seat legislature, up from 40 in 2012 election, thus giving them the majority for the first time in its history. President Tsai won reelection in the 2020 Taiwanese presidential election on January 11, 2020, and the Democratic Progressive Party retained its legislative majority, winning 61 seats.Programs supported by the party include moderate social welfare policies involving the rights of women, senior citizens, children, young people, labor, minorities, indigenous peoples, farmers, and other disadvantaged sectors of the society. Furthermore, its platform includes a legal and political order based on human rights and democracy; balanced economic and financial administration; fair and open social welfare; educational and cultural reform; and, independent defence and peaceful foreign policy with closer ties to United States and Japan. For these reasons, it used to be considered a party of the center-left economically though its base consisted largely of the middle class. The party also has a social liberal stance that includes support for gender equality and same-sex marriage under Tsai's leadership, and also has a conservative base that includes support from the Presbyterian Church in Taiwan.The primary political axis in Taiwan involves the issue of Taiwan independence versus eventual unification with China. Although the differences tend to be portrayed in polarized terms, both major coalitions have developed modified, nuanced and often complex positions. Though opposed in the philosophical origins, the practical differences between such positions can sometimes be subtle.The current official position of the party is that Taiwan is an independent and sovereign country whose territory consists of Taiwan and its surrounding smaller islands and whose sovereignty derives only from the ROC citizens living in Taiwan (similar philosophy of self-determination), based on the 1999 "Resolution on Taiwan's Future". It considers Taiwan as an independent nation under the name of Republic of China, making a formal declaration of independence unnecessary. Though calls for drafting a new constitution and a declaration of a Republic of Taiwan was written into the party charter in 1991, the 1999 resolution has practically superseded the earlier charter. The DPP rejects the so-called "One China principle" defined in 1992 as the basis for official diplomatic relations with the PRC and advocates a Taiwanese national identity which is separate from mainland China. By contrast, the KMT or pan-blue coalition agrees that the Republic of China is an independent and sovereign country that is not part of the PRC, but argues that a one China principle (with different definitions across the strait) can be used as the basis for talks with China. The KMT also opposes Taiwan independence and argues that efforts to establish a Taiwanese national identity separated from the Chinese national identity are unnecessary and needlessly provocative. Some KMT conservative officials have called efforts from DPP "anti-China" (opposing migrants from mainland China, who DPP officials did not recognize as Taiwanese, but Chinese). At the other end of the political spectrum, the acceptance by the DPP of the symbols of the Republic of China is opposed by the Taiwan Solidarity Union.The first years of the DPP as the ruling party drew accusations from the opposition that, as a self-styled Taiwanese nationalist party, the DPP was itself inadequately sensitive to the ethnographic diversity of Taiwan's population. Where the KMT had been guilty of Chinese chauvinism, the critics charged, the DPP might offer nothing more as a remedy than Hoklo chauvinism. The DPP argues that its efforts to promote a Taiwanese national identity are merely an effort to normalize a Taiwanese identity repressed during years of authoritarian Kuomintang rule.Since the democratization of Taiwan in the 1990s, the DPP has had its strongest performance in the Hokkien-speaking counties and cities of Taiwan, compared with the predominantly Hakka and Mandarin-speaking counties, that tend to support the Kuomintang.The deep-rooted hostility between Taiwanese aborigines and (Taiwanese) Hoklo, and the effective KMT networks within aboriginal communities contribute to aboriginal skepticism against the DPP and the aboriginals tendency to vote for the KMT. Aboriginals have criticized politicians for abusing the "indigenization" movement for political gains, such as aboriginal opposition to the DPP's "rectification" by recognizing the Truku for political reasons, where the Atayal and Seediq slammed the Truku for their name rectification. In 2008, the majority of mountain townships voted for Ma Ying-jeou. However, the DPP share of the aboriginal vote has been rising.The DPP National Party Congress selects, for two-year terms, the 30 members of the Central Executive Committee and the 11 members of the Central Review Committee. The Central Executive Committee, in turn, chooses the 10 members of the Central Standing Committee. Since 2012, the DPP has had a "China Affairs Committee" to deal with Cross-Strait relations; the name caused some controversy within the party and in the Taiwan media, with critics suggesting that "Mainland Affairs Committee" or "Cross-Strait Affairs Committee" would show less of a hostile "One Country on Each Side" attitude.For many years the DPP officially recognized several factions within its membership, such as the New Tide faction (), the Formosa faction (), the Justice Alliance faction () and Welfare State Alliance faction (). Each faction endorsed slightly different policies. The factions were often generationally identifiable, representing individuals who had entered the party at different times. In 2006, the party ended recognition of factions. The factions have since stated that they will comply with the resolution. However, the factions are still referred to by name in national media.On April 25, 2021, some people in Hong Kong and Macao reported that they cannot browse the Democratic Progressive Party website, even using VPN, even though Taiwan citizens can still browse into the website normally. | [
"Su Tseng-chang",
"Shih Ming-teh",
"Annette Lu",
"Huang Hsin-chieh",
"Lin Yu-chang",
"Yu Shyi-kun",
"Cho Jung-tai",
"Chang Chun-hung",
"Chen Shui-bian",
"Hsu Hsin-liang",
"Lin Yi-hsiung",
"Ker Chien-ming",
"Frank Hsieh",
"Chai Trong-rong",
"Chiang Peng-chien",
"Chen Chu",
"Su Tseng-chang",
"Shih Ming-teh",
"Annette Lu",
"Huang Hsin-chieh",
"Lin Yu-chang",
"Yu Shyi-kun",
"Cho Jung-tai",
"Chang Chun-hung",
"Chen Shui-bian",
"Hsu Hsin-liang",
"Lin Yi-hsiung",
"Ker Chien-ming",
"Frank Hsieh",
"Chai Trong-rong",
"Chen Chu"
] |
|
Who was the chair of Democratic Progressive Party in 30-Nov-198730-November-1987? | November 30, 1987 | {
"text": [
"Yao Chia-wen",
"Chiang Peng-chien"
]
} | L2_Q903822_P488_1 | Shih Ming-teh is the chair of Democratic Progressive Party from May, 1994 to Mar, 1996.
Ker Chien-ming is the chair of Democratic Progressive Party from Mar, 2011 to Apr, 2011.
Huang Hsin-chieh is the chair of Democratic Progressive Party from Nov, 1989 to Nov, 1991.
Chen Chu is the chair of Democratic Progressive Party from Feb, 2012 to May, 2012.
Su Tseng-chang is the chair of Democratic Progressive Party from May, 2012 to May, 2014.
Lin Yi-hsiung is the chair of Democratic Progressive Party from Aug, 1998 to Jul, 2000.
Cho Jung-tai is the chair of Democratic Progressive Party from Jan, 2019 to May, 2020.
Hsu Hsin-liang is the chair of Democratic Progressive Party from Jun, 1996 to Aug, 1998.
Chai Trong-rong is the chair of Democratic Progressive Party from Mar, 2007 to May, 2007.
Frank Hsieh is the chair of Democratic Progressive Party from Jan, 2008 to May, 2008.
Yao Chia-wen is the chair of Democratic Progressive Party from Nov, 1987 to Nov, 1988.
Annette Lu is the chair of Democratic Progressive Party from Dec, 2005 to Jan, 2006.
Chen Shui-bian is the chair of Democratic Progressive Party from Oct, 2007 to Jan, 2008.
Yu Shyi-kun is the chair of Democratic Progressive Party from Jan, 2006 to Oct, 2007.
Chang Chun-hung is the chair of Democratic Progressive Party from Mar, 1996 to Jun, 1996.
Lin Yu-chang is the chair of Democratic Progressive Party from Nov, 2018 to Jan, 2019.
Chiang Peng-chien is the chair of Democratic Progressive Party from Nov, 1986 to Nov, 1987. | Democratic Progressive PartyThe Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) is a Taiwanese nationalist and center-left political party in Taiwan (Republic of China). Controlling both the Republic of China presidency and the unicameral Legislative Yuan, it is the majority ruling party and the dominant party in the Pan-Green Coalition as of 2020.Founded in 1986, the DPP is one of two major parties in Taiwan, along with the historically dominant Kuomintang. It has traditionally been associated with strong advocacy of human rights, and a distinct Taiwanese identity. The incumbent President and three-time leader of the DPP, Tsai Ing-wen, is the second member of the DPP to hold the office.The DPP is a longtime member of Liberal International and a founding member of the Council of Asian Liberals and Democrats. It represented Taiwan in the Unrepresented Nations and Peoples Organization. The DPP and its affiliated parties are widely classified as socially liberal because of their legislators' strong antinuclear stance and support for same-sex marriage. They are also proponents of a Taiwanese national identity. In addition, the DPP is more willing to increase military expenditures to defend against a potential Chinese invasion, and on foreign policy favors closer ties with the United States and Japan.The DPP's roots were in the "tangwai" – or "outside-the-KMT" – movement, which formed in opposition to the Kuomintang's one-party authoritarian rule under the "party-state" system. This movement culminated in the formation of the DPP as an alternative, but still illegal, party on September 28, 1986 by eighteen organizing members at Grand Hotel Taipei, with a total of 132 people joining the party in attendance. The new party members contested the 1986 election as "nonpartisan" candidates since competing parties would remain illegal until the following year. These early members of the party, like the "tangwai", drew heavily from the ranks of family members and defense lawyers of political prisoners, as well as intellectuals and artists who had spent time abroad. These individuals were strongly committed to political change toward democracy and freedom of speech, press, assembly, and association.The "tangwai" were not a unified political unit and consisted of factions which carried over into the early DPP. At its founding the DPP consisted of three factions: the Kang group (a moderate faction led by Kang Ning-hsiang), New Tide faction (consisting of intellectuals and social activists led by Wu Nai-ren and Chiou I-jen), and the Progress Faction (led by Lin Cheng-chieh, a "waishengren" opposed to independence). Moderates would later coalesce around the Formosa faction, founded by those arrested during the Formosa Incident after their release from prison. In the early days of the party, the Formosa faction focused on winning elections by wielding the star power of its leaders, while New Tide would focus on ideological mobilization and developing grassroots support for social movements. As a result, the Formosa faction would become more moderate, often bending to public opinion, while New Tide would become more ideologically cohesive. By 1988 the Formosa Faction would dominate high-level positions within the party.The party did not at the outset give explicit support to an independent Taiwanese national identity, partially because moderates such as Hsu Hsin-liang were concerned that such a move that could have invited a violent crackdown by the Kuomintang and alienate voters, but also because some members such as Lin Cheng-chieh supported unification. Partially due to their waning influence within the party and partially due to their ideological commitment, between 1988 and 1991 the New Tide Faction would push the independence issue, bolstered by the return of pro-independence activists from overseas who were previously barred from Taiwan. In 1991, in order to head off the New Tide, party chairman Hsu Hsin-liang of the moderate Formosa faction agreed to include language in the party charter which advocated for the drafting of a new constitution as well as declaration of a new Republic of Taiwan via referendum (which resulted in many pro-unification members leaving the party). However, the party would quickly begin to walk back on this language, and eventually in 1999 the party congress passed a resolution that Taiwan was already an independent country, under the official name "Republic of China," and that any constitutional changes should be approved by the people via referendum, while emphasizing the use of the name "Taiwan" in international settings.Despite its lack of electoral success, the pressure that the DPP created on the ruling KMT via its demands are widely credited in the political reforms of the 1990s, most notably the direct popular election of Republic of China's president and all representatives in the National Assembly and Legislative Yuan, as well the ability to open discuss events from the past such as the February 28 Incident and its long aftermath of martial law, and space for a greater variety of political views and advocacy. Once the DPP had representation in the Legislative Yuan, the party used the legislature as a forum to challenge the ruling KMT. Post-democratization, the DPP shifted their focus to anti-corruption issues, in particular regarding KMT connections to organized crime as well as "party assets" illegally acquired from the government during martial law. Meanwhile, factions continued to form within the DPP as a mechanism for coalition-building within the party; notably, future President Chen Shui-bian would form the Justice Alliance faction. The DPP won the presidency with the election of Chen Shui-bian in March 2000 with a plurality, due to Pan-Blue voters splitting their vote between the Kuomintang and independent candidate James Soong, ending 91 years of KMT rule in the Republic of China. Chen softened the party's stance on independence to appeal to moderate voters, appease the United States, and placate China. He also promised not to change the ROC state symbols or declare formal independence as long as the People's Republic of China did not attack Taiwan. Further, he advocated for economic exchange with China as well as the establishment of transportation links.In 2002 the DPP became the first party other than the KMT to reach a plurality in the Legislative Yuan following the 2001 legislative election. However, a majority coalition between the KMT, People First Party, and New Party prevented it from taking control of the chamber. This coalition was at odds with the presidency from the beginning, and led to President Chen's abandonment of the centrist positions that he ran his campaign on.In 2003, Chen announced a campaign to draft a referendum law as well as a new constitution, a move which appealed to the fundamentalist wing of the DPP. By now, the New Tide faction had begun to favor pragmatic approaches to their pro-independence goals and dominated decision-making positions within the party. By contrast, grassroots support was divided largely between moderate and fundamentalist wings. Though Chen's plans for a referendum on a new constitution were scuttled by the legislature, he did manage to include a largely symbolic referendum on the PRC military threat to coincide with the 2004 presidential election. President Chen Shui-bian would be narrowly re-elected in 2004 after an assassination attempt the day before the election, and in the later legislative election, the pan-blue coalition opposition retained control of the chamber.President Chen's moves sparked a debate within the party between fundamentalists and moderates who were concerned that voters would abandon their party. The fundamentalists won out, and as a result the DPP would largely follow Chen's lead. The DPP suffered a significant election defeat in nationwide local and county elections in December 2005, while the pan-blue coalition captured 16 of 23 county and city government offices under the leadership of popular Taipei mayor and KMT Party Chairman Ma Ying-jeou. Moderates within the party would blame this loss on the party's fundamentalist turn.The results led to a shake up of the party leadership. Su Tseng-chang resigned as DPP chairman soon after election results were announced. Su had pledged to step down if the DPP lost either Taipei County or failed to win 10 of the 23 mayor/magistrate positions. Vice President Annette Lu was appointed acting DPP leader. Presidential Office Secretary-General Yu Shyi-kun was elected in a three-way race against legislator Chai Trong-rong and Wong Chin-chu with 54.4% of the vote.Premier Frank Hsieh, DPP election organizer and former mayor of Kaohsiung twice tendered a verbal resignation immediately following the election, but his resignation was not accepted by President Chen until 17 January 2006 after the DPP chairmanship election had concluded. The former DPP Chairman Su Tseng-chang was appointed to replace Hsieh as premier. Hsieh and his cabinet resigned en masse on January 24 to make way for Su and his new cabinet. President Chen had offered the position of Presidential Office Secretary-General (vacated by Su) to the departing premier, but Hsieh declined and left office criticizing President Chen for his tough line on dealing with China.In 2005, following the passage of the Anti-Secession Law, the Chen administration issued a statement asserting the position that Taiwan's future should be decided by the people on Taiwan only.On 30 September 2007, the DPP approved a resolution asserting a separate identity from China and called for the enactment of a new constitution for a "normal nation". It struck an accommodating tone by advocating general use of "Taiwan" as the country's name without calling for abandonment of the name Republic of China.In the national elections held in early months of 2008, the DPP won less than 25% of the seats (38.2% vote share) in the new Legislative Yuan while its presidential candidate, former Kaohsiung mayor Frank Hsieh, lost to KMT candidate Ma Ying-jeou by a wide margin (41.55% vs. 58.45%). In May, the DPP elected moderate Tsai Ing-wen as their new leader over fundamentalist Koo Kwang-ming. Tsai became the first female leader of the DPP and the first female leader to lead a major party in Taiwan.The first months since backed to the opposition were dominated by press coverage of the travails of Chen Shui-bian and his wife Wu Shu-jen. On 15 August 2008, Chen resigned from the DPP and apologized: "Today I have to say sorry to all of the DPP members and supporters. I let everyone down, caused you humiliation and failed to meet your expectations. My acts have caused irreparable damage to the party. I love the DPP deeply and am proud of being a DPP member. To express my deepest regrets to all DPP members and supporters, I announce my withdrawal from the DPP immediately. My wife Wu Shu-jen is also withdrawing from the party." DPP Chairperson followed with a public statement on behalf of the party: "In regard to Chen and his wife's decision to withdraw from the party and his desire to shoulder responsibility for his actions as well as to undergo an investigation by the party's anti-corruption committee, we respect his decision and accept it."The DPP vowed to reflect on public misgivings towards the party. Chairperson Tsai insisted on the need for the party to remember its history, defend the Republic of China's sovereignty and national security, and maintain its confidence.The party re-emerged as a voice in Taiwan's political debate when Ma's administration reached the end of its first year in office. The DPP marked the anniversary with massive rallies in Taipei and Kaohsiung. Tsai's address to the crowd in Taipei on May 17 proclaimed a "citizens' movement to protect Republic of China" seeking to "protect our democracy and protect Republic of China."On 16 January 2016, Taiwan held a general election for its presidency and for the Legislative Yuan. The DPP gained the presidential seat, with the election of Tsai Ing-wen, who received 56.12% of the votes, while her opponent Eric Chu gained 31.2%. In addition, the DPP gained a majority of the Legislative Yuan, winning 68 seats in the 113-seat legislature, up from 40 in 2012 election, thus giving them the majority for the first time in its history. President Tsai won reelection in the 2020 Taiwanese presidential election on January 11, 2020, and the Democratic Progressive Party retained its legislative majority, winning 61 seats.Programs supported by the party include moderate social welfare policies involving the rights of women, senior citizens, children, young people, labor, minorities, indigenous peoples, farmers, and other disadvantaged sectors of the society. Furthermore, its platform includes a legal and political order based on human rights and democracy; balanced economic and financial administration; fair and open social welfare; educational and cultural reform; and, independent defence and peaceful foreign policy with closer ties to United States and Japan. For these reasons, it used to be considered a party of the center-left economically though its base consisted largely of the middle class. The party also has a social liberal stance that includes support for gender equality and same-sex marriage under Tsai's leadership, and also has a conservative base that includes support from the Presbyterian Church in Taiwan.The primary political axis in Taiwan involves the issue of Taiwan independence versus eventual unification with China. Although the differences tend to be portrayed in polarized terms, both major coalitions have developed modified, nuanced and often complex positions. Though opposed in the philosophical origins, the practical differences between such positions can sometimes be subtle.The current official position of the party is that Taiwan is an independent and sovereign country whose territory consists of Taiwan and its surrounding smaller islands and whose sovereignty derives only from the ROC citizens living in Taiwan (similar philosophy of self-determination), based on the 1999 "Resolution on Taiwan's Future". It considers Taiwan as an independent nation under the name of Republic of China, making a formal declaration of independence unnecessary. Though calls for drafting a new constitution and a declaration of a Republic of Taiwan was written into the party charter in 1991, the 1999 resolution has practically superseded the earlier charter. The DPP rejects the so-called "One China principle" defined in 1992 as the basis for official diplomatic relations with the PRC and advocates a Taiwanese national identity which is separate from mainland China. By contrast, the KMT or pan-blue coalition agrees that the Republic of China is an independent and sovereign country that is not part of the PRC, but argues that a one China principle (with different definitions across the strait) can be used as the basis for talks with China. The KMT also opposes Taiwan independence and argues that efforts to establish a Taiwanese national identity separated from the Chinese national identity are unnecessary and needlessly provocative. Some KMT conservative officials have called efforts from DPP "anti-China" (opposing migrants from mainland China, who DPP officials did not recognize as Taiwanese, but Chinese). At the other end of the political spectrum, the acceptance by the DPP of the symbols of the Republic of China is opposed by the Taiwan Solidarity Union.The first years of the DPP as the ruling party drew accusations from the opposition that, as a self-styled Taiwanese nationalist party, the DPP was itself inadequately sensitive to the ethnographic diversity of Taiwan's population. Where the KMT had been guilty of Chinese chauvinism, the critics charged, the DPP might offer nothing more as a remedy than Hoklo chauvinism. The DPP argues that its efforts to promote a Taiwanese national identity are merely an effort to normalize a Taiwanese identity repressed during years of authoritarian Kuomintang rule.Since the democratization of Taiwan in the 1990s, the DPP has had its strongest performance in the Hokkien-speaking counties and cities of Taiwan, compared with the predominantly Hakka and Mandarin-speaking counties, that tend to support the Kuomintang.The deep-rooted hostility between Taiwanese aborigines and (Taiwanese) Hoklo, and the effective KMT networks within aboriginal communities contribute to aboriginal skepticism against the DPP and the aboriginals tendency to vote for the KMT. Aboriginals have criticized politicians for abusing the "indigenization" movement for political gains, such as aboriginal opposition to the DPP's "rectification" by recognizing the Truku for political reasons, where the Atayal and Seediq slammed the Truku for their name rectification. In 2008, the majority of mountain townships voted for Ma Ying-jeou. However, the DPP share of the aboriginal vote has been rising.The DPP National Party Congress selects, for two-year terms, the 30 members of the Central Executive Committee and the 11 members of the Central Review Committee. The Central Executive Committee, in turn, chooses the 10 members of the Central Standing Committee. Since 2012, the DPP has had a "China Affairs Committee" to deal with Cross-Strait relations; the name caused some controversy within the party and in the Taiwan media, with critics suggesting that "Mainland Affairs Committee" or "Cross-Strait Affairs Committee" would show less of a hostile "One Country on Each Side" attitude.For many years the DPP officially recognized several factions within its membership, such as the New Tide faction (), the Formosa faction (), the Justice Alliance faction () and Welfare State Alliance faction (). Each faction endorsed slightly different policies. The factions were often generationally identifiable, representing individuals who had entered the party at different times. In 2006, the party ended recognition of factions. The factions have since stated that they will comply with the resolution. However, the factions are still referred to by name in national media.On April 25, 2021, some people in Hong Kong and Macao reported that they cannot browse the Democratic Progressive Party website, even using VPN, even though Taiwan citizens can still browse into the website normally. | [
"Su Tseng-chang",
"Shih Ming-teh",
"Annette Lu",
"Huang Hsin-chieh",
"Lin Yu-chang",
"Yu Shyi-kun",
"Cho Jung-tai",
"Chang Chun-hung",
"Chen Shui-bian",
"Hsu Hsin-liang",
"Lin Yi-hsiung",
"Ker Chien-ming",
"Frank Hsieh",
"Chai Trong-rong",
"Chiang Peng-chien",
"Chen Chu",
"Su Tseng-chang",
"Shih Ming-teh",
"Annette Lu",
"Huang Hsin-chieh",
"Lin Yu-chang",
"Yu Shyi-kun",
"Cho Jung-tai",
"Chang Chun-hung",
"Chen Shui-bian",
"Hsu Hsin-liang",
"Lin Yi-hsiung",
"Ker Chien-ming",
"Frank Hsieh",
"Chai Trong-rong",
"Chen Chu"
] |
|
Which position did Panagiotis Kanellopoulos hold in Apr, 1947? | April 01, 1947 | {
"text": [
"Minister of Aviation of Greece"
]
} | L2_Q708364_P39_5 | Panagiotis Kanellopoulos holds the position of Member of the Athens Academy from Jan, 1959 to Jan, 1959.
Panagiotis Kanellopoulos holds the position of Prime Minister of Greece from Apr, 1967 to Apr, 1967.
Panagiotis Kanellopoulos holds the position of Minister for National Defence of Greece from Dec, 1952 to Jun, 1955.
Panagiotis Kanellopoulos holds the position of Minister of Commercial Marine of Greece from Jul, 1944 to Oct, 1944.
Panagiotis Kanellopoulos holds the position of Minister of Aviation of Greece from Feb, 1947 to Aug, 1947.
Panagiotis Kanellopoulos holds the position of Minister of Public Order from Jan, 1947 to Feb, 1947.
Panagiotis Kanellopoulos holds the position of Minister of Military Affairs of Greece from Mar, 1950 to Apr, 1950.
Panagiotis Kanellopoulos holds the position of Minister without portfolio of Greece from Apr, 1946 to Apr, 1946.
Panagiotis Kanellopoulos holds the position of Deputy Prime Minister of Greece from Nov, 1961 to Jun, 1963.
Panagiotis Kanellopoulos holds the position of Member of the Hellenic Parliament from Jan, 1974 to Jan, 1985.
Panagiotis Kanellopoulos holds the position of Minister of Economy of Greece from Dec, 1944 to Jan, 1945.
Panagiotis Kanellopoulos holds the position of Minister of Naval Affairs of Greece from Jan, 1947 to Feb, 1947. | Panagiotis KanellopoulosPanagiotis Kanellopoulos or Panayotis Kanellopoulos (; Patras, Achaea, 13 December 1902Athens, 11 September 1986) was a Greek author, politician and Prime Minister of Greece. He was the Prime Minister of Greece deposed by the Greek military junta of 1967–1974.Kanellopoulos studied law in Athens, Heidelberg and Munich. Kanellopoulos was an intellectual and author of books about politics, law, sociology, philosophy, and history. His book "I was born in 1402" received a literary award from the Academy of Athens. He married Theano Poulikakos (Θεανώ Πουλικάκου).After the start of the Axis occupation of Greece in 1941 he founded the "Omiros" resistance group, and in 1942 he fled to the Middle East, where he served as Minister of Defence under the Tsouderos government in exile during World War II. In November 1945, he served as Prime Minister for a short period of time. After the war he became Minister for Reconstruction under Georgios Papandreou in a national unity government. He also served in other ministerial posts under Alexandros Diomidis, Constantine Karamanlis and others till 1967 when he became Prime Minister.On 9 July 1961 Panagiotis Kanellopoulos as Deputy Prime Minister in Konstantinos Karamanlis' government and German Vice-Chancellor Ludwig Erhard signed the protocols of Greece's Treaty of Association with the European Economic Community (EEC). The signing ceremony in Athens was attended by top government officials from the six-member group consisting of Germany, France, Italy, Belgium, Luxemburg and the Netherlands. The six member group was the early precursor of today's 25 member European Union. Economy Minister Aristidis Protopapadakis and Foreign Minister Evangelos Averoff were also present at the ceremony as well as Prime Minister Konstantinos Karamanlis.His niece, Amalia married Karamanlis. In 1963 he succeeded Karamanlis as leader of the National Radical Union party (ERE).He was the last Prime Minister (acting as a caretaker for the scheduled for 28 May) prior to the coup d'état of 21 April 1967. He was placed under house arrest for the next seven years. During the events leading to the "metapolitefsi" (the period of political transition following the fall of the military junta), Phaedon Gizikis actively considered giving Kanellopoulos the mandate to form a transitional government. After the "metapolitefsi" Kanellopoulos resumed his parliamentary career as a member of the New Democracy party. He declined offers to become President of Greece when the post was offered to him during the "metapolitefsi".Kanellopoulos was the nephew of Dimitrios Gounaris. | [
"Member of the Hellenic Parliament",
"Deputy Prime Minister of Greece",
"Minister of Naval Affairs of Greece",
"Minister for National Defence of Greece",
"Minister without portfolio of Greece",
"Minister of Commercial Marine of Greece",
"Minister of Public Order",
"Prime Minister of Greece",
"Minister of Economy of Greece",
"Minister of Military Affairs of Greece",
"Member of the Athens Academy"
] |
|
Which position did Panagiotis Kanellopoulos hold in 1947-04-01? | April 01, 1947 | {
"text": [
"Minister of Aviation of Greece"
]
} | L2_Q708364_P39_5 | Panagiotis Kanellopoulos holds the position of Member of the Athens Academy from Jan, 1959 to Jan, 1959.
Panagiotis Kanellopoulos holds the position of Prime Minister of Greece from Apr, 1967 to Apr, 1967.
Panagiotis Kanellopoulos holds the position of Minister for National Defence of Greece from Dec, 1952 to Jun, 1955.
Panagiotis Kanellopoulos holds the position of Minister of Commercial Marine of Greece from Jul, 1944 to Oct, 1944.
Panagiotis Kanellopoulos holds the position of Minister of Aviation of Greece from Feb, 1947 to Aug, 1947.
Panagiotis Kanellopoulos holds the position of Minister of Public Order from Jan, 1947 to Feb, 1947.
Panagiotis Kanellopoulos holds the position of Minister of Military Affairs of Greece from Mar, 1950 to Apr, 1950.
Panagiotis Kanellopoulos holds the position of Minister without portfolio of Greece from Apr, 1946 to Apr, 1946.
Panagiotis Kanellopoulos holds the position of Deputy Prime Minister of Greece from Nov, 1961 to Jun, 1963.
Panagiotis Kanellopoulos holds the position of Member of the Hellenic Parliament from Jan, 1974 to Jan, 1985.
Panagiotis Kanellopoulos holds the position of Minister of Economy of Greece from Dec, 1944 to Jan, 1945.
Panagiotis Kanellopoulos holds the position of Minister of Naval Affairs of Greece from Jan, 1947 to Feb, 1947. | Panagiotis KanellopoulosPanagiotis Kanellopoulos or Panayotis Kanellopoulos (; Patras, Achaea, 13 December 1902Athens, 11 September 1986) was a Greek author, politician and Prime Minister of Greece. He was the Prime Minister of Greece deposed by the Greek military junta of 1967–1974.Kanellopoulos studied law in Athens, Heidelberg and Munich. Kanellopoulos was an intellectual and author of books about politics, law, sociology, philosophy, and history. His book "I was born in 1402" received a literary award from the Academy of Athens. He married Theano Poulikakos (Θεανώ Πουλικάκου).After the start of the Axis occupation of Greece in 1941 he founded the "Omiros" resistance group, and in 1942 he fled to the Middle East, where he served as Minister of Defence under the Tsouderos government in exile during World War II. In November 1945, he served as Prime Minister for a short period of time. After the war he became Minister for Reconstruction under Georgios Papandreou in a national unity government. He also served in other ministerial posts under Alexandros Diomidis, Constantine Karamanlis and others till 1967 when he became Prime Minister.On 9 July 1961 Panagiotis Kanellopoulos as Deputy Prime Minister in Konstantinos Karamanlis' government and German Vice-Chancellor Ludwig Erhard signed the protocols of Greece's Treaty of Association with the European Economic Community (EEC). The signing ceremony in Athens was attended by top government officials from the six-member group consisting of Germany, France, Italy, Belgium, Luxemburg and the Netherlands. The six member group was the early precursor of today's 25 member European Union. Economy Minister Aristidis Protopapadakis and Foreign Minister Evangelos Averoff were also present at the ceremony as well as Prime Minister Konstantinos Karamanlis.His niece, Amalia married Karamanlis. In 1963 he succeeded Karamanlis as leader of the National Radical Union party (ERE).He was the last Prime Minister (acting as a caretaker for the scheduled for 28 May) prior to the coup d'état of 21 April 1967. He was placed under house arrest for the next seven years. During the events leading to the "metapolitefsi" (the period of political transition following the fall of the military junta), Phaedon Gizikis actively considered giving Kanellopoulos the mandate to form a transitional government. After the "metapolitefsi" Kanellopoulos resumed his parliamentary career as a member of the New Democracy party. He declined offers to become President of Greece when the post was offered to him during the "metapolitefsi".Kanellopoulos was the nephew of Dimitrios Gounaris. | [
"Member of the Hellenic Parliament",
"Deputy Prime Minister of Greece",
"Minister of Naval Affairs of Greece",
"Minister for National Defence of Greece",
"Minister without portfolio of Greece",
"Minister of Commercial Marine of Greece",
"Minister of Public Order",
"Prime Minister of Greece",
"Minister of Economy of Greece",
"Minister of Military Affairs of Greece",
"Member of the Athens Academy"
] |
|
Which position did Panagiotis Kanellopoulos hold in 01/04/1947? | April 01, 1947 | {
"text": [
"Minister of Aviation of Greece"
]
} | L2_Q708364_P39_5 | Panagiotis Kanellopoulos holds the position of Member of the Athens Academy from Jan, 1959 to Jan, 1959.
Panagiotis Kanellopoulos holds the position of Prime Minister of Greece from Apr, 1967 to Apr, 1967.
Panagiotis Kanellopoulos holds the position of Minister for National Defence of Greece from Dec, 1952 to Jun, 1955.
Panagiotis Kanellopoulos holds the position of Minister of Commercial Marine of Greece from Jul, 1944 to Oct, 1944.
Panagiotis Kanellopoulos holds the position of Minister of Aviation of Greece from Feb, 1947 to Aug, 1947.
Panagiotis Kanellopoulos holds the position of Minister of Public Order from Jan, 1947 to Feb, 1947.
Panagiotis Kanellopoulos holds the position of Minister of Military Affairs of Greece from Mar, 1950 to Apr, 1950.
Panagiotis Kanellopoulos holds the position of Minister without portfolio of Greece from Apr, 1946 to Apr, 1946.
Panagiotis Kanellopoulos holds the position of Deputy Prime Minister of Greece from Nov, 1961 to Jun, 1963.
Panagiotis Kanellopoulos holds the position of Member of the Hellenic Parliament from Jan, 1974 to Jan, 1985.
Panagiotis Kanellopoulos holds the position of Minister of Economy of Greece from Dec, 1944 to Jan, 1945.
Panagiotis Kanellopoulos holds the position of Minister of Naval Affairs of Greece from Jan, 1947 to Feb, 1947. | Panagiotis KanellopoulosPanagiotis Kanellopoulos or Panayotis Kanellopoulos (; Patras, Achaea, 13 December 1902Athens, 11 September 1986) was a Greek author, politician and Prime Minister of Greece. He was the Prime Minister of Greece deposed by the Greek military junta of 1967–1974.Kanellopoulos studied law in Athens, Heidelberg and Munich. Kanellopoulos was an intellectual and author of books about politics, law, sociology, philosophy, and history. His book "I was born in 1402" received a literary award from the Academy of Athens. He married Theano Poulikakos (Θεανώ Πουλικάκου).After the start of the Axis occupation of Greece in 1941 he founded the "Omiros" resistance group, and in 1942 he fled to the Middle East, where he served as Minister of Defence under the Tsouderos government in exile during World War II. In November 1945, he served as Prime Minister for a short period of time. After the war he became Minister for Reconstruction under Georgios Papandreou in a national unity government. He also served in other ministerial posts under Alexandros Diomidis, Constantine Karamanlis and others till 1967 when he became Prime Minister.On 9 July 1961 Panagiotis Kanellopoulos as Deputy Prime Minister in Konstantinos Karamanlis' government and German Vice-Chancellor Ludwig Erhard signed the protocols of Greece's Treaty of Association with the European Economic Community (EEC). The signing ceremony in Athens was attended by top government officials from the six-member group consisting of Germany, France, Italy, Belgium, Luxemburg and the Netherlands. The six member group was the early precursor of today's 25 member European Union. Economy Minister Aristidis Protopapadakis and Foreign Minister Evangelos Averoff were also present at the ceremony as well as Prime Minister Konstantinos Karamanlis.His niece, Amalia married Karamanlis. In 1963 he succeeded Karamanlis as leader of the National Radical Union party (ERE).He was the last Prime Minister (acting as a caretaker for the scheduled for 28 May) prior to the coup d'état of 21 April 1967. He was placed under house arrest for the next seven years. During the events leading to the "metapolitefsi" (the period of political transition following the fall of the military junta), Phaedon Gizikis actively considered giving Kanellopoulos the mandate to form a transitional government. After the "metapolitefsi" Kanellopoulos resumed his parliamentary career as a member of the New Democracy party. He declined offers to become President of Greece when the post was offered to him during the "metapolitefsi".Kanellopoulos was the nephew of Dimitrios Gounaris. | [
"Member of the Hellenic Parliament",
"Deputy Prime Minister of Greece",
"Minister of Naval Affairs of Greece",
"Minister for National Defence of Greece",
"Minister without portfolio of Greece",
"Minister of Commercial Marine of Greece",
"Minister of Public Order",
"Prime Minister of Greece",
"Minister of Economy of Greece",
"Minister of Military Affairs of Greece",
"Member of the Athens Academy"
] |
|
Which position did Panagiotis Kanellopoulos hold in Apr 01, 1947? | April 01, 1947 | {
"text": [
"Minister of Aviation of Greece"
]
} | L2_Q708364_P39_5 | Panagiotis Kanellopoulos holds the position of Member of the Athens Academy from Jan, 1959 to Jan, 1959.
Panagiotis Kanellopoulos holds the position of Prime Minister of Greece from Apr, 1967 to Apr, 1967.
Panagiotis Kanellopoulos holds the position of Minister for National Defence of Greece from Dec, 1952 to Jun, 1955.
Panagiotis Kanellopoulos holds the position of Minister of Commercial Marine of Greece from Jul, 1944 to Oct, 1944.
Panagiotis Kanellopoulos holds the position of Minister of Aviation of Greece from Feb, 1947 to Aug, 1947.
Panagiotis Kanellopoulos holds the position of Minister of Public Order from Jan, 1947 to Feb, 1947.
Panagiotis Kanellopoulos holds the position of Minister of Military Affairs of Greece from Mar, 1950 to Apr, 1950.
Panagiotis Kanellopoulos holds the position of Minister without portfolio of Greece from Apr, 1946 to Apr, 1946.
Panagiotis Kanellopoulos holds the position of Deputy Prime Minister of Greece from Nov, 1961 to Jun, 1963.
Panagiotis Kanellopoulos holds the position of Member of the Hellenic Parliament from Jan, 1974 to Jan, 1985.
Panagiotis Kanellopoulos holds the position of Minister of Economy of Greece from Dec, 1944 to Jan, 1945.
Panagiotis Kanellopoulos holds the position of Minister of Naval Affairs of Greece from Jan, 1947 to Feb, 1947. | Panagiotis KanellopoulosPanagiotis Kanellopoulos or Panayotis Kanellopoulos (; Patras, Achaea, 13 December 1902Athens, 11 September 1986) was a Greek author, politician and Prime Minister of Greece. He was the Prime Minister of Greece deposed by the Greek military junta of 1967–1974.Kanellopoulos studied law in Athens, Heidelberg and Munich. Kanellopoulos was an intellectual and author of books about politics, law, sociology, philosophy, and history. His book "I was born in 1402" received a literary award from the Academy of Athens. He married Theano Poulikakos (Θεανώ Πουλικάκου).After the start of the Axis occupation of Greece in 1941 he founded the "Omiros" resistance group, and in 1942 he fled to the Middle East, where he served as Minister of Defence under the Tsouderos government in exile during World War II. In November 1945, he served as Prime Minister for a short period of time. After the war he became Minister for Reconstruction under Georgios Papandreou in a national unity government. He also served in other ministerial posts under Alexandros Diomidis, Constantine Karamanlis and others till 1967 when he became Prime Minister.On 9 July 1961 Panagiotis Kanellopoulos as Deputy Prime Minister in Konstantinos Karamanlis' government and German Vice-Chancellor Ludwig Erhard signed the protocols of Greece's Treaty of Association with the European Economic Community (EEC). The signing ceremony in Athens was attended by top government officials from the six-member group consisting of Germany, France, Italy, Belgium, Luxemburg and the Netherlands. The six member group was the early precursor of today's 25 member European Union. Economy Minister Aristidis Protopapadakis and Foreign Minister Evangelos Averoff were also present at the ceremony as well as Prime Minister Konstantinos Karamanlis.His niece, Amalia married Karamanlis. In 1963 he succeeded Karamanlis as leader of the National Radical Union party (ERE).He was the last Prime Minister (acting as a caretaker for the scheduled for 28 May) prior to the coup d'état of 21 April 1967. He was placed under house arrest for the next seven years. During the events leading to the "metapolitefsi" (the period of political transition following the fall of the military junta), Phaedon Gizikis actively considered giving Kanellopoulos the mandate to form a transitional government. After the "metapolitefsi" Kanellopoulos resumed his parliamentary career as a member of the New Democracy party. He declined offers to become President of Greece when the post was offered to him during the "metapolitefsi".Kanellopoulos was the nephew of Dimitrios Gounaris. | [
"Member of the Hellenic Parliament",
"Deputy Prime Minister of Greece",
"Minister of Naval Affairs of Greece",
"Minister for National Defence of Greece",
"Minister without portfolio of Greece",
"Minister of Commercial Marine of Greece",
"Minister of Public Order",
"Prime Minister of Greece",
"Minister of Economy of Greece",
"Minister of Military Affairs of Greece",
"Member of the Athens Academy"
] |
|
Which position did Panagiotis Kanellopoulos hold in 04/01/1947? | April 01, 1947 | {
"text": [
"Minister of Aviation of Greece"
]
} | L2_Q708364_P39_5 | Panagiotis Kanellopoulos holds the position of Member of the Athens Academy from Jan, 1959 to Jan, 1959.
Panagiotis Kanellopoulos holds the position of Prime Minister of Greece from Apr, 1967 to Apr, 1967.
Panagiotis Kanellopoulos holds the position of Minister for National Defence of Greece from Dec, 1952 to Jun, 1955.
Panagiotis Kanellopoulos holds the position of Minister of Commercial Marine of Greece from Jul, 1944 to Oct, 1944.
Panagiotis Kanellopoulos holds the position of Minister of Aviation of Greece from Feb, 1947 to Aug, 1947.
Panagiotis Kanellopoulos holds the position of Minister of Public Order from Jan, 1947 to Feb, 1947.
Panagiotis Kanellopoulos holds the position of Minister of Military Affairs of Greece from Mar, 1950 to Apr, 1950.
Panagiotis Kanellopoulos holds the position of Minister without portfolio of Greece from Apr, 1946 to Apr, 1946.
Panagiotis Kanellopoulos holds the position of Deputy Prime Minister of Greece from Nov, 1961 to Jun, 1963.
Panagiotis Kanellopoulos holds the position of Member of the Hellenic Parliament from Jan, 1974 to Jan, 1985.
Panagiotis Kanellopoulos holds the position of Minister of Economy of Greece from Dec, 1944 to Jan, 1945.
Panagiotis Kanellopoulos holds the position of Minister of Naval Affairs of Greece from Jan, 1947 to Feb, 1947. | Panagiotis KanellopoulosPanagiotis Kanellopoulos or Panayotis Kanellopoulos (; Patras, Achaea, 13 December 1902Athens, 11 September 1986) was a Greek author, politician and Prime Minister of Greece. He was the Prime Minister of Greece deposed by the Greek military junta of 1967–1974.Kanellopoulos studied law in Athens, Heidelberg and Munich. Kanellopoulos was an intellectual and author of books about politics, law, sociology, philosophy, and history. His book "I was born in 1402" received a literary award from the Academy of Athens. He married Theano Poulikakos (Θεανώ Πουλικάκου).After the start of the Axis occupation of Greece in 1941 he founded the "Omiros" resistance group, and in 1942 he fled to the Middle East, where he served as Minister of Defence under the Tsouderos government in exile during World War II. In November 1945, he served as Prime Minister for a short period of time. After the war he became Minister for Reconstruction under Georgios Papandreou in a national unity government. He also served in other ministerial posts under Alexandros Diomidis, Constantine Karamanlis and others till 1967 when he became Prime Minister.On 9 July 1961 Panagiotis Kanellopoulos as Deputy Prime Minister in Konstantinos Karamanlis' government and German Vice-Chancellor Ludwig Erhard signed the protocols of Greece's Treaty of Association with the European Economic Community (EEC). The signing ceremony in Athens was attended by top government officials from the six-member group consisting of Germany, France, Italy, Belgium, Luxemburg and the Netherlands. The six member group was the early precursor of today's 25 member European Union. Economy Minister Aristidis Protopapadakis and Foreign Minister Evangelos Averoff were also present at the ceremony as well as Prime Minister Konstantinos Karamanlis.His niece, Amalia married Karamanlis. In 1963 he succeeded Karamanlis as leader of the National Radical Union party (ERE).He was the last Prime Minister (acting as a caretaker for the scheduled for 28 May) prior to the coup d'état of 21 April 1967. He was placed under house arrest for the next seven years. During the events leading to the "metapolitefsi" (the period of political transition following the fall of the military junta), Phaedon Gizikis actively considered giving Kanellopoulos the mandate to form a transitional government. After the "metapolitefsi" Kanellopoulos resumed his parliamentary career as a member of the New Democracy party. He declined offers to become President of Greece when the post was offered to him during the "metapolitefsi".Kanellopoulos was the nephew of Dimitrios Gounaris. | [
"Member of the Hellenic Parliament",
"Deputy Prime Minister of Greece",
"Minister of Naval Affairs of Greece",
"Minister for National Defence of Greece",
"Minister without portfolio of Greece",
"Minister of Commercial Marine of Greece",
"Minister of Public Order",
"Prime Minister of Greece",
"Minister of Economy of Greece",
"Minister of Military Affairs of Greece",
"Member of the Athens Academy"
] |
|
Which position did Panagiotis Kanellopoulos hold in 01-Apr-194701-April-1947? | April 01, 1947 | {
"text": [
"Minister of Aviation of Greece"
]
} | L2_Q708364_P39_5 | Panagiotis Kanellopoulos holds the position of Member of the Athens Academy from Jan, 1959 to Jan, 1959.
Panagiotis Kanellopoulos holds the position of Prime Minister of Greece from Apr, 1967 to Apr, 1967.
Panagiotis Kanellopoulos holds the position of Minister for National Defence of Greece from Dec, 1952 to Jun, 1955.
Panagiotis Kanellopoulos holds the position of Minister of Commercial Marine of Greece from Jul, 1944 to Oct, 1944.
Panagiotis Kanellopoulos holds the position of Minister of Aviation of Greece from Feb, 1947 to Aug, 1947.
Panagiotis Kanellopoulos holds the position of Minister of Public Order from Jan, 1947 to Feb, 1947.
Panagiotis Kanellopoulos holds the position of Minister of Military Affairs of Greece from Mar, 1950 to Apr, 1950.
Panagiotis Kanellopoulos holds the position of Minister without portfolio of Greece from Apr, 1946 to Apr, 1946.
Panagiotis Kanellopoulos holds the position of Deputy Prime Minister of Greece from Nov, 1961 to Jun, 1963.
Panagiotis Kanellopoulos holds the position of Member of the Hellenic Parliament from Jan, 1974 to Jan, 1985.
Panagiotis Kanellopoulos holds the position of Minister of Economy of Greece from Dec, 1944 to Jan, 1945.
Panagiotis Kanellopoulos holds the position of Minister of Naval Affairs of Greece from Jan, 1947 to Feb, 1947. | Panagiotis KanellopoulosPanagiotis Kanellopoulos or Panayotis Kanellopoulos (; Patras, Achaea, 13 December 1902Athens, 11 September 1986) was a Greek author, politician and Prime Minister of Greece. He was the Prime Minister of Greece deposed by the Greek military junta of 1967–1974.Kanellopoulos studied law in Athens, Heidelberg and Munich. Kanellopoulos was an intellectual and author of books about politics, law, sociology, philosophy, and history. His book "I was born in 1402" received a literary award from the Academy of Athens. He married Theano Poulikakos (Θεανώ Πουλικάκου).After the start of the Axis occupation of Greece in 1941 he founded the "Omiros" resistance group, and in 1942 he fled to the Middle East, where he served as Minister of Defence under the Tsouderos government in exile during World War II. In November 1945, he served as Prime Minister for a short period of time. After the war he became Minister for Reconstruction under Georgios Papandreou in a national unity government. He also served in other ministerial posts under Alexandros Diomidis, Constantine Karamanlis and others till 1967 when he became Prime Minister.On 9 July 1961 Panagiotis Kanellopoulos as Deputy Prime Minister in Konstantinos Karamanlis' government and German Vice-Chancellor Ludwig Erhard signed the protocols of Greece's Treaty of Association with the European Economic Community (EEC). The signing ceremony in Athens was attended by top government officials from the six-member group consisting of Germany, France, Italy, Belgium, Luxemburg and the Netherlands. The six member group was the early precursor of today's 25 member European Union. Economy Minister Aristidis Protopapadakis and Foreign Minister Evangelos Averoff were also present at the ceremony as well as Prime Minister Konstantinos Karamanlis.His niece, Amalia married Karamanlis. In 1963 he succeeded Karamanlis as leader of the National Radical Union party (ERE).He was the last Prime Minister (acting as a caretaker for the scheduled for 28 May) prior to the coup d'état of 21 April 1967. He was placed under house arrest for the next seven years. During the events leading to the "metapolitefsi" (the period of political transition following the fall of the military junta), Phaedon Gizikis actively considered giving Kanellopoulos the mandate to form a transitional government. After the "metapolitefsi" Kanellopoulos resumed his parliamentary career as a member of the New Democracy party. He declined offers to become President of Greece when the post was offered to him during the "metapolitefsi".Kanellopoulos was the nephew of Dimitrios Gounaris. | [
"Member of the Hellenic Parliament",
"Deputy Prime Minister of Greece",
"Minister of Naval Affairs of Greece",
"Minister for National Defence of Greece",
"Minister without portfolio of Greece",
"Minister of Commercial Marine of Greece",
"Minister of Public Order",
"Prime Minister of Greece",
"Minister of Economy of Greece",
"Minister of Military Affairs of Greece",
"Member of the Athens Academy"
] |
|
Who was the head coach of the team FC Zbrojovka Brno in Aug, 2016? | August 27, 2016 | {
"text": [
"Svatopluk Habanec"
]
} | L2_Q724832_P286_0 | Miloslav Machálek is the head coach of FC Zbrojovka Brno from Oct, 2019 to Dec, 2020.
Svatopluk Habanec is the head coach of FC Zbrojovka Brno from Jun, 2016 to Aug, 2017.
Richard Dostálek is the head coach of FC Zbrojovka Brno from Dec, 2020 to Dec, 2022. | FC Zbrojovka BrnoFC Zbrojovka Brno is a professional football club based in the city of Brno, South Moravia, Czech Republic and named after Zbrojovka Brno, a firearms manufacturer. Founded in 1913 as SK Židenice, the club later became known as Zbrojovka Brno. Brno won the Czechoslovak First League in the 1977–78 season and finished as runners-up in 1979–80.The club, initially known as SK Židenice, played in the top tier of Czechoslovak football from 1933 until suffering relegation in the 1946–47 Czechoslovak First League. During this period, the club entered the Mitropa Cup three times, reaching the quarter finals in 1935 as well as taking part in the competition in 1936 and 1938.Between 1950 and 1962 the club played outside the top tier, returning in the 1962–63 Czechoslovak First League. Five seasons elapsed before the club was again relegated, in 1967. They then spent four years in the second tier of Czechoslovak football before returning to the top flight. In the 1970s the club was a strong force in the country, winning the Czechoslovak First League in 1978, finishing third the following season and being runners up in 1980.The 1980s were less spectacular for Brno, as the club was relegated in 1983, playing until 1989 in the second tier. After just two seasons in the top tier, the club finished last in 1991 and was again relegated.Between 1992 and 2011, Brno played in the top tier of the Czech Republic for 19 consecutive seasons, the longest such spell in the club's history. In 2011, the club was relegated to the second division. In the 2011–12 Czech 2. Liga, the club only managed to finish fourth, missing out on the promotion places. However, due to the stadium requirements of the Czech First League, champions FK Ústí nad Labem as well as third-placed FK Baník Sokolov were ineligible for promotion. As a result, Brno won promotion immediately back to the top tier. In 2018, the club was relegated to the second division. In the 2018–19 Czech Second League, the club managed to finish third but lost the promotion play-off to Příbram.In 1962, there was an amalgamation between Rudá Hvězda Brno (1956–62) and "Spartak ZJŠ Brno".Brno have competed a number of times in European competitions, reaching the second round of the 1978–79 European Cup in their only appearance to date in the competition. The club played in the 1993–94 European Cup Winners' Cup but lost in the first round.Brno took part in the UEFA Cup three times, reaching the quarter finals in 1979–80 and also playing in 1980–81 and 1997–98.Because Brno was a major fairs city of Czechoslovakia, teams from Brno played in the Inter-Cities Fairs Cup in the 1960s. It was Spartak KPS Brno who participated first, then Spartak ZJŠ Brno (Zbrojovka) played five times in the Inter-Cities Fairs Cup in a row, reaching the quarter finals in 1963–64.Brno (then SK Židenice) competed in the Mitropa Cup three times before World War II, reaching the quarter finals in 1935.Rudá Hvězda Brno played in the 1960–61 European Cup Winners' Cup, reaching the quarter finals, after winning Czechoslovak Cup in 1960.Brno have played at Městský fotbalový stadion Srbská since 2001, when they moved from previous home Stadion Za Lužánkami. In the 1990s, Brno attracted record crowds to their football matches, with Za Lužánkami as the venue for all of the top ten most-attended Czech First League matches. The highest attendance for a Brno match is 44,120, set in a league match against Slavia Prague."To see Zbrojovka Brno's reserve squad, go to FC Zbrojovka Brno B"Some of the biggest Czech football legends played for Brno briefly:Czechoslovak First LeagueCzech First LeagueCzechoslovak Amateur LeagueCzechoslovak CupCzech Cup | [
"Miloslav Machálek",
"Richard Dostálek"
] |
|
Who was the head coach of the team FC Zbrojovka Brno in 2016-08-27? | August 27, 2016 | {
"text": [
"Svatopluk Habanec"
]
} | L2_Q724832_P286_0 | Miloslav Machálek is the head coach of FC Zbrojovka Brno from Oct, 2019 to Dec, 2020.
Svatopluk Habanec is the head coach of FC Zbrojovka Brno from Jun, 2016 to Aug, 2017.
Richard Dostálek is the head coach of FC Zbrojovka Brno from Dec, 2020 to Dec, 2022. | FC Zbrojovka BrnoFC Zbrojovka Brno is a professional football club based in the city of Brno, South Moravia, Czech Republic and named after Zbrojovka Brno, a firearms manufacturer. Founded in 1913 as SK Židenice, the club later became known as Zbrojovka Brno. Brno won the Czechoslovak First League in the 1977–78 season and finished as runners-up in 1979–80.The club, initially known as SK Židenice, played in the top tier of Czechoslovak football from 1933 until suffering relegation in the 1946–47 Czechoslovak First League. During this period, the club entered the Mitropa Cup three times, reaching the quarter finals in 1935 as well as taking part in the competition in 1936 and 1938.Between 1950 and 1962 the club played outside the top tier, returning in the 1962–63 Czechoslovak First League. Five seasons elapsed before the club was again relegated, in 1967. They then spent four years in the second tier of Czechoslovak football before returning to the top flight. In the 1970s the club was a strong force in the country, winning the Czechoslovak First League in 1978, finishing third the following season and being runners up in 1980.The 1980s were less spectacular for Brno, as the club was relegated in 1983, playing until 1989 in the second tier. After just two seasons in the top tier, the club finished last in 1991 and was again relegated.Between 1992 and 2011, Brno played in the top tier of the Czech Republic for 19 consecutive seasons, the longest such spell in the club's history. In 2011, the club was relegated to the second division. In the 2011–12 Czech 2. Liga, the club only managed to finish fourth, missing out on the promotion places. However, due to the stadium requirements of the Czech First League, champions FK Ústí nad Labem as well as third-placed FK Baník Sokolov were ineligible for promotion. As a result, Brno won promotion immediately back to the top tier. In 2018, the club was relegated to the second division. In the 2018–19 Czech Second League, the club managed to finish third but lost the promotion play-off to Příbram.In 1962, there was an amalgamation between Rudá Hvězda Brno (1956–62) and "Spartak ZJŠ Brno".Brno have competed a number of times in European competitions, reaching the second round of the 1978–79 European Cup in their only appearance to date in the competition. The club played in the 1993–94 European Cup Winners' Cup but lost in the first round.Brno took part in the UEFA Cup three times, reaching the quarter finals in 1979–80 and also playing in 1980–81 and 1997–98.Because Brno was a major fairs city of Czechoslovakia, teams from Brno played in the Inter-Cities Fairs Cup in the 1960s. It was Spartak KPS Brno who participated first, then Spartak ZJŠ Brno (Zbrojovka) played five times in the Inter-Cities Fairs Cup in a row, reaching the quarter finals in 1963–64.Brno (then SK Židenice) competed in the Mitropa Cup three times before World War II, reaching the quarter finals in 1935.Rudá Hvězda Brno played in the 1960–61 European Cup Winners' Cup, reaching the quarter finals, after winning Czechoslovak Cup in 1960.Brno have played at Městský fotbalový stadion Srbská since 2001, when they moved from previous home Stadion Za Lužánkami. In the 1990s, Brno attracted record crowds to their football matches, with Za Lužánkami as the venue for all of the top ten most-attended Czech First League matches. The highest attendance for a Brno match is 44,120, set in a league match against Slavia Prague."To see Zbrojovka Brno's reserve squad, go to FC Zbrojovka Brno B"Some of the biggest Czech football legends played for Brno briefly:Czechoslovak First LeagueCzech First LeagueCzechoslovak Amateur LeagueCzechoslovak CupCzech Cup | [
"Miloslav Machálek",
"Richard Dostálek"
] |
|
Who was the head coach of the team FC Zbrojovka Brno in 27/08/2016? | August 27, 2016 | {
"text": [
"Svatopluk Habanec"
]
} | L2_Q724832_P286_0 | Miloslav Machálek is the head coach of FC Zbrojovka Brno from Oct, 2019 to Dec, 2020.
Svatopluk Habanec is the head coach of FC Zbrojovka Brno from Jun, 2016 to Aug, 2017.
Richard Dostálek is the head coach of FC Zbrojovka Brno from Dec, 2020 to Dec, 2022. | FC Zbrojovka BrnoFC Zbrojovka Brno is a professional football club based in the city of Brno, South Moravia, Czech Republic and named after Zbrojovka Brno, a firearms manufacturer. Founded in 1913 as SK Židenice, the club later became known as Zbrojovka Brno. Brno won the Czechoslovak First League in the 1977–78 season and finished as runners-up in 1979–80.The club, initially known as SK Židenice, played in the top tier of Czechoslovak football from 1933 until suffering relegation in the 1946–47 Czechoslovak First League. During this period, the club entered the Mitropa Cup three times, reaching the quarter finals in 1935 as well as taking part in the competition in 1936 and 1938.Between 1950 and 1962 the club played outside the top tier, returning in the 1962–63 Czechoslovak First League. Five seasons elapsed before the club was again relegated, in 1967. They then spent four years in the second tier of Czechoslovak football before returning to the top flight. In the 1970s the club was a strong force in the country, winning the Czechoslovak First League in 1978, finishing third the following season and being runners up in 1980.The 1980s were less spectacular for Brno, as the club was relegated in 1983, playing until 1989 in the second tier. After just two seasons in the top tier, the club finished last in 1991 and was again relegated.Between 1992 and 2011, Brno played in the top tier of the Czech Republic for 19 consecutive seasons, the longest such spell in the club's history. In 2011, the club was relegated to the second division. In the 2011–12 Czech 2. Liga, the club only managed to finish fourth, missing out on the promotion places. However, due to the stadium requirements of the Czech First League, champions FK Ústí nad Labem as well as third-placed FK Baník Sokolov were ineligible for promotion. As a result, Brno won promotion immediately back to the top tier. In 2018, the club was relegated to the second division. In the 2018–19 Czech Second League, the club managed to finish third but lost the promotion play-off to Příbram.In 1962, there was an amalgamation between Rudá Hvězda Brno (1956–62) and "Spartak ZJŠ Brno".Brno have competed a number of times in European competitions, reaching the second round of the 1978–79 European Cup in their only appearance to date in the competition. The club played in the 1993–94 European Cup Winners' Cup but lost in the first round.Brno took part in the UEFA Cup three times, reaching the quarter finals in 1979–80 and also playing in 1980–81 and 1997–98.Because Brno was a major fairs city of Czechoslovakia, teams from Brno played in the Inter-Cities Fairs Cup in the 1960s. It was Spartak KPS Brno who participated first, then Spartak ZJŠ Brno (Zbrojovka) played five times in the Inter-Cities Fairs Cup in a row, reaching the quarter finals in 1963–64.Brno (then SK Židenice) competed in the Mitropa Cup three times before World War II, reaching the quarter finals in 1935.Rudá Hvězda Brno played in the 1960–61 European Cup Winners' Cup, reaching the quarter finals, after winning Czechoslovak Cup in 1960.Brno have played at Městský fotbalový stadion Srbská since 2001, when they moved from previous home Stadion Za Lužánkami. In the 1990s, Brno attracted record crowds to their football matches, with Za Lužánkami as the venue for all of the top ten most-attended Czech First League matches. The highest attendance for a Brno match is 44,120, set in a league match against Slavia Prague."To see Zbrojovka Brno's reserve squad, go to FC Zbrojovka Brno B"Some of the biggest Czech football legends played for Brno briefly:Czechoslovak First LeagueCzech First LeagueCzechoslovak Amateur LeagueCzechoslovak CupCzech Cup | [
"Miloslav Machálek",
"Richard Dostálek"
] |
|
Who was the head coach of the team FC Zbrojovka Brno in Aug 27, 2016? | August 27, 2016 | {
"text": [
"Svatopluk Habanec"
]
} | L2_Q724832_P286_0 | Miloslav Machálek is the head coach of FC Zbrojovka Brno from Oct, 2019 to Dec, 2020.
Svatopluk Habanec is the head coach of FC Zbrojovka Brno from Jun, 2016 to Aug, 2017.
Richard Dostálek is the head coach of FC Zbrojovka Brno from Dec, 2020 to Dec, 2022. | FC Zbrojovka BrnoFC Zbrojovka Brno is a professional football club based in the city of Brno, South Moravia, Czech Republic and named after Zbrojovka Brno, a firearms manufacturer. Founded in 1913 as SK Židenice, the club later became known as Zbrojovka Brno. Brno won the Czechoslovak First League in the 1977–78 season and finished as runners-up in 1979–80.The club, initially known as SK Židenice, played in the top tier of Czechoslovak football from 1933 until suffering relegation in the 1946–47 Czechoslovak First League. During this period, the club entered the Mitropa Cup three times, reaching the quarter finals in 1935 as well as taking part in the competition in 1936 and 1938.Between 1950 and 1962 the club played outside the top tier, returning in the 1962–63 Czechoslovak First League. Five seasons elapsed before the club was again relegated, in 1967. They then spent four years in the second tier of Czechoslovak football before returning to the top flight. In the 1970s the club was a strong force in the country, winning the Czechoslovak First League in 1978, finishing third the following season and being runners up in 1980.The 1980s were less spectacular for Brno, as the club was relegated in 1983, playing until 1989 in the second tier. After just two seasons in the top tier, the club finished last in 1991 and was again relegated.Between 1992 and 2011, Brno played in the top tier of the Czech Republic for 19 consecutive seasons, the longest such spell in the club's history. In 2011, the club was relegated to the second division. In the 2011–12 Czech 2. Liga, the club only managed to finish fourth, missing out on the promotion places. However, due to the stadium requirements of the Czech First League, champions FK Ústí nad Labem as well as third-placed FK Baník Sokolov were ineligible for promotion. As a result, Brno won promotion immediately back to the top tier. In 2018, the club was relegated to the second division. In the 2018–19 Czech Second League, the club managed to finish third but lost the promotion play-off to Příbram.In 1962, there was an amalgamation between Rudá Hvězda Brno (1956–62) and "Spartak ZJŠ Brno".Brno have competed a number of times in European competitions, reaching the second round of the 1978–79 European Cup in their only appearance to date in the competition. The club played in the 1993–94 European Cup Winners' Cup but lost in the first round.Brno took part in the UEFA Cup three times, reaching the quarter finals in 1979–80 and also playing in 1980–81 and 1997–98.Because Brno was a major fairs city of Czechoslovakia, teams from Brno played in the Inter-Cities Fairs Cup in the 1960s. It was Spartak KPS Brno who participated first, then Spartak ZJŠ Brno (Zbrojovka) played five times in the Inter-Cities Fairs Cup in a row, reaching the quarter finals in 1963–64.Brno (then SK Židenice) competed in the Mitropa Cup three times before World War II, reaching the quarter finals in 1935.Rudá Hvězda Brno played in the 1960–61 European Cup Winners' Cup, reaching the quarter finals, after winning Czechoslovak Cup in 1960.Brno have played at Městský fotbalový stadion Srbská since 2001, when they moved from previous home Stadion Za Lužánkami. In the 1990s, Brno attracted record crowds to their football matches, with Za Lužánkami as the venue for all of the top ten most-attended Czech First League matches. The highest attendance for a Brno match is 44,120, set in a league match against Slavia Prague."To see Zbrojovka Brno's reserve squad, go to FC Zbrojovka Brno B"Some of the biggest Czech football legends played for Brno briefly:Czechoslovak First LeagueCzech First LeagueCzechoslovak Amateur LeagueCzechoslovak CupCzech Cup | [
"Miloslav Machálek",
"Richard Dostálek"
] |
|
Who was the head coach of the team FC Zbrojovka Brno in 08/27/2016? | August 27, 2016 | {
"text": [
"Svatopluk Habanec"
]
} | L2_Q724832_P286_0 | Miloslav Machálek is the head coach of FC Zbrojovka Brno from Oct, 2019 to Dec, 2020.
Svatopluk Habanec is the head coach of FC Zbrojovka Brno from Jun, 2016 to Aug, 2017.
Richard Dostálek is the head coach of FC Zbrojovka Brno from Dec, 2020 to Dec, 2022. | FC Zbrojovka BrnoFC Zbrojovka Brno is a professional football club based in the city of Brno, South Moravia, Czech Republic and named after Zbrojovka Brno, a firearms manufacturer. Founded in 1913 as SK Židenice, the club later became known as Zbrojovka Brno. Brno won the Czechoslovak First League in the 1977–78 season and finished as runners-up in 1979–80.The club, initially known as SK Židenice, played in the top tier of Czechoslovak football from 1933 until suffering relegation in the 1946–47 Czechoslovak First League. During this period, the club entered the Mitropa Cup three times, reaching the quarter finals in 1935 as well as taking part in the competition in 1936 and 1938.Between 1950 and 1962 the club played outside the top tier, returning in the 1962–63 Czechoslovak First League. Five seasons elapsed before the club was again relegated, in 1967. They then spent four years in the second tier of Czechoslovak football before returning to the top flight. In the 1970s the club was a strong force in the country, winning the Czechoslovak First League in 1978, finishing third the following season and being runners up in 1980.The 1980s were less spectacular for Brno, as the club was relegated in 1983, playing until 1989 in the second tier. After just two seasons in the top tier, the club finished last in 1991 and was again relegated.Between 1992 and 2011, Brno played in the top tier of the Czech Republic for 19 consecutive seasons, the longest such spell in the club's history. In 2011, the club was relegated to the second division. In the 2011–12 Czech 2. Liga, the club only managed to finish fourth, missing out on the promotion places. However, due to the stadium requirements of the Czech First League, champions FK Ústí nad Labem as well as third-placed FK Baník Sokolov were ineligible for promotion. As a result, Brno won promotion immediately back to the top tier. In 2018, the club was relegated to the second division. In the 2018–19 Czech Second League, the club managed to finish third but lost the promotion play-off to Příbram.In 1962, there was an amalgamation between Rudá Hvězda Brno (1956–62) and "Spartak ZJŠ Brno".Brno have competed a number of times in European competitions, reaching the second round of the 1978–79 European Cup in their only appearance to date in the competition. The club played in the 1993–94 European Cup Winners' Cup but lost in the first round.Brno took part in the UEFA Cup three times, reaching the quarter finals in 1979–80 and also playing in 1980–81 and 1997–98.Because Brno was a major fairs city of Czechoslovakia, teams from Brno played in the Inter-Cities Fairs Cup in the 1960s. It was Spartak KPS Brno who participated first, then Spartak ZJŠ Brno (Zbrojovka) played five times in the Inter-Cities Fairs Cup in a row, reaching the quarter finals in 1963–64.Brno (then SK Židenice) competed in the Mitropa Cup three times before World War II, reaching the quarter finals in 1935.Rudá Hvězda Brno played in the 1960–61 European Cup Winners' Cup, reaching the quarter finals, after winning Czechoslovak Cup in 1960.Brno have played at Městský fotbalový stadion Srbská since 2001, when they moved from previous home Stadion Za Lužánkami. In the 1990s, Brno attracted record crowds to their football matches, with Za Lužánkami as the venue for all of the top ten most-attended Czech First League matches. The highest attendance for a Brno match is 44,120, set in a league match against Slavia Prague."To see Zbrojovka Brno's reserve squad, go to FC Zbrojovka Brno B"Some of the biggest Czech football legends played for Brno briefly:Czechoslovak First LeagueCzech First LeagueCzechoslovak Amateur LeagueCzechoslovak CupCzech Cup | [
"Miloslav Machálek",
"Richard Dostálek"
] |
|
Who was the head coach of the team FC Zbrojovka Brno in 27-Aug-201627-August-2016? | August 27, 2016 | {
"text": [
"Svatopluk Habanec"
]
} | L2_Q724832_P286_0 | Miloslav Machálek is the head coach of FC Zbrojovka Brno from Oct, 2019 to Dec, 2020.
Svatopluk Habanec is the head coach of FC Zbrojovka Brno from Jun, 2016 to Aug, 2017.
Richard Dostálek is the head coach of FC Zbrojovka Brno from Dec, 2020 to Dec, 2022. | FC Zbrojovka BrnoFC Zbrojovka Brno is a professional football club based in the city of Brno, South Moravia, Czech Republic and named after Zbrojovka Brno, a firearms manufacturer. Founded in 1913 as SK Židenice, the club later became known as Zbrojovka Brno. Brno won the Czechoslovak First League in the 1977–78 season and finished as runners-up in 1979–80.The club, initially known as SK Židenice, played in the top tier of Czechoslovak football from 1933 until suffering relegation in the 1946–47 Czechoslovak First League. During this period, the club entered the Mitropa Cup three times, reaching the quarter finals in 1935 as well as taking part in the competition in 1936 and 1938.Between 1950 and 1962 the club played outside the top tier, returning in the 1962–63 Czechoslovak First League. Five seasons elapsed before the club was again relegated, in 1967. They then spent four years in the second tier of Czechoslovak football before returning to the top flight. In the 1970s the club was a strong force in the country, winning the Czechoslovak First League in 1978, finishing third the following season and being runners up in 1980.The 1980s were less spectacular for Brno, as the club was relegated in 1983, playing until 1989 in the second tier. After just two seasons in the top tier, the club finished last in 1991 and was again relegated.Between 1992 and 2011, Brno played in the top tier of the Czech Republic for 19 consecutive seasons, the longest such spell in the club's history. In 2011, the club was relegated to the second division. In the 2011–12 Czech 2. Liga, the club only managed to finish fourth, missing out on the promotion places. However, due to the stadium requirements of the Czech First League, champions FK Ústí nad Labem as well as third-placed FK Baník Sokolov were ineligible for promotion. As a result, Brno won promotion immediately back to the top tier. In 2018, the club was relegated to the second division. In the 2018–19 Czech Second League, the club managed to finish third but lost the promotion play-off to Příbram.In 1962, there was an amalgamation between Rudá Hvězda Brno (1956–62) and "Spartak ZJŠ Brno".Brno have competed a number of times in European competitions, reaching the second round of the 1978–79 European Cup in their only appearance to date in the competition. The club played in the 1993–94 European Cup Winners' Cup but lost in the first round.Brno took part in the UEFA Cup three times, reaching the quarter finals in 1979–80 and also playing in 1980–81 and 1997–98.Because Brno was a major fairs city of Czechoslovakia, teams from Brno played in the Inter-Cities Fairs Cup in the 1960s. It was Spartak KPS Brno who participated first, then Spartak ZJŠ Brno (Zbrojovka) played five times in the Inter-Cities Fairs Cup in a row, reaching the quarter finals in 1963–64.Brno (then SK Židenice) competed in the Mitropa Cup three times before World War II, reaching the quarter finals in 1935.Rudá Hvězda Brno played in the 1960–61 European Cup Winners' Cup, reaching the quarter finals, after winning Czechoslovak Cup in 1960.Brno have played at Městský fotbalový stadion Srbská since 2001, when they moved from previous home Stadion Za Lužánkami. In the 1990s, Brno attracted record crowds to their football matches, with Za Lužánkami as the venue for all of the top ten most-attended Czech First League matches. The highest attendance for a Brno match is 44,120, set in a league match against Slavia Prague."To see Zbrojovka Brno's reserve squad, go to FC Zbrojovka Brno B"Some of the biggest Czech football legends played for Brno briefly:Czechoslovak First LeagueCzech First LeagueCzechoslovak Amateur LeagueCzechoslovak CupCzech Cup | [
"Miloslav Machálek",
"Richard Dostálek"
] |
|
Which position did Patrick Joseph O'Brien hold in Dec, 1902? | December 07, 1902 | {
"text": [
"Member of the 27th Parliament of the United Kingdom"
]
} | L2_Q7146875_P39_4 | Patrick Joseph O'Brien holds the position of Member of the 24th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jul, 1886 to Jun, 1892.
Patrick Joseph O'Brien holds the position of Member of the 23rd Parliament of the United Kingdom from Nov, 1885 to Jun, 1886.
Patrick Joseph O'Brien holds the position of Member of the 25th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jul, 1892 to Jul, 1895.
Patrick Joseph O'Brien holds the position of Member of the 27th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Oct, 1900 to Jan, 1906.
Patrick Joseph O'Brien holds the position of Member of the 26th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jul, 1895 to Sep, 1900. | Patrick Joseph O'BrienPatrick Joseph O'Brien (1835 – 10 January 1911) was Irish Nationalist Member of Parliament for North Tipperary, 1885–1906.He was the only son of James O'Brien of Nenagh, County Tipperary and of Bridget, daughter of John Gunning Regan. He was educated at local schools and became a hotel proprietor. In 1878 he married Bridget, daughter of Denis Hayes of Ballintoher, Nenagh. He was chairman of the Nenagh Town Commissioners, 1880–87 and 1890–91, and first Catholic Chairman of the Nenagh Board of Guardians, 1885–99. In 1882 he was arrested as a suspect and confined in Naas gaol. Later he was a County Councillor, and Chairman of the District Council, 1899–1900.He was elected to represent the new seat of North Tipperary, in which Nenagh was situated, in 1885, defeating the Conservative candidate by a margin of 19 to one. He was then returned unopposed in 1886. When the Irish Parliamentary Party split over the leadership of Charles Stewart Parnell in December 1890, O'Brien joined the Anti-Parnellites. In the 1892 general election he was opposed by a Unionist candidate but won by a margin of almost nine to one. Thereafter he was returned unopposed for North Tipperary until he retired at the general election of 1906 owing to failing eyesight. He died on 10 January 1911.He should not be confused with the better-known Pat O'Brien, who was M.P. for North Monaghan (1886–1892) and Kilkenny City (1895–1917).Michael Stenton and Stephen Lees, "Who’s Who of British Members of Parliament", Vol.2 1886–1918, Sussex, Harvester Press, 1978"The Times" (London), 11 January 1911Brian M. Walker (ed.), "Parliamentary Election Results in Ireland, 1801-1922", Dublin, Royal Irish Academy, 1978 | [
"Member of the 25th Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the 26th Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the 23rd Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the 24th Parliament of the United Kingdom"
] |
|
Which position did Patrick Joseph O'Brien hold in 1902-12-07? | December 07, 1902 | {
"text": [
"Member of the 27th Parliament of the United Kingdom"
]
} | L2_Q7146875_P39_4 | Patrick Joseph O'Brien holds the position of Member of the 24th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jul, 1886 to Jun, 1892.
Patrick Joseph O'Brien holds the position of Member of the 23rd Parliament of the United Kingdom from Nov, 1885 to Jun, 1886.
Patrick Joseph O'Brien holds the position of Member of the 25th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jul, 1892 to Jul, 1895.
Patrick Joseph O'Brien holds the position of Member of the 27th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Oct, 1900 to Jan, 1906.
Patrick Joseph O'Brien holds the position of Member of the 26th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jul, 1895 to Sep, 1900. | Patrick Joseph O'BrienPatrick Joseph O'Brien (1835 – 10 January 1911) was Irish Nationalist Member of Parliament for North Tipperary, 1885–1906.He was the only son of James O'Brien of Nenagh, County Tipperary and of Bridget, daughter of John Gunning Regan. He was educated at local schools and became a hotel proprietor. In 1878 he married Bridget, daughter of Denis Hayes of Ballintoher, Nenagh. He was chairman of the Nenagh Town Commissioners, 1880–87 and 1890–91, and first Catholic Chairman of the Nenagh Board of Guardians, 1885–99. In 1882 he was arrested as a suspect and confined in Naas gaol. Later he was a County Councillor, and Chairman of the District Council, 1899–1900.He was elected to represent the new seat of North Tipperary, in which Nenagh was situated, in 1885, defeating the Conservative candidate by a margin of 19 to one. He was then returned unopposed in 1886. When the Irish Parliamentary Party split over the leadership of Charles Stewart Parnell in December 1890, O'Brien joined the Anti-Parnellites. In the 1892 general election he was opposed by a Unionist candidate but won by a margin of almost nine to one. Thereafter he was returned unopposed for North Tipperary until he retired at the general election of 1906 owing to failing eyesight. He died on 10 January 1911.He should not be confused with the better-known Pat O'Brien, who was M.P. for North Monaghan (1886–1892) and Kilkenny City (1895–1917).Michael Stenton and Stephen Lees, "Who’s Who of British Members of Parliament", Vol.2 1886–1918, Sussex, Harvester Press, 1978"The Times" (London), 11 January 1911Brian M. Walker (ed.), "Parliamentary Election Results in Ireland, 1801-1922", Dublin, Royal Irish Academy, 1978 | [
"Member of the 25th Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the 26th Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the 23rd Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the 24th Parliament of the United Kingdom"
] |
|
Which position did Patrick Joseph O'Brien hold in 07/12/1902? | December 07, 1902 | {
"text": [
"Member of the 27th Parliament of the United Kingdom"
]
} | L2_Q7146875_P39_4 | Patrick Joseph O'Brien holds the position of Member of the 24th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jul, 1886 to Jun, 1892.
Patrick Joseph O'Brien holds the position of Member of the 23rd Parliament of the United Kingdom from Nov, 1885 to Jun, 1886.
Patrick Joseph O'Brien holds the position of Member of the 25th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jul, 1892 to Jul, 1895.
Patrick Joseph O'Brien holds the position of Member of the 27th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Oct, 1900 to Jan, 1906.
Patrick Joseph O'Brien holds the position of Member of the 26th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jul, 1895 to Sep, 1900. | Patrick Joseph O'BrienPatrick Joseph O'Brien (1835 – 10 January 1911) was Irish Nationalist Member of Parliament for North Tipperary, 1885–1906.He was the only son of James O'Brien of Nenagh, County Tipperary and of Bridget, daughter of John Gunning Regan. He was educated at local schools and became a hotel proprietor. In 1878 he married Bridget, daughter of Denis Hayes of Ballintoher, Nenagh. He was chairman of the Nenagh Town Commissioners, 1880–87 and 1890–91, and first Catholic Chairman of the Nenagh Board of Guardians, 1885–99. In 1882 he was arrested as a suspect and confined in Naas gaol. Later he was a County Councillor, and Chairman of the District Council, 1899–1900.He was elected to represent the new seat of North Tipperary, in which Nenagh was situated, in 1885, defeating the Conservative candidate by a margin of 19 to one. He was then returned unopposed in 1886. When the Irish Parliamentary Party split over the leadership of Charles Stewart Parnell in December 1890, O'Brien joined the Anti-Parnellites. In the 1892 general election he was opposed by a Unionist candidate but won by a margin of almost nine to one. Thereafter he was returned unopposed for North Tipperary until he retired at the general election of 1906 owing to failing eyesight. He died on 10 January 1911.He should not be confused with the better-known Pat O'Brien, who was M.P. for North Monaghan (1886–1892) and Kilkenny City (1895–1917).Michael Stenton and Stephen Lees, "Who’s Who of British Members of Parliament", Vol.2 1886–1918, Sussex, Harvester Press, 1978"The Times" (London), 11 January 1911Brian M. Walker (ed.), "Parliamentary Election Results in Ireland, 1801-1922", Dublin, Royal Irish Academy, 1978 | [
"Member of the 25th Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the 26th Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the 23rd Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the 24th Parliament of the United Kingdom"
] |
|
Which position did Patrick Joseph O'Brien hold in Dec 07, 1902? | December 07, 1902 | {
"text": [
"Member of the 27th Parliament of the United Kingdom"
]
} | L2_Q7146875_P39_4 | Patrick Joseph O'Brien holds the position of Member of the 24th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jul, 1886 to Jun, 1892.
Patrick Joseph O'Brien holds the position of Member of the 23rd Parliament of the United Kingdom from Nov, 1885 to Jun, 1886.
Patrick Joseph O'Brien holds the position of Member of the 25th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jul, 1892 to Jul, 1895.
Patrick Joseph O'Brien holds the position of Member of the 27th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Oct, 1900 to Jan, 1906.
Patrick Joseph O'Brien holds the position of Member of the 26th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jul, 1895 to Sep, 1900. | Patrick Joseph O'BrienPatrick Joseph O'Brien (1835 – 10 January 1911) was Irish Nationalist Member of Parliament for North Tipperary, 1885–1906.He was the only son of James O'Brien of Nenagh, County Tipperary and of Bridget, daughter of John Gunning Regan. He was educated at local schools and became a hotel proprietor. In 1878 he married Bridget, daughter of Denis Hayes of Ballintoher, Nenagh. He was chairman of the Nenagh Town Commissioners, 1880–87 and 1890–91, and first Catholic Chairman of the Nenagh Board of Guardians, 1885–99. In 1882 he was arrested as a suspect and confined in Naas gaol. Later he was a County Councillor, and Chairman of the District Council, 1899–1900.He was elected to represent the new seat of North Tipperary, in which Nenagh was situated, in 1885, defeating the Conservative candidate by a margin of 19 to one. He was then returned unopposed in 1886. When the Irish Parliamentary Party split over the leadership of Charles Stewart Parnell in December 1890, O'Brien joined the Anti-Parnellites. In the 1892 general election he was opposed by a Unionist candidate but won by a margin of almost nine to one. Thereafter he was returned unopposed for North Tipperary until he retired at the general election of 1906 owing to failing eyesight. He died on 10 January 1911.He should not be confused with the better-known Pat O'Brien, who was M.P. for North Monaghan (1886–1892) and Kilkenny City (1895–1917).Michael Stenton and Stephen Lees, "Who’s Who of British Members of Parliament", Vol.2 1886–1918, Sussex, Harvester Press, 1978"The Times" (London), 11 January 1911Brian M. Walker (ed.), "Parliamentary Election Results in Ireland, 1801-1922", Dublin, Royal Irish Academy, 1978 | [
"Member of the 25th Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the 26th Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the 23rd Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the 24th Parliament of the United Kingdom"
] |
|
Which position did Patrick Joseph O'Brien hold in 12/07/1902? | December 07, 1902 | {
"text": [
"Member of the 27th Parliament of the United Kingdom"
]
} | L2_Q7146875_P39_4 | Patrick Joseph O'Brien holds the position of Member of the 24th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jul, 1886 to Jun, 1892.
Patrick Joseph O'Brien holds the position of Member of the 23rd Parliament of the United Kingdom from Nov, 1885 to Jun, 1886.
Patrick Joseph O'Brien holds the position of Member of the 25th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jul, 1892 to Jul, 1895.
Patrick Joseph O'Brien holds the position of Member of the 27th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Oct, 1900 to Jan, 1906.
Patrick Joseph O'Brien holds the position of Member of the 26th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jul, 1895 to Sep, 1900. | Patrick Joseph O'BrienPatrick Joseph O'Brien (1835 – 10 January 1911) was Irish Nationalist Member of Parliament for North Tipperary, 1885–1906.He was the only son of James O'Brien of Nenagh, County Tipperary and of Bridget, daughter of John Gunning Regan. He was educated at local schools and became a hotel proprietor. In 1878 he married Bridget, daughter of Denis Hayes of Ballintoher, Nenagh. He was chairman of the Nenagh Town Commissioners, 1880–87 and 1890–91, and first Catholic Chairman of the Nenagh Board of Guardians, 1885–99. In 1882 he was arrested as a suspect and confined in Naas gaol. Later he was a County Councillor, and Chairman of the District Council, 1899–1900.He was elected to represent the new seat of North Tipperary, in which Nenagh was situated, in 1885, defeating the Conservative candidate by a margin of 19 to one. He was then returned unopposed in 1886. When the Irish Parliamentary Party split over the leadership of Charles Stewart Parnell in December 1890, O'Brien joined the Anti-Parnellites. In the 1892 general election he was opposed by a Unionist candidate but won by a margin of almost nine to one. Thereafter he was returned unopposed for North Tipperary until he retired at the general election of 1906 owing to failing eyesight. He died on 10 January 1911.He should not be confused with the better-known Pat O'Brien, who was M.P. for North Monaghan (1886–1892) and Kilkenny City (1895–1917).Michael Stenton and Stephen Lees, "Who’s Who of British Members of Parliament", Vol.2 1886–1918, Sussex, Harvester Press, 1978"The Times" (London), 11 January 1911Brian M. Walker (ed.), "Parliamentary Election Results in Ireland, 1801-1922", Dublin, Royal Irish Academy, 1978 | [
"Member of the 25th Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the 26th Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the 23rd Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the 24th Parliament of the United Kingdom"
] |
|
Which position did Patrick Joseph O'Brien hold in 07-Dec-190207-December-1902? | December 07, 1902 | {
"text": [
"Member of the 27th Parliament of the United Kingdom"
]
} | L2_Q7146875_P39_4 | Patrick Joseph O'Brien holds the position of Member of the 24th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jul, 1886 to Jun, 1892.
Patrick Joseph O'Brien holds the position of Member of the 23rd Parliament of the United Kingdom from Nov, 1885 to Jun, 1886.
Patrick Joseph O'Brien holds the position of Member of the 25th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jul, 1892 to Jul, 1895.
Patrick Joseph O'Brien holds the position of Member of the 27th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Oct, 1900 to Jan, 1906.
Patrick Joseph O'Brien holds the position of Member of the 26th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jul, 1895 to Sep, 1900. | Patrick Joseph O'BrienPatrick Joseph O'Brien (1835 – 10 January 1911) was Irish Nationalist Member of Parliament for North Tipperary, 1885–1906.He was the only son of James O'Brien of Nenagh, County Tipperary and of Bridget, daughter of John Gunning Regan. He was educated at local schools and became a hotel proprietor. In 1878 he married Bridget, daughter of Denis Hayes of Ballintoher, Nenagh. He was chairman of the Nenagh Town Commissioners, 1880–87 and 1890–91, and first Catholic Chairman of the Nenagh Board of Guardians, 1885–99. In 1882 he was arrested as a suspect and confined in Naas gaol. Later he was a County Councillor, and Chairman of the District Council, 1899–1900.He was elected to represent the new seat of North Tipperary, in which Nenagh was situated, in 1885, defeating the Conservative candidate by a margin of 19 to one. He was then returned unopposed in 1886. When the Irish Parliamentary Party split over the leadership of Charles Stewart Parnell in December 1890, O'Brien joined the Anti-Parnellites. In the 1892 general election he was opposed by a Unionist candidate but won by a margin of almost nine to one. Thereafter he was returned unopposed for North Tipperary until he retired at the general election of 1906 owing to failing eyesight. He died on 10 January 1911.He should not be confused with the better-known Pat O'Brien, who was M.P. for North Monaghan (1886–1892) and Kilkenny City (1895–1917).Michael Stenton and Stephen Lees, "Who’s Who of British Members of Parliament", Vol.2 1886–1918, Sussex, Harvester Press, 1978"The Times" (London), 11 January 1911Brian M. Walker (ed.), "Parliamentary Election Results in Ireland, 1801-1922", Dublin, Royal Irish Academy, 1978 | [
"Member of the 25th Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the 26th Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the 23rd Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the 24th Parliament of the United Kingdom"
] |
|
Who was the chair of Intergovernmental Platform on Biodiversity and Ecosystem Services in Feb, 2017? | February 16, 2017 | {
"text": [
"Robert Watson"
]
} | L2_Q1666088_P488_1 | Robert Watson is the chair of Intergovernmental Platform on Biodiversity and Ecosystem Services from Feb, 2016 to May, 2019.
Ana María Hernández Salgar is the chair of Intergovernmental Platform on Biodiversity and Ecosystem Services from May, 2019 to Dec, 2022.
Zakri Abdul Hamid is the chair of Intergovernmental Platform on Biodiversity and Ecosystem Services from Jan, 2013 to Feb, 2016. | Intergovernmental Science-Policy Platform on Biodiversity and Ecosystem ServicesThe Intergovernmental Science-Policy Platform on Biodiversity and Ecosystem Services (IPBES) is an intergovernmental organization established to improve the interface between science and policy on issues of biodiversity and ecosystem services. It is intended to serve a similar role to the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change.In 2010 a resolution by the 65th session of the United Nations General Assembly urged the United Nations Environment Programme to convene a plenary meeting to establish the IPBES. In 2013 an initial conceptual framework was adopted for the prospective IPBES plenary.From 29 April to 4 May 2019, representatives of the 132 IPBES members met in Paris, France, to receive the IPBES's full report and adopted a summary of it for policymakers. On 6 May 2019, the 40-page summary was released.On October 29, 2020 the organization issued a preliminary report through Zenodo on its workshop, held virtually on 27–31 July 2020, that proposes a plan for international cooperation to lower risks for pandemics. Lowering the frequency and severity of pandemics through implementation of worldwide policies is the objective of the organization. An article on the report was published by Medical News Today on November 7, 2020, that explicates information in the report.In June of 2021, IPBES and IPCC released a co-sponsored workshop report on biodiversity and climate change. The workshop produced a summary report covering outcomes and a 250 page scientific outcome report. | [
"Zakri Abdul Hamid",
"Ana María Hernández Salgar"
] |
|
Who was the chair of Intergovernmental Platform on Biodiversity and Ecosystem Services in 2017-02-16? | February 16, 2017 | {
"text": [
"Robert Watson"
]
} | L2_Q1666088_P488_1 | Robert Watson is the chair of Intergovernmental Platform on Biodiversity and Ecosystem Services from Feb, 2016 to May, 2019.
Ana María Hernández Salgar is the chair of Intergovernmental Platform on Biodiversity and Ecosystem Services from May, 2019 to Dec, 2022.
Zakri Abdul Hamid is the chair of Intergovernmental Platform on Biodiversity and Ecosystem Services from Jan, 2013 to Feb, 2016. | Intergovernmental Science-Policy Platform on Biodiversity and Ecosystem ServicesThe Intergovernmental Science-Policy Platform on Biodiversity and Ecosystem Services (IPBES) is an intergovernmental organization established to improve the interface between science and policy on issues of biodiversity and ecosystem services. It is intended to serve a similar role to the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change.In 2010 a resolution by the 65th session of the United Nations General Assembly urged the United Nations Environment Programme to convene a plenary meeting to establish the IPBES. In 2013 an initial conceptual framework was adopted for the prospective IPBES plenary.From 29 April to 4 May 2019, representatives of the 132 IPBES members met in Paris, France, to receive the IPBES's full report and adopted a summary of it for policymakers. On 6 May 2019, the 40-page summary was released.On October 29, 2020 the organization issued a preliminary report through Zenodo on its workshop, held virtually on 27–31 July 2020, that proposes a plan for international cooperation to lower risks for pandemics. Lowering the frequency and severity of pandemics through implementation of worldwide policies is the objective of the organization. An article on the report was published by Medical News Today on November 7, 2020, that explicates information in the report.In June of 2021, IPBES and IPCC released a co-sponsored workshop report on biodiversity and climate change. The workshop produced a summary report covering outcomes and a 250 page scientific outcome report. | [
"Zakri Abdul Hamid",
"Ana María Hernández Salgar"
] |
|
Who was the chair of Intergovernmental Platform on Biodiversity and Ecosystem Services in 16/02/2017? | February 16, 2017 | {
"text": [
"Robert Watson"
]
} | L2_Q1666088_P488_1 | Robert Watson is the chair of Intergovernmental Platform on Biodiversity and Ecosystem Services from Feb, 2016 to May, 2019.
Ana María Hernández Salgar is the chair of Intergovernmental Platform on Biodiversity and Ecosystem Services from May, 2019 to Dec, 2022.
Zakri Abdul Hamid is the chair of Intergovernmental Platform on Biodiversity and Ecosystem Services from Jan, 2013 to Feb, 2016. | Intergovernmental Science-Policy Platform on Biodiversity and Ecosystem ServicesThe Intergovernmental Science-Policy Platform on Biodiversity and Ecosystem Services (IPBES) is an intergovernmental organization established to improve the interface between science and policy on issues of biodiversity and ecosystem services. It is intended to serve a similar role to the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change.In 2010 a resolution by the 65th session of the United Nations General Assembly urged the United Nations Environment Programme to convene a plenary meeting to establish the IPBES. In 2013 an initial conceptual framework was adopted for the prospective IPBES plenary.From 29 April to 4 May 2019, representatives of the 132 IPBES members met in Paris, France, to receive the IPBES's full report and adopted a summary of it for policymakers. On 6 May 2019, the 40-page summary was released.On October 29, 2020 the organization issued a preliminary report through Zenodo on its workshop, held virtually on 27–31 July 2020, that proposes a plan for international cooperation to lower risks for pandemics. Lowering the frequency and severity of pandemics through implementation of worldwide policies is the objective of the organization. An article on the report was published by Medical News Today on November 7, 2020, that explicates information in the report.In June of 2021, IPBES and IPCC released a co-sponsored workshop report on biodiversity and climate change. The workshop produced a summary report covering outcomes and a 250 page scientific outcome report. | [
"Zakri Abdul Hamid",
"Ana María Hernández Salgar"
] |
|
Who was the chair of Intergovernmental Platform on Biodiversity and Ecosystem Services in Feb 16, 2017? | February 16, 2017 | {
"text": [
"Robert Watson"
]
} | L2_Q1666088_P488_1 | Robert Watson is the chair of Intergovernmental Platform on Biodiversity and Ecosystem Services from Feb, 2016 to May, 2019.
Ana María Hernández Salgar is the chair of Intergovernmental Platform on Biodiversity and Ecosystem Services from May, 2019 to Dec, 2022.
Zakri Abdul Hamid is the chair of Intergovernmental Platform on Biodiversity and Ecosystem Services from Jan, 2013 to Feb, 2016. | Intergovernmental Science-Policy Platform on Biodiversity and Ecosystem ServicesThe Intergovernmental Science-Policy Platform on Biodiversity and Ecosystem Services (IPBES) is an intergovernmental organization established to improve the interface between science and policy on issues of biodiversity and ecosystem services. It is intended to serve a similar role to the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change.In 2010 a resolution by the 65th session of the United Nations General Assembly urged the United Nations Environment Programme to convene a plenary meeting to establish the IPBES. In 2013 an initial conceptual framework was adopted for the prospective IPBES plenary.From 29 April to 4 May 2019, representatives of the 132 IPBES members met in Paris, France, to receive the IPBES's full report and adopted a summary of it for policymakers. On 6 May 2019, the 40-page summary was released.On October 29, 2020 the organization issued a preliminary report through Zenodo on its workshop, held virtually on 27–31 July 2020, that proposes a plan for international cooperation to lower risks for pandemics. Lowering the frequency and severity of pandemics through implementation of worldwide policies is the objective of the organization. An article on the report was published by Medical News Today on November 7, 2020, that explicates information in the report.In June of 2021, IPBES and IPCC released a co-sponsored workshop report on biodiversity and climate change. The workshop produced a summary report covering outcomes and a 250 page scientific outcome report. | [
"Zakri Abdul Hamid",
"Ana María Hernández Salgar"
] |
|
Who was the chair of Intergovernmental Platform on Biodiversity and Ecosystem Services in 02/16/2017? | February 16, 2017 | {
"text": [
"Robert Watson"
]
} | L2_Q1666088_P488_1 | Robert Watson is the chair of Intergovernmental Platform on Biodiversity and Ecosystem Services from Feb, 2016 to May, 2019.
Ana María Hernández Salgar is the chair of Intergovernmental Platform on Biodiversity and Ecosystem Services from May, 2019 to Dec, 2022.
Zakri Abdul Hamid is the chair of Intergovernmental Platform on Biodiversity and Ecosystem Services from Jan, 2013 to Feb, 2016. | Intergovernmental Science-Policy Platform on Biodiversity and Ecosystem ServicesThe Intergovernmental Science-Policy Platform on Biodiversity and Ecosystem Services (IPBES) is an intergovernmental organization established to improve the interface between science and policy on issues of biodiversity and ecosystem services. It is intended to serve a similar role to the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change.In 2010 a resolution by the 65th session of the United Nations General Assembly urged the United Nations Environment Programme to convene a plenary meeting to establish the IPBES. In 2013 an initial conceptual framework was adopted for the prospective IPBES plenary.From 29 April to 4 May 2019, representatives of the 132 IPBES members met in Paris, France, to receive the IPBES's full report and adopted a summary of it for policymakers. On 6 May 2019, the 40-page summary was released.On October 29, 2020 the organization issued a preliminary report through Zenodo on its workshop, held virtually on 27–31 July 2020, that proposes a plan for international cooperation to lower risks for pandemics. Lowering the frequency and severity of pandemics through implementation of worldwide policies is the objective of the organization. An article on the report was published by Medical News Today on November 7, 2020, that explicates information in the report.In June of 2021, IPBES and IPCC released a co-sponsored workshop report on biodiversity and climate change. The workshop produced a summary report covering outcomes and a 250 page scientific outcome report. | [
"Zakri Abdul Hamid",
"Ana María Hernández Salgar"
] |
|
Who was the chair of Intergovernmental Platform on Biodiversity and Ecosystem Services in 16-Feb-201716-February-2017? | February 16, 2017 | {
"text": [
"Robert Watson"
]
} | L2_Q1666088_P488_1 | Robert Watson is the chair of Intergovernmental Platform on Biodiversity and Ecosystem Services from Feb, 2016 to May, 2019.
Ana María Hernández Salgar is the chair of Intergovernmental Platform on Biodiversity and Ecosystem Services from May, 2019 to Dec, 2022.
Zakri Abdul Hamid is the chair of Intergovernmental Platform on Biodiversity and Ecosystem Services from Jan, 2013 to Feb, 2016. | Intergovernmental Science-Policy Platform on Biodiversity and Ecosystem ServicesThe Intergovernmental Science-Policy Platform on Biodiversity and Ecosystem Services (IPBES) is an intergovernmental organization established to improve the interface between science and policy on issues of biodiversity and ecosystem services. It is intended to serve a similar role to the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change.In 2010 a resolution by the 65th session of the United Nations General Assembly urged the United Nations Environment Programme to convene a plenary meeting to establish the IPBES. In 2013 an initial conceptual framework was adopted for the prospective IPBES plenary.From 29 April to 4 May 2019, representatives of the 132 IPBES members met in Paris, France, to receive the IPBES's full report and adopted a summary of it for policymakers. On 6 May 2019, the 40-page summary was released.On October 29, 2020 the organization issued a preliminary report through Zenodo on its workshop, held virtually on 27–31 July 2020, that proposes a plan for international cooperation to lower risks for pandemics. Lowering the frequency and severity of pandemics through implementation of worldwide policies is the objective of the organization. An article on the report was published by Medical News Today on November 7, 2020, that explicates information in the report.In June of 2021, IPBES and IPCC released a co-sponsored workshop report on biodiversity and climate change. The workshop produced a summary report covering outcomes and a 250 page scientific outcome report. | [
"Zakri Abdul Hamid",
"Ana María Hernández Salgar"
] |
|
Which team did Peter Houtman play for in Apr, 1993? | April 10, 1993 | {
"text": [
"SBV Excelsior"
]
} | L2_Q162776_P54_7 | Peter Houtman plays for Sporting CP from Jan, 1987 to Jan, 1988.
Peter Houtman plays for SBV Excelsior from Jan, 1993 to Jan, 1994.
Peter Houtman plays for Netherlands national association football team from Jan, 1983 to Jan, 1985.
Peter Houtman plays for Sparta Rotterdam from Jan, 1989 to Jan, 1991.
Peter Houtman plays for FC Groningen from Jan, 1985 to Jan, 1987.
Peter Houtman plays for ADO Den Haag from Jan, 1991 to Jan, 1993.
Peter Houtman plays for Club Brugge K.V. from Jan, 1979 to Jan, 1979.
Peter Houtman plays for Feyenoord from Jan, 1978 to Jan, 1978. | Peter HoutmanPeter Houtman (born 4 June 1957 in Rotterdam) is a retired football striker from the Netherlands who obtained eight caps for the Dutch national team in the 1980s, scoring seven goals.Houtman played for Feyenoord Rotterdam and FC Groningen. He also had spells with Club Brugge, Sporting Portugal, Sparta Rotterdam, ADO Den Haag and Excelsior Rotterdam. For Feyenoord he scored 90 goals in 153 official matches. | [
"Netherlands national association football team",
"ADO Den Haag",
"Club Brugge K.V.",
"FC Groningen",
"Sporting CP",
"Sparta Rotterdam",
"Feyenoord"
] |
|
Which team did Peter Houtman play for in 1993-04-10? | April 10, 1993 | {
"text": [
"SBV Excelsior"
]
} | L2_Q162776_P54_7 | Peter Houtman plays for Sporting CP from Jan, 1987 to Jan, 1988.
Peter Houtman plays for SBV Excelsior from Jan, 1993 to Jan, 1994.
Peter Houtman plays for Netherlands national association football team from Jan, 1983 to Jan, 1985.
Peter Houtman plays for Sparta Rotterdam from Jan, 1989 to Jan, 1991.
Peter Houtman plays for FC Groningen from Jan, 1985 to Jan, 1987.
Peter Houtman plays for ADO Den Haag from Jan, 1991 to Jan, 1993.
Peter Houtman plays for Club Brugge K.V. from Jan, 1979 to Jan, 1979.
Peter Houtman plays for Feyenoord from Jan, 1978 to Jan, 1978. | Peter HoutmanPeter Houtman (born 4 June 1957 in Rotterdam) is a retired football striker from the Netherlands who obtained eight caps for the Dutch national team in the 1980s, scoring seven goals.Houtman played for Feyenoord Rotterdam and FC Groningen. He also had spells with Club Brugge, Sporting Portugal, Sparta Rotterdam, ADO Den Haag and Excelsior Rotterdam. For Feyenoord he scored 90 goals in 153 official matches. | [
"Netherlands national association football team",
"ADO Den Haag",
"Club Brugge K.V.",
"FC Groningen",
"Sporting CP",
"Sparta Rotterdam",
"Feyenoord"
] |
|
Which team did Peter Houtman play for in 10/04/1993? | April 10, 1993 | {
"text": [
"SBV Excelsior"
]
} | L2_Q162776_P54_7 | Peter Houtman plays for Sporting CP from Jan, 1987 to Jan, 1988.
Peter Houtman plays for SBV Excelsior from Jan, 1993 to Jan, 1994.
Peter Houtman plays for Netherlands national association football team from Jan, 1983 to Jan, 1985.
Peter Houtman plays for Sparta Rotterdam from Jan, 1989 to Jan, 1991.
Peter Houtman plays for FC Groningen from Jan, 1985 to Jan, 1987.
Peter Houtman plays for ADO Den Haag from Jan, 1991 to Jan, 1993.
Peter Houtman plays for Club Brugge K.V. from Jan, 1979 to Jan, 1979.
Peter Houtman plays for Feyenoord from Jan, 1978 to Jan, 1978. | Peter HoutmanPeter Houtman (born 4 June 1957 in Rotterdam) is a retired football striker from the Netherlands who obtained eight caps for the Dutch national team in the 1980s, scoring seven goals.Houtman played for Feyenoord Rotterdam and FC Groningen. He also had spells with Club Brugge, Sporting Portugal, Sparta Rotterdam, ADO Den Haag and Excelsior Rotterdam. For Feyenoord he scored 90 goals in 153 official matches. | [
"Netherlands national association football team",
"ADO Den Haag",
"Club Brugge K.V.",
"FC Groningen",
"Sporting CP",
"Sparta Rotterdam",
"Feyenoord"
] |
|
Which team did Peter Houtman play for in Apr 10, 1993? | April 10, 1993 | {
"text": [
"SBV Excelsior"
]
} | L2_Q162776_P54_7 | Peter Houtman plays for Sporting CP from Jan, 1987 to Jan, 1988.
Peter Houtman plays for SBV Excelsior from Jan, 1993 to Jan, 1994.
Peter Houtman plays for Netherlands national association football team from Jan, 1983 to Jan, 1985.
Peter Houtman plays for Sparta Rotterdam from Jan, 1989 to Jan, 1991.
Peter Houtman plays for FC Groningen from Jan, 1985 to Jan, 1987.
Peter Houtman plays for ADO Den Haag from Jan, 1991 to Jan, 1993.
Peter Houtman plays for Club Brugge K.V. from Jan, 1979 to Jan, 1979.
Peter Houtman plays for Feyenoord from Jan, 1978 to Jan, 1978. | Peter HoutmanPeter Houtman (born 4 June 1957 in Rotterdam) is a retired football striker from the Netherlands who obtained eight caps for the Dutch national team in the 1980s, scoring seven goals.Houtman played for Feyenoord Rotterdam and FC Groningen. He also had spells with Club Brugge, Sporting Portugal, Sparta Rotterdam, ADO Den Haag and Excelsior Rotterdam. For Feyenoord he scored 90 goals in 153 official matches. | [
"Netherlands national association football team",
"ADO Den Haag",
"Club Brugge K.V.",
"FC Groningen",
"Sporting CP",
"Sparta Rotterdam",
"Feyenoord"
] |
|
Which team did Peter Houtman play for in 04/10/1993? | April 10, 1993 | {
"text": [
"SBV Excelsior"
]
} | L2_Q162776_P54_7 | Peter Houtman plays for Sporting CP from Jan, 1987 to Jan, 1988.
Peter Houtman plays for SBV Excelsior from Jan, 1993 to Jan, 1994.
Peter Houtman plays for Netherlands national association football team from Jan, 1983 to Jan, 1985.
Peter Houtman plays for Sparta Rotterdam from Jan, 1989 to Jan, 1991.
Peter Houtman plays for FC Groningen from Jan, 1985 to Jan, 1987.
Peter Houtman plays for ADO Den Haag from Jan, 1991 to Jan, 1993.
Peter Houtman plays for Club Brugge K.V. from Jan, 1979 to Jan, 1979.
Peter Houtman plays for Feyenoord from Jan, 1978 to Jan, 1978. | Peter HoutmanPeter Houtman (born 4 June 1957 in Rotterdam) is a retired football striker from the Netherlands who obtained eight caps for the Dutch national team in the 1980s, scoring seven goals.Houtman played for Feyenoord Rotterdam and FC Groningen. He also had spells with Club Brugge, Sporting Portugal, Sparta Rotterdam, ADO Den Haag and Excelsior Rotterdam. For Feyenoord he scored 90 goals in 153 official matches. | [
"Netherlands national association football team",
"ADO Den Haag",
"Club Brugge K.V.",
"FC Groningen",
"Sporting CP",
"Sparta Rotterdam",
"Feyenoord"
] |
|
Which team did Peter Houtman play for in 10-Apr-199310-April-1993? | April 10, 1993 | {
"text": [
"SBV Excelsior"
]
} | L2_Q162776_P54_7 | Peter Houtman plays for Sporting CP from Jan, 1987 to Jan, 1988.
Peter Houtman plays for SBV Excelsior from Jan, 1993 to Jan, 1994.
Peter Houtman plays for Netherlands national association football team from Jan, 1983 to Jan, 1985.
Peter Houtman plays for Sparta Rotterdam from Jan, 1989 to Jan, 1991.
Peter Houtman plays for FC Groningen from Jan, 1985 to Jan, 1987.
Peter Houtman plays for ADO Den Haag from Jan, 1991 to Jan, 1993.
Peter Houtman plays for Club Brugge K.V. from Jan, 1979 to Jan, 1979.
Peter Houtman plays for Feyenoord from Jan, 1978 to Jan, 1978. | Peter HoutmanPeter Houtman (born 4 June 1957 in Rotterdam) is a retired football striker from the Netherlands who obtained eight caps for the Dutch national team in the 1980s, scoring seven goals.Houtman played for Feyenoord Rotterdam and FC Groningen. He also had spells with Club Brugge, Sporting Portugal, Sparta Rotterdam, ADO Den Haag and Excelsior Rotterdam. For Feyenoord he scored 90 goals in 153 official matches. | [
"Netherlands national association football team",
"ADO Den Haag",
"Club Brugge K.V.",
"FC Groningen",
"Sporting CP",
"Sparta Rotterdam",
"Feyenoord"
] |
|
Which position did Stanislav Gross hold in Sep, 1999? | September 05, 1999 | {
"text": [
"chairperson"
]
} | L2_Q348896_P39_1 | Stanislav Gross holds the position of Minister of the Interior of the Czech Republic from Apr, 2000 to Aug, 2004.
Stanislav Gross holds the position of Member of the Chamber of Deputies of the Parliament of the Czech Republic from Jun, 2002 to Sep, 2004.
Stanislav Gross holds the position of chairperson from Jun, 1998 to Apr, 2000.
Stanislav Gross holds the position of Prime Minister of the Czech Republic from Aug, 2004 to Apr, 2005.
Stanislav Gross holds the position of Deputy Prime Minister of the Czech Republic from Jun, 2002 to Aug, 2004.
Stanislav Gross holds the position of member of the Czech National Council from Jun, 1992 to Dec, 1992.
Stanislav Gross holds the position of party leader from Mar, 2005 to Sep, 2005. | Stanislav GrossStanislav Gross (; 30 October 1969 – 16 April 2015) was a Czech lawyer and politician who served as Prime Minister of the Czech Republic and Leader of the Czech Social Democratic Party from 2004 until 2005 when he resigned as a result of his financial irregularities. He previously served as Minister of the Interior in cabinets of Miloš Zeman and Vladimír Špidla from 2000 to 2004. Gross was Member of the Chamber of Deputies (MP) from 1992 to 2004.Gross died on 16 April 2015 at the age of 45 from amyotrophic lateral sclerosis (ALS).Born in Prague, Gross briefly worked for Czechoslovak State Railways (ČSD) as an engine-driver trainee. After the Velvet Revolution in 1989, he became a member of the Social Democratic party and in 1992 member of the parliament. After studies in law from 1993 to 1999 he obtained an academic title, although under less than normal conditions. His thesis had a mere 33 pages.On 5 April 2000 he was named interior minister in the government of Miloš Zeman. After elections in 2002, Gross continued as interior minister and became deputy prime minister in the government of Vladimír Špidla.During his service, several scandals in the police had leaked out: corruption among the highest officials, irregularities in business tenders and failure to solve serial murders. Gross claimed that this was due to a better ability to discover such behaviour within the police force. Gross was also criticized for installing his friends and allies as executives in state-owned companies and for misuse of secret services for political aims.In spite of these problems, Gross was able to maintain higher popularity than other politicians (his peak came in at over 70%). His youthful, photogenic appearance, skills in dealing with media and unwillingness to get involved in controversial decisions or discussions helped.In the 2004 European election, ČSSD lost badly and the popularity of the party was low; this led to the resignation of Špidla on 26 July. Gross was appointed prime minister on 4 August 2004 and his government was approved on 24 August.Gross was seen by his party as the last way to regain popularity and better handle future elections. This was proved wrong; in elections for regional assemblies and Senate elections, the Social Democrats failed again.Gross claimed he would modernise the party on lines similar to those followed by Tony Blair, but his short time in office and constant involvement with scandals did not give him any time to implement changes. His popularity started to decline, and his involvement in further allegations of nepotism, police corruption, suspicious dealings in state privatisations accelerated the decline.In early 2005, Gross faced a scandal related to unclear origins of the loan to buy his flat. It was found that his wife was a business associate of a brothel owner who was later sentenced for insurance fraud to five years in prison. Criticism from the media and record public dissatisfaction grew into a government crisis. For three months, Gross tried to keep himself in power until he was forced to resign on 25 April 2005. His popularity sank to a record low, and trust in politicians among Czech people was shattered.In September 2005 Gross stepped down from his remaining position of party leader. The reason was growing suspicion about corruption during the privatization of the chemical conglomerate Unipetrol to the Polish concern of PKN Orlen, involving Gross.Gross denied all accusations as an absurd conspiracy against him.After leaving the world of top level politics Gross started to work for the Law Office of Eduard Bruna. Between April 2006 and January 2007 he served as the chairman of Security Commission of the Social Democrats ("bezpečnostní komise"). The media had occasionally speculated about his influence on decisions made within the Czech police.In September 2007, the economics weekly Euro published information that Gross and his wife bought up to a 31% stake in the energy company Moravia Energo. The value of the stake was estimated to be worth about 300 million CZK. The journal calculated that the banks would provide at most two-thirds of the sum and the rest was thus paid by Gross. When this information was published Gross refused to provide details to the press on grounds of privacy.By June 2008 Gross successfully sold his 31% stake for 150 million CZK, his original purchase price was 21 million CZK. The whole deal was very curious and was investigated, but it was quickly found to be a legitimate business deal according to the Czech Police.On 18 March 2008 he failed the bar exam, but later passed it and opened a private law practice. Gross was student of the Charles University in Prague and later was awarded his law degree by the University of West Bohemia at Plzeň. In 2009 this university has been the centre of investigations into allegations of law degrees being awarded after only a few months study. Gross was mentioned during the investigation.In early 2008 together with his wife Šárka Grossová, they purchased a $735,000 (or 11 million CZK) Hidden Bay luxury condo in Miami, Florida (review of public online county records show that the property was purchased in his wife's name only). Mr. Gross and his wife also purchased a small 10 million CZK house in need of major renovations about 1 km from their apartment in Barrandov, Prague, Czech Republic (controversy surrounding the purchase of that apartment was one of the key factors in his stepping down from his post as prime minister and leaving politics).Gross died on 16 April 2015 at the age of 45 from amyotrophic lateral sclerosis.Gross was an inspiration for the character of corrupt prime minister Klein in the film Gangster Ka. | [
"Minister of the Interior of the Czech Republic",
"party leader",
"Member of the Chamber of Deputies of the Parliament of the Czech Republic",
"Prime Minister of the Czech Republic",
"Deputy Prime Minister of the Czech Republic",
"member of the Czech National Council"
] |
|
Which position did Stanislav Gross hold in 1999-09-05? | September 05, 1999 | {
"text": [
"chairperson"
]
} | L2_Q348896_P39_1 | Stanislav Gross holds the position of Minister of the Interior of the Czech Republic from Apr, 2000 to Aug, 2004.
Stanislav Gross holds the position of Member of the Chamber of Deputies of the Parliament of the Czech Republic from Jun, 2002 to Sep, 2004.
Stanislav Gross holds the position of chairperson from Jun, 1998 to Apr, 2000.
Stanislav Gross holds the position of Prime Minister of the Czech Republic from Aug, 2004 to Apr, 2005.
Stanislav Gross holds the position of Deputy Prime Minister of the Czech Republic from Jun, 2002 to Aug, 2004.
Stanislav Gross holds the position of member of the Czech National Council from Jun, 1992 to Dec, 1992.
Stanislav Gross holds the position of party leader from Mar, 2005 to Sep, 2005. | Stanislav GrossStanislav Gross (; 30 October 1969 – 16 April 2015) was a Czech lawyer and politician who served as Prime Minister of the Czech Republic and Leader of the Czech Social Democratic Party from 2004 until 2005 when he resigned as a result of his financial irregularities. He previously served as Minister of the Interior in cabinets of Miloš Zeman and Vladimír Špidla from 2000 to 2004. Gross was Member of the Chamber of Deputies (MP) from 1992 to 2004.Gross died on 16 April 2015 at the age of 45 from amyotrophic lateral sclerosis (ALS).Born in Prague, Gross briefly worked for Czechoslovak State Railways (ČSD) as an engine-driver trainee. After the Velvet Revolution in 1989, he became a member of the Social Democratic party and in 1992 member of the parliament. After studies in law from 1993 to 1999 he obtained an academic title, although under less than normal conditions. His thesis had a mere 33 pages.On 5 April 2000 he was named interior minister in the government of Miloš Zeman. After elections in 2002, Gross continued as interior minister and became deputy prime minister in the government of Vladimír Špidla.During his service, several scandals in the police had leaked out: corruption among the highest officials, irregularities in business tenders and failure to solve serial murders. Gross claimed that this was due to a better ability to discover such behaviour within the police force. Gross was also criticized for installing his friends and allies as executives in state-owned companies and for misuse of secret services for political aims.In spite of these problems, Gross was able to maintain higher popularity than other politicians (his peak came in at over 70%). His youthful, photogenic appearance, skills in dealing with media and unwillingness to get involved in controversial decisions or discussions helped.In the 2004 European election, ČSSD lost badly and the popularity of the party was low; this led to the resignation of Špidla on 26 July. Gross was appointed prime minister on 4 August 2004 and his government was approved on 24 August.Gross was seen by his party as the last way to regain popularity and better handle future elections. This was proved wrong; in elections for regional assemblies and Senate elections, the Social Democrats failed again.Gross claimed he would modernise the party on lines similar to those followed by Tony Blair, but his short time in office and constant involvement with scandals did not give him any time to implement changes. His popularity started to decline, and his involvement in further allegations of nepotism, police corruption, suspicious dealings in state privatisations accelerated the decline.In early 2005, Gross faced a scandal related to unclear origins of the loan to buy his flat. It was found that his wife was a business associate of a brothel owner who was later sentenced for insurance fraud to five years in prison. Criticism from the media and record public dissatisfaction grew into a government crisis. For three months, Gross tried to keep himself in power until he was forced to resign on 25 April 2005. His popularity sank to a record low, and trust in politicians among Czech people was shattered.In September 2005 Gross stepped down from his remaining position of party leader. The reason was growing suspicion about corruption during the privatization of the chemical conglomerate Unipetrol to the Polish concern of PKN Orlen, involving Gross.Gross denied all accusations as an absurd conspiracy against him.After leaving the world of top level politics Gross started to work for the Law Office of Eduard Bruna. Between April 2006 and January 2007 he served as the chairman of Security Commission of the Social Democrats ("bezpečnostní komise"). The media had occasionally speculated about his influence on decisions made within the Czech police.In September 2007, the economics weekly Euro published information that Gross and his wife bought up to a 31% stake in the energy company Moravia Energo. The value of the stake was estimated to be worth about 300 million CZK. The journal calculated that the banks would provide at most two-thirds of the sum and the rest was thus paid by Gross. When this information was published Gross refused to provide details to the press on grounds of privacy.By June 2008 Gross successfully sold his 31% stake for 150 million CZK, his original purchase price was 21 million CZK. The whole deal was very curious and was investigated, but it was quickly found to be a legitimate business deal according to the Czech Police.On 18 March 2008 he failed the bar exam, but later passed it and opened a private law practice. Gross was student of the Charles University in Prague and later was awarded his law degree by the University of West Bohemia at Plzeň. In 2009 this university has been the centre of investigations into allegations of law degrees being awarded after only a few months study. Gross was mentioned during the investigation.In early 2008 together with his wife Šárka Grossová, they purchased a $735,000 (or 11 million CZK) Hidden Bay luxury condo in Miami, Florida (review of public online county records show that the property was purchased in his wife's name only). Mr. Gross and his wife also purchased a small 10 million CZK house in need of major renovations about 1 km from their apartment in Barrandov, Prague, Czech Republic (controversy surrounding the purchase of that apartment was one of the key factors in his stepping down from his post as prime minister and leaving politics).Gross died on 16 April 2015 at the age of 45 from amyotrophic lateral sclerosis.Gross was an inspiration for the character of corrupt prime minister Klein in the film Gangster Ka. | [
"Minister of the Interior of the Czech Republic",
"party leader",
"Member of the Chamber of Deputies of the Parliament of the Czech Republic",
"Prime Minister of the Czech Republic",
"Deputy Prime Minister of the Czech Republic",
"member of the Czech National Council"
] |
|
Which position did Stanislav Gross hold in 05/09/1999? | September 05, 1999 | {
"text": [
"chairperson"
]
} | L2_Q348896_P39_1 | Stanislav Gross holds the position of Minister of the Interior of the Czech Republic from Apr, 2000 to Aug, 2004.
Stanislav Gross holds the position of Member of the Chamber of Deputies of the Parliament of the Czech Republic from Jun, 2002 to Sep, 2004.
Stanislav Gross holds the position of chairperson from Jun, 1998 to Apr, 2000.
Stanislav Gross holds the position of Prime Minister of the Czech Republic from Aug, 2004 to Apr, 2005.
Stanislav Gross holds the position of Deputy Prime Minister of the Czech Republic from Jun, 2002 to Aug, 2004.
Stanislav Gross holds the position of member of the Czech National Council from Jun, 1992 to Dec, 1992.
Stanislav Gross holds the position of party leader from Mar, 2005 to Sep, 2005. | Stanislav GrossStanislav Gross (; 30 October 1969 – 16 April 2015) was a Czech lawyer and politician who served as Prime Minister of the Czech Republic and Leader of the Czech Social Democratic Party from 2004 until 2005 when he resigned as a result of his financial irregularities. He previously served as Minister of the Interior in cabinets of Miloš Zeman and Vladimír Špidla from 2000 to 2004. Gross was Member of the Chamber of Deputies (MP) from 1992 to 2004.Gross died on 16 April 2015 at the age of 45 from amyotrophic lateral sclerosis (ALS).Born in Prague, Gross briefly worked for Czechoslovak State Railways (ČSD) as an engine-driver trainee. After the Velvet Revolution in 1989, he became a member of the Social Democratic party and in 1992 member of the parliament. After studies in law from 1993 to 1999 he obtained an academic title, although under less than normal conditions. His thesis had a mere 33 pages.On 5 April 2000 he was named interior minister in the government of Miloš Zeman. After elections in 2002, Gross continued as interior minister and became deputy prime minister in the government of Vladimír Špidla.During his service, several scandals in the police had leaked out: corruption among the highest officials, irregularities in business tenders and failure to solve serial murders. Gross claimed that this was due to a better ability to discover such behaviour within the police force. Gross was also criticized for installing his friends and allies as executives in state-owned companies and for misuse of secret services for political aims.In spite of these problems, Gross was able to maintain higher popularity than other politicians (his peak came in at over 70%). His youthful, photogenic appearance, skills in dealing with media and unwillingness to get involved in controversial decisions or discussions helped.In the 2004 European election, ČSSD lost badly and the popularity of the party was low; this led to the resignation of Špidla on 26 July. Gross was appointed prime minister on 4 August 2004 and his government was approved on 24 August.Gross was seen by his party as the last way to regain popularity and better handle future elections. This was proved wrong; in elections for regional assemblies and Senate elections, the Social Democrats failed again.Gross claimed he would modernise the party on lines similar to those followed by Tony Blair, but his short time in office and constant involvement with scandals did not give him any time to implement changes. His popularity started to decline, and his involvement in further allegations of nepotism, police corruption, suspicious dealings in state privatisations accelerated the decline.In early 2005, Gross faced a scandal related to unclear origins of the loan to buy his flat. It was found that his wife was a business associate of a brothel owner who was later sentenced for insurance fraud to five years in prison. Criticism from the media and record public dissatisfaction grew into a government crisis. For three months, Gross tried to keep himself in power until he was forced to resign on 25 April 2005. His popularity sank to a record low, and trust in politicians among Czech people was shattered.In September 2005 Gross stepped down from his remaining position of party leader. The reason was growing suspicion about corruption during the privatization of the chemical conglomerate Unipetrol to the Polish concern of PKN Orlen, involving Gross.Gross denied all accusations as an absurd conspiracy against him.After leaving the world of top level politics Gross started to work for the Law Office of Eduard Bruna. Between April 2006 and January 2007 he served as the chairman of Security Commission of the Social Democrats ("bezpečnostní komise"). The media had occasionally speculated about his influence on decisions made within the Czech police.In September 2007, the economics weekly Euro published information that Gross and his wife bought up to a 31% stake in the energy company Moravia Energo. The value of the stake was estimated to be worth about 300 million CZK. The journal calculated that the banks would provide at most two-thirds of the sum and the rest was thus paid by Gross. When this information was published Gross refused to provide details to the press on grounds of privacy.By June 2008 Gross successfully sold his 31% stake for 150 million CZK, his original purchase price was 21 million CZK. The whole deal was very curious and was investigated, but it was quickly found to be a legitimate business deal according to the Czech Police.On 18 March 2008 he failed the bar exam, but later passed it and opened a private law practice. Gross was student of the Charles University in Prague and later was awarded his law degree by the University of West Bohemia at Plzeň. In 2009 this university has been the centre of investigations into allegations of law degrees being awarded after only a few months study. Gross was mentioned during the investigation.In early 2008 together with his wife Šárka Grossová, they purchased a $735,000 (or 11 million CZK) Hidden Bay luxury condo in Miami, Florida (review of public online county records show that the property was purchased in his wife's name only). Mr. Gross and his wife also purchased a small 10 million CZK house in need of major renovations about 1 km from their apartment in Barrandov, Prague, Czech Republic (controversy surrounding the purchase of that apartment was one of the key factors in his stepping down from his post as prime minister and leaving politics).Gross died on 16 April 2015 at the age of 45 from amyotrophic lateral sclerosis.Gross was an inspiration for the character of corrupt prime minister Klein in the film Gangster Ka. | [
"Minister of the Interior of the Czech Republic",
"party leader",
"Member of the Chamber of Deputies of the Parliament of the Czech Republic",
"Prime Minister of the Czech Republic",
"Deputy Prime Minister of the Czech Republic",
"member of the Czech National Council"
] |
|
Which position did Stanislav Gross hold in Sep 05, 1999? | September 05, 1999 | {
"text": [
"chairperson"
]
} | L2_Q348896_P39_1 | Stanislav Gross holds the position of Minister of the Interior of the Czech Republic from Apr, 2000 to Aug, 2004.
Stanislav Gross holds the position of Member of the Chamber of Deputies of the Parliament of the Czech Republic from Jun, 2002 to Sep, 2004.
Stanislav Gross holds the position of chairperson from Jun, 1998 to Apr, 2000.
Stanislav Gross holds the position of Prime Minister of the Czech Republic from Aug, 2004 to Apr, 2005.
Stanislav Gross holds the position of Deputy Prime Minister of the Czech Republic from Jun, 2002 to Aug, 2004.
Stanislav Gross holds the position of member of the Czech National Council from Jun, 1992 to Dec, 1992.
Stanislav Gross holds the position of party leader from Mar, 2005 to Sep, 2005. | Stanislav GrossStanislav Gross (; 30 October 1969 – 16 April 2015) was a Czech lawyer and politician who served as Prime Minister of the Czech Republic and Leader of the Czech Social Democratic Party from 2004 until 2005 when he resigned as a result of his financial irregularities. He previously served as Minister of the Interior in cabinets of Miloš Zeman and Vladimír Špidla from 2000 to 2004. Gross was Member of the Chamber of Deputies (MP) from 1992 to 2004.Gross died on 16 April 2015 at the age of 45 from amyotrophic lateral sclerosis (ALS).Born in Prague, Gross briefly worked for Czechoslovak State Railways (ČSD) as an engine-driver trainee. After the Velvet Revolution in 1989, he became a member of the Social Democratic party and in 1992 member of the parliament. After studies in law from 1993 to 1999 he obtained an academic title, although under less than normal conditions. His thesis had a mere 33 pages.On 5 April 2000 he was named interior minister in the government of Miloš Zeman. After elections in 2002, Gross continued as interior minister and became deputy prime minister in the government of Vladimír Špidla.During his service, several scandals in the police had leaked out: corruption among the highest officials, irregularities in business tenders and failure to solve serial murders. Gross claimed that this was due to a better ability to discover such behaviour within the police force. Gross was also criticized for installing his friends and allies as executives in state-owned companies and for misuse of secret services for political aims.In spite of these problems, Gross was able to maintain higher popularity than other politicians (his peak came in at over 70%). His youthful, photogenic appearance, skills in dealing with media and unwillingness to get involved in controversial decisions or discussions helped.In the 2004 European election, ČSSD lost badly and the popularity of the party was low; this led to the resignation of Špidla on 26 July. Gross was appointed prime minister on 4 August 2004 and his government was approved on 24 August.Gross was seen by his party as the last way to regain popularity and better handle future elections. This was proved wrong; in elections for regional assemblies and Senate elections, the Social Democrats failed again.Gross claimed he would modernise the party on lines similar to those followed by Tony Blair, but his short time in office and constant involvement with scandals did not give him any time to implement changes. His popularity started to decline, and his involvement in further allegations of nepotism, police corruption, suspicious dealings in state privatisations accelerated the decline.In early 2005, Gross faced a scandal related to unclear origins of the loan to buy his flat. It was found that his wife was a business associate of a brothel owner who was later sentenced for insurance fraud to five years in prison. Criticism from the media and record public dissatisfaction grew into a government crisis. For three months, Gross tried to keep himself in power until he was forced to resign on 25 April 2005. His popularity sank to a record low, and trust in politicians among Czech people was shattered.In September 2005 Gross stepped down from his remaining position of party leader. The reason was growing suspicion about corruption during the privatization of the chemical conglomerate Unipetrol to the Polish concern of PKN Orlen, involving Gross.Gross denied all accusations as an absurd conspiracy against him.After leaving the world of top level politics Gross started to work for the Law Office of Eduard Bruna. Between April 2006 and January 2007 he served as the chairman of Security Commission of the Social Democrats ("bezpečnostní komise"). The media had occasionally speculated about his influence on decisions made within the Czech police.In September 2007, the economics weekly Euro published information that Gross and his wife bought up to a 31% stake in the energy company Moravia Energo. The value of the stake was estimated to be worth about 300 million CZK. The journal calculated that the banks would provide at most two-thirds of the sum and the rest was thus paid by Gross. When this information was published Gross refused to provide details to the press on grounds of privacy.By June 2008 Gross successfully sold his 31% stake for 150 million CZK, his original purchase price was 21 million CZK. The whole deal was very curious and was investigated, but it was quickly found to be a legitimate business deal according to the Czech Police.On 18 March 2008 he failed the bar exam, but later passed it and opened a private law practice. Gross was student of the Charles University in Prague and later was awarded his law degree by the University of West Bohemia at Plzeň. In 2009 this university has been the centre of investigations into allegations of law degrees being awarded after only a few months study. Gross was mentioned during the investigation.In early 2008 together with his wife Šárka Grossová, they purchased a $735,000 (or 11 million CZK) Hidden Bay luxury condo in Miami, Florida (review of public online county records show that the property was purchased in his wife's name only). Mr. Gross and his wife also purchased a small 10 million CZK house in need of major renovations about 1 km from their apartment in Barrandov, Prague, Czech Republic (controversy surrounding the purchase of that apartment was one of the key factors in his stepping down from his post as prime minister and leaving politics).Gross died on 16 April 2015 at the age of 45 from amyotrophic lateral sclerosis.Gross was an inspiration for the character of corrupt prime minister Klein in the film Gangster Ka. | [
"Minister of the Interior of the Czech Republic",
"party leader",
"Member of the Chamber of Deputies of the Parliament of the Czech Republic",
"Prime Minister of the Czech Republic",
"Deputy Prime Minister of the Czech Republic",
"member of the Czech National Council"
] |
|
Which position did Stanislav Gross hold in 09/05/1999? | September 05, 1999 | {
"text": [
"chairperson"
]
} | L2_Q348896_P39_1 | Stanislav Gross holds the position of Minister of the Interior of the Czech Republic from Apr, 2000 to Aug, 2004.
Stanislav Gross holds the position of Member of the Chamber of Deputies of the Parliament of the Czech Republic from Jun, 2002 to Sep, 2004.
Stanislav Gross holds the position of chairperson from Jun, 1998 to Apr, 2000.
Stanislav Gross holds the position of Prime Minister of the Czech Republic from Aug, 2004 to Apr, 2005.
Stanislav Gross holds the position of Deputy Prime Minister of the Czech Republic from Jun, 2002 to Aug, 2004.
Stanislav Gross holds the position of member of the Czech National Council from Jun, 1992 to Dec, 1992.
Stanislav Gross holds the position of party leader from Mar, 2005 to Sep, 2005. | Stanislav GrossStanislav Gross (; 30 October 1969 – 16 April 2015) was a Czech lawyer and politician who served as Prime Minister of the Czech Republic and Leader of the Czech Social Democratic Party from 2004 until 2005 when he resigned as a result of his financial irregularities. He previously served as Minister of the Interior in cabinets of Miloš Zeman and Vladimír Špidla from 2000 to 2004. Gross was Member of the Chamber of Deputies (MP) from 1992 to 2004.Gross died on 16 April 2015 at the age of 45 from amyotrophic lateral sclerosis (ALS).Born in Prague, Gross briefly worked for Czechoslovak State Railways (ČSD) as an engine-driver trainee. After the Velvet Revolution in 1989, he became a member of the Social Democratic party and in 1992 member of the parliament. After studies in law from 1993 to 1999 he obtained an academic title, although under less than normal conditions. His thesis had a mere 33 pages.On 5 April 2000 he was named interior minister in the government of Miloš Zeman. After elections in 2002, Gross continued as interior minister and became deputy prime minister in the government of Vladimír Špidla.During his service, several scandals in the police had leaked out: corruption among the highest officials, irregularities in business tenders and failure to solve serial murders. Gross claimed that this was due to a better ability to discover such behaviour within the police force. Gross was also criticized for installing his friends and allies as executives in state-owned companies and for misuse of secret services for political aims.In spite of these problems, Gross was able to maintain higher popularity than other politicians (his peak came in at over 70%). His youthful, photogenic appearance, skills in dealing with media and unwillingness to get involved in controversial decisions or discussions helped.In the 2004 European election, ČSSD lost badly and the popularity of the party was low; this led to the resignation of Špidla on 26 July. Gross was appointed prime minister on 4 August 2004 and his government was approved on 24 August.Gross was seen by his party as the last way to regain popularity and better handle future elections. This was proved wrong; in elections for regional assemblies and Senate elections, the Social Democrats failed again.Gross claimed he would modernise the party on lines similar to those followed by Tony Blair, but his short time in office and constant involvement with scandals did not give him any time to implement changes. His popularity started to decline, and his involvement in further allegations of nepotism, police corruption, suspicious dealings in state privatisations accelerated the decline.In early 2005, Gross faced a scandal related to unclear origins of the loan to buy his flat. It was found that his wife was a business associate of a brothel owner who was later sentenced for insurance fraud to five years in prison. Criticism from the media and record public dissatisfaction grew into a government crisis. For three months, Gross tried to keep himself in power until he was forced to resign on 25 April 2005. His popularity sank to a record low, and trust in politicians among Czech people was shattered.In September 2005 Gross stepped down from his remaining position of party leader. The reason was growing suspicion about corruption during the privatization of the chemical conglomerate Unipetrol to the Polish concern of PKN Orlen, involving Gross.Gross denied all accusations as an absurd conspiracy against him.After leaving the world of top level politics Gross started to work for the Law Office of Eduard Bruna. Between April 2006 and January 2007 he served as the chairman of Security Commission of the Social Democrats ("bezpečnostní komise"). The media had occasionally speculated about his influence on decisions made within the Czech police.In September 2007, the economics weekly Euro published information that Gross and his wife bought up to a 31% stake in the energy company Moravia Energo. The value of the stake was estimated to be worth about 300 million CZK. The journal calculated that the banks would provide at most two-thirds of the sum and the rest was thus paid by Gross. When this information was published Gross refused to provide details to the press on grounds of privacy.By June 2008 Gross successfully sold his 31% stake for 150 million CZK, his original purchase price was 21 million CZK. The whole deal was very curious and was investigated, but it was quickly found to be a legitimate business deal according to the Czech Police.On 18 March 2008 he failed the bar exam, but later passed it and opened a private law practice. Gross was student of the Charles University in Prague and later was awarded his law degree by the University of West Bohemia at Plzeň. In 2009 this university has been the centre of investigations into allegations of law degrees being awarded after only a few months study. Gross was mentioned during the investigation.In early 2008 together with his wife Šárka Grossová, they purchased a $735,000 (or 11 million CZK) Hidden Bay luxury condo in Miami, Florida (review of public online county records show that the property was purchased in his wife's name only). Mr. Gross and his wife also purchased a small 10 million CZK house in need of major renovations about 1 km from their apartment in Barrandov, Prague, Czech Republic (controversy surrounding the purchase of that apartment was one of the key factors in his stepping down from his post as prime minister and leaving politics).Gross died on 16 April 2015 at the age of 45 from amyotrophic lateral sclerosis.Gross was an inspiration for the character of corrupt prime minister Klein in the film Gangster Ka. | [
"Minister of the Interior of the Czech Republic",
"party leader",
"Member of the Chamber of Deputies of the Parliament of the Czech Republic",
"Prime Minister of the Czech Republic",
"Deputy Prime Minister of the Czech Republic",
"member of the Czech National Council"
] |
|
Which position did Stanislav Gross hold in 05-Sep-199905-September-1999? | September 05, 1999 | {
"text": [
"chairperson"
]
} | L2_Q348896_P39_1 | Stanislav Gross holds the position of Minister of the Interior of the Czech Republic from Apr, 2000 to Aug, 2004.
Stanislav Gross holds the position of Member of the Chamber of Deputies of the Parliament of the Czech Republic from Jun, 2002 to Sep, 2004.
Stanislav Gross holds the position of chairperson from Jun, 1998 to Apr, 2000.
Stanislav Gross holds the position of Prime Minister of the Czech Republic from Aug, 2004 to Apr, 2005.
Stanislav Gross holds the position of Deputy Prime Minister of the Czech Republic from Jun, 2002 to Aug, 2004.
Stanislav Gross holds the position of member of the Czech National Council from Jun, 1992 to Dec, 1992.
Stanislav Gross holds the position of party leader from Mar, 2005 to Sep, 2005. | Stanislav GrossStanislav Gross (; 30 October 1969 – 16 April 2015) was a Czech lawyer and politician who served as Prime Minister of the Czech Republic and Leader of the Czech Social Democratic Party from 2004 until 2005 when he resigned as a result of his financial irregularities. He previously served as Minister of the Interior in cabinets of Miloš Zeman and Vladimír Špidla from 2000 to 2004. Gross was Member of the Chamber of Deputies (MP) from 1992 to 2004.Gross died on 16 April 2015 at the age of 45 from amyotrophic lateral sclerosis (ALS).Born in Prague, Gross briefly worked for Czechoslovak State Railways (ČSD) as an engine-driver trainee. After the Velvet Revolution in 1989, he became a member of the Social Democratic party and in 1992 member of the parliament. After studies in law from 1993 to 1999 he obtained an academic title, although under less than normal conditions. His thesis had a mere 33 pages.On 5 April 2000 he was named interior minister in the government of Miloš Zeman. After elections in 2002, Gross continued as interior minister and became deputy prime minister in the government of Vladimír Špidla.During his service, several scandals in the police had leaked out: corruption among the highest officials, irregularities in business tenders and failure to solve serial murders. Gross claimed that this was due to a better ability to discover such behaviour within the police force. Gross was also criticized for installing his friends and allies as executives in state-owned companies and for misuse of secret services for political aims.In spite of these problems, Gross was able to maintain higher popularity than other politicians (his peak came in at over 70%). His youthful, photogenic appearance, skills in dealing with media and unwillingness to get involved in controversial decisions or discussions helped.In the 2004 European election, ČSSD lost badly and the popularity of the party was low; this led to the resignation of Špidla on 26 July. Gross was appointed prime minister on 4 August 2004 and his government was approved on 24 August.Gross was seen by his party as the last way to regain popularity and better handle future elections. This was proved wrong; in elections for regional assemblies and Senate elections, the Social Democrats failed again.Gross claimed he would modernise the party on lines similar to those followed by Tony Blair, but his short time in office and constant involvement with scandals did not give him any time to implement changes. His popularity started to decline, and his involvement in further allegations of nepotism, police corruption, suspicious dealings in state privatisations accelerated the decline.In early 2005, Gross faced a scandal related to unclear origins of the loan to buy his flat. It was found that his wife was a business associate of a brothel owner who was later sentenced for insurance fraud to five years in prison. Criticism from the media and record public dissatisfaction grew into a government crisis. For three months, Gross tried to keep himself in power until he was forced to resign on 25 April 2005. His popularity sank to a record low, and trust in politicians among Czech people was shattered.In September 2005 Gross stepped down from his remaining position of party leader. The reason was growing suspicion about corruption during the privatization of the chemical conglomerate Unipetrol to the Polish concern of PKN Orlen, involving Gross.Gross denied all accusations as an absurd conspiracy against him.After leaving the world of top level politics Gross started to work for the Law Office of Eduard Bruna. Between April 2006 and January 2007 he served as the chairman of Security Commission of the Social Democrats ("bezpečnostní komise"). The media had occasionally speculated about his influence on decisions made within the Czech police.In September 2007, the economics weekly Euro published information that Gross and his wife bought up to a 31% stake in the energy company Moravia Energo. The value of the stake was estimated to be worth about 300 million CZK. The journal calculated that the banks would provide at most two-thirds of the sum and the rest was thus paid by Gross. When this information was published Gross refused to provide details to the press on grounds of privacy.By June 2008 Gross successfully sold his 31% stake for 150 million CZK, his original purchase price was 21 million CZK. The whole deal was very curious and was investigated, but it was quickly found to be a legitimate business deal according to the Czech Police.On 18 March 2008 he failed the bar exam, but later passed it and opened a private law practice. Gross was student of the Charles University in Prague and later was awarded his law degree by the University of West Bohemia at Plzeň. In 2009 this university has been the centre of investigations into allegations of law degrees being awarded after only a few months study. Gross was mentioned during the investigation.In early 2008 together with his wife Šárka Grossová, they purchased a $735,000 (or 11 million CZK) Hidden Bay luxury condo in Miami, Florida (review of public online county records show that the property was purchased in his wife's name only). Mr. Gross and his wife also purchased a small 10 million CZK house in need of major renovations about 1 km from their apartment in Barrandov, Prague, Czech Republic (controversy surrounding the purchase of that apartment was one of the key factors in his stepping down from his post as prime minister and leaving politics).Gross died on 16 April 2015 at the age of 45 from amyotrophic lateral sclerosis.Gross was an inspiration for the character of corrupt prime minister Klein in the film Gangster Ka. | [
"Minister of the Interior of the Czech Republic",
"party leader",
"Member of the Chamber of Deputies of the Parliament of the Czech Republic",
"Prime Minister of the Czech Republic",
"Deputy Prime Minister of the Czech Republic",
"member of the Czech National Council"
] |
|
Where was Stefan Bergman educated in May, 1918? | May 16, 1918 | {
"text": [
"University of Vienna"
]
} | L2_Q1532174_P69_1 | Stefan Bergman attended Frederick William University from Jan, 1921 to Jan, 1922.
Stefan Bergman attended University of Vienna from Jan, 1915 to Jan, 1920.
Stefan Bergman attended University of Wrocław from Jan, 1913 to Jan, 1915. | Stefan BergmanStefan Bergman (5 May 1895 – 6 June 1977) was a Polish-born American mathematician whose primary work was in complex analysis. His name is also written Bergmann; he dropped the second "n" when he came to the U. S. He is best known for the kernel function he discovered while at Berlin University in 1922. This function is known today as the Bergman kernel. Bergman taught for many years at Stanford University, and served as an advisor to several students.Born in Częstochowa, Congress Poland, Russian Empire, to a Jewish family, Bergman received his Ph.D. at Berlin University in 1921 for a dissertation on Fourier analysis. His advisor, Richard von Mises, had a strong influence on him, lasting for the rest of his career. In 1933, Bergman was forced to leave his post at the Berlin University because he was a Jew. He fled first to Russia, where he stayed until 1939, and then to Paris. In 1939, he emigrated to the United States, where he would remain for the rest of life. He was elected a Fellow of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences in 1951. He was a professor at Stanford University from 1952 until his retirement in 1972. He was an invited speaker at the International Congress of Mathematicians in 1950 in Cambridge, Massachusetts and in 1962 in Stockholm ("On meromorphic functions of several complex variables"). He died in Palo Alto, California, aged 82.The Stefan Bergman Prize in mathematics was initiated by Bergman's wife in her will, in memory of her husband's work. The American Mathematical Society supports the prize and selects the committee of judges. The prize is awarded for: | [
"University of Wrocław",
"Frederick William University"
] |
|
Where was Stefan Bergman educated in 1918-05-16? | May 16, 1918 | {
"text": [
"University of Vienna"
]
} | L2_Q1532174_P69_1 | Stefan Bergman attended Frederick William University from Jan, 1921 to Jan, 1922.
Stefan Bergman attended University of Vienna from Jan, 1915 to Jan, 1920.
Stefan Bergman attended University of Wrocław from Jan, 1913 to Jan, 1915. | Stefan BergmanStefan Bergman (5 May 1895 – 6 June 1977) was a Polish-born American mathematician whose primary work was in complex analysis. His name is also written Bergmann; he dropped the second "n" when he came to the U. S. He is best known for the kernel function he discovered while at Berlin University in 1922. This function is known today as the Bergman kernel. Bergman taught for many years at Stanford University, and served as an advisor to several students.Born in Częstochowa, Congress Poland, Russian Empire, to a Jewish family, Bergman received his Ph.D. at Berlin University in 1921 for a dissertation on Fourier analysis. His advisor, Richard von Mises, had a strong influence on him, lasting for the rest of his career. In 1933, Bergman was forced to leave his post at the Berlin University because he was a Jew. He fled first to Russia, where he stayed until 1939, and then to Paris. In 1939, he emigrated to the United States, where he would remain for the rest of life. He was elected a Fellow of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences in 1951. He was a professor at Stanford University from 1952 until his retirement in 1972. He was an invited speaker at the International Congress of Mathematicians in 1950 in Cambridge, Massachusetts and in 1962 in Stockholm ("On meromorphic functions of several complex variables"). He died in Palo Alto, California, aged 82.The Stefan Bergman Prize in mathematics was initiated by Bergman's wife in her will, in memory of her husband's work. The American Mathematical Society supports the prize and selects the committee of judges. The prize is awarded for: | [
"University of Wrocław",
"Frederick William University"
] |
|
Where was Stefan Bergman educated in 16/05/1918? | May 16, 1918 | {
"text": [
"University of Vienna"
]
} | L2_Q1532174_P69_1 | Stefan Bergman attended Frederick William University from Jan, 1921 to Jan, 1922.
Stefan Bergman attended University of Vienna from Jan, 1915 to Jan, 1920.
Stefan Bergman attended University of Wrocław from Jan, 1913 to Jan, 1915. | Stefan BergmanStefan Bergman (5 May 1895 – 6 June 1977) was a Polish-born American mathematician whose primary work was in complex analysis. His name is also written Bergmann; he dropped the second "n" when he came to the U. S. He is best known for the kernel function he discovered while at Berlin University in 1922. This function is known today as the Bergman kernel. Bergman taught for many years at Stanford University, and served as an advisor to several students.Born in Częstochowa, Congress Poland, Russian Empire, to a Jewish family, Bergman received his Ph.D. at Berlin University in 1921 for a dissertation on Fourier analysis. His advisor, Richard von Mises, had a strong influence on him, lasting for the rest of his career. In 1933, Bergman was forced to leave his post at the Berlin University because he was a Jew. He fled first to Russia, where he stayed until 1939, and then to Paris. In 1939, he emigrated to the United States, where he would remain for the rest of life. He was elected a Fellow of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences in 1951. He was a professor at Stanford University from 1952 until his retirement in 1972. He was an invited speaker at the International Congress of Mathematicians in 1950 in Cambridge, Massachusetts and in 1962 in Stockholm ("On meromorphic functions of several complex variables"). He died in Palo Alto, California, aged 82.The Stefan Bergman Prize in mathematics was initiated by Bergman's wife in her will, in memory of her husband's work. The American Mathematical Society supports the prize and selects the committee of judges. The prize is awarded for: | [
"University of Wrocław",
"Frederick William University"
] |
|
Where was Stefan Bergman educated in May 16, 1918? | May 16, 1918 | {
"text": [
"University of Vienna"
]
} | L2_Q1532174_P69_1 | Stefan Bergman attended Frederick William University from Jan, 1921 to Jan, 1922.
Stefan Bergman attended University of Vienna from Jan, 1915 to Jan, 1920.
Stefan Bergman attended University of Wrocław from Jan, 1913 to Jan, 1915. | Stefan BergmanStefan Bergman (5 May 1895 – 6 June 1977) was a Polish-born American mathematician whose primary work was in complex analysis. His name is also written Bergmann; he dropped the second "n" when he came to the U. S. He is best known for the kernel function he discovered while at Berlin University in 1922. This function is known today as the Bergman kernel. Bergman taught for many years at Stanford University, and served as an advisor to several students.Born in Częstochowa, Congress Poland, Russian Empire, to a Jewish family, Bergman received his Ph.D. at Berlin University in 1921 for a dissertation on Fourier analysis. His advisor, Richard von Mises, had a strong influence on him, lasting for the rest of his career. In 1933, Bergman was forced to leave his post at the Berlin University because he was a Jew. He fled first to Russia, where he stayed until 1939, and then to Paris. In 1939, he emigrated to the United States, where he would remain for the rest of life. He was elected a Fellow of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences in 1951. He was a professor at Stanford University from 1952 until his retirement in 1972. He was an invited speaker at the International Congress of Mathematicians in 1950 in Cambridge, Massachusetts and in 1962 in Stockholm ("On meromorphic functions of several complex variables"). He died in Palo Alto, California, aged 82.The Stefan Bergman Prize in mathematics was initiated by Bergman's wife in her will, in memory of her husband's work. The American Mathematical Society supports the prize and selects the committee of judges. The prize is awarded for: | [
"University of Wrocław",
"Frederick William University"
] |
|
Where was Stefan Bergman educated in 05/16/1918? | May 16, 1918 | {
"text": [
"University of Vienna"
]
} | L2_Q1532174_P69_1 | Stefan Bergman attended Frederick William University from Jan, 1921 to Jan, 1922.
Stefan Bergman attended University of Vienna from Jan, 1915 to Jan, 1920.
Stefan Bergman attended University of Wrocław from Jan, 1913 to Jan, 1915. | Stefan BergmanStefan Bergman (5 May 1895 – 6 June 1977) was a Polish-born American mathematician whose primary work was in complex analysis. His name is also written Bergmann; he dropped the second "n" when he came to the U. S. He is best known for the kernel function he discovered while at Berlin University in 1922. This function is known today as the Bergman kernel. Bergman taught for many years at Stanford University, and served as an advisor to several students.Born in Częstochowa, Congress Poland, Russian Empire, to a Jewish family, Bergman received his Ph.D. at Berlin University in 1921 for a dissertation on Fourier analysis. His advisor, Richard von Mises, had a strong influence on him, lasting for the rest of his career. In 1933, Bergman was forced to leave his post at the Berlin University because he was a Jew. He fled first to Russia, where he stayed until 1939, and then to Paris. In 1939, he emigrated to the United States, where he would remain for the rest of life. He was elected a Fellow of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences in 1951. He was a professor at Stanford University from 1952 until his retirement in 1972. He was an invited speaker at the International Congress of Mathematicians in 1950 in Cambridge, Massachusetts and in 1962 in Stockholm ("On meromorphic functions of several complex variables"). He died in Palo Alto, California, aged 82.The Stefan Bergman Prize in mathematics was initiated by Bergman's wife in her will, in memory of her husband's work. The American Mathematical Society supports the prize and selects the committee of judges. The prize is awarded for: | [
"University of Wrocław",
"Frederick William University"
] |
|
Where was Stefan Bergman educated in 16-May-191816-May-1918? | May 16, 1918 | {
"text": [
"University of Vienna"
]
} | L2_Q1532174_P69_1 | Stefan Bergman attended Frederick William University from Jan, 1921 to Jan, 1922.
Stefan Bergman attended University of Vienna from Jan, 1915 to Jan, 1920.
Stefan Bergman attended University of Wrocław from Jan, 1913 to Jan, 1915. | Stefan BergmanStefan Bergman (5 May 1895 – 6 June 1977) was a Polish-born American mathematician whose primary work was in complex analysis. His name is also written Bergmann; he dropped the second "n" when he came to the U. S. He is best known for the kernel function he discovered while at Berlin University in 1922. This function is known today as the Bergman kernel. Bergman taught for many years at Stanford University, and served as an advisor to several students.Born in Częstochowa, Congress Poland, Russian Empire, to a Jewish family, Bergman received his Ph.D. at Berlin University in 1921 for a dissertation on Fourier analysis. His advisor, Richard von Mises, had a strong influence on him, lasting for the rest of his career. In 1933, Bergman was forced to leave his post at the Berlin University because he was a Jew. He fled first to Russia, where he stayed until 1939, and then to Paris. In 1939, he emigrated to the United States, where he would remain for the rest of life. He was elected a Fellow of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences in 1951. He was a professor at Stanford University from 1952 until his retirement in 1972. He was an invited speaker at the International Congress of Mathematicians in 1950 in Cambridge, Massachusetts and in 1962 in Stockholm ("On meromorphic functions of several complex variables"). He died in Palo Alto, California, aged 82.The Stefan Bergman Prize in mathematics was initiated by Bergman's wife in her will, in memory of her husband's work. The American Mathematical Society supports the prize and selects the committee of judges. The prize is awarded for: | [
"University of Wrocław",
"Frederick William University"
] |
|
Which position did Sir George Staunton, 2nd Baronet hold in Mar, 1838? | March 29, 1838 | {
"text": [
"Member of the 13th Parliament of the United Kingdom"
]
} | L2_Q333469_P39_5 | Sir George Staunton, 2nd Baronet holds the position of Member of the 10th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Apr, 1831 to Dec, 1832.
Sir George Staunton, 2nd Baronet holds the position of Member of the 13th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Feb, 1838 to Jun, 1841.
Sir George Staunton, 2nd Baronet holds the position of Member of the 7th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Mar, 1820 to Jun, 1826.
Sir George Staunton, 2nd Baronet holds the position of Member of the 11th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Dec, 1832 to Dec, 1834.
Sir George Staunton, 2nd Baronet holds the position of Member of the 15th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jul, 1847 to Jul, 1852.
Sir George Staunton, 2nd Baronet holds the position of Member of the 6th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jun, 1818 to Feb, 1820.
Sir George Staunton, 2nd Baronet holds the position of Member of the 14th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jun, 1841 to Jul, 1847.
Sir George Staunton, 2nd Baronet holds the position of Member of the 9th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jul, 1830 to Apr, 1831. | Sir George Staunton, 2nd BaronetSir George Thomas Staunton, 2nd Baronet (26 May 1781 – 10 August 1859) was an English traveller and Orientalist.Born at Milford House near Salisbury, he was the son of Sir George Leonard Staunton (1737–1801), first baronet, diplomatist and Orientalist. In 1792, at the age of 12, he accompanied his father, who had been appointed secretary to Lord Macartney's mission to China, to the Far East (1792–1794). Prior to the trip the young George Staunton had begun to learn Chinese alongside Sir John Barrow, 1st Baronet and for the duration was therefore given the role of Page to Lord Macartney. During the mission his Chinese proved good enough to engage in diplomatic banter and he received a personal gift from the Qianlong Emperor. In 1797 he spent two terms at Trinity College, Cambridge.In 1798 was appointed a writer in the British East India Company's factory at Canton (Guangzhou), and subsequently its chief. During this time his knowledge of Chinese increased. In 1805 he translated a work of Dr George Pearson into Chinese. Five years later, he published an English translation of a significant part of the Chinese legal code.In 1801 he succeeded his father to the baronetcy and in April 1803 was elected a Fellow of the Royal Society.In 1816 Staunton proceeded as second commissioner on a special mission to Beijing with Lord Amherst and Sir Henry Ellis. During the mission he landed in Hong Kong in July, 1816. He walked from the shore of Hong Kong to Hong Kong Village via Wong Chuk Hang. After the trip, Wong Chuk Hang was named Staunton Creek and the valley where Hong Kong Village was located was named Staunton Valley. Staunton Creek later became a cesspool of mud and rotting sampans and was eventually cleared to create Wong Chuk Hang Nullah with the residents housed in Wong Chuk Hang Estate. Hong Kong Village was most likely Wong Chuk Hang Lo Wai; only Wong Chuk Hang San Wai still exists at the bottom of Shouson Hill. After the ceding of Hong Kong from China to Great Britain, Staunton Street in Central was named after him.The embassy was unsuccessful and shortly after it departed back to Britain Staunton decided to leave China permanently.George Staunton had been looking for a country home for some years before his permanent return from China and in 1818 put in a bid for Newstead Abbey but was outbid by Thomas Wildman. In 1820 he purchased the Leigh estate in Hampshire which included what was to become Staunton Country Park. He lived there for part of each year and made substantial alterations to the buildings and the landscape.Three years later he was heavily involved with the founding of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland. Their Sir George Staunton prize is awarded annually.Between 1818 and 1852 he was MP for several English constituencies, finally for Portsmouth. He latterly described himself as being during his early years in parliament a liberal Tory who looked to George Canning for leadership. He was a member of the East India Committee, and in 1823, in conjunction with Henry Thomas Colebrooke founded the Royal Asiatic Society.From 1829 until 1856 he was a member of the Society of DilettantiHe had never married and the baronetcy became extinct on his death (in London). He left his Irish estate, Clydagh House, to his eldest cousin George Staunton Lynch (who took the additional surname of Staunton) and Leigh Park and his London house (17, Devonshire Street, Marylebone) to George Staunton Lynch's younger brother, Captain Henry Cormick Lynch.His publications include translations of "Great Qing Legal Code", known as the "Fundamental Laws of China" (1810) and of the "Narrative of the Chinese Embassy to the Khan of the Tourgouth Tartars" (1821); "Miscellaneous Notices Relating to China and our Commercial Intercourse with that Country" (1822); "Notes of Proceedings and Occurrences during the British Embassy to Peking" (1824); "Observations on our Chinese Commerce" (1850). For the Hakluyt Society he edited Juan González de Mendoza's "History of the Great and Mighty Kingdom of China". | [
"Member of the 10th Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the 14th Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the 11th Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the 9th Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the 15th Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the 6th Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the 7th Parliament of the United Kingdom"
] |
|
Which position did Sir George Staunton, 2nd Baronet hold in 1838-03-29? | March 29, 1838 | {
"text": [
"Member of the 13th Parliament of the United Kingdom"
]
} | L2_Q333469_P39_5 | Sir George Staunton, 2nd Baronet holds the position of Member of the 10th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Apr, 1831 to Dec, 1832.
Sir George Staunton, 2nd Baronet holds the position of Member of the 13th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Feb, 1838 to Jun, 1841.
Sir George Staunton, 2nd Baronet holds the position of Member of the 7th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Mar, 1820 to Jun, 1826.
Sir George Staunton, 2nd Baronet holds the position of Member of the 11th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Dec, 1832 to Dec, 1834.
Sir George Staunton, 2nd Baronet holds the position of Member of the 15th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jul, 1847 to Jul, 1852.
Sir George Staunton, 2nd Baronet holds the position of Member of the 6th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jun, 1818 to Feb, 1820.
Sir George Staunton, 2nd Baronet holds the position of Member of the 14th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jun, 1841 to Jul, 1847.
Sir George Staunton, 2nd Baronet holds the position of Member of the 9th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jul, 1830 to Apr, 1831. | Sir George Staunton, 2nd BaronetSir George Thomas Staunton, 2nd Baronet (26 May 1781 – 10 August 1859) was an English traveller and Orientalist.Born at Milford House near Salisbury, he was the son of Sir George Leonard Staunton (1737–1801), first baronet, diplomatist and Orientalist. In 1792, at the age of 12, he accompanied his father, who had been appointed secretary to Lord Macartney's mission to China, to the Far East (1792–1794). Prior to the trip the young George Staunton had begun to learn Chinese alongside Sir John Barrow, 1st Baronet and for the duration was therefore given the role of Page to Lord Macartney. During the mission his Chinese proved good enough to engage in diplomatic banter and he received a personal gift from the Qianlong Emperor. In 1797 he spent two terms at Trinity College, Cambridge.In 1798 was appointed a writer in the British East India Company's factory at Canton (Guangzhou), and subsequently its chief. During this time his knowledge of Chinese increased. In 1805 he translated a work of Dr George Pearson into Chinese. Five years later, he published an English translation of a significant part of the Chinese legal code.In 1801 he succeeded his father to the baronetcy and in April 1803 was elected a Fellow of the Royal Society.In 1816 Staunton proceeded as second commissioner on a special mission to Beijing with Lord Amherst and Sir Henry Ellis. During the mission he landed in Hong Kong in July, 1816. He walked from the shore of Hong Kong to Hong Kong Village via Wong Chuk Hang. After the trip, Wong Chuk Hang was named Staunton Creek and the valley where Hong Kong Village was located was named Staunton Valley. Staunton Creek later became a cesspool of mud and rotting sampans and was eventually cleared to create Wong Chuk Hang Nullah with the residents housed in Wong Chuk Hang Estate. Hong Kong Village was most likely Wong Chuk Hang Lo Wai; only Wong Chuk Hang San Wai still exists at the bottom of Shouson Hill. After the ceding of Hong Kong from China to Great Britain, Staunton Street in Central was named after him.The embassy was unsuccessful and shortly after it departed back to Britain Staunton decided to leave China permanently.George Staunton had been looking for a country home for some years before his permanent return from China and in 1818 put in a bid for Newstead Abbey but was outbid by Thomas Wildman. In 1820 he purchased the Leigh estate in Hampshire which included what was to become Staunton Country Park. He lived there for part of each year and made substantial alterations to the buildings and the landscape.Three years later he was heavily involved with the founding of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland. Their Sir George Staunton prize is awarded annually.Between 1818 and 1852 he was MP for several English constituencies, finally for Portsmouth. He latterly described himself as being during his early years in parliament a liberal Tory who looked to George Canning for leadership. He was a member of the East India Committee, and in 1823, in conjunction with Henry Thomas Colebrooke founded the Royal Asiatic Society.From 1829 until 1856 he was a member of the Society of DilettantiHe had never married and the baronetcy became extinct on his death (in London). He left his Irish estate, Clydagh House, to his eldest cousin George Staunton Lynch (who took the additional surname of Staunton) and Leigh Park and his London house (17, Devonshire Street, Marylebone) to George Staunton Lynch's younger brother, Captain Henry Cormick Lynch.His publications include translations of "Great Qing Legal Code", known as the "Fundamental Laws of China" (1810) and of the "Narrative of the Chinese Embassy to the Khan of the Tourgouth Tartars" (1821); "Miscellaneous Notices Relating to China and our Commercial Intercourse with that Country" (1822); "Notes of Proceedings and Occurrences during the British Embassy to Peking" (1824); "Observations on our Chinese Commerce" (1850). For the Hakluyt Society he edited Juan González de Mendoza's "History of the Great and Mighty Kingdom of China". | [
"Member of the 10th Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the 14th Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the 11th Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the 9th Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the 15th Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the 6th Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the 7th Parliament of the United Kingdom"
] |
|
Which position did Sir George Staunton, 2nd Baronet hold in 29/03/1838? | March 29, 1838 | {
"text": [
"Member of the 13th Parliament of the United Kingdom"
]
} | L2_Q333469_P39_5 | Sir George Staunton, 2nd Baronet holds the position of Member of the 10th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Apr, 1831 to Dec, 1832.
Sir George Staunton, 2nd Baronet holds the position of Member of the 13th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Feb, 1838 to Jun, 1841.
Sir George Staunton, 2nd Baronet holds the position of Member of the 7th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Mar, 1820 to Jun, 1826.
Sir George Staunton, 2nd Baronet holds the position of Member of the 11th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Dec, 1832 to Dec, 1834.
Sir George Staunton, 2nd Baronet holds the position of Member of the 15th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jul, 1847 to Jul, 1852.
Sir George Staunton, 2nd Baronet holds the position of Member of the 6th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jun, 1818 to Feb, 1820.
Sir George Staunton, 2nd Baronet holds the position of Member of the 14th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jun, 1841 to Jul, 1847.
Sir George Staunton, 2nd Baronet holds the position of Member of the 9th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jul, 1830 to Apr, 1831. | Sir George Staunton, 2nd BaronetSir George Thomas Staunton, 2nd Baronet (26 May 1781 – 10 August 1859) was an English traveller and Orientalist.Born at Milford House near Salisbury, he was the son of Sir George Leonard Staunton (1737–1801), first baronet, diplomatist and Orientalist. In 1792, at the age of 12, he accompanied his father, who had been appointed secretary to Lord Macartney's mission to China, to the Far East (1792–1794). Prior to the trip the young George Staunton had begun to learn Chinese alongside Sir John Barrow, 1st Baronet and for the duration was therefore given the role of Page to Lord Macartney. During the mission his Chinese proved good enough to engage in diplomatic banter and he received a personal gift from the Qianlong Emperor. In 1797 he spent two terms at Trinity College, Cambridge.In 1798 was appointed a writer in the British East India Company's factory at Canton (Guangzhou), and subsequently its chief. During this time his knowledge of Chinese increased. In 1805 he translated a work of Dr George Pearson into Chinese. Five years later, he published an English translation of a significant part of the Chinese legal code.In 1801 he succeeded his father to the baronetcy and in April 1803 was elected a Fellow of the Royal Society.In 1816 Staunton proceeded as second commissioner on a special mission to Beijing with Lord Amherst and Sir Henry Ellis. During the mission he landed in Hong Kong in July, 1816. He walked from the shore of Hong Kong to Hong Kong Village via Wong Chuk Hang. After the trip, Wong Chuk Hang was named Staunton Creek and the valley where Hong Kong Village was located was named Staunton Valley. Staunton Creek later became a cesspool of mud and rotting sampans and was eventually cleared to create Wong Chuk Hang Nullah with the residents housed in Wong Chuk Hang Estate. Hong Kong Village was most likely Wong Chuk Hang Lo Wai; only Wong Chuk Hang San Wai still exists at the bottom of Shouson Hill. After the ceding of Hong Kong from China to Great Britain, Staunton Street in Central was named after him.The embassy was unsuccessful and shortly after it departed back to Britain Staunton decided to leave China permanently.George Staunton had been looking for a country home for some years before his permanent return from China and in 1818 put in a bid for Newstead Abbey but was outbid by Thomas Wildman. In 1820 he purchased the Leigh estate in Hampshire which included what was to become Staunton Country Park. He lived there for part of each year and made substantial alterations to the buildings and the landscape.Three years later he was heavily involved with the founding of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland. Their Sir George Staunton prize is awarded annually.Between 1818 and 1852 he was MP for several English constituencies, finally for Portsmouth. He latterly described himself as being during his early years in parliament a liberal Tory who looked to George Canning for leadership. He was a member of the East India Committee, and in 1823, in conjunction with Henry Thomas Colebrooke founded the Royal Asiatic Society.From 1829 until 1856 he was a member of the Society of DilettantiHe had never married and the baronetcy became extinct on his death (in London). He left his Irish estate, Clydagh House, to his eldest cousin George Staunton Lynch (who took the additional surname of Staunton) and Leigh Park and his London house (17, Devonshire Street, Marylebone) to George Staunton Lynch's younger brother, Captain Henry Cormick Lynch.His publications include translations of "Great Qing Legal Code", known as the "Fundamental Laws of China" (1810) and of the "Narrative of the Chinese Embassy to the Khan of the Tourgouth Tartars" (1821); "Miscellaneous Notices Relating to China and our Commercial Intercourse with that Country" (1822); "Notes of Proceedings and Occurrences during the British Embassy to Peking" (1824); "Observations on our Chinese Commerce" (1850). For the Hakluyt Society he edited Juan González de Mendoza's "History of the Great and Mighty Kingdom of China". | [
"Member of the 10th Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the 14th Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the 11th Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the 9th Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the 15th Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the 6th Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the 7th Parliament of the United Kingdom"
] |
|
Which position did Sir George Staunton, 2nd Baronet hold in Mar 29, 1838? | March 29, 1838 | {
"text": [
"Member of the 13th Parliament of the United Kingdom"
]
} | L2_Q333469_P39_5 | Sir George Staunton, 2nd Baronet holds the position of Member of the 10th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Apr, 1831 to Dec, 1832.
Sir George Staunton, 2nd Baronet holds the position of Member of the 13th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Feb, 1838 to Jun, 1841.
Sir George Staunton, 2nd Baronet holds the position of Member of the 7th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Mar, 1820 to Jun, 1826.
Sir George Staunton, 2nd Baronet holds the position of Member of the 11th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Dec, 1832 to Dec, 1834.
Sir George Staunton, 2nd Baronet holds the position of Member of the 15th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jul, 1847 to Jul, 1852.
Sir George Staunton, 2nd Baronet holds the position of Member of the 6th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jun, 1818 to Feb, 1820.
Sir George Staunton, 2nd Baronet holds the position of Member of the 14th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jun, 1841 to Jul, 1847.
Sir George Staunton, 2nd Baronet holds the position of Member of the 9th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jul, 1830 to Apr, 1831. | Sir George Staunton, 2nd BaronetSir George Thomas Staunton, 2nd Baronet (26 May 1781 – 10 August 1859) was an English traveller and Orientalist.Born at Milford House near Salisbury, he was the son of Sir George Leonard Staunton (1737–1801), first baronet, diplomatist and Orientalist. In 1792, at the age of 12, he accompanied his father, who had been appointed secretary to Lord Macartney's mission to China, to the Far East (1792–1794). Prior to the trip the young George Staunton had begun to learn Chinese alongside Sir John Barrow, 1st Baronet and for the duration was therefore given the role of Page to Lord Macartney. During the mission his Chinese proved good enough to engage in diplomatic banter and he received a personal gift from the Qianlong Emperor. In 1797 he spent two terms at Trinity College, Cambridge.In 1798 was appointed a writer in the British East India Company's factory at Canton (Guangzhou), and subsequently its chief. During this time his knowledge of Chinese increased. In 1805 he translated a work of Dr George Pearson into Chinese. Five years later, he published an English translation of a significant part of the Chinese legal code.In 1801 he succeeded his father to the baronetcy and in April 1803 was elected a Fellow of the Royal Society.In 1816 Staunton proceeded as second commissioner on a special mission to Beijing with Lord Amherst and Sir Henry Ellis. During the mission he landed in Hong Kong in July, 1816. He walked from the shore of Hong Kong to Hong Kong Village via Wong Chuk Hang. After the trip, Wong Chuk Hang was named Staunton Creek and the valley where Hong Kong Village was located was named Staunton Valley. Staunton Creek later became a cesspool of mud and rotting sampans and was eventually cleared to create Wong Chuk Hang Nullah with the residents housed in Wong Chuk Hang Estate. Hong Kong Village was most likely Wong Chuk Hang Lo Wai; only Wong Chuk Hang San Wai still exists at the bottom of Shouson Hill. After the ceding of Hong Kong from China to Great Britain, Staunton Street in Central was named after him.The embassy was unsuccessful and shortly after it departed back to Britain Staunton decided to leave China permanently.George Staunton had been looking for a country home for some years before his permanent return from China and in 1818 put in a bid for Newstead Abbey but was outbid by Thomas Wildman. In 1820 he purchased the Leigh estate in Hampshire which included what was to become Staunton Country Park. He lived there for part of each year and made substantial alterations to the buildings and the landscape.Three years later he was heavily involved with the founding of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland. Their Sir George Staunton prize is awarded annually.Between 1818 and 1852 he was MP for several English constituencies, finally for Portsmouth. He latterly described himself as being during his early years in parliament a liberal Tory who looked to George Canning for leadership. He was a member of the East India Committee, and in 1823, in conjunction with Henry Thomas Colebrooke founded the Royal Asiatic Society.From 1829 until 1856 he was a member of the Society of DilettantiHe had never married and the baronetcy became extinct on his death (in London). He left his Irish estate, Clydagh House, to his eldest cousin George Staunton Lynch (who took the additional surname of Staunton) and Leigh Park and his London house (17, Devonshire Street, Marylebone) to George Staunton Lynch's younger brother, Captain Henry Cormick Lynch.His publications include translations of "Great Qing Legal Code", known as the "Fundamental Laws of China" (1810) and of the "Narrative of the Chinese Embassy to the Khan of the Tourgouth Tartars" (1821); "Miscellaneous Notices Relating to China and our Commercial Intercourse with that Country" (1822); "Notes of Proceedings and Occurrences during the British Embassy to Peking" (1824); "Observations on our Chinese Commerce" (1850). For the Hakluyt Society he edited Juan González de Mendoza's "History of the Great and Mighty Kingdom of China". | [
"Member of the 10th Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the 14th Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the 11th Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the 9th Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the 15th Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the 6th Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the 7th Parliament of the United Kingdom"
] |
|
Which position did Sir George Staunton, 2nd Baronet hold in 03/29/1838? | March 29, 1838 | {
"text": [
"Member of the 13th Parliament of the United Kingdom"
]
} | L2_Q333469_P39_5 | Sir George Staunton, 2nd Baronet holds the position of Member of the 10th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Apr, 1831 to Dec, 1832.
Sir George Staunton, 2nd Baronet holds the position of Member of the 13th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Feb, 1838 to Jun, 1841.
Sir George Staunton, 2nd Baronet holds the position of Member of the 7th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Mar, 1820 to Jun, 1826.
Sir George Staunton, 2nd Baronet holds the position of Member of the 11th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Dec, 1832 to Dec, 1834.
Sir George Staunton, 2nd Baronet holds the position of Member of the 15th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jul, 1847 to Jul, 1852.
Sir George Staunton, 2nd Baronet holds the position of Member of the 6th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jun, 1818 to Feb, 1820.
Sir George Staunton, 2nd Baronet holds the position of Member of the 14th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jun, 1841 to Jul, 1847.
Sir George Staunton, 2nd Baronet holds the position of Member of the 9th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jul, 1830 to Apr, 1831. | Sir George Staunton, 2nd BaronetSir George Thomas Staunton, 2nd Baronet (26 May 1781 – 10 August 1859) was an English traveller and Orientalist.Born at Milford House near Salisbury, he was the son of Sir George Leonard Staunton (1737–1801), first baronet, diplomatist and Orientalist. In 1792, at the age of 12, he accompanied his father, who had been appointed secretary to Lord Macartney's mission to China, to the Far East (1792–1794). Prior to the trip the young George Staunton had begun to learn Chinese alongside Sir John Barrow, 1st Baronet and for the duration was therefore given the role of Page to Lord Macartney. During the mission his Chinese proved good enough to engage in diplomatic banter and he received a personal gift from the Qianlong Emperor. In 1797 he spent two terms at Trinity College, Cambridge.In 1798 was appointed a writer in the British East India Company's factory at Canton (Guangzhou), and subsequently its chief. During this time his knowledge of Chinese increased. In 1805 he translated a work of Dr George Pearson into Chinese. Five years later, he published an English translation of a significant part of the Chinese legal code.In 1801 he succeeded his father to the baronetcy and in April 1803 was elected a Fellow of the Royal Society.In 1816 Staunton proceeded as second commissioner on a special mission to Beijing with Lord Amherst and Sir Henry Ellis. During the mission he landed in Hong Kong in July, 1816. He walked from the shore of Hong Kong to Hong Kong Village via Wong Chuk Hang. After the trip, Wong Chuk Hang was named Staunton Creek and the valley where Hong Kong Village was located was named Staunton Valley. Staunton Creek later became a cesspool of mud and rotting sampans and was eventually cleared to create Wong Chuk Hang Nullah with the residents housed in Wong Chuk Hang Estate. Hong Kong Village was most likely Wong Chuk Hang Lo Wai; only Wong Chuk Hang San Wai still exists at the bottom of Shouson Hill. After the ceding of Hong Kong from China to Great Britain, Staunton Street in Central was named after him.The embassy was unsuccessful and shortly after it departed back to Britain Staunton decided to leave China permanently.George Staunton had been looking for a country home for some years before his permanent return from China and in 1818 put in a bid for Newstead Abbey but was outbid by Thomas Wildman. In 1820 he purchased the Leigh estate in Hampshire which included what was to become Staunton Country Park. He lived there for part of each year and made substantial alterations to the buildings and the landscape.Three years later he was heavily involved with the founding of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland. Their Sir George Staunton prize is awarded annually.Between 1818 and 1852 he was MP for several English constituencies, finally for Portsmouth. He latterly described himself as being during his early years in parliament a liberal Tory who looked to George Canning for leadership. He was a member of the East India Committee, and in 1823, in conjunction with Henry Thomas Colebrooke founded the Royal Asiatic Society.From 1829 until 1856 he was a member of the Society of DilettantiHe had never married and the baronetcy became extinct on his death (in London). He left his Irish estate, Clydagh House, to his eldest cousin George Staunton Lynch (who took the additional surname of Staunton) and Leigh Park and his London house (17, Devonshire Street, Marylebone) to George Staunton Lynch's younger brother, Captain Henry Cormick Lynch.His publications include translations of "Great Qing Legal Code", known as the "Fundamental Laws of China" (1810) and of the "Narrative of the Chinese Embassy to the Khan of the Tourgouth Tartars" (1821); "Miscellaneous Notices Relating to China and our Commercial Intercourse with that Country" (1822); "Notes of Proceedings and Occurrences during the British Embassy to Peking" (1824); "Observations on our Chinese Commerce" (1850). For the Hakluyt Society he edited Juan González de Mendoza's "History of the Great and Mighty Kingdom of China". | [
"Member of the 10th Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the 14th Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the 11th Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the 9th Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the 15th Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the 6th Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the 7th Parliament of the United Kingdom"
] |
|
Which position did Sir George Staunton, 2nd Baronet hold in 29-Mar-183829-March-1838? | March 29, 1838 | {
"text": [
"Member of the 13th Parliament of the United Kingdom"
]
} | L2_Q333469_P39_5 | Sir George Staunton, 2nd Baronet holds the position of Member of the 10th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Apr, 1831 to Dec, 1832.
Sir George Staunton, 2nd Baronet holds the position of Member of the 13th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Feb, 1838 to Jun, 1841.
Sir George Staunton, 2nd Baronet holds the position of Member of the 7th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Mar, 1820 to Jun, 1826.
Sir George Staunton, 2nd Baronet holds the position of Member of the 11th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Dec, 1832 to Dec, 1834.
Sir George Staunton, 2nd Baronet holds the position of Member of the 15th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jul, 1847 to Jul, 1852.
Sir George Staunton, 2nd Baronet holds the position of Member of the 6th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jun, 1818 to Feb, 1820.
Sir George Staunton, 2nd Baronet holds the position of Member of the 14th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jun, 1841 to Jul, 1847.
Sir George Staunton, 2nd Baronet holds the position of Member of the 9th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jul, 1830 to Apr, 1831. | Sir George Staunton, 2nd BaronetSir George Thomas Staunton, 2nd Baronet (26 May 1781 – 10 August 1859) was an English traveller and Orientalist.Born at Milford House near Salisbury, he was the son of Sir George Leonard Staunton (1737–1801), first baronet, diplomatist and Orientalist. In 1792, at the age of 12, he accompanied his father, who had been appointed secretary to Lord Macartney's mission to China, to the Far East (1792–1794). Prior to the trip the young George Staunton had begun to learn Chinese alongside Sir John Barrow, 1st Baronet and for the duration was therefore given the role of Page to Lord Macartney. During the mission his Chinese proved good enough to engage in diplomatic banter and he received a personal gift from the Qianlong Emperor. In 1797 he spent two terms at Trinity College, Cambridge.In 1798 was appointed a writer in the British East India Company's factory at Canton (Guangzhou), and subsequently its chief. During this time his knowledge of Chinese increased. In 1805 he translated a work of Dr George Pearson into Chinese. Five years later, he published an English translation of a significant part of the Chinese legal code.In 1801 he succeeded his father to the baronetcy and in April 1803 was elected a Fellow of the Royal Society.In 1816 Staunton proceeded as second commissioner on a special mission to Beijing with Lord Amherst and Sir Henry Ellis. During the mission he landed in Hong Kong in July, 1816. He walked from the shore of Hong Kong to Hong Kong Village via Wong Chuk Hang. After the trip, Wong Chuk Hang was named Staunton Creek and the valley where Hong Kong Village was located was named Staunton Valley. Staunton Creek later became a cesspool of mud and rotting sampans and was eventually cleared to create Wong Chuk Hang Nullah with the residents housed in Wong Chuk Hang Estate. Hong Kong Village was most likely Wong Chuk Hang Lo Wai; only Wong Chuk Hang San Wai still exists at the bottom of Shouson Hill. After the ceding of Hong Kong from China to Great Britain, Staunton Street in Central was named after him.The embassy was unsuccessful and shortly after it departed back to Britain Staunton decided to leave China permanently.George Staunton had been looking for a country home for some years before his permanent return from China and in 1818 put in a bid for Newstead Abbey but was outbid by Thomas Wildman. In 1820 he purchased the Leigh estate in Hampshire which included what was to become Staunton Country Park. He lived there for part of each year and made substantial alterations to the buildings and the landscape.Three years later he was heavily involved with the founding of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland. Their Sir George Staunton prize is awarded annually.Between 1818 and 1852 he was MP for several English constituencies, finally for Portsmouth. He latterly described himself as being during his early years in parliament a liberal Tory who looked to George Canning for leadership. He was a member of the East India Committee, and in 1823, in conjunction with Henry Thomas Colebrooke founded the Royal Asiatic Society.From 1829 until 1856 he was a member of the Society of DilettantiHe had never married and the baronetcy became extinct on his death (in London). He left his Irish estate, Clydagh House, to his eldest cousin George Staunton Lynch (who took the additional surname of Staunton) and Leigh Park and his London house (17, Devonshire Street, Marylebone) to George Staunton Lynch's younger brother, Captain Henry Cormick Lynch.His publications include translations of "Great Qing Legal Code", known as the "Fundamental Laws of China" (1810) and of the "Narrative of the Chinese Embassy to the Khan of the Tourgouth Tartars" (1821); "Miscellaneous Notices Relating to China and our Commercial Intercourse with that Country" (1822); "Notes of Proceedings and Occurrences during the British Embassy to Peking" (1824); "Observations on our Chinese Commerce" (1850). For the Hakluyt Society he edited Juan González de Mendoza's "History of the Great and Mighty Kingdom of China". | [
"Member of the 10th Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the 14th Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the 11th Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the 9th Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the 15th Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the 6th Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the 7th Parliament of the United Kingdom"
] |
|
Who was the chair of International Bobsleigh and Skeleton Federation in Oct, 2010? | October 14, 2010 | {
"text": [
"Ivo Ferriani"
]
} | L2_Q547007_P488_4 | Robert H. Storey is the chair of International Bobsleigh and Skeleton Federation from Jan, 1994 to Jan, 2010.
Ivo Ferriani is the chair of International Bobsleigh and Skeleton Federation from Jan, 2010 to Dec, 2022.
Klaus Kotter is the chair of International Bobsleigh and Skeleton Federation from Jan, 1980 to Jan, 1994.
Amilcare Rotta is the chair of International Bobsleigh and Skeleton Federation from Jan, 1960 to Jan, 1978.
Count Renaud de la Frégeolière is the chair of International Bobsleigh and Skeleton Federation from Jan, 1923 to Jan, 1960. | International Bobsleigh and Skeleton FederationThe International Bobsleigh and Skeleton Federation (IBSF), originally known by the French name "Fédération Internationale de Bobsleigh et de Tobogganing" (FIBT), is the international sports federation for bobsleigh and skeleton. It acts as an umbrella organization for 14 national bobsleigh and skeleton associations . It was founded on 23 November 1923 by the delegates of Great Britain, France, Switzerland, Canada and the United States at the meeting of their first International Congress in Paris, France. In June 2015, it announced a name change from FIBT to IBSF. The federation's headquarters are in Lausanne, Switzerland.The world's first bobsleigh club was founded in St. Moritz, Switzerland in 1897. By 1904, competitions were taking place on natural ice courses (Olympia Bobrun St. Moritz-Celerina). This growth led to the creation of the FIBT in 1923 with inclusion into the International Olympic Committee (IOC) the following year. At the 1924 Winter Olympics in Chamonix, the four-man event took place. In 1930, the first FIBT World Championships took place with the four-man event in Caux-sur-Montreux, Switzerland with the first two-man event taking place in Oberhof, Germany the following year. At the 1932 Winter Olympics in Lake Placid, New York, the two-man competition debuted. In 1935, the Internationaler Schlittensportsverband (ISSV – International Sled Sport Federation in ), a forerunner to the Federation Internationale de Luge de Course (FIL – International Luge Federation in ), was absorbed into the FIBT and a Section de Luge was created. The luge section would be abolished when the FIL was split off in 1957.Because of the growing weight issue at the 1952 Winter Olympics, the first changes occurred when weight limits were introduced. Since then, configurations to the tracks and the bobsleigh itself would be regulated for both competition and safety reasons. Also, bobsleigh was not included in the 1960 Winter Olympics in Squaw Valley, California for cost reasons in track construction. The development of artificially refrigerated tracks in the late 1960s and early 1970s would greatly enhance speeds. World Cup competitions were first developed in the 1980s while women's competitions took place in the early 1990s. The 2-woman bobsleigh event had their first World Championships in Winterberg, Germany in 2000 and debuted at the 2002 Winter Olympics in Salt Lake City.Skeleton was also founded in Switzerland in 1884 as part of the Cresta Run. It remained a Swiss competition until 1906 when the first competitions outside Switzerland took place in Austria. At the 1926 FIBT World Congress in Paris, it was approved that skeleton was an official Winter Olympic sport with competition taking place at the 1928 Winter Olympics in St. Moritz. 13 competitors from five nations took part. Twenty years later, skeleton reappeared on the Olympic program when the 1948 Winter Olympics returned to St. Moritz.At the 1954 IOC meeting in Athens, Greece, skeleton was replaced by luge on the official Olympic program. This caused skeleton to fall into obscurity until the development of a "bobsleigh skeleton" which could be used on any bobsleigh track in 1970. The development of artificial tracks would also help the rebirth of skeleton as a sport.The first European Championship was held in 1982 at Königsee, Germany, and the first World Championships were also staged in 1982 at St. Moritz. By 1986, the FIBT started funding skeleton and introduced training schools worldwide to grow the sport. The following year, skeleton European Championships were introduced annually. In 1989, skeleton World Championships were introduced, although the women's championships were not formed until 2000 at Igls, Austria. Skeleton was reintroduced in the Winter Olympic program when the IOC allowed competition for the 2002 Games in Salt Lake City, US.The IBSF governs competitions on all bobsleigh and skeleton competitions at the European Championships, World Championships, World Cup, and Winter Olympic level.The following persons have served as president of IBSF: | [
"Klaus Kotter",
"Count Renaud de la Frégeolière",
"Robert H. Storey",
"Amilcare Rotta"
] |
|
Who was the chair of International Bobsleigh and Skeleton Federation in 2010-10-14? | October 14, 2010 | {
"text": [
"Ivo Ferriani"
]
} | L2_Q547007_P488_4 | Robert H. Storey is the chair of International Bobsleigh and Skeleton Federation from Jan, 1994 to Jan, 2010.
Ivo Ferriani is the chair of International Bobsleigh and Skeleton Federation from Jan, 2010 to Dec, 2022.
Klaus Kotter is the chair of International Bobsleigh and Skeleton Federation from Jan, 1980 to Jan, 1994.
Amilcare Rotta is the chair of International Bobsleigh and Skeleton Federation from Jan, 1960 to Jan, 1978.
Count Renaud de la Frégeolière is the chair of International Bobsleigh and Skeleton Federation from Jan, 1923 to Jan, 1960. | International Bobsleigh and Skeleton FederationThe International Bobsleigh and Skeleton Federation (IBSF), originally known by the French name "Fédération Internationale de Bobsleigh et de Tobogganing" (FIBT), is the international sports federation for bobsleigh and skeleton. It acts as an umbrella organization for 14 national bobsleigh and skeleton associations . It was founded on 23 November 1923 by the delegates of Great Britain, France, Switzerland, Canada and the United States at the meeting of their first International Congress in Paris, France. In June 2015, it announced a name change from FIBT to IBSF. The federation's headquarters are in Lausanne, Switzerland.The world's first bobsleigh club was founded in St. Moritz, Switzerland in 1897. By 1904, competitions were taking place on natural ice courses (Olympia Bobrun St. Moritz-Celerina). This growth led to the creation of the FIBT in 1923 with inclusion into the International Olympic Committee (IOC) the following year. At the 1924 Winter Olympics in Chamonix, the four-man event took place. In 1930, the first FIBT World Championships took place with the four-man event in Caux-sur-Montreux, Switzerland with the first two-man event taking place in Oberhof, Germany the following year. At the 1932 Winter Olympics in Lake Placid, New York, the two-man competition debuted. In 1935, the Internationaler Schlittensportsverband (ISSV – International Sled Sport Federation in ), a forerunner to the Federation Internationale de Luge de Course (FIL – International Luge Federation in ), was absorbed into the FIBT and a Section de Luge was created. The luge section would be abolished when the FIL was split off in 1957.Because of the growing weight issue at the 1952 Winter Olympics, the first changes occurred when weight limits were introduced. Since then, configurations to the tracks and the bobsleigh itself would be regulated for both competition and safety reasons. Also, bobsleigh was not included in the 1960 Winter Olympics in Squaw Valley, California for cost reasons in track construction. The development of artificially refrigerated tracks in the late 1960s and early 1970s would greatly enhance speeds. World Cup competitions were first developed in the 1980s while women's competitions took place in the early 1990s. The 2-woman bobsleigh event had their first World Championships in Winterberg, Germany in 2000 and debuted at the 2002 Winter Olympics in Salt Lake City.Skeleton was also founded in Switzerland in 1884 as part of the Cresta Run. It remained a Swiss competition until 1906 when the first competitions outside Switzerland took place in Austria. At the 1926 FIBT World Congress in Paris, it was approved that skeleton was an official Winter Olympic sport with competition taking place at the 1928 Winter Olympics in St. Moritz. 13 competitors from five nations took part. Twenty years later, skeleton reappeared on the Olympic program when the 1948 Winter Olympics returned to St. Moritz.At the 1954 IOC meeting in Athens, Greece, skeleton was replaced by luge on the official Olympic program. This caused skeleton to fall into obscurity until the development of a "bobsleigh skeleton" which could be used on any bobsleigh track in 1970. The development of artificial tracks would also help the rebirth of skeleton as a sport.The first European Championship was held in 1982 at Königsee, Germany, and the first World Championships were also staged in 1982 at St. Moritz. By 1986, the FIBT started funding skeleton and introduced training schools worldwide to grow the sport. The following year, skeleton European Championships were introduced annually. In 1989, skeleton World Championships were introduced, although the women's championships were not formed until 2000 at Igls, Austria. Skeleton was reintroduced in the Winter Olympic program when the IOC allowed competition for the 2002 Games in Salt Lake City, US.The IBSF governs competitions on all bobsleigh and skeleton competitions at the European Championships, World Championships, World Cup, and Winter Olympic level.The following persons have served as president of IBSF: | [
"Klaus Kotter",
"Count Renaud de la Frégeolière",
"Robert H. Storey",
"Amilcare Rotta"
] |
|
Who was the chair of International Bobsleigh and Skeleton Federation in 14/10/2010? | October 14, 2010 | {
"text": [
"Ivo Ferriani"
]
} | L2_Q547007_P488_4 | Robert H. Storey is the chair of International Bobsleigh and Skeleton Federation from Jan, 1994 to Jan, 2010.
Ivo Ferriani is the chair of International Bobsleigh and Skeleton Federation from Jan, 2010 to Dec, 2022.
Klaus Kotter is the chair of International Bobsleigh and Skeleton Federation from Jan, 1980 to Jan, 1994.
Amilcare Rotta is the chair of International Bobsleigh and Skeleton Federation from Jan, 1960 to Jan, 1978.
Count Renaud de la Frégeolière is the chair of International Bobsleigh and Skeleton Federation from Jan, 1923 to Jan, 1960. | International Bobsleigh and Skeleton FederationThe International Bobsleigh and Skeleton Federation (IBSF), originally known by the French name "Fédération Internationale de Bobsleigh et de Tobogganing" (FIBT), is the international sports federation for bobsleigh and skeleton. It acts as an umbrella organization for 14 national bobsleigh and skeleton associations . It was founded on 23 November 1923 by the delegates of Great Britain, France, Switzerland, Canada and the United States at the meeting of their first International Congress in Paris, France. In June 2015, it announced a name change from FIBT to IBSF. The federation's headquarters are in Lausanne, Switzerland.The world's first bobsleigh club was founded in St. Moritz, Switzerland in 1897. By 1904, competitions were taking place on natural ice courses (Olympia Bobrun St. Moritz-Celerina). This growth led to the creation of the FIBT in 1923 with inclusion into the International Olympic Committee (IOC) the following year. At the 1924 Winter Olympics in Chamonix, the four-man event took place. In 1930, the first FIBT World Championships took place with the four-man event in Caux-sur-Montreux, Switzerland with the first two-man event taking place in Oberhof, Germany the following year. At the 1932 Winter Olympics in Lake Placid, New York, the two-man competition debuted. In 1935, the Internationaler Schlittensportsverband (ISSV – International Sled Sport Federation in ), a forerunner to the Federation Internationale de Luge de Course (FIL – International Luge Federation in ), was absorbed into the FIBT and a Section de Luge was created. The luge section would be abolished when the FIL was split off in 1957.Because of the growing weight issue at the 1952 Winter Olympics, the first changes occurred when weight limits were introduced. Since then, configurations to the tracks and the bobsleigh itself would be regulated for both competition and safety reasons. Also, bobsleigh was not included in the 1960 Winter Olympics in Squaw Valley, California for cost reasons in track construction. The development of artificially refrigerated tracks in the late 1960s and early 1970s would greatly enhance speeds. World Cup competitions were first developed in the 1980s while women's competitions took place in the early 1990s. The 2-woman bobsleigh event had their first World Championships in Winterberg, Germany in 2000 and debuted at the 2002 Winter Olympics in Salt Lake City.Skeleton was also founded in Switzerland in 1884 as part of the Cresta Run. It remained a Swiss competition until 1906 when the first competitions outside Switzerland took place in Austria. At the 1926 FIBT World Congress in Paris, it was approved that skeleton was an official Winter Olympic sport with competition taking place at the 1928 Winter Olympics in St. Moritz. 13 competitors from five nations took part. Twenty years later, skeleton reappeared on the Olympic program when the 1948 Winter Olympics returned to St. Moritz.At the 1954 IOC meeting in Athens, Greece, skeleton was replaced by luge on the official Olympic program. This caused skeleton to fall into obscurity until the development of a "bobsleigh skeleton" which could be used on any bobsleigh track in 1970. The development of artificial tracks would also help the rebirth of skeleton as a sport.The first European Championship was held in 1982 at Königsee, Germany, and the first World Championships were also staged in 1982 at St. Moritz. By 1986, the FIBT started funding skeleton and introduced training schools worldwide to grow the sport. The following year, skeleton European Championships were introduced annually. In 1989, skeleton World Championships were introduced, although the women's championships were not formed until 2000 at Igls, Austria. Skeleton was reintroduced in the Winter Olympic program when the IOC allowed competition for the 2002 Games in Salt Lake City, US.The IBSF governs competitions on all bobsleigh and skeleton competitions at the European Championships, World Championships, World Cup, and Winter Olympic level.The following persons have served as president of IBSF: | [
"Klaus Kotter",
"Count Renaud de la Frégeolière",
"Robert H. Storey",
"Amilcare Rotta"
] |
|
Who was the chair of International Bobsleigh and Skeleton Federation in Oct 14, 2010? | October 14, 2010 | {
"text": [
"Ivo Ferriani"
]
} | L2_Q547007_P488_4 | Robert H. Storey is the chair of International Bobsleigh and Skeleton Federation from Jan, 1994 to Jan, 2010.
Ivo Ferriani is the chair of International Bobsleigh and Skeleton Federation from Jan, 2010 to Dec, 2022.
Klaus Kotter is the chair of International Bobsleigh and Skeleton Federation from Jan, 1980 to Jan, 1994.
Amilcare Rotta is the chair of International Bobsleigh and Skeleton Federation from Jan, 1960 to Jan, 1978.
Count Renaud de la Frégeolière is the chair of International Bobsleigh and Skeleton Federation from Jan, 1923 to Jan, 1960. | International Bobsleigh and Skeleton FederationThe International Bobsleigh and Skeleton Federation (IBSF), originally known by the French name "Fédération Internationale de Bobsleigh et de Tobogganing" (FIBT), is the international sports federation for bobsleigh and skeleton. It acts as an umbrella organization for 14 national bobsleigh and skeleton associations . It was founded on 23 November 1923 by the delegates of Great Britain, France, Switzerland, Canada and the United States at the meeting of their first International Congress in Paris, France. In June 2015, it announced a name change from FIBT to IBSF. The federation's headquarters are in Lausanne, Switzerland.The world's first bobsleigh club was founded in St. Moritz, Switzerland in 1897. By 1904, competitions were taking place on natural ice courses (Olympia Bobrun St. Moritz-Celerina). This growth led to the creation of the FIBT in 1923 with inclusion into the International Olympic Committee (IOC) the following year. At the 1924 Winter Olympics in Chamonix, the four-man event took place. In 1930, the first FIBT World Championships took place with the four-man event in Caux-sur-Montreux, Switzerland with the first two-man event taking place in Oberhof, Germany the following year. At the 1932 Winter Olympics in Lake Placid, New York, the two-man competition debuted. In 1935, the Internationaler Schlittensportsverband (ISSV – International Sled Sport Federation in ), a forerunner to the Federation Internationale de Luge de Course (FIL – International Luge Federation in ), was absorbed into the FIBT and a Section de Luge was created. The luge section would be abolished when the FIL was split off in 1957.Because of the growing weight issue at the 1952 Winter Olympics, the first changes occurred when weight limits were introduced. Since then, configurations to the tracks and the bobsleigh itself would be regulated for both competition and safety reasons. Also, bobsleigh was not included in the 1960 Winter Olympics in Squaw Valley, California for cost reasons in track construction. The development of artificially refrigerated tracks in the late 1960s and early 1970s would greatly enhance speeds. World Cup competitions were first developed in the 1980s while women's competitions took place in the early 1990s. The 2-woman bobsleigh event had their first World Championships in Winterberg, Germany in 2000 and debuted at the 2002 Winter Olympics in Salt Lake City.Skeleton was also founded in Switzerland in 1884 as part of the Cresta Run. It remained a Swiss competition until 1906 when the first competitions outside Switzerland took place in Austria. At the 1926 FIBT World Congress in Paris, it was approved that skeleton was an official Winter Olympic sport with competition taking place at the 1928 Winter Olympics in St. Moritz. 13 competitors from five nations took part. Twenty years later, skeleton reappeared on the Olympic program when the 1948 Winter Olympics returned to St. Moritz.At the 1954 IOC meeting in Athens, Greece, skeleton was replaced by luge on the official Olympic program. This caused skeleton to fall into obscurity until the development of a "bobsleigh skeleton" which could be used on any bobsleigh track in 1970. The development of artificial tracks would also help the rebirth of skeleton as a sport.The first European Championship was held in 1982 at Königsee, Germany, and the first World Championships were also staged in 1982 at St. Moritz. By 1986, the FIBT started funding skeleton and introduced training schools worldwide to grow the sport. The following year, skeleton European Championships were introduced annually. In 1989, skeleton World Championships were introduced, although the women's championships were not formed until 2000 at Igls, Austria. Skeleton was reintroduced in the Winter Olympic program when the IOC allowed competition for the 2002 Games in Salt Lake City, US.The IBSF governs competitions on all bobsleigh and skeleton competitions at the European Championships, World Championships, World Cup, and Winter Olympic level.The following persons have served as president of IBSF: | [
"Klaus Kotter",
"Count Renaud de la Frégeolière",
"Robert H. Storey",
"Amilcare Rotta"
] |
|
Who was the chair of International Bobsleigh and Skeleton Federation in 10/14/2010? | October 14, 2010 | {
"text": [
"Ivo Ferriani"
]
} | L2_Q547007_P488_4 | Robert H. Storey is the chair of International Bobsleigh and Skeleton Federation from Jan, 1994 to Jan, 2010.
Ivo Ferriani is the chair of International Bobsleigh and Skeleton Federation from Jan, 2010 to Dec, 2022.
Klaus Kotter is the chair of International Bobsleigh and Skeleton Federation from Jan, 1980 to Jan, 1994.
Amilcare Rotta is the chair of International Bobsleigh and Skeleton Federation from Jan, 1960 to Jan, 1978.
Count Renaud de la Frégeolière is the chair of International Bobsleigh and Skeleton Federation from Jan, 1923 to Jan, 1960. | International Bobsleigh and Skeleton FederationThe International Bobsleigh and Skeleton Federation (IBSF), originally known by the French name "Fédération Internationale de Bobsleigh et de Tobogganing" (FIBT), is the international sports federation for bobsleigh and skeleton. It acts as an umbrella organization for 14 national bobsleigh and skeleton associations . It was founded on 23 November 1923 by the delegates of Great Britain, France, Switzerland, Canada and the United States at the meeting of their first International Congress in Paris, France. In June 2015, it announced a name change from FIBT to IBSF. The federation's headquarters are in Lausanne, Switzerland.The world's first bobsleigh club was founded in St. Moritz, Switzerland in 1897. By 1904, competitions were taking place on natural ice courses (Olympia Bobrun St. Moritz-Celerina). This growth led to the creation of the FIBT in 1923 with inclusion into the International Olympic Committee (IOC) the following year. At the 1924 Winter Olympics in Chamonix, the four-man event took place. In 1930, the first FIBT World Championships took place with the four-man event in Caux-sur-Montreux, Switzerland with the first two-man event taking place in Oberhof, Germany the following year. At the 1932 Winter Olympics in Lake Placid, New York, the two-man competition debuted. In 1935, the Internationaler Schlittensportsverband (ISSV – International Sled Sport Federation in ), a forerunner to the Federation Internationale de Luge de Course (FIL – International Luge Federation in ), was absorbed into the FIBT and a Section de Luge was created. The luge section would be abolished when the FIL was split off in 1957.Because of the growing weight issue at the 1952 Winter Olympics, the first changes occurred when weight limits were introduced. Since then, configurations to the tracks and the bobsleigh itself would be regulated for both competition and safety reasons. Also, bobsleigh was not included in the 1960 Winter Olympics in Squaw Valley, California for cost reasons in track construction. The development of artificially refrigerated tracks in the late 1960s and early 1970s would greatly enhance speeds. World Cup competitions were first developed in the 1980s while women's competitions took place in the early 1990s. The 2-woman bobsleigh event had their first World Championships in Winterberg, Germany in 2000 and debuted at the 2002 Winter Olympics in Salt Lake City.Skeleton was also founded in Switzerland in 1884 as part of the Cresta Run. It remained a Swiss competition until 1906 when the first competitions outside Switzerland took place in Austria. At the 1926 FIBT World Congress in Paris, it was approved that skeleton was an official Winter Olympic sport with competition taking place at the 1928 Winter Olympics in St. Moritz. 13 competitors from five nations took part. Twenty years later, skeleton reappeared on the Olympic program when the 1948 Winter Olympics returned to St. Moritz.At the 1954 IOC meeting in Athens, Greece, skeleton was replaced by luge on the official Olympic program. This caused skeleton to fall into obscurity until the development of a "bobsleigh skeleton" which could be used on any bobsleigh track in 1970. The development of artificial tracks would also help the rebirth of skeleton as a sport.The first European Championship was held in 1982 at Königsee, Germany, and the first World Championships were also staged in 1982 at St. Moritz. By 1986, the FIBT started funding skeleton and introduced training schools worldwide to grow the sport. The following year, skeleton European Championships were introduced annually. In 1989, skeleton World Championships were introduced, although the women's championships were not formed until 2000 at Igls, Austria. Skeleton was reintroduced in the Winter Olympic program when the IOC allowed competition for the 2002 Games in Salt Lake City, US.The IBSF governs competitions on all bobsleigh and skeleton competitions at the European Championships, World Championships, World Cup, and Winter Olympic level.The following persons have served as president of IBSF: | [
"Klaus Kotter",
"Count Renaud de la Frégeolière",
"Robert H. Storey",
"Amilcare Rotta"
] |
|
Who was the chair of International Bobsleigh and Skeleton Federation in 14-Oct-201014-October-2010? | October 14, 2010 | {
"text": [
"Ivo Ferriani"
]
} | L2_Q547007_P488_4 | Robert H. Storey is the chair of International Bobsleigh and Skeleton Federation from Jan, 1994 to Jan, 2010.
Ivo Ferriani is the chair of International Bobsleigh and Skeleton Federation from Jan, 2010 to Dec, 2022.
Klaus Kotter is the chair of International Bobsleigh and Skeleton Federation from Jan, 1980 to Jan, 1994.
Amilcare Rotta is the chair of International Bobsleigh and Skeleton Federation from Jan, 1960 to Jan, 1978.
Count Renaud de la Frégeolière is the chair of International Bobsleigh and Skeleton Federation from Jan, 1923 to Jan, 1960. | International Bobsleigh and Skeleton FederationThe International Bobsleigh and Skeleton Federation (IBSF), originally known by the French name "Fédération Internationale de Bobsleigh et de Tobogganing" (FIBT), is the international sports federation for bobsleigh and skeleton. It acts as an umbrella organization for 14 national bobsleigh and skeleton associations . It was founded on 23 November 1923 by the delegates of Great Britain, France, Switzerland, Canada and the United States at the meeting of their first International Congress in Paris, France. In June 2015, it announced a name change from FIBT to IBSF. The federation's headquarters are in Lausanne, Switzerland.The world's first bobsleigh club was founded in St. Moritz, Switzerland in 1897. By 1904, competitions were taking place on natural ice courses (Olympia Bobrun St. Moritz-Celerina). This growth led to the creation of the FIBT in 1923 with inclusion into the International Olympic Committee (IOC) the following year. At the 1924 Winter Olympics in Chamonix, the four-man event took place. In 1930, the first FIBT World Championships took place with the four-man event in Caux-sur-Montreux, Switzerland with the first two-man event taking place in Oberhof, Germany the following year. At the 1932 Winter Olympics in Lake Placid, New York, the two-man competition debuted. In 1935, the Internationaler Schlittensportsverband (ISSV – International Sled Sport Federation in ), a forerunner to the Federation Internationale de Luge de Course (FIL – International Luge Federation in ), was absorbed into the FIBT and a Section de Luge was created. The luge section would be abolished when the FIL was split off in 1957.Because of the growing weight issue at the 1952 Winter Olympics, the first changes occurred when weight limits were introduced. Since then, configurations to the tracks and the bobsleigh itself would be regulated for both competition and safety reasons. Also, bobsleigh was not included in the 1960 Winter Olympics in Squaw Valley, California for cost reasons in track construction. The development of artificially refrigerated tracks in the late 1960s and early 1970s would greatly enhance speeds. World Cup competitions were first developed in the 1980s while women's competitions took place in the early 1990s. The 2-woman bobsleigh event had their first World Championships in Winterberg, Germany in 2000 and debuted at the 2002 Winter Olympics in Salt Lake City.Skeleton was also founded in Switzerland in 1884 as part of the Cresta Run. It remained a Swiss competition until 1906 when the first competitions outside Switzerland took place in Austria. At the 1926 FIBT World Congress in Paris, it was approved that skeleton was an official Winter Olympic sport with competition taking place at the 1928 Winter Olympics in St. Moritz. 13 competitors from five nations took part. Twenty years later, skeleton reappeared on the Olympic program when the 1948 Winter Olympics returned to St. Moritz.At the 1954 IOC meeting in Athens, Greece, skeleton was replaced by luge on the official Olympic program. This caused skeleton to fall into obscurity until the development of a "bobsleigh skeleton" which could be used on any bobsleigh track in 1970. The development of artificial tracks would also help the rebirth of skeleton as a sport.The first European Championship was held in 1982 at Königsee, Germany, and the first World Championships were also staged in 1982 at St. Moritz. By 1986, the FIBT started funding skeleton and introduced training schools worldwide to grow the sport. The following year, skeleton European Championships were introduced annually. In 1989, skeleton World Championships were introduced, although the women's championships were not formed until 2000 at Igls, Austria. Skeleton was reintroduced in the Winter Olympic program when the IOC allowed competition for the 2002 Games in Salt Lake City, US.The IBSF governs competitions on all bobsleigh and skeleton competitions at the European Championships, World Championships, World Cup, and Winter Olympic level.The following persons have served as president of IBSF: | [
"Klaus Kotter",
"Count Renaud de la Frégeolière",
"Robert H. Storey",
"Amilcare Rotta"
] |
|
Which employer did Raj Kumar Yadav work for in Aug, 2017? | August 23, 2017 | {
"text": [
"Jagan Nath University, NCR"
]
} | L2_Q96773154_P108_2 | Raj Kumar Yadav works for Baba Mast Nath University from Sep, 2018 to Dec, 2021.
Raj Kumar Yadav works for Central University of Punjab from Dec, 2021 to Dec, 2022.
Raj Kumar Yadav works for Raffles University from Aug, 2015 to Oct, 2015.
Raj Kumar Yadav works for Smt. Shanti Devi Law College from Jul, 2008 to Jul, 2015.
Raj Kumar Yadav works for Jagan Nath University, NCR from Oct, 2015 to Sep, 2018. | Raj Kumar Yadav (academic)Professor Raj Kumar (born 1981) is Indian legal education administrator, jurist presently working in Baba Mastnath University (BMU) as Head and Dean of the Faculty of Law at Rohtak, India.Raj attended Maharshi Dayanand University for his law education, he completed a 5-year BALL.B. in 2005, and a 2-year LLM degree in 2007. He remained for a PhD, which he completed in 2010 from Maharshi Dayanand University, Rohtak. His thesis was titled "First Information Report and Role of Police: A Study of Legislative and Judicial Trends", and was advised by C.P. Sheoran.He started teaching in Smt. Shanti Devi Law College from 2008-2015. He was Coordinator & Head of Legal Aid Clinic there in Rewari Law College. In 2015 joined Raffles University and after that (2015-2018), Head, Law Department, Jagan Nath University, NCR. He is member of various academic bodies. He is also member of ECI academic council of World Constitution and Parliament Association. | [
"Central University of Punjab",
"Baba Mast Nath University",
"Raffles University",
"Smt. Shanti Devi Law College"
] |
|
Which employer did Raj Kumar Yadav work for in 2017-08-23? | August 23, 2017 | {
"text": [
"Jagan Nath University, NCR"
]
} | L2_Q96773154_P108_2 | Raj Kumar Yadav works for Baba Mast Nath University from Sep, 2018 to Dec, 2021.
Raj Kumar Yadav works for Central University of Punjab from Dec, 2021 to Dec, 2022.
Raj Kumar Yadav works for Raffles University from Aug, 2015 to Oct, 2015.
Raj Kumar Yadav works for Smt. Shanti Devi Law College from Jul, 2008 to Jul, 2015.
Raj Kumar Yadav works for Jagan Nath University, NCR from Oct, 2015 to Sep, 2018. | Raj Kumar Yadav (academic)Professor Raj Kumar (born 1981) is Indian legal education administrator, jurist presently working in Baba Mastnath University (BMU) as Head and Dean of the Faculty of Law at Rohtak, India.Raj attended Maharshi Dayanand University for his law education, he completed a 5-year BALL.B. in 2005, and a 2-year LLM degree in 2007. He remained for a PhD, which he completed in 2010 from Maharshi Dayanand University, Rohtak. His thesis was titled "First Information Report and Role of Police: A Study of Legislative and Judicial Trends", and was advised by C.P. Sheoran.He started teaching in Smt. Shanti Devi Law College from 2008-2015. He was Coordinator & Head of Legal Aid Clinic there in Rewari Law College. In 2015 joined Raffles University and after that (2015-2018), Head, Law Department, Jagan Nath University, NCR. He is member of various academic bodies. He is also member of ECI academic council of World Constitution and Parliament Association. | [
"Central University of Punjab",
"Baba Mast Nath University",
"Raffles University",
"Smt. Shanti Devi Law College"
] |
|
Which employer did Raj Kumar Yadav work for in 23/08/2017? | August 23, 2017 | {
"text": [
"Jagan Nath University, NCR"
]
} | L2_Q96773154_P108_2 | Raj Kumar Yadav works for Baba Mast Nath University from Sep, 2018 to Dec, 2021.
Raj Kumar Yadav works for Central University of Punjab from Dec, 2021 to Dec, 2022.
Raj Kumar Yadav works for Raffles University from Aug, 2015 to Oct, 2015.
Raj Kumar Yadav works for Smt. Shanti Devi Law College from Jul, 2008 to Jul, 2015.
Raj Kumar Yadav works for Jagan Nath University, NCR from Oct, 2015 to Sep, 2018. | Raj Kumar Yadav (academic)Professor Raj Kumar (born 1981) is Indian legal education administrator, jurist presently working in Baba Mastnath University (BMU) as Head and Dean of the Faculty of Law at Rohtak, India.Raj attended Maharshi Dayanand University for his law education, he completed a 5-year BALL.B. in 2005, and a 2-year LLM degree in 2007. He remained for a PhD, which he completed in 2010 from Maharshi Dayanand University, Rohtak. His thesis was titled "First Information Report and Role of Police: A Study of Legislative and Judicial Trends", and was advised by C.P. Sheoran.He started teaching in Smt. Shanti Devi Law College from 2008-2015. He was Coordinator & Head of Legal Aid Clinic there in Rewari Law College. In 2015 joined Raffles University and after that (2015-2018), Head, Law Department, Jagan Nath University, NCR. He is member of various academic bodies. He is also member of ECI academic council of World Constitution and Parliament Association. | [
"Central University of Punjab",
"Baba Mast Nath University",
"Raffles University",
"Smt. Shanti Devi Law College"
] |
|
Which employer did Raj Kumar Yadav work for in Aug 23, 2017? | August 23, 2017 | {
"text": [
"Jagan Nath University, NCR"
]
} | L2_Q96773154_P108_2 | Raj Kumar Yadav works for Baba Mast Nath University from Sep, 2018 to Dec, 2021.
Raj Kumar Yadav works for Central University of Punjab from Dec, 2021 to Dec, 2022.
Raj Kumar Yadav works for Raffles University from Aug, 2015 to Oct, 2015.
Raj Kumar Yadav works for Smt. Shanti Devi Law College from Jul, 2008 to Jul, 2015.
Raj Kumar Yadav works for Jagan Nath University, NCR from Oct, 2015 to Sep, 2018. | Raj Kumar Yadav (academic)Professor Raj Kumar (born 1981) is Indian legal education administrator, jurist presently working in Baba Mastnath University (BMU) as Head and Dean of the Faculty of Law at Rohtak, India.Raj attended Maharshi Dayanand University for his law education, he completed a 5-year BALL.B. in 2005, and a 2-year LLM degree in 2007. He remained for a PhD, which he completed in 2010 from Maharshi Dayanand University, Rohtak. His thesis was titled "First Information Report and Role of Police: A Study of Legislative and Judicial Trends", and was advised by C.P. Sheoran.He started teaching in Smt. Shanti Devi Law College from 2008-2015. He was Coordinator & Head of Legal Aid Clinic there in Rewari Law College. In 2015 joined Raffles University and after that (2015-2018), Head, Law Department, Jagan Nath University, NCR. He is member of various academic bodies. He is also member of ECI academic council of World Constitution and Parliament Association. | [
"Central University of Punjab",
"Baba Mast Nath University",
"Raffles University",
"Smt. Shanti Devi Law College"
] |
|
Which employer did Raj Kumar Yadav work for in 08/23/2017? | August 23, 2017 | {
"text": [
"Jagan Nath University, NCR"
]
} | L2_Q96773154_P108_2 | Raj Kumar Yadav works for Baba Mast Nath University from Sep, 2018 to Dec, 2021.
Raj Kumar Yadav works for Central University of Punjab from Dec, 2021 to Dec, 2022.
Raj Kumar Yadav works for Raffles University from Aug, 2015 to Oct, 2015.
Raj Kumar Yadav works for Smt. Shanti Devi Law College from Jul, 2008 to Jul, 2015.
Raj Kumar Yadav works for Jagan Nath University, NCR from Oct, 2015 to Sep, 2018. | Raj Kumar Yadav (academic)Professor Raj Kumar (born 1981) is Indian legal education administrator, jurist presently working in Baba Mastnath University (BMU) as Head and Dean of the Faculty of Law at Rohtak, India.Raj attended Maharshi Dayanand University for his law education, he completed a 5-year BALL.B. in 2005, and a 2-year LLM degree in 2007. He remained for a PhD, which he completed in 2010 from Maharshi Dayanand University, Rohtak. His thesis was titled "First Information Report and Role of Police: A Study of Legislative and Judicial Trends", and was advised by C.P. Sheoran.He started teaching in Smt. Shanti Devi Law College from 2008-2015. He was Coordinator & Head of Legal Aid Clinic there in Rewari Law College. In 2015 joined Raffles University and after that (2015-2018), Head, Law Department, Jagan Nath University, NCR. He is member of various academic bodies. He is also member of ECI academic council of World Constitution and Parliament Association. | [
"Central University of Punjab",
"Baba Mast Nath University",
"Raffles University",
"Smt. Shanti Devi Law College"
] |
|
Which employer did Raj Kumar Yadav work for in 23-Aug-201723-August-2017? | August 23, 2017 | {
"text": [
"Jagan Nath University, NCR"
]
} | L2_Q96773154_P108_2 | Raj Kumar Yadav works for Baba Mast Nath University from Sep, 2018 to Dec, 2021.
Raj Kumar Yadav works for Central University of Punjab from Dec, 2021 to Dec, 2022.
Raj Kumar Yadav works for Raffles University from Aug, 2015 to Oct, 2015.
Raj Kumar Yadav works for Smt. Shanti Devi Law College from Jul, 2008 to Jul, 2015.
Raj Kumar Yadav works for Jagan Nath University, NCR from Oct, 2015 to Sep, 2018. | Raj Kumar Yadav (academic)Professor Raj Kumar (born 1981) is Indian legal education administrator, jurist presently working in Baba Mastnath University (BMU) as Head and Dean of the Faculty of Law at Rohtak, India.Raj attended Maharshi Dayanand University for his law education, he completed a 5-year BALL.B. in 2005, and a 2-year LLM degree in 2007. He remained for a PhD, which he completed in 2010 from Maharshi Dayanand University, Rohtak. His thesis was titled "First Information Report and Role of Police: A Study of Legislative and Judicial Trends", and was advised by C.P. Sheoran.He started teaching in Smt. Shanti Devi Law College from 2008-2015. He was Coordinator & Head of Legal Aid Clinic there in Rewari Law College. In 2015 joined Raffles University and after that (2015-2018), Head, Law Department, Jagan Nath University, NCR. He is member of various academic bodies. He is also member of ECI academic council of World Constitution and Parliament Association. | [
"Central University of Punjab",
"Baba Mast Nath University",
"Raffles University",
"Smt. Shanti Devi Law College"
] |
|
Which position did Fredrik Magnus Cronberg hold in Oct, 1721? | October 26, 1721 | {
"text": [
"governor of Uppsala County"
]
} | L2_Q5499497_P39_2 | Fredrik Magnus Cronberg holds the position of regiment commander from Jan, 1711 to Jan, 1717.
Fredrik Magnus Cronberg holds the position of governor of Västerbotten County from Jan, 1717 to Jan, 1719.
Fredrik Magnus Cronberg holds the position of governor of Uppsala County from Jan, 1719 to Jan, 1728. | Fredrik Magnus CronbergFredrik Magnus Cronberg (1668 in Stockholm - April 23, 1740), was a former governor of Västerbotten, Sweden.from 1688 to 1690, he served in the Nyland and Tavastehus County Cavalry Regiment. From 1890 to 1893, he served in the Dutch War Service. He fought in multiple wars, including the Great Nordic War, the Battle of Narva (where he was severely wounded).In 1717, he became governor of Västerbotten. | [
"regiment commander",
"governor of Västerbotten County"
] |
|
Which position did Fredrik Magnus Cronberg hold in 1721-10-26? | October 26, 1721 | {
"text": [
"governor of Uppsala County"
]
} | L2_Q5499497_P39_2 | Fredrik Magnus Cronberg holds the position of regiment commander from Jan, 1711 to Jan, 1717.
Fredrik Magnus Cronberg holds the position of governor of Västerbotten County from Jan, 1717 to Jan, 1719.
Fredrik Magnus Cronberg holds the position of governor of Uppsala County from Jan, 1719 to Jan, 1728. | Fredrik Magnus CronbergFredrik Magnus Cronberg (1668 in Stockholm - April 23, 1740), was a former governor of Västerbotten, Sweden.from 1688 to 1690, he served in the Nyland and Tavastehus County Cavalry Regiment. From 1890 to 1893, he served in the Dutch War Service. He fought in multiple wars, including the Great Nordic War, the Battle of Narva (where he was severely wounded).In 1717, he became governor of Västerbotten. | [
"regiment commander",
"governor of Västerbotten County"
] |
|
Which position did Fredrik Magnus Cronberg hold in 26/10/1721? | October 26, 1721 | {
"text": [
"governor of Uppsala County"
]
} | L2_Q5499497_P39_2 | Fredrik Magnus Cronberg holds the position of regiment commander from Jan, 1711 to Jan, 1717.
Fredrik Magnus Cronberg holds the position of governor of Västerbotten County from Jan, 1717 to Jan, 1719.
Fredrik Magnus Cronberg holds the position of governor of Uppsala County from Jan, 1719 to Jan, 1728. | Fredrik Magnus CronbergFredrik Magnus Cronberg (1668 in Stockholm - April 23, 1740), was a former governor of Västerbotten, Sweden.from 1688 to 1690, he served in the Nyland and Tavastehus County Cavalry Regiment. From 1890 to 1893, he served in the Dutch War Service. He fought in multiple wars, including the Great Nordic War, the Battle of Narva (where he was severely wounded).In 1717, he became governor of Västerbotten. | [
"regiment commander",
"governor of Västerbotten County"
] |
|
Which position did Fredrik Magnus Cronberg hold in Oct 26, 1721? | October 26, 1721 | {
"text": [
"governor of Uppsala County"
]
} | L2_Q5499497_P39_2 | Fredrik Magnus Cronberg holds the position of regiment commander from Jan, 1711 to Jan, 1717.
Fredrik Magnus Cronberg holds the position of governor of Västerbotten County from Jan, 1717 to Jan, 1719.
Fredrik Magnus Cronberg holds the position of governor of Uppsala County from Jan, 1719 to Jan, 1728. | Fredrik Magnus CronbergFredrik Magnus Cronberg (1668 in Stockholm - April 23, 1740), was a former governor of Västerbotten, Sweden.from 1688 to 1690, he served in the Nyland and Tavastehus County Cavalry Regiment. From 1890 to 1893, he served in the Dutch War Service. He fought in multiple wars, including the Great Nordic War, the Battle of Narva (where he was severely wounded).In 1717, he became governor of Västerbotten. | [
"regiment commander",
"governor of Västerbotten County"
] |
|
Which position did Fredrik Magnus Cronberg hold in 10/26/1721? | October 26, 1721 | {
"text": [
"governor of Uppsala County"
]
} | L2_Q5499497_P39_2 | Fredrik Magnus Cronberg holds the position of regiment commander from Jan, 1711 to Jan, 1717.
Fredrik Magnus Cronberg holds the position of governor of Västerbotten County from Jan, 1717 to Jan, 1719.
Fredrik Magnus Cronberg holds the position of governor of Uppsala County from Jan, 1719 to Jan, 1728. | Fredrik Magnus CronbergFredrik Magnus Cronberg (1668 in Stockholm - April 23, 1740), was a former governor of Västerbotten, Sweden.from 1688 to 1690, he served in the Nyland and Tavastehus County Cavalry Regiment. From 1890 to 1893, he served in the Dutch War Service. He fought in multiple wars, including the Great Nordic War, the Battle of Narva (where he was severely wounded).In 1717, he became governor of Västerbotten. | [
"regiment commander",
"governor of Västerbotten County"
] |
|
Which position did Fredrik Magnus Cronberg hold in 26-Oct-172126-October-1721? | October 26, 1721 | {
"text": [
"governor of Uppsala County"
]
} | L2_Q5499497_P39_2 | Fredrik Magnus Cronberg holds the position of regiment commander from Jan, 1711 to Jan, 1717.
Fredrik Magnus Cronberg holds the position of governor of Västerbotten County from Jan, 1717 to Jan, 1719.
Fredrik Magnus Cronberg holds the position of governor of Uppsala County from Jan, 1719 to Jan, 1728. | Fredrik Magnus CronbergFredrik Magnus Cronberg (1668 in Stockholm - April 23, 1740), was a former governor of Västerbotten, Sweden.from 1688 to 1690, he served in the Nyland and Tavastehus County Cavalry Regiment. From 1890 to 1893, he served in the Dutch War Service. He fought in multiple wars, including the Great Nordic War, the Battle of Narva (where he was severely wounded).In 1717, he became governor of Västerbotten. | [
"regiment commander",
"governor of Västerbotten County"
] |
|
Which team did Peter Houtman play for in Oct, 1985? | October 04, 1985 | {
"text": [
"FC Groningen"
]
} | L2_Q162776_P54_3 | Peter Houtman plays for Feyenoord from Jan, 1978 to Jan, 1978.
Peter Houtman plays for Sparta Rotterdam from Jan, 1989 to Jan, 1991.
Peter Houtman plays for FC Groningen from Jan, 1985 to Jan, 1987.
Peter Houtman plays for SBV Excelsior from Jan, 1993 to Jan, 1994.
Peter Houtman plays for Netherlands national association football team from Jan, 1983 to Jan, 1985.
Peter Houtman plays for ADO Den Haag from Jan, 1991 to Jan, 1993.
Peter Houtman plays for Club Brugge K.V. from Jan, 1979 to Jan, 1979.
Peter Houtman plays for Sporting CP from Jan, 1987 to Jan, 1988. | Peter HoutmanPeter Houtman (born 4 June 1957 in Rotterdam) is a retired football striker from the Netherlands who obtained eight caps for the Dutch national team in the 1980s, scoring seven goals.Houtman played for Feyenoord Rotterdam and FC Groningen. He also had spells with Club Brugge, Sporting Portugal, Sparta Rotterdam, ADO Den Haag and Excelsior Rotterdam. For Feyenoord he scored 90 goals in 153 official matches. | [
"Netherlands national association football team",
"ADO Den Haag",
"Club Brugge K.V.",
"SBV Excelsior",
"Sporting CP",
"Sparta Rotterdam",
"Feyenoord"
] |
|
Which team did Peter Houtman play for in 1985-10-04? | October 04, 1985 | {
"text": [
"FC Groningen"
]
} | L2_Q162776_P54_3 | Peter Houtman plays for Feyenoord from Jan, 1978 to Jan, 1978.
Peter Houtman plays for Sparta Rotterdam from Jan, 1989 to Jan, 1991.
Peter Houtman plays for FC Groningen from Jan, 1985 to Jan, 1987.
Peter Houtman plays for SBV Excelsior from Jan, 1993 to Jan, 1994.
Peter Houtman plays for Netherlands national association football team from Jan, 1983 to Jan, 1985.
Peter Houtman plays for ADO Den Haag from Jan, 1991 to Jan, 1993.
Peter Houtman plays for Club Brugge K.V. from Jan, 1979 to Jan, 1979.
Peter Houtman plays for Sporting CP from Jan, 1987 to Jan, 1988. | Peter HoutmanPeter Houtman (born 4 June 1957 in Rotterdam) is a retired football striker from the Netherlands who obtained eight caps for the Dutch national team in the 1980s, scoring seven goals.Houtman played for Feyenoord Rotterdam and FC Groningen. He also had spells with Club Brugge, Sporting Portugal, Sparta Rotterdam, ADO Den Haag and Excelsior Rotterdam. For Feyenoord he scored 90 goals in 153 official matches. | [
"Netherlands national association football team",
"ADO Den Haag",
"Club Brugge K.V.",
"SBV Excelsior",
"Sporting CP",
"Sparta Rotterdam",
"Feyenoord"
] |
|
Which team did Peter Houtman play for in 04/10/1985? | October 04, 1985 | {
"text": [
"FC Groningen"
]
} | L2_Q162776_P54_3 | Peter Houtman plays for Feyenoord from Jan, 1978 to Jan, 1978.
Peter Houtman plays for Sparta Rotterdam from Jan, 1989 to Jan, 1991.
Peter Houtman plays for FC Groningen from Jan, 1985 to Jan, 1987.
Peter Houtman plays for SBV Excelsior from Jan, 1993 to Jan, 1994.
Peter Houtman plays for Netherlands national association football team from Jan, 1983 to Jan, 1985.
Peter Houtman plays for ADO Den Haag from Jan, 1991 to Jan, 1993.
Peter Houtman plays for Club Brugge K.V. from Jan, 1979 to Jan, 1979.
Peter Houtman plays for Sporting CP from Jan, 1987 to Jan, 1988. | Peter HoutmanPeter Houtman (born 4 June 1957 in Rotterdam) is a retired football striker from the Netherlands who obtained eight caps for the Dutch national team in the 1980s, scoring seven goals.Houtman played for Feyenoord Rotterdam and FC Groningen. He also had spells with Club Brugge, Sporting Portugal, Sparta Rotterdam, ADO Den Haag and Excelsior Rotterdam. For Feyenoord he scored 90 goals in 153 official matches. | [
"Netherlands national association football team",
"ADO Den Haag",
"Club Brugge K.V.",
"SBV Excelsior",
"Sporting CP",
"Sparta Rotterdam",
"Feyenoord"
] |
|
Which team did Peter Houtman play for in Oct 04, 1985? | October 04, 1985 | {
"text": [
"FC Groningen"
]
} | L2_Q162776_P54_3 | Peter Houtman plays for Feyenoord from Jan, 1978 to Jan, 1978.
Peter Houtman plays for Sparta Rotterdam from Jan, 1989 to Jan, 1991.
Peter Houtman plays for FC Groningen from Jan, 1985 to Jan, 1987.
Peter Houtman plays for SBV Excelsior from Jan, 1993 to Jan, 1994.
Peter Houtman plays for Netherlands national association football team from Jan, 1983 to Jan, 1985.
Peter Houtman plays for ADO Den Haag from Jan, 1991 to Jan, 1993.
Peter Houtman plays for Club Brugge K.V. from Jan, 1979 to Jan, 1979.
Peter Houtman plays for Sporting CP from Jan, 1987 to Jan, 1988. | Peter HoutmanPeter Houtman (born 4 June 1957 in Rotterdam) is a retired football striker from the Netherlands who obtained eight caps for the Dutch national team in the 1980s, scoring seven goals.Houtman played for Feyenoord Rotterdam and FC Groningen. He also had spells with Club Brugge, Sporting Portugal, Sparta Rotterdam, ADO Den Haag and Excelsior Rotterdam. For Feyenoord he scored 90 goals in 153 official matches. | [
"Netherlands national association football team",
"ADO Den Haag",
"Club Brugge K.V.",
"SBV Excelsior",
"Sporting CP",
"Sparta Rotterdam",
"Feyenoord"
] |
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