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Which team did Paddy Sowden play for in 01/01/1960? | January 01, 1960 | {
"text": [
"Wrexham A.F.C.",
"Chorley F.C."
]
} | L2_Q7123630_P54_8 | Paddy Sowden plays for Bacup Borough F.C. from Jan, 1947 to Jan, 1948.
Paddy Sowden plays for Chorley F.C. from Jan, 1960 to Jan, 1960.
Paddy Sowden plays for Elgin City F.C. from Jan, 1949 to Jan, 1950.
Paddy Sowden plays for Blackpool F.C. from Jan, 1946 to Jan, 1947.
Paddy Sowden plays for Aldershot F.C. from Jan, 1950 to Jan, 1951.
Paddy Sowden plays for Hull City A.F.C. from Jan, 1951 to Jan, 1952.
Paddy Sowden plays for Gillingham F.C. from Jan, 1952 to Jan, 1956.
Paddy Sowden plays for Accrington Stanley F.C. from Jan, 1956 to Jan, 1958.
Paddy Sowden plays for Wrexham A.F.C. from Jan, 1958 to Jan, 1960. | Paddy SowdenPeter Tasker Sowden (1 May 1929 – 12 November 2010) was an English professional footballer. His clubs included Aldershot, Accrington Stanley, Wrexham and Gillingham, where he made over 130 Football League appearances.He also played for Chorley, Great Harwood and Mossley. | [
"Gillingham F.C.",
"Aldershot F.C.",
"Bacup Borough F.C.",
"Blackpool F.C.",
"Hull City A.F.C.",
"Elgin City F.C.",
"Accrington Stanley F.C.",
"Gillingham F.C.",
"Aldershot F.C.",
"Bacup Borough F.C.",
"Blackpool F.C.",
"Hull City A.F.C.",
"Elgin City F.C.",
"Accrington Stanley F.C."
] |
|
Which team did Paddy Sowden play for in 01-Jan-196001-January-1960? | January 01, 1960 | {
"text": [
"Wrexham A.F.C.",
"Chorley F.C."
]
} | L2_Q7123630_P54_8 | Paddy Sowden plays for Bacup Borough F.C. from Jan, 1947 to Jan, 1948.
Paddy Sowden plays for Chorley F.C. from Jan, 1960 to Jan, 1960.
Paddy Sowden plays for Elgin City F.C. from Jan, 1949 to Jan, 1950.
Paddy Sowden plays for Blackpool F.C. from Jan, 1946 to Jan, 1947.
Paddy Sowden plays for Aldershot F.C. from Jan, 1950 to Jan, 1951.
Paddy Sowden plays for Hull City A.F.C. from Jan, 1951 to Jan, 1952.
Paddy Sowden plays for Gillingham F.C. from Jan, 1952 to Jan, 1956.
Paddy Sowden plays for Accrington Stanley F.C. from Jan, 1956 to Jan, 1958.
Paddy Sowden plays for Wrexham A.F.C. from Jan, 1958 to Jan, 1960. | Paddy SowdenPeter Tasker Sowden (1 May 1929 – 12 November 2010) was an English professional footballer. His clubs included Aldershot, Accrington Stanley, Wrexham and Gillingham, where he made over 130 Football League appearances.He also played for Chorley, Great Harwood and Mossley. | [
"Gillingham F.C.",
"Aldershot F.C.",
"Bacup Borough F.C.",
"Blackpool F.C.",
"Hull City A.F.C.",
"Elgin City F.C.",
"Accrington Stanley F.C.",
"Gillingham F.C.",
"Aldershot F.C.",
"Bacup Borough F.C.",
"Blackpool F.C.",
"Hull City A.F.C.",
"Elgin City F.C.",
"Accrington Stanley F.C."
] |
|
Which team did Moumouni Dagano play for in Aug, 1999? | August 27, 1999 | {
"text": [
"Étoile Filante de Ouagadougou",
"Burkina Faso national football team"
]
} | L2_Q725452_P54_3 | Moumouni Dagano plays for Étoile Filante de Ouagadougou from Jan, 1999 to Jan, 2000.
Moumouni Dagano plays for Al-Shamal Sports Club from Jan, 2014 to Jan, 2015.
Moumouni Dagano plays for FC Sochaux-Montbéliard from Jan, 2005 to Jan, 2008.
Moumouni Dagano plays for Al-Duhail SC from Jan, 2012 to Jan, 2012.
Moumouni Dagano plays for Al-Sailiya SC from Jan, 2012 to Jan, 2014.
Moumouni Dagano plays for Burkina Faso national football team from Jan, 1998 to Jan, 2014.
Moumouni Dagano plays for Stella Club d'Adjamé from Jan, 1998 to Jan, 1998.
Moumouni Dagano plays for Al-Khor Sports Club from Jan, 2011 to Jan, 2012.
Moumouni Dagano plays for Beerschot A.C. from Jan, 2000 to Jan, 2001.
Moumouni Dagano plays for Jeunesse Club de Bobo Dioulasso from Jan, 1998 to Jan, 1999.
Moumouni Dagano plays for Qatar SC from Jan, 2015 to Jan, 2015.
Moumouni Dagano plays for En Avant de Guingamp from Jan, 2003 to Jan, 2005.
Moumouni Dagano plays for K.R.C. Genk from Jan, 2001 to Jan, 2003. | Moumouni DaganoBeli Moumouni Dagano (born 1 January 1981) is a Burkinabé former professional footballer who played as a striker. At international level, he represented the Burkina Faso national team.Dagano began his career at Ivorian side Stella Club d'Adjamé, based in Abidjan. In 1999, he moved back to his homeland, with Etoile Filante, before making his move to Europe a year later, with Belgian side Germinal Beerschot. After an impressive season with Germinal, Dagano moved to Genk, where he won the Ebony Shoe and scored 19 goals as the club won the league title for only the second time in its history, before spells in France, with Guingamp and FC Sochaux. While at Sochaux he played as they won the 2007 Coupe de France Final. Dagano scored Sochaux's first goal as they drew 2–2 with Marseille, before winning on penalties. In 2008, he joined Al-Khor. He later left Al Khor for Al Sailiya two years later, but the club was subsequently relegated despite Dagano's impressive goal scoring record.He rejoined his former club Al-Khor and made his league debut on 18 September, scoring two free-kick goals and securing the victory for his team against newly promoted club Al Jaish.On 31 January, following Aruna Dindane's exit to Al-Gharafa, Lekhwiya immediately signed Dagano as Dindane's replacement.On 28 May 2012, Dagano joined newly promoted Qatari club Al-Sailiya for the 2012–13 Qatari season.Dagano made his international debut in 1998. He was a member of the Burkinabé 2004 African Nations Cup team, who finished bottom of their group in the first round of competition, thus failing to secure qualification for the quarter-finals.He was the joint top goalscorer of the 2010 FIFA World Cup qualifying campaign with 12 goals along with Fijian striker Osea Vakatalesau. | [
"Al-Duhail SC",
"Beerschot A.C.",
"K.R.C. Genk",
"FC Sochaux-Montbéliard",
"Stella Club d'Adjamé",
"Al-Khor Sports Club",
"Al-Sailiya SC",
"Jeunesse Club de Bobo Dioulasso",
"Qatar SC",
"En Avant de Guingamp",
"Al-Shamal Sports Club"
] |
|
Which team did Moumouni Dagano play for in 1999-08-27? | August 27, 1999 | {
"text": [
"Étoile Filante de Ouagadougou",
"Burkina Faso national football team"
]
} | L2_Q725452_P54_3 | Moumouni Dagano plays for Étoile Filante de Ouagadougou from Jan, 1999 to Jan, 2000.
Moumouni Dagano plays for Al-Shamal Sports Club from Jan, 2014 to Jan, 2015.
Moumouni Dagano plays for FC Sochaux-Montbéliard from Jan, 2005 to Jan, 2008.
Moumouni Dagano plays for Al-Duhail SC from Jan, 2012 to Jan, 2012.
Moumouni Dagano plays for Al-Sailiya SC from Jan, 2012 to Jan, 2014.
Moumouni Dagano plays for Burkina Faso national football team from Jan, 1998 to Jan, 2014.
Moumouni Dagano plays for Stella Club d'Adjamé from Jan, 1998 to Jan, 1998.
Moumouni Dagano plays for Al-Khor Sports Club from Jan, 2011 to Jan, 2012.
Moumouni Dagano plays for Beerschot A.C. from Jan, 2000 to Jan, 2001.
Moumouni Dagano plays for Jeunesse Club de Bobo Dioulasso from Jan, 1998 to Jan, 1999.
Moumouni Dagano plays for Qatar SC from Jan, 2015 to Jan, 2015.
Moumouni Dagano plays for En Avant de Guingamp from Jan, 2003 to Jan, 2005.
Moumouni Dagano plays for K.R.C. Genk from Jan, 2001 to Jan, 2003. | Moumouni DaganoBeli Moumouni Dagano (born 1 January 1981) is a Burkinabé former professional footballer who played as a striker. At international level, he represented the Burkina Faso national team.Dagano began his career at Ivorian side Stella Club d'Adjamé, based in Abidjan. In 1999, he moved back to his homeland, with Etoile Filante, before making his move to Europe a year later, with Belgian side Germinal Beerschot. After an impressive season with Germinal, Dagano moved to Genk, where he won the Ebony Shoe and scored 19 goals as the club won the league title for only the second time in its history, before spells in France, with Guingamp and FC Sochaux. While at Sochaux he played as they won the 2007 Coupe de France Final. Dagano scored Sochaux's first goal as they drew 2–2 with Marseille, before winning on penalties. In 2008, he joined Al-Khor. He later left Al Khor for Al Sailiya two years later, but the club was subsequently relegated despite Dagano's impressive goal scoring record.He rejoined his former club Al-Khor and made his league debut on 18 September, scoring two free-kick goals and securing the victory for his team against newly promoted club Al Jaish.On 31 January, following Aruna Dindane's exit to Al-Gharafa, Lekhwiya immediately signed Dagano as Dindane's replacement.On 28 May 2012, Dagano joined newly promoted Qatari club Al-Sailiya for the 2012–13 Qatari season.Dagano made his international debut in 1998. He was a member of the Burkinabé 2004 African Nations Cup team, who finished bottom of their group in the first round of competition, thus failing to secure qualification for the quarter-finals.He was the joint top goalscorer of the 2010 FIFA World Cup qualifying campaign with 12 goals along with Fijian striker Osea Vakatalesau. | [
"Al-Duhail SC",
"Beerschot A.C.",
"K.R.C. Genk",
"FC Sochaux-Montbéliard",
"Stella Club d'Adjamé",
"Al-Khor Sports Club",
"Al-Sailiya SC",
"Jeunesse Club de Bobo Dioulasso",
"Qatar SC",
"En Avant de Guingamp",
"Al-Shamal Sports Club"
] |
|
Which team did Moumouni Dagano play for in 27/08/1999? | August 27, 1999 | {
"text": [
"Étoile Filante de Ouagadougou",
"Burkina Faso national football team"
]
} | L2_Q725452_P54_3 | Moumouni Dagano plays for Étoile Filante de Ouagadougou from Jan, 1999 to Jan, 2000.
Moumouni Dagano plays for Al-Shamal Sports Club from Jan, 2014 to Jan, 2015.
Moumouni Dagano plays for FC Sochaux-Montbéliard from Jan, 2005 to Jan, 2008.
Moumouni Dagano plays for Al-Duhail SC from Jan, 2012 to Jan, 2012.
Moumouni Dagano plays for Al-Sailiya SC from Jan, 2012 to Jan, 2014.
Moumouni Dagano plays for Burkina Faso national football team from Jan, 1998 to Jan, 2014.
Moumouni Dagano plays for Stella Club d'Adjamé from Jan, 1998 to Jan, 1998.
Moumouni Dagano plays for Al-Khor Sports Club from Jan, 2011 to Jan, 2012.
Moumouni Dagano plays for Beerschot A.C. from Jan, 2000 to Jan, 2001.
Moumouni Dagano plays for Jeunesse Club de Bobo Dioulasso from Jan, 1998 to Jan, 1999.
Moumouni Dagano plays for Qatar SC from Jan, 2015 to Jan, 2015.
Moumouni Dagano plays for En Avant de Guingamp from Jan, 2003 to Jan, 2005.
Moumouni Dagano plays for K.R.C. Genk from Jan, 2001 to Jan, 2003. | Moumouni DaganoBeli Moumouni Dagano (born 1 January 1981) is a Burkinabé former professional footballer who played as a striker. At international level, he represented the Burkina Faso national team.Dagano began his career at Ivorian side Stella Club d'Adjamé, based in Abidjan. In 1999, he moved back to his homeland, with Etoile Filante, before making his move to Europe a year later, with Belgian side Germinal Beerschot. After an impressive season with Germinal, Dagano moved to Genk, where he won the Ebony Shoe and scored 19 goals as the club won the league title for only the second time in its history, before spells in France, with Guingamp and FC Sochaux. While at Sochaux he played as they won the 2007 Coupe de France Final. Dagano scored Sochaux's first goal as they drew 2–2 with Marseille, before winning on penalties. In 2008, he joined Al-Khor. He later left Al Khor for Al Sailiya two years later, but the club was subsequently relegated despite Dagano's impressive goal scoring record.He rejoined his former club Al-Khor and made his league debut on 18 September, scoring two free-kick goals and securing the victory for his team against newly promoted club Al Jaish.On 31 January, following Aruna Dindane's exit to Al-Gharafa, Lekhwiya immediately signed Dagano as Dindane's replacement.On 28 May 2012, Dagano joined newly promoted Qatari club Al-Sailiya for the 2012–13 Qatari season.Dagano made his international debut in 1998. He was a member of the Burkinabé 2004 African Nations Cup team, who finished bottom of their group in the first round of competition, thus failing to secure qualification for the quarter-finals.He was the joint top goalscorer of the 2010 FIFA World Cup qualifying campaign with 12 goals along with Fijian striker Osea Vakatalesau. | [
"Al-Duhail SC",
"Beerschot A.C.",
"K.R.C. Genk",
"FC Sochaux-Montbéliard",
"Stella Club d'Adjamé",
"Al-Khor Sports Club",
"Al-Sailiya SC",
"Jeunesse Club de Bobo Dioulasso",
"Qatar SC",
"En Avant de Guingamp",
"Al-Shamal Sports Club"
] |
|
Which team did Moumouni Dagano play for in Aug 27, 1999? | August 27, 1999 | {
"text": [
"Étoile Filante de Ouagadougou",
"Burkina Faso national football team"
]
} | L2_Q725452_P54_3 | Moumouni Dagano plays for Étoile Filante de Ouagadougou from Jan, 1999 to Jan, 2000.
Moumouni Dagano plays for Al-Shamal Sports Club from Jan, 2014 to Jan, 2015.
Moumouni Dagano plays for FC Sochaux-Montbéliard from Jan, 2005 to Jan, 2008.
Moumouni Dagano plays for Al-Duhail SC from Jan, 2012 to Jan, 2012.
Moumouni Dagano plays for Al-Sailiya SC from Jan, 2012 to Jan, 2014.
Moumouni Dagano plays for Burkina Faso national football team from Jan, 1998 to Jan, 2014.
Moumouni Dagano plays for Stella Club d'Adjamé from Jan, 1998 to Jan, 1998.
Moumouni Dagano plays for Al-Khor Sports Club from Jan, 2011 to Jan, 2012.
Moumouni Dagano plays for Beerschot A.C. from Jan, 2000 to Jan, 2001.
Moumouni Dagano plays for Jeunesse Club de Bobo Dioulasso from Jan, 1998 to Jan, 1999.
Moumouni Dagano plays for Qatar SC from Jan, 2015 to Jan, 2015.
Moumouni Dagano plays for En Avant de Guingamp from Jan, 2003 to Jan, 2005.
Moumouni Dagano plays for K.R.C. Genk from Jan, 2001 to Jan, 2003. | Moumouni DaganoBeli Moumouni Dagano (born 1 January 1981) is a Burkinabé former professional footballer who played as a striker. At international level, he represented the Burkina Faso national team.Dagano began his career at Ivorian side Stella Club d'Adjamé, based in Abidjan. In 1999, he moved back to his homeland, with Etoile Filante, before making his move to Europe a year later, with Belgian side Germinal Beerschot. After an impressive season with Germinal, Dagano moved to Genk, where he won the Ebony Shoe and scored 19 goals as the club won the league title for only the second time in its history, before spells in France, with Guingamp and FC Sochaux. While at Sochaux he played as they won the 2007 Coupe de France Final. Dagano scored Sochaux's first goal as they drew 2–2 with Marseille, before winning on penalties. In 2008, he joined Al-Khor. He later left Al Khor for Al Sailiya two years later, but the club was subsequently relegated despite Dagano's impressive goal scoring record.He rejoined his former club Al-Khor and made his league debut on 18 September, scoring two free-kick goals and securing the victory for his team against newly promoted club Al Jaish.On 31 January, following Aruna Dindane's exit to Al-Gharafa, Lekhwiya immediately signed Dagano as Dindane's replacement.On 28 May 2012, Dagano joined newly promoted Qatari club Al-Sailiya for the 2012–13 Qatari season.Dagano made his international debut in 1998. He was a member of the Burkinabé 2004 African Nations Cup team, who finished bottom of their group in the first round of competition, thus failing to secure qualification for the quarter-finals.He was the joint top goalscorer of the 2010 FIFA World Cup qualifying campaign with 12 goals along with Fijian striker Osea Vakatalesau. | [
"Al-Duhail SC",
"Beerschot A.C.",
"K.R.C. Genk",
"FC Sochaux-Montbéliard",
"Stella Club d'Adjamé",
"Al-Khor Sports Club",
"Al-Sailiya SC",
"Jeunesse Club de Bobo Dioulasso",
"Qatar SC",
"En Avant de Guingamp",
"Al-Shamal Sports Club"
] |
|
Which team did Moumouni Dagano play for in 08/27/1999? | August 27, 1999 | {
"text": [
"Étoile Filante de Ouagadougou",
"Burkina Faso national football team"
]
} | L2_Q725452_P54_3 | Moumouni Dagano plays for Étoile Filante de Ouagadougou from Jan, 1999 to Jan, 2000.
Moumouni Dagano plays for Al-Shamal Sports Club from Jan, 2014 to Jan, 2015.
Moumouni Dagano plays for FC Sochaux-Montbéliard from Jan, 2005 to Jan, 2008.
Moumouni Dagano plays for Al-Duhail SC from Jan, 2012 to Jan, 2012.
Moumouni Dagano plays for Al-Sailiya SC from Jan, 2012 to Jan, 2014.
Moumouni Dagano plays for Burkina Faso national football team from Jan, 1998 to Jan, 2014.
Moumouni Dagano plays for Stella Club d'Adjamé from Jan, 1998 to Jan, 1998.
Moumouni Dagano plays for Al-Khor Sports Club from Jan, 2011 to Jan, 2012.
Moumouni Dagano plays for Beerschot A.C. from Jan, 2000 to Jan, 2001.
Moumouni Dagano plays for Jeunesse Club de Bobo Dioulasso from Jan, 1998 to Jan, 1999.
Moumouni Dagano plays for Qatar SC from Jan, 2015 to Jan, 2015.
Moumouni Dagano plays for En Avant de Guingamp from Jan, 2003 to Jan, 2005.
Moumouni Dagano plays for K.R.C. Genk from Jan, 2001 to Jan, 2003. | Moumouni DaganoBeli Moumouni Dagano (born 1 January 1981) is a Burkinabé former professional footballer who played as a striker. At international level, he represented the Burkina Faso national team.Dagano began his career at Ivorian side Stella Club d'Adjamé, based in Abidjan. In 1999, he moved back to his homeland, with Etoile Filante, before making his move to Europe a year later, with Belgian side Germinal Beerschot. After an impressive season with Germinal, Dagano moved to Genk, where he won the Ebony Shoe and scored 19 goals as the club won the league title for only the second time in its history, before spells in France, with Guingamp and FC Sochaux. While at Sochaux he played as they won the 2007 Coupe de France Final. Dagano scored Sochaux's first goal as they drew 2–2 with Marseille, before winning on penalties. In 2008, he joined Al-Khor. He later left Al Khor for Al Sailiya two years later, but the club was subsequently relegated despite Dagano's impressive goal scoring record.He rejoined his former club Al-Khor and made his league debut on 18 September, scoring two free-kick goals and securing the victory for his team against newly promoted club Al Jaish.On 31 January, following Aruna Dindane's exit to Al-Gharafa, Lekhwiya immediately signed Dagano as Dindane's replacement.On 28 May 2012, Dagano joined newly promoted Qatari club Al-Sailiya for the 2012–13 Qatari season.Dagano made his international debut in 1998. He was a member of the Burkinabé 2004 African Nations Cup team, who finished bottom of their group in the first round of competition, thus failing to secure qualification for the quarter-finals.He was the joint top goalscorer of the 2010 FIFA World Cup qualifying campaign with 12 goals along with Fijian striker Osea Vakatalesau. | [
"Al-Duhail SC",
"Beerschot A.C.",
"K.R.C. Genk",
"FC Sochaux-Montbéliard",
"Stella Club d'Adjamé",
"Al-Khor Sports Club",
"Al-Sailiya SC",
"Jeunesse Club de Bobo Dioulasso",
"Qatar SC",
"En Avant de Guingamp",
"Al-Shamal Sports Club"
] |
|
Which team did Moumouni Dagano play for in 27-Aug-199927-August-1999? | August 27, 1999 | {
"text": [
"Étoile Filante de Ouagadougou",
"Burkina Faso national football team"
]
} | L2_Q725452_P54_3 | Moumouni Dagano plays for Étoile Filante de Ouagadougou from Jan, 1999 to Jan, 2000.
Moumouni Dagano plays for Al-Shamal Sports Club from Jan, 2014 to Jan, 2015.
Moumouni Dagano plays for FC Sochaux-Montbéliard from Jan, 2005 to Jan, 2008.
Moumouni Dagano plays for Al-Duhail SC from Jan, 2012 to Jan, 2012.
Moumouni Dagano plays for Al-Sailiya SC from Jan, 2012 to Jan, 2014.
Moumouni Dagano plays for Burkina Faso national football team from Jan, 1998 to Jan, 2014.
Moumouni Dagano plays for Stella Club d'Adjamé from Jan, 1998 to Jan, 1998.
Moumouni Dagano plays for Al-Khor Sports Club from Jan, 2011 to Jan, 2012.
Moumouni Dagano plays for Beerschot A.C. from Jan, 2000 to Jan, 2001.
Moumouni Dagano plays for Jeunesse Club de Bobo Dioulasso from Jan, 1998 to Jan, 1999.
Moumouni Dagano plays for Qatar SC from Jan, 2015 to Jan, 2015.
Moumouni Dagano plays for En Avant de Guingamp from Jan, 2003 to Jan, 2005.
Moumouni Dagano plays for K.R.C. Genk from Jan, 2001 to Jan, 2003. | Moumouni DaganoBeli Moumouni Dagano (born 1 January 1981) is a Burkinabé former professional footballer who played as a striker. At international level, he represented the Burkina Faso national team.Dagano began his career at Ivorian side Stella Club d'Adjamé, based in Abidjan. In 1999, he moved back to his homeland, with Etoile Filante, before making his move to Europe a year later, with Belgian side Germinal Beerschot. After an impressive season with Germinal, Dagano moved to Genk, where he won the Ebony Shoe and scored 19 goals as the club won the league title for only the second time in its history, before spells in France, with Guingamp and FC Sochaux. While at Sochaux he played as they won the 2007 Coupe de France Final. Dagano scored Sochaux's first goal as they drew 2–2 with Marseille, before winning on penalties. In 2008, he joined Al-Khor. He later left Al Khor for Al Sailiya two years later, but the club was subsequently relegated despite Dagano's impressive goal scoring record.He rejoined his former club Al-Khor and made his league debut on 18 September, scoring two free-kick goals and securing the victory for his team against newly promoted club Al Jaish.On 31 January, following Aruna Dindane's exit to Al-Gharafa, Lekhwiya immediately signed Dagano as Dindane's replacement.On 28 May 2012, Dagano joined newly promoted Qatari club Al-Sailiya for the 2012–13 Qatari season.Dagano made his international debut in 1998. He was a member of the Burkinabé 2004 African Nations Cup team, who finished bottom of their group in the first round of competition, thus failing to secure qualification for the quarter-finals.He was the joint top goalscorer of the 2010 FIFA World Cup qualifying campaign with 12 goals along with Fijian striker Osea Vakatalesau. | [
"Al-Duhail SC",
"Beerschot A.C.",
"K.R.C. Genk",
"FC Sochaux-Montbéliard",
"Stella Club d'Adjamé",
"Al-Khor Sports Club",
"Al-Sailiya SC",
"Jeunesse Club de Bobo Dioulasso",
"Qatar SC",
"En Avant de Guingamp",
"Al-Shamal Sports Club"
] |
|
Which employer did Daphne Bavelier work for in Dec, 1998? | December 04, 1998 | {
"text": [
"Georgetown University"
]
} | L2_Q19956013_P108_0 | Daphne Bavelier works for University of Rochester from Jan, 2000 to Jan, 2002.
Daphne Bavelier works for Georgetown University from Jan, 1997 to Jan, 1999.
Daphne Bavelier works for University of Geneva from Jan, 2011 to Dec, 2022. | Daphne BavelierDaphné Bavelier is a French cognitive neuroscientist specialized in brain plasticity and learning. She is full Professor at the University of Geneva in the Faculty of Psychology and Educational Sciences. She heads the Brain and Learning lab at Campus Biotech in Geneva, Switzerland.Bavelier received her undergraduate education at the École normale supérieure in biology, before moving to the Massachusetts Institute of Technology in 1988 to pursue a PhD in Brain and Cognitive sciences in Professor Molly Potter's laboratory. She received a postdoctoral fellowship from the James S. McDonnell Foundation to carry research in brain plasticity and learning at the Salk Institute under Professor Helen Neville.In 1996, she became assistant professor at the Georgetown Institute for Cognitive and Computational Sciences at Georgetown University. She then joined the Brain and Cognitive Science department at the University of Rochester in 1999, before moving to the department of Psychology within the Faculty of Psychology and Education Science at the University of Geneva in 2011. Bavelier’s interest lies in how the brain adapts to changes in experience. Early in her career, she investigated how being born deaf and using sign language alters brain organization for attentional functions and language processing. In 2000, Bavelier and her student (and now colleague) C. Shawn Green made an unexpected discovery that video games could be powerful tools to induce brain plasticity. In particular, action video games were shown to enhance attention. Since then, Bavelier has been interested in understanding how to leverage video games, and more generally digital technologies, to facilitate brain plasticity and learning. The Brain and Learning Lab now focuses on clarifying the factors that promote learning and brain plasticity using a multidisciplinary approach (behavior, brain imaging, eye tracking and vital statistics).With an additional interest in translational work, Bavelier is one of the co-founders of Akili Interactive, a company dedicated to leverage video games for therapeutic interventions. | [
"University of Geneva",
"University of Rochester"
] |
|
Which employer did Daphne Bavelier work for in 1998-12-04? | December 04, 1998 | {
"text": [
"Georgetown University"
]
} | L2_Q19956013_P108_0 | Daphne Bavelier works for University of Rochester from Jan, 2000 to Jan, 2002.
Daphne Bavelier works for Georgetown University from Jan, 1997 to Jan, 1999.
Daphne Bavelier works for University of Geneva from Jan, 2011 to Dec, 2022. | Daphne BavelierDaphné Bavelier is a French cognitive neuroscientist specialized in brain plasticity and learning. She is full Professor at the University of Geneva in the Faculty of Psychology and Educational Sciences. She heads the Brain and Learning lab at Campus Biotech in Geneva, Switzerland.Bavelier received her undergraduate education at the École normale supérieure in biology, before moving to the Massachusetts Institute of Technology in 1988 to pursue a PhD in Brain and Cognitive sciences in Professor Molly Potter's laboratory. She received a postdoctoral fellowship from the James S. McDonnell Foundation to carry research in brain plasticity and learning at the Salk Institute under Professor Helen Neville.In 1996, she became assistant professor at the Georgetown Institute for Cognitive and Computational Sciences at Georgetown University. She then joined the Brain and Cognitive Science department at the University of Rochester in 1999, before moving to the department of Psychology within the Faculty of Psychology and Education Science at the University of Geneva in 2011. Bavelier’s interest lies in how the brain adapts to changes in experience. Early in her career, she investigated how being born deaf and using sign language alters brain organization for attentional functions and language processing. In 2000, Bavelier and her student (and now colleague) C. Shawn Green made an unexpected discovery that video games could be powerful tools to induce brain plasticity. In particular, action video games were shown to enhance attention. Since then, Bavelier has been interested in understanding how to leverage video games, and more generally digital technologies, to facilitate brain plasticity and learning. The Brain and Learning Lab now focuses on clarifying the factors that promote learning and brain plasticity using a multidisciplinary approach (behavior, brain imaging, eye tracking and vital statistics).With an additional interest in translational work, Bavelier is one of the co-founders of Akili Interactive, a company dedicated to leverage video games for therapeutic interventions. | [
"University of Geneva",
"University of Rochester"
] |
|
Which employer did Daphne Bavelier work for in 04/12/1998? | December 04, 1998 | {
"text": [
"Georgetown University"
]
} | L2_Q19956013_P108_0 | Daphne Bavelier works for University of Rochester from Jan, 2000 to Jan, 2002.
Daphne Bavelier works for Georgetown University from Jan, 1997 to Jan, 1999.
Daphne Bavelier works for University of Geneva from Jan, 2011 to Dec, 2022. | Daphne BavelierDaphné Bavelier is a French cognitive neuroscientist specialized in brain plasticity and learning. She is full Professor at the University of Geneva in the Faculty of Psychology and Educational Sciences. She heads the Brain and Learning lab at Campus Biotech in Geneva, Switzerland.Bavelier received her undergraduate education at the École normale supérieure in biology, before moving to the Massachusetts Institute of Technology in 1988 to pursue a PhD in Brain and Cognitive sciences in Professor Molly Potter's laboratory. She received a postdoctoral fellowship from the James S. McDonnell Foundation to carry research in brain plasticity and learning at the Salk Institute under Professor Helen Neville.In 1996, she became assistant professor at the Georgetown Institute for Cognitive and Computational Sciences at Georgetown University. She then joined the Brain and Cognitive Science department at the University of Rochester in 1999, before moving to the department of Psychology within the Faculty of Psychology and Education Science at the University of Geneva in 2011. Bavelier’s interest lies in how the brain adapts to changes in experience. Early in her career, she investigated how being born deaf and using sign language alters brain organization for attentional functions and language processing. In 2000, Bavelier and her student (and now colleague) C. Shawn Green made an unexpected discovery that video games could be powerful tools to induce brain plasticity. In particular, action video games were shown to enhance attention. Since then, Bavelier has been interested in understanding how to leverage video games, and more generally digital technologies, to facilitate brain plasticity and learning. The Brain and Learning Lab now focuses on clarifying the factors that promote learning and brain plasticity using a multidisciplinary approach (behavior, brain imaging, eye tracking and vital statistics).With an additional interest in translational work, Bavelier is one of the co-founders of Akili Interactive, a company dedicated to leverage video games for therapeutic interventions. | [
"University of Geneva",
"University of Rochester"
] |
|
Which employer did Daphne Bavelier work for in Dec 04, 1998? | December 04, 1998 | {
"text": [
"Georgetown University"
]
} | L2_Q19956013_P108_0 | Daphne Bavelier works for University of Rochester from Jan, 2000 to Jan, 2002.
Daphne Bavelier works for Georgetown University from Jan, 1997 to Jan, 1999.
Daphne Bavelier works for University of Geneva from Jan, 2011 to Dec, 2022. | Daphne BavelierDaphné Bavelier is a French cognitive neuroscientist specialized in brain plasticity and learning. She is full Professor at the University of Geneva in the Faculty of Psychology and Educational Sciences. She heads the Brain and Learning lab at Campus Biotech in Geneva, Switzerland.Bavelier received her undergraduate education at the École normale supérieure in biology, before moving to the Massachusetts Institute of Technology in 1988 to pursue a PhD in Brain and Cognitive sciences in Professor Molly Potter's laboratory. She received a postdoctoral fellowship from the James S. McDonnell Foundation to carry research in brain plasticity and learning at the Salk Institute under Professor Helen Neville.In 1996, she became assistant professor at the Georgetown Institute for Cognitive and Computational Sciences at Georgetown University. She then joined the Brain and Cognitive Science department at the University of Rochester in 1999, before moving to the department of Psychology within the Faculty of Psychology and Education Science at the University of Geneva in 2011. Bavelier’s interest lies in how the brain adapts to changes in experience. Early in her career, she investigated how being born deaf and using sign language alters brain organization for attentional functions and language processing. In 2000, Bavelier and her student (and now colleague) C. Shawn Green made an unexpected discovery that video games could be powerful tools to induce brain plasticity. In particular, action video games were shown to enhance attention. Since then, Bavelier has been interested in understanding how to leverage video games, and more generally digital technologies, to facilitate brain plasticity and learning. The Brain and Learning Lab now focuses on clarifying the factors that promote learning and brain plasticity using a multidisciplinary approach (behavior, brain imaging, eye tracking and vital statistics).With an additional interest in translational work, Bavelier is one of the co-founders of Akili Interactive, a company dedicated to leverage video games for therapeutic interventions. | [
"University of Geneva",
"University of Rochester"
] |
|
Which employer did Daphne Bavelier work for in 12/04/1998? | December 04, 1998 | {
"text": [
"Georgetown University"
]
} | L2_Q19956013_P108_0 | Daphne Bavelier works for University of Rochester from Jan, 2000 to Jan, 2002.
Daphne Bavelier works for Georgetown University from Jan, 1997 to Jan, 1999.
Daphne Bavelier works for University of Geneva from Jan, 2011 to Dec, 2022. | Daphne BavelierDaphné Bavelier is a French cognitive neuroscientist specialized in brain plasticity and learning. She is full Professor at the University of Geneva in the Faculty of Psychology and Educational Sciences. She heads the Brain and Learning lab at Campus Biotech in Geneva, Switzerland.Bavelier received her undergraduate education at the École normale supérieure in biology, before moving to the Massachusetts Institute of Technology in 1988 to pursue a PhD in Brain and Cognitive sciences in Professor Molly Potter's laboratory. She received a postdoctoral fellowship from the James S. McDonnell Foundation to carry research in brain plasticity and learning at the Salk Institute under Professor Helen Neville.In 1996, she became assistant professor at the Georgetown Institute for Cognitive and Computational Sciences at Georgetown University. She then joined the Brain and Cognitive Science department at the University of Rochester in 1999, before moving to the department of Psychology within the Faculty of Psychology and Education Science at the University of Geneva in 2011. Bavelier’s interest lies in how the brain adapts to changes in experience. Early in her career, she investigated how being born deaf and using sign language alters brain organization for attentional functions and language processing. In 2000, Bavelier and her student (and now colleague) C. Shawn Green made an unexpected discovery that video games could be powerful tools to induce brain plasticity. In particular, action video games were shown to enhance attention. Since then, Bavelier has been interested in understanding how to leverage video games, and more generally digital technologies, to facilitate brain plasticity and learning. The Brain and Learning Lab now focuses on clarifying the factors that promote learning and brain plasticity using a multidisciplinary approach (behavior, brain imaging, eye tracking and vital statistics).With an additional interest in translational work, Bavelier is one of the co-founders of Akili Interactive, a company dedicated to leverage video games for therapeutic interventions. | [
"University of Geneva",
"University of Rochester"
] |
|
Which employer did Daphne Bavelier work for in 04-Dec-199804-December-1998? | December 04, 1998 | {
"text": [
"Georgetown University"
]
} | L2_Q19956013_P108_0 | Daphne Bavelier works for University of Rochester from Jan, 2000 to Jan, 2002.
Daphne Bavelier works for Georgetown University from Jan, 1997 to Jan, 1999.
Daphne Bavelier works for University of Geneva from Jan, 2011 to Dec, 2022. | Daphne BavelierDaphné Bavelier is a French cognitive neuroscientist specialized in brain plasticity and learning. She is full Professor at the University of Geneva in the Faculty of Psychology and Educational Sciences. She heads the Brain and Learning lab at Campus Biotech in Geneva, Switzerland.Bavelier received her undergraduate education at the École normale supérieure in biology, before moving to the Massachusetts Institute of Technology in 1988 to pursue a PhD in Brain and Cognitive sciences in Professor Molly Potter's laboratory. She received a postdoctoral fellowship from the James S. McDonnell Foundation to carry research in brain plasticity and learning at the Salk Institute under Professor Helen Neville.In 1996, she became assistant professor at the Georgetown Institute for Cognitive and Computational Sciences at Georgetown University. She then joined the Brain and Cognitive Science department at the University of Rochester in 1999, before moving to the department of Psychology within the Faculty of Psychology and Education Science at the University of Geneva in 2011. Bavelier’s interest lies in how the brain adapts to changes in experience. Early in her career, she investigated how being born deaf and using sign language alters brain organization for attentional functions and language processing. In 2000, Bavelier and her student (and now colleague) C. Shawn Green made an unexpected discovery that video games could be powerful tools to induce brain plasticity. In particular, action video games were shown to enhance attention. Since then, Bavelier has been interested in understanding how to leverage video games, and more generally digital technologies, to facilitate brain plasticity and learning. The Brain and Learning Lab now focuses on clarifying the factors that promote learning and brain plasticity using a multidisciplinary approach (behavior, brain imaging, eye tracking and vital statistics).With an additional interest in translational work, Bavelier is one of the co-founders of Akili Interactive, a company dedicated to leverage video games for therapeutic interventions. | [
"University of Geneva",
"University of Rochester"
] |
|
Which team did Benjamin Jeannot play for in Oct, 2012? | October 13, 2012 | {
"text": [
"A.S. Nancy-Lorraine",
"LB Châteauroux"
]
} | L2_Q2244180_P54_6 | Benjamin Jeannot plays for F.C. Lorient from Jul, 2014 to Jul, 2017.
Benjamin Jeannot plays for France national under-20 football team from Jan, 2013 to Jan, 2013.
Benjamin Jeannot plays for France national under-16 football team from Jan, 2007 to Jan, 2008.
Benjamin Jeannot plays for LB Châteauroux from Jan, 2012 to Jan, 2013.
Benjamin Jeannot plays for France national under-19 football team from Jan, 2011 to Jan, 2011.
Benjamin Jeannot plays for France national under-17 football team from Jan, 2008 to Jan, 2009.
Benjamin Jeannot plays for Stade Malherbe Caen from Sep, 2019 to Dec, 2022.
Benjamin Jeannot plays for Dijon FCO from Jul, 2017 to Sep, 2019.
Benjamin Jeannot plays for France national under-18 football team from Jan, 2009 to Jan, 2010.
Benjamin Jeannot plays for A.S. Nancy-Lorraine from Jan, 2010 to Jan, 2014.
Benjamin Jeannot plays for France national under-21 football team from Jan, 2011 to Jan, 2011. | Benjamin JeannotBenjamin Jeannot (born 22 January 1992) is a French professional footballer who plays for Stade Malherbe Caen on loan from Dijon. He plays as a striker and is a French youth international having starred for his nation at under-16, under-17, and under-18 level. With the under-17 team, Jeannot played at the 2009 UEFA European Under-17 Football Championship in Germany.Jeannot began his career with local club AS Dommartin-les-Toul in September 1999. In June 2002, he joined professional club AS Nancy. While in the club's youth academy, Jeannot scored 594 goals in various youth team sections.In July 2009, Jeannot signed his first professional contract agreeing to a three-year deal with Nancy until June 2012. The contract made Jeannot the youngest professional football player in the club's history. He was, subsequently, promoted to the club reserve team in the Championnat de France amateur, the fourth level of French football. Jeannot appeared in 16 matches with the team scoring only one goal. In the 2010–11 season, he started the season with the reserve team again. After promising performances with the team, which included scoring all four goals in a victory over Lyon Duchère, Jeannot was called up to the senior team by manager Pablo Correa in February 2011. He made his professional debut on 12 February in the club's 3–1 win over Auxerre appearing as a substitute. Two weeks later, Jeannot appeared as a substitute in the team's 2–1 defeat to Marseille. On 11 March 2011, Jeannot signed a three-year contract extension with Nancy until June 2015. After signing the extension, he was permanently promoted to the first-team by manager Pablo Correa and assigned the number 10 shirt.In 2012 July, he was loaned to Châteauroux, in Ligue 2.Jeannot is a French youth international having starred for his nation at under-16, under-17, and under-18 level. He made his youth international debut at under-16 level on 4 December 2007 appearing as a substitute in a 3–0 victory over the Republic of Ireland. Jeannot appeared in six of the team's remaining seven matches as he failed to score a goal. At under-17 level, he made his debut with the team on 24 August 2008 in a 2–1 win over Slovakia in a tournament held in Austria. Jeannot scored his first youth international goal on 6 November in a 2–0 win over the United States. As a result of his performances with the team, he was named to the squad to participate in the 2009 UEFA European Under-17 Football Championship. Jeannot started all three group stage matches as France crashed out of the competition in the group stage portion. At under-18 level, he appeared in six matches. Jeannot made his debut with the team at the Sendai Cup in Japan appearing in all three group stage matches. After missing two call-ups, he returned to the team to participate in the 2010 edition of the Copa del Atlántico, a yearly youth international competition held on the Canary Islands in Spain. In the opening group stage match against the hosts, Jeannot scored the equalizing goal in the team's 2–2 draw. | [
"France national under-20 football team",
"France national under-19 football team",
"France national under-21 football team",
"F.C. Lorient",
"Dijon FCO",
"France national under-16 football team",
"France national under-18 football team",
"Stade Malherbe Caen",
"France national under-17 football team"
] |
|
Which team did Benjamin Jeannot play for in 2012-10-13? | October 13, 2012 | {
"text": [
"A.S. Nancy-Lorraine",
"LB Châteauroux"
]
} | L2_Q2244180_P54_6 | Benjamin Jeannot plays for F.C. Lorient from Jul, 2014 to Jul, 2017.
Benjamin Jeannot plays for France national under-20 football team from Jan, 2013 to Jan, 2013.
Benjamin Jeannot plays for France national under-16 football team from Jan, 2007 to Jan, 2008.
Benjamin Jeannot plays for LB Châteauroux from Jan, 2012 to Jan, 2013.
Benjamin Jeannot plays for France national under-19 football team from Jan, 2011 to Jan, 2011.
Benjamin Jeannot plays for France national under-17 football team from Jan, 2008 to Jan, 2009.
Benjamin Jeannot plays for Stade Malherbe Caen from Sep, 2019 to Dec, 2022.
Benjamin Jeannot plays for Dijon FCO from Jul, 2017 to Sep, 2019.
Benjamin Jeannot plays for France national under-18 football team from Jan, 2009 to Jan, 2010.
Benjamin Jeannot plays for A.S. Nancy-Lorraine from Jan, 2010 to Jan, 2014.
Benjamin Jeannot plays for France national under-21 football team from Jan, 2011 to Jan, 2011. | Benjamin JeannotBenjamin Jeannot (born 22 January 1992) is a French professional footballer who plays for Stade Malherbe Caen on loan from Dijon. He plays as a striker and is a French youth international having starred for his nation at under-16, under-17, and under-18 level. With the under-17 team, Jeannot played at the 2009 UEFA European Under-17 Football Championship in Germany.Jeannot began his career with local club AS Dommartin-les-Toul in September 1999. In June 2002, he joined professional club AS Nancy. While in the club's youth academy, Jeannot scored 594 goals in various youth team sections.In July 2009, Jeannot signed his first professional contract agreeing to a three-year deal with Nancy until June 2012. The contract made Jeannot the youngest professional football player in the club's history. He was, subsequently, promoted to the club reserve team in the Championnat de France amateur, the fourth level of French football. Jeannot appeared in 16 matches with the team scoring only one goal. In the 2010–11 season, he started the season with the reserve team again. After promising performances with the team, which included scoring all four goals in a victory over Lyon Duchère, Jeannot was called up to the senior team by manager Pablo Correa in February 2011. He made his professional debut on 12 February in the club's 3–1 win over Auxerre appearing as a substitute. Two weeks later, Jeannot appeared as a substitute in the team's 2–1 defeat to Marseille. On 11 March 2011, Jeannot signed a three-year contract extension with Nancy until June 2015. After signing the extension, he was permanently promoted to the first-team by manager Pablo Correa and assigned the number 10 shirt.In 2012 July, he was loaned to Châteauroux, in Ligue 2.Jeannot is a French youth international having starred for his nation at under-16, under-17, and under-18 level. He made his youth international debut at under-16 level on 4 December 2007 appearing as a substitute in a 3–0 victory over the Republic of Ireland. Jeannot appeared in six of the team's remaining seven matches as he failed to score a goal. At under-17 level, he made his debut with the team on 24 August 2008 in a 2–1 win over Slovakia in a tournament held in Austria. Jeannot scored his first youth international goal on 6 November in a 2–0 win over the United States. As a result of his performances with the team, he was named to the squad to participate in the 2009 UEFA European Under-17 Football Championship. Jeannot started all three group stage matches as France crashed out of the competition in the group stage portion. At under-18 level, he appeared in six matches. Jeannot made his debut with the team at the Sendai Cup in Japan appearing in all three group stage matches. After missing two call-ups, he returned to the team to participate in the 2010 edition of the Copa del Atlántico, a yearly youth international competition held on the Canary Islands in Spain. In the opening group stage match against the hosts, Jeannot scored the equalizing goal in the team's 2–2 draw. | [
"France national under-20 football team",
"France national under-19 football team",
"France national under-21 football team",
"F.C. Lorient",
"Dijon FCO",
"France national under-16 football team",
"France national under-18 football team",
"Stade Malherbe Caen",
"France national under-17 football team"
] |
|
Which team did Benjamin Jeannot play for in 13/10/2012? | October 13, 2012 | {
"text": [
"A.S. Nancy-Lorraine",
"LB Châteauroux"
]
} | L2_Q2244180_P54_6 | Benjamin Jeannot plays for F.C. Lorient from Jul, 2014 to Jul, 2017.
Benjamin Jeannot plays for France national under-20 football team from Jan, 2013 to Jan, 2013.
Benjamin Jeannot plays for France national under-16 football team from Jan, 2007 to Jan, 2008.
Benjamin Jeannot plays for LB Châteauroux from Jan, 2012 to Jan, 2013.
Benjamin Jeannot plays for France national under-19 football team from Jan, 2011 to Jan, 2011.
Benjamin Jeannot plays for France national under-17 football team from Jan, 2008 to Jan, 2009.
Benjamin Jeannot plays for Stade Malherbe Caen from Sep, 2019 to Dec, 2022.
Benjamin Jeannot plays for Dijon FCO from Jul, 2017 to Sep, 2019.
Benjamin Jeannot plays for France national under-18 football team from Jan, 2009 to Jan, 2010.
Benjamin Jeannot plays for A.S. Nancy-Lorraine from Jan, 2010 to Jan, 2014.
Benjamin Jeannot plays for France national under-21 football team from Jan, 2011 to Jan, 2011. | Benjamin JeannotBenjamin Jeannot (born 22 January 1992) is a French professional footballer who plays for Stade Malherbe Caen on loan from Dijon. He plays as a striker and is a French youth international having starred for his nation at under-16, under-17, and under-18 level. With the under-17 team, Jeannot played at the 2009 UEFA European Under-17 Football Championship in Germany.Jeannot began his career with local club AS Dommartin-les-Toul in September 1999. In June 2002, he joined professional club AS Nancy. While in the club's youth academy, Jeannot scored 594 goals in various youth team sections.In July 2009, Jeannot signed his first professional contract agreeing to a three-year deal with Nancy until June 2012. The contract made Jeannot the youngest professional football player in the club's history. He was, subsequently, promoted to the club reserve team in the Championnat de France amateur, the fourth level of French football. Jeannot appeared in 16 matches with the team scoring only one goal. In the 2010–11 season, he started the season with the reserve team again. After promising performances with the team, which included scoring all four goals in a victory over Lyon Duchère, Jeannot was called up to the senior team by manager Pablo Correa in February 2011. He made his professional debut on 12 February in the club's 3–1 win over Auxerre appearing as a substitute. Two weeks later, Jeannot appeared as a substitute in the team's 2–1 defeat to Marseille. On 11 March 2011, Jeannot signed a three-year contract extension with Nancy until June 2015. After signing the extension, he was permanently promoted to the first-team by manager Pablo Correa and assigned the number 10 shirt.In 2012 July, he was loaned to Châteauroux, in Ligue 2.Jeannot is a French youth international having starred for his nation at under-16, under-17, and under-18 level. He made his youth international debut at under-16 level on 4 December 2007 appearing as a substitute in a 3–0 victory over the Republic of Ireland. Jeannot appeared in six of the team's remaining seven matches as he failed to score a goal. At under-17 level, he made his debut with the team on 24 August 2008 in a 2–1 win over Slovakia in a tournament held in Austria. Jeannot scored his first youth international goal on 6 November in a 2–0 win over the United States. As a result of his performances with the team, he was named to the squad to participate in the 2009 UEFA European Under-17 Football Championship. Jeannot started all three group stage matches as France crashed out of the competition in the group stage portion. At under-18 level, he appeared in six matches. Jeannot made his debut with the team at the Sendai Cup in Japan appearing in all three group stage matches. After missing two call-ups, he returned to the team to participate in the 2010 edition of the Copa del Atlántico, a yearly youth international competition held on the Canary Islands in Spain. In the opening group stage match against the hosts, Jeannot scored the equalizing goal in the team's 2–2 draw. | [
"France national under-20 football team",
"France national under-19 football team",
"France national under-21 football team",
"F.C. Lorient",
"Dijon FCO",
"France national under-16 football team",
"France national under-18 football team",
"Stade Malherbe Caen",
"France national under-17 football team"
] |
|
Which team did Benjamin Jeannot play for in Oct 13, 2012? | October 13, 2012 | {
"text": [
"A.S. Nancy-Lorraine",
"LB Châteauroux"
]
} | L2_Q2244180_P54_6 | Benjamin Jeannot plays for F.C. Lorient from Jul, 2014 to Jul, 2017.
Benjamin Jeannot plays for France national under-20 football team from Jan, 2013 to Jan, 2013.
Benjamin Jeannot plays for France national under-16 football team from Jan, 2007 to Jan, 2008.
Benjamin Jeannot plays for LB Châteauroux from Jan, 2012 to Jan, 2013.
Benjamin Jeannot plays for France national under-19 football team from Jan, 2011 to Jan, 2011.
Benjamin Jeannot plays for France national under-17 football team from Jan, 2008 to Jan, 2009.
Benjamin Jeannot plays for Stade Malherbe Caen from Sep, 2019 to Dec, 2022.
Benjamin Jeannot plays for Dijon FCO from Jul, 2017 to Sep, 2019.
Benjamin Jeannot plays for France national under-18 football team from Jan, 2009 to Jan, 2010.
Benjamin Jeannot plays for A.S. Nancy-Lorraine from Jan, 2010 to Jan, 2014.
Benjamin Jeannot plays for France national under-21 football team from Jan, 2011 to Jan, 2011. | Benjamin JeannotBenjamin Jeannot (born 22 January 1992) is a French professional footballer who plays for Stade Malherbe Caen on loan from Dijon. He plays as a striker and is a French youth international having starred for his nation at under-16, under-17, and under-18 level. With the under-17 team, Jeannot played at the 2009 UEFA European Under-17 Football Championship in Germany.Jeannot began his career with local club AS Dommartin-les-Toul in September 1999. In June 2002, he joined professional club AS Nancy. While in the club's youth academy, Jeannot scored 594 goals in various youth team sections.In July 2009, Jeannot signed his first professional contract agreeing to a three-year deal with Nancy until June 2012. The contract made Jeannot the youngest professional football player in the club's history. He was, subsequently, promoted to the club reserve team in the Championnat de France amateur, the fourth level of French football. Jeannot appeared in 16 matches with the team scoring only one goal. In the 2010–11 season, he started the season with the reserve team again. After promising performances with the team, which included scoring all four goals in a victory over Lyon Duchère, Jeannot was called up to the senior team by manager Pablo Correa in February 2011. He made his professional debut on 12 February in the club's 3–1 win over Auxerre appearing as a substitute. Two weeks later, Jeannot appeared as a substitute in the team's 2–1 defeat to Marseille. On 11 March 2011, Jeannot signed a three-year contract extension with Nancy until June 2015. After signing the extension, he was permanently promoted to the first-team by manager Pablo Correa and assigned the number 10 shirt.In 2012 July, he was loaned to Châteauroux, in Ligue 2.Jeannot is a French youth international having starred for his nation at under-16, under-17, and under-18 level. He made his youth international debut at under-16 level on 4 December 2007 appearing as a substitute in a 3–0 victory over the Republic of Ireland. Jeannot appeared in six of the team's remaining seven matches as he failed to score a goal. At under-17 level, he made his debut with the team on 24 August 2008 in a 2–1 win over Slovakia in a tournament held in Austria. Jeannot scored his first youth international goal on 6 November in a 2–0 win over the United States. As a result of his performances with the team, he was named to the squad to participate in the 2009 UEFA European Under-17 Football Championship. Jeannot started all three group stage matches as France crashed out of the competition in the group stage portion. At under-18 level, he appeared in six matches. Jeannot made his debut with the team at the Sendai Cup in Japan appearing in all three group stage matches. After missing two call-ups, he returned to the team to participate in the 2010 edition of the Copa del Atlántico, a yearly youth international competition held on the Canary Islands in Spain. In the opening group stage match against the hosts, Jeannot scored the equalizing goal in the team's 2–2 draw. | [
"France national under-20 football team",
"France national under-19 football team",
"France national under-21 football team",
"F.C. Lorient",
"Dijon FCO",
"France national under-16 football team",
"France national under-18 football team",
"Stade Malherbe Caen",
"France national under-17 football team"
] |
|
Which team did Benjamin Jeannot play for in 10/13/2012? | October 13, 2012 | {
"text": [
"A.S. Nancy-Lorraine",
"LB Châteauroux"
]
} | L2_Q2244180_P54_6 | Benjamin Jeannot plays for F.C. Lorient from Jul, 2014 to Jul, 2017.
Benjamin Jeannot plays for France national under-20 football team from Jan, 2013 to Jan, 2013.
Benjamin Jeannot plays for France national under-16 football team from Jan, 2007 to Jan, 2008.
Benjamin Jeannot plays for LB Châteauroux from Jan, 2012 to Jan, 2013.
Benjamin Jeannot plays for France national under-19 football team from Jan, 2011 to Jan, 2011.
Benjamin Jeannot plays for France national under-17 football team from Jan, 2008 to Jan, 2009.
Benjamin Jeannot plays for Stade Malherbe Caen from Sep, 2019 to Dec, 2022.
Benjamin Jeannot plays for Dijon FCO from Jul, 2017 to Sep, 2019.
Benjamin Jeannot plays for France national under-18 football team from Jan, 2009 to Jan, 2010.
Benjamin Jeannot plays for A.S. Nancy-Lorraine from Jan, 2010 to Jan, 2014.
Benjamin Jeannot plays for France national under-21 football team from Jan, 2011 to Jan, 2011. | Benjamin JeannotBenjamin Jeannot (born 22 January 1992) is a French professional footballer who plays for Stade Malherbe Caen on loan from Dijon. He plays as a striker and is a French youth international having starred for his nation at under-16, under-17, and under-18 level. With the under-17 team, Jeannot played at the 2009 UEFA European Under-17 Football Championship in Germany.Jeannot began his career with local club AS Dommartin-les-Toul in September 1999. In June 2002, he joined professional club AS Nancy. While in the club's youth academy, Jeannot scored 594 goals in various youth team sections.In July 2009, Jeannot signed his first professional contract agreeing to a three-year deal with Nancy until June 2012. The contract made Jeannot the youngest professional football player in the club's history. He was, subsequently, promoted to the club reserve team in the Championnat de France amateur, the fourth level of French football. Jeannot appeared in 16 matches with the team scoring only one goal. In the 2010–11 season, he started the season with the reserve team again. After promising performances with the team, which included scoring all four goals in a victory over Lyon Duchère, Jeannot was called up to the senior team by manager Pablo Correa in February 2011. He made his professional debut on 12 February in the club's 3–1 win over Auxerre appearing as a substitute. Two weeks later, Jeannot appeared as a substitute in the team's 2–1 defeat to Marseille. On 11 March 2011, Jeannot signed a three-year contract extension with Nancy until June 2015. After signing the extension, he was permanently promoted to the first-team by manager Pablo Correa and assigned the number 10 shirt.In 2012 July, he was loaned to Châteauroux, in Ligue 2.Jeannot is a French youth international having starred for his nation at under-16, under-17, and under-18 level. He made his youth international debut at under-16 level on 4 December 2007 appearing as a substitute in a 3–0 victory over the Republic of Ireland. Jeannot appeared in six of the team's remaining seven matches as he failed to score a goal. At under-17 level, he made his debut with the team on 24 August 2008 in a 2–1 win over Slovakia in a tournament held in Austria. Jeannot scored his first youth international goal on 6 November in a 2–0 win over the United States. As a result of his performances with the team, he was named to the squad to participate in the 2009 UEFA European Under-17 Football Championship. Jeannot started all three group stage matches as France crashed out of the competition in the group stage portion. At under-18 level, he appeared in six matches. Jeannot made his debut with the team at the Sendai Cup in Japan appearing in all three group stage matches. After missing two call-ups, he returned to the team to participate in the 2010 edition of the Copa del Atlántico, a yearly youth international competition held on the Canary Islands in Spain. In the opening group stage match against the hosts, Jeannot scored the equalizing goal in the team's 2–2 draw. | [
"France national under-20 football team",
"France national under-19 football team",
"France national under-21 football team",
"F.C. Lorient",
"Dijon FCO",
"France national under-16 football team",
"France national under-18 football team",
"Stade Malherbe Caen",
"France national under-17 football team"
] |
|
Which team did Benjamin Jeannot play for in 13-Oct-201213-October-2012? | October 13, 2012 | {
"text": [
"A.S. Nancy-Lorraine",
"LB Châteauroux"
]
} | L2_Q2244180_P54_6 | Benjamin Jeannot plays for F.C. Lorient from Jul, 2014 to Jul, 2017.
Benjamin Jeannot plays for France national under-20 football team from Jan, 2013 to Jan, 2013.
Benjamin Jeannot plays for France national under-16 football team from Jan, 2007 to Jan, 2008.
Benjamin Jeannot plays for LB Châteauroux from Jan, 2012 to Jan, 2013.
Benjamin Jeannot plays for France national under-19 football team from Jan, 2011 to Jan, 2011.
Benjamin Jeannot plays for France national under-17 football team from Jan, 2008 to Jan, 2009.
Benjamin Jeannot plays for Stade Malherbe Caen from Sep, 2019 to Dec, 2022.
Benjamin Jeannot plays for Dijon FCO from Jul, 2017 to Sep, 2019.
Benjamin Jeannot plays for France national under-18 football team from Jan, 2009 to Jan, 2010.
Benjamin Jeannot plays for A.S. Nancy-Lorraine from Jan, 2010 to Jan, 2014.
Benjamin Jeannot plays for France national under-21 football team from Jan, 2011 to Jan, 2011. | Benjamin JeannotBenjamin Jeannot (born 22 January 1992) is a French professional footballer who plays for Stade Malherbe Caen on loan from Dijon. He plays as a striker and is a French youth international having starred for his nation at under-16, under-17, and under-18 level. With the under-17 team, Jeannot played at the 2009 UEFA European Under-17 Football Championship in Germany.Jeannot began his career with local club AS Dommartin-les-Toul in September 1999. In June 2002, he joined professional club AS Nancy. While in the club's youth academy, Jeannot scored 594 goals in various youth team sections.In July 2009, Jeannot signed his first professional contract agreeing to a three-year deal with Nancy until June 2012. The contract made Jeannot the youngest professional football player in the club's history. He was, subsequently, promoted to the club reserve team in the Championnat de France amateur, the fourth level of French football. Jeannot appeared in 16 matches with the team scoring only one goal. In the 2010–11 season, he started the season with the reserve team again. After promising performances with the team, which included scoring all four goals in a victory over Lyon Duchère, Jeannot was called up to the senior team by manager Pablo Correa in February 2011. He made his professional debut on 12 February in the club's 3–1 win over Auxerre appearing as a substitute. Two weeks later, Jeannot appeared as a substitute in the team's 2–1 defeat to Marseille. On 11 March 2011, Jeannot signed a three-year contract extension with Nancy until June 2015. After signing the extension, he was permanently promoted to the first-team by manager Pablo Correa and assigned the number 10 shirt.In 2012 July, he was loaned to Châteauroux, in Ligue 2.Jeannot is a French youth international having starred for his nation at under-16, under-17, and under-18 level. He made his youth international debut at under-16 level on 4 December 2007 appearing as a substitute in a 3–0 victory over the Republic of Ireland. Jeannot appeared in six of the team's remaining seven matches as he failed to score a goal. At under-17 level, he made his debut with the team on 24 August 2008 in a 2–1 win over Slovakia in a tournament held in Austria. Jeannot scored his first youth international goal on 6 November in a 2–0 win over the United States. As a result of his performances with the team, he was named to the squad to participate in the 2009 UEFA European Under-17 Football Championship. Jeannot started all three group stage matches as France crashed out of the competition in the group stage portion. At under-18 level, he appeared in six matches. Jeannot made his debut with the team at the Sendai Cup in Japan appearing in all three group stage matches. After missing two call-ups, he returned to the team to participate in the 2010 edition of the Copa del Atlántico, a yearly youth international competition held on the Canary Islands in Spain. In the opening group stage match against the hosts, Jeannot scored the equalizing goal in the team's 2–2 draw. | [
"France national under-20 football team",
"France national under-19 football team",
"France national under-21 football team",
"F.C. Lorient",
"Dijon FCO",
"France national under-16 football team",
"France national under-18 football team",
"Stade Malherbe Caen",
"France national under-17 football team"
] |
|
Which team did Yves Deroff play for in Mar, 2010? | March 19, 2010 | {
"text": [
"Angers SCO"
]
} | L2_Q645570_P54_5 | Yves Deroff plays for F.C. Nantes from Jan, 1998 to Jan, 2002.
Yves Deroff plays for France national under-19 football team from Jan, 1997 to Jan, 1997.
Yves Deroff plays for Angers SCO from Jan, 2010 to Jan, 2012.
Yves Deroff plays for France national under-18 football team from Jan, 1997 to Jan, 1997.
Yves Deroff plays for RC Strasbourg from Jan, 2002 to Jan, 2007.
Yves Deroff plays for En Avant de Guingamp from Jan, 2007 to Jan, 2010. | Yves DeroffYves Deroff (born 29 August 1978) is a retired French footballer who played as a right-back.Born in Maisons-Laffitte, Yvelines, Deroff played club football for FC Nantes, RC Strasbourg Alsace, En Avant de Guingamp and Angers SCO. He won Ligue 1 (2001) and won the Coupe de France twice with Nantes (1999 and 2000). He also won the Coupe de la Ligue with Strasbourg in 2005. Deroff suffered a double-broken leg as a result of a violent tackle by Patrick Blondeau in a league match against Olympique Marseille on 29 May 1999, preventing Deroff from playing for six months.Whilst at Guingamp, then in Ligue 2, Deroff played in the 2009 Coupe de France Final in which they beat Rennes.Deroff won the 1997 UEFA European Under-18 Championship with France. | [
"RC Strasbourg",
"France national under-19 football team",
"France national under-18 football team",
"F.C. Nantes",
"En Avant de Guingamp"
] |
|
Which team did Yves Deroff play for in 2010-03-19? | March 19, 2010 | {
"text": [
"Angers SCO"
]
} | L2_Q645570_P54_5 | Yves Deroff plays for F.C. Nantes from Jan, 1998 to Jan, 2002.
Yves Deroff plays for France national under-19 football team from Jan, 1997 to Jan, 1997.
Yves Deroff plays for Angers SCO from Jan, 2010 to Jan, 2012.
Yves Deroff plays for France national under-18 football team from Jan, 1997 to Jan, 1997.
Yves Deroff plays for RC Strasbourg from Jan, 2002 to Jan, 2007.
Yves Deroff plays for En Avant de Guingamp from Jan, 2007 to Jan, 2010. | Yves DeroffYves Deroff (born 29 August 1978) is a retired French footballer who played as a right-back.Born in Maisons-Laffitte, Yvelines, Deroff played club football for FC Nantes, RC Strasbourg Alsace, En Avant de Guingamp and Angers SCO. He won Ligue 1 (2001) and won the Coupe de France twice with Nantes (1999 and 2000). He also won the Coupe de la Ligue with Strasbourg in 2005. Deroff suffered a double-broken leg as a result of a violent tackle by Patrick Blondeau in a league match against Olympique Marseille on 29 May 1999, preventing Deroff from playing for six months.Whilst at Guingamp, then in Ligue 2, Deroff played in the 2009 Coupe de France Final in which they beat Rennes.Deroff won the 1997 UEFA European Under-18 Championship with France. | [
"RC Strasbourg",
"France national under-19 football team",
"France national under-18 football team",
"F.C. Nantes",
"En Avant de Guingamp"
] |
|
Which team did Yves Deroff play for in 19/03/2010? | March 19, 2010 | {
"text": [
"Angers SCO"
]
} | L2_Q645570_P54_5 | Yves Deroff plays for F.C. Nantes from Jan, 1998 to Jan, 2002.
Yves Deroff plays for France national under-19 football team from Jan, 1997 to Jan, 1997.
Yves Deroff plays for Angers SCO from Jan, 2010 to Jan, 2012.
Yves Deroff plays for France national under-18 football team from Jan, 1997 to Jan, 1997.
Yves Deroff plays for RC Strasbourg from Jan, 2002 to Jan, 2007.
Yves Deroff plays for En Avant de Guingamp from Jan, 2007 to Jan, 2010. | Yves DeroffYves Deroff (born 29 August 1978) is a retired French footballer who played as a right-back.Born in Maisons-Laffitte, Yvelines, Deroff played club football for FC Nantes, RC Strasbourg Alsace, En Avant de Guingamp and Angers SCO. He won Ligue 1 (2001) and won the Coupe de France twice with Nantes (1999 and 2000). He also won the Coupe de la Ligue with Strasbourg in 2005. Deroff suffered a double-broken leg as a result of a violent tackle by Patrick Blondeau in a league match against Olympique Marseille on 29 May 1999, preventing Deroff from playing for six months.Whilst at Guingamp, then in Ligue 2, Deroff played in the 2009 Coupe de France Final in which they beat Rennes.Deroff won the 1997 UEFA European Under-18 Championship with France. | [
"RC Strasbourg",
"France national under-19 football team",
"France national under-18 football team",
"F.C. Nantes",
"En Avant de Guingamp"
] |
|
Which team did Yves Deroff play for in Mar 19, 2010? | March 19, 2010 | {
"text": [
"Angers SCO"
]
} | L2_Q645570_P54_5 | Yves Deroff plays for F.C. Nantes from Jan, 1998 to Jan, 2002.
Yves Deroff plays for France national under-19 football team from Jan, 1997 to Jan, 1997.
Yves Deroff plays for Angers SCO from Jan, 2010 to Jan, 2012.
Yves Deroff plays for France national under-18 football team from Jan, 1997 to Jan, 1997.
Yves Deroff plays for RC Strasbourg from Jan, 2002 to Jan, 2007.
Yves Deroff plays for En Avant de Guingamp from Jan, 2007 to Jan, 2010. | Yves DeroffYves Deroff (born 29 August 1978) is a retired French footballer who played as a right-back.Born in Maisons-Laffitte, Yvelines, Deroff played club football for FC Nantes, RC Strasbourg Alsace, En Avant de Guingamp and Angers SCO. He won Ligue 1 (2001) and won the Coupe de France twice with Nantes (1999 and 2000). He also won the Coupe de la Ligue with Strasbourg in 2005. Deroff suffered a double-broken leg as a result of a violent tackle by Patrick Blondeau in a league match against Olympique Marseille on 29 May 1999, preventing Deroff from playing for six months.Whilst at Guingamp, then in Ligue 2, Deroff played in the 2009 Coupe de France Final in which they beat Rennes.Deroff won the 1997 UEFA European Under-18 Championship with France. | [
"RC Strasbourg",
"France national under-19 football team",
"France national under-18 football team",
"F.C. Nantes",
"En Avant de Guingamp"
] |
|
Which team did Yves Deroff play for in 03/19/2010? | March 19, 2010 | {
"text": [
"Angers SCO"
]
} | L2_Q645570_P54_5 | Yves Deroff plays for F.C. Nantes from Jan, 1998 to Jan, 2002.
Yves Deroff plays for France national under-19 football team from Jan, 1997 to Jan, 1997.
Yves Deroff plays for Angers SCO from Jan, 2010 to Jan, 2012.
Yves Deroff plays for France national under-18 football team from Jan, 1997 to Jan, 1997.
Yves Deroff plays for RC Strasbourg from Jan, 2002 to Jan, 2007.
Yves Deroff plays for En Avant de Guingamp from Jan, 2007 to Jan, 2010. | Yves DeroffYves Deroff (born 29 August 1978) is a retired French footballer who played as a right-back.Born in Maisons-Laffitte, Yvelines, Deroff played club football for FC Nantes, RC Strasbourg Alsace, En Avant de Guingamp and Angers SCO. He won Ligue 1 (2001) and won the Coupe de France twice with Nantes (1999 and 2000). He also won the Coupe de la Ligue with Strasbourg in 2005. Deroff suffered a double-broken leg as a result of a violent tackle by Patrick Blondeau in a league match against Olympique Marseille on 29 May 1999, preventing Deroff from playing for six months.Whilst at Guingamp, then in Ligue 2, Deroff played in the 2009 Coupe de France Final in which they beat Rennes.Deroff won the 1997 UEFA European Under-18 Championship with France. | [
"RC Strasbourg",
"France national under-19 football team",
"France national under-18 football team",
"F.C. Nantes",
"En Avant de Guingamp"
] |
|
Which team did Yves Deroff play for in 19-Mar-201019-March-2010? | March 19, 2010 | {
"text": [
"Angers SCO"
]
} | L2_Q645570_P54_5 | Yves Deroff plays for F.C. Nantes from Jan, 1998 to Jan, 2002.
Yves Deroff plays for France national under-19 football team from Jan, 1997 to Jan, 1997.
Yves Deroff plays for Angers SCO from Jan, 2010 to Jan, 2012.
Yves Deroff plays for France national under-18 football team from Jan, 1997 to Jan, 1997.
Yves Deroff plays for RC Strasbourg from Jan, 2002 to Jan, 2007.
Yves Deroff plays for En Avant de Guingamp from Jan, 2007 to Jan, 2010. | Yves DeroffYves Deroff (born 29 August 1978) is a retired French footballer who played as a right-back.Born in Maisons-Laffitte, Yvelines, Deroff played club football for FC Nantes, RC Strasbourg Alsace, En Avant de Guingamp and Angers SCO. He won Ligue 1 (2001) and won the Coupe de France twice with Nantes (1999 and 2000). He also won the Coupe de la Ligue with Strasbourg in 2005. Deroff suffered a double-broken leg as a result of a violent tackle by Patrick Blondeau in a league match against Olympique Marseille on 29 May 1999, preventing Deroff from playing for six months.Whilst at Guingamp, then in Ligue 2, Deroff played in the 2009 Coupe de France Final in which they beat Rennes.Deroff won the 1997 UEFA European Under-18 Championship with France. | [
"RC Strasbourg",
"France national under-19 football team",
"France national under-18 football team",
"F.C. Nantes",
"En Avant de Guingamp"
] |
|
Who was the chair of Academia Chilena de la Lengua in Feb, 1915? | February 21, 1915 | {
"text": [
"Crescente Errázuriz"
]
} | L2_Q4671057_P488_1 | Alejandro Garretón is the chair of Academia Chilena de la Lengua from Jan, 1980 to Jan, 1980.
Roque Esteban Scarpa is the chair of Academia Chilena de la Lengua from Jan, 1980 to Jan, 1995.
Rodolfo Oroz is the chair of Academia Chilena de la Lengua from Jan, 1959 to Jan, 1980.
Miguel Luis Amunátegui Reyes is the chair of Academia Chilena de la Lengua from Jan, 1931 to Jan, 1949.
José Victorino Lastarria is the chair of Academia Chilena de la Lengua from Jan, 1885 to Jan, 1888.
Adriana Valdés is the chair of Academia Chilena de la Lengua from Jan, 2018 to Dec, 2022.
Crescente Errázuriz is the chair of Academia Chilena de la Lengua from Jan, 1914 to Jan, 1931.
Alfredo Matus Olivier is the chair of Academia Chilena de la Lengua from Jan, 1995 to Jan, 2018. | Academia Chilena de la LenguaThe Academia Chilena de la Lengua (Spanish for "Chilean Language Academy") is an association of academics and experts on the use of the Spanish language in Chile. It is a member of the Association of Academies of the Spanish Language and is a part of the Instituto de Chile.The academy was founded in Santiago de Chile on June 5, 1885. It started out with 18 members designated by the Royal Spanish Academy. Its stated aims, according to its bylaws, are: to ensure the purity and splendor of the Spanish language, to contribute to the work of the Royal Spanish Academy and the Association of Academies of the Spanish Language, and to collaborate with other institutions on matters related to the language and its literature, particularly Chilean literature.Today, its members are chosen by co-option. The academy currently has 36 members, as well as a variable number of correspondent members in various Chilean regions and abroad. It has several honorary members, including the Chilean poet Gabriela Mistral, the Spanish philologist Víctor García de la Concha, and Pope John Paul II.The academy gives out five prizes every year:The academy produces the following periodicals:It has also published dictionaries, including the 1976 "Diccionario del Habla Chilena."Since its founding, the academy has been led by the following directors: | [
"Alejandro Garretón",
"José Victorino Lastarria",
"Rodolfo Oroz",
"Alfredo Matus Olivier",
"Adriana Valdés",
"Miguel Luis Amunátegui Reyes",
"Roque Esteban Scarpa"
] |
|
Who was the chair of Academia Chilena de la Lengua in 1915-02-21? | February 21, 1915 | {
"text": [
"Crescente Errázuriz"
]
} | L2_Q4671057_P488_1 | Alejandro Garretón is the chair of Academia Chilena de la Lengua from Jan, 1980 to Jan, 1980.
Roque Esteban Scarpa is the chair of Academia Chilena de la Lengua from Jan, 1980 to Jan, 1995.
Rodolfo Oroz is the chair of Academia Chilena de la Lengua from Jan, 1959 to Jan, 1980.
Miguel Luis Amunátegui Reyes is the chair of Academia Chilena de la Lengua from Jan, 1931 to Jan, 1949.
José Victorino Lastarria is the chair of Academia Chilena de la Lengua from Jan, 1885 to Jan, 1888.
Adriana Valdés is the chair of Academia Chilena de la Lengua from Jan, 2018 to Dec, 2022.
Crescente Errázuriz is the chair of Academia Chilena de la Lengua from Jan, 1914 to Jan, 1931.
Alfredo Matus Olivier is the chair of Academia Chilena de la Lengua from Jan, 1995 to Jan, 2018. | Academia Chilena de la LenguaThe Academia Chilena de la Lengua (Spanish for "Chilean Language Academy") is an association of academics and experts on the use of the Spanish language in Chile. It is a member of the Association of Academies of the Spanish Language and is a part of the Instituto de Chile.The academy was founded in Santiago de Chile on June 5, 1885. It started out with 18 members designated by the Royal Spanish Academy. Its stated aims, according to its bylaws, are: to ensure the purity and splendor of the Spanish language, to contribute to the work of the Royal Spanish Academy and the Association of Academies of the Spanish Language, and to collaborate with other institutions on matters related to the language and its literature, particularly Chilean literature.Today, its members are chosen by co-option. The academy currently has 36 members, as well as a variable number of correspondent members in various Chilean regions and abroad. It has several honorary members, including the Chilean poet Gabriela Mistral, the Spanish philologist Víctor García de la Concha, and Pope John Paul II.The academy gives out five prizes every year:The academy produces the following periodicals:It has also published dictionaries, including the 1976 "Diccionario del Habla Chilena."Since its founding, the academy has been led by the following directors: | [
"Alejandro Garretón",
"José Victorino Lastarria",
"Rodolfo Oroz",
"Alfredo Matus Olivier",
"Adriana Valdés",
"Miguel Luis Amunátegui Reyes",
"Roque Esteban Scarpa"
] |
|
Who was the chair of Academia Chilena de la Lengua in 21/02/1915? | February 21, 1915 | {
"text": [
"Crescente Errázuriz"
]
} | L2_Q4671057_P488_1 | Alejandro Garretón is the chair of Academia Chilena de la Lengua from Jan, 1980 to Jan, 1980.
Roque Esteban Scarpa is the chair of Academia Chilena de la Lengua from Jan, 1980 to Jan, 1995.
Rodolfo Oroz is the chair of Academia Chilena de la Lengua from Jan, 1959 to Jan, 1980.
Miguel Luis Amunátegui Reyes is the chair of Academia Chilena de la Lengua from Jan, 1931 to Jan, 1949.
José Victorino Lastarria is the chair of Academia Chilena de la Lengua from Jan, 1885 to Jan, 1888.
Adriana Valdés is the chair of Academia Chilena de la Lengua from Jan, 2018 to Dec, 2022.
Crescente Errázuriz is the chair of Academia Chilena de la Lengua from Jan, 1914 to Jan, 1931.
Alfredo Matus Olivier is the chair of Academia Chilena de la Lengua from Jan, 1995 to Jan, 2018. | Academia Chilena de la LenguaThe Academia Chilena de la Lengua (Spanish for "Chilean Language Academy") is an association of academics and experts on the use of the Spanish language in Chile. It is a member of the Association of Academies of the Spanish Language and is a part of the Instituto de Chile.The academy was founded in Santiago de Chile on June 5, 1885. It started out with 18 members designated by the Royal Spanish Academy. Its stated aims, according to its bylaws, are: to ensure the purity and splendor of the Spanish language, to contribute to the work of the Royal Spanish Academy and the Association of Academies of the Spanish Language, and to collaborate with other institutions on matters related to the language and its literature, particularly Chilean literature.Today, its members are chosen by co-option. The academy currently has 36 members, as well as a variable number of correspondent members in various Chilean regions and abroad. It has several honorary members, including the Chilean poet Gabriela Mistral, the Spanish philologist Víctor García de la Concha, and Pope John Paul II.The academy gives out five prizes every year:The academy produces the following periodicals:It has also published dictionaries, including the 1976 "Diccionario del Habla Chilena."Since its founding, the academy has been led by the following directors: | [
"Alejandro Garretón",
"José Victorino Lastarria",
"Rodolfo Oroz",
"Alfredo Matus Olivier",
"Adriana Valdés",
"Miguel Luis Amunátegui Reyes",
"Roque Esteban Scarpa"
] |
|
Who was the chair of Academia Chilena de la Lengua in Feb 21, 1915? | February 21, 1915 | {
"text": [
"Crescente Errázuriz"
]
} | L2_Q4671057_P488_1 | Alejandro Garretón is the chair of Academia Chilena de la Lengua from Jan, 1980 to Jan, 1980.
Roque Esteban Scarpa is the chair of Academia Chilena de la Lengua from Jan, 1980 to Jan, 1995.
Rodolfo Oroz is the chair of Academia Chilena de la Lengua from Jan, 1959 to Jan, 1980.
Miguel Luis Amunátegui Reyes is the chair of Academia Chilena de la Lengua from Jan, 1931 to Jan, 1949.
José Victorino Lastarria is the chair of Academia Chilena de la Lengua from Jan, 1885 to Jan, 1888.
Adriana Valdés is the chair of Academia Chilena de la Lengua from Jan, 2018 to Dec, 2022.
Crescente Errázuriz is the chair of Academia Chilena de la Lengua from Jan, 1914 to Jan, 1931.
Alfredo Matus Olivier is the chair of Academia Chilena de la Lengua from Jan, 1995 to Jan, 2018. | Academia Chilena de la LenguaThe Academia Chilena de la Lengua (Spanish for "Chilean Language Academy") is an association of academics and experts on the use of the Spanish language in Chile. It is a member of the Association of Academies of the Spanish Language and is a part of the Instituto de Chile.The academy was founded in Santiago de Chile on June 5, 1885. It started out with 18 members designated by the Royal Spanish Academy. Its stated aims, according to its bylaws, are: to ensure the purity and splendor of the Spanish language, to contribute to the work of the Royal Spanish Academy and the Association of Academies of the Spanish Language, and to collaborate with other institutions on matters related to the language and its literature, particularly Chilean literature.Today, its members are chosen by co-option. The academy currently has 36 members, as well as a variable number of correspondent members in various Chilean regions and abroad. It has several honorary members, including the Chilean poet Gabriela Mistral, the Spanish philologist Víctor García de la Concha, and Pope John Paul II.The academy gives out five prizes every year:The academy produces the following periodicals:It has also published dictionaries, including the 1976 "Diccionario del Habla Chilena."Since its founding, the academy has been led by the following directors: | [
"Alejandro Garretón",
"José Victorino Lastarria",
"Rodolfo Oroz",
"Alfredo Matus Olivier",
"Adriana Valdés",
"Miguel Luis Amunátegui Reyes",
"Roque Esteban Scarpa"
] |
|
Who was the chair of Academia Chilena de la Lengua in 02/21/1915? | February 21, 1915 | {
"text": [
"Crescente Errázuriz"
]
} | L2_Q4671057_P488_1 | Alejandro Garretón is the chair of Academia Chilena de la Lengua from Jan, 1980 to Jan, 1980.
Roque Esteban Scarpa is the chair of Academia Chilena de la Lengua from Jan, 1980 to Jan, 1995.
Rodolfo Oroz is the chair of Academia Chilena de la Lengua from Jan, 1959 to Jan, 1980.
Miguel Luis Amunátegui Reyes is the chair of Academia Chilena de la Lengua from Jan, 1931 to Jan, 1949.
José Victorino Lastarria is the chair of Academia Chilena de la Lengua from Jan, 1885 to Jan, 1888.
Adriana Valdés is the chair of Academia Chilena de la Lengua from Jan, 2018 to Dec, 2022.
Crescente Errázuriz is the chair of Academia Chilena de la Lengua from Jan, 1914 to Jan, 1931.
Alfredo Matus Olivier is the chair of Academia Chilena de la Lengua from Jan, 1995 to Jan, 2018. | Academia Chilena de la LenguaThe Academia Chilena de la Lengua (Spanish for "Chilean Language Academy") is an association of academics and experts on the use of the Spanish language in Chile. It is a member of the Association of Academies of the Spanish Language and is a part of the Instituto de Chile.The academy was founded in Santiago de Chile on June 5, 1885. It started out with 18 members designated by the Royal Spanish Academy. Its stated aims, according to its bylaws, are: to ensure the purity and splendor of the Spanish language, to contribute to the work of the Royal Spanish Academy and the Association of Academies of the Spanish Language, and to collaborate with other institutions on matters related to the language and its literature, particularly Chilean literature.Today, its members are chosen by co-option. The academy currently has 36 members, as well as a variable number of correspondent members in various Chilean regions and abroad. It has several honorary members, including the Chilean poet Gabriela Mistral, the Spanish philologist Víctor García de la Concha, and Pope John Paul II.The academy gives out five prizes every year:The academy produces the following periodicals:It has also published dictionaries, including the 1976 "Diccionario del Habla Chilena."Since its founding, the academy has been led by the following directors: | [
"Alejandro Garretón",
"José Victorino Lastarria",
"Rodolfo Oroz",
"Alfredo Matus Olivier",
"Adriana Valdés",
"Miguel Luis Amunátegui Reyes",
"Roque Esteban Scarpa"
] |
|
Who was the chair of Academia Chilena de la Lengua in 21-Feb-191521-February-1915? | February 21, 1915 | {
"text": [
"Crescente Errázuriz"
]
} | L2_Q4671057_P488_1 | Alejandro Garretón is the chair of Academia Chilena de la Lengua from Jan, 1980 to Jan, 1980.
Roque Esteban Scarpa is the chair of Academia Chilena de la Lengua from Jan, 1980 to Jan, 1995.
Rodolfo Oroz is the chair of Academia Chilena de la Lengua from Jan, 1959 to Jan, 1980.
Miguel Luis Amunátegui Reyes is the chair of Academia Chilena de la Lengua from Jan, 1931 to Jan, 1949.
José Victorino Lastarria is the chair of Academia Chilena de la Lengua from Jan, 1885 to Jan, 1888.
Adriana Valdés is the chair of Academia Chilena de la Lengua from Jan, 2018 to Dec, 2022.
Crescente Errázuriz is the chair of Academia Chilena de la Lengua from Jan, 1914 to Jan, 1931.
Alfredo Matus Olivier is the chair of Academia Chilena de la Lengua from Jan, 1995 to Jan, 2018. | Academia Chilena de la LenguaThe Academia Chilena de la Lengua (Spanish for "Chilean Language Academy") is an association of academics and experts on the use of the Spanish language in Chile. It is a member of the Association of Academies of the Spanish Language and is a part of the Instituto de Chile.The academy was founded in Santiago de Chile on June 5, 1885. It started out with 18 members designated by the Royal Spanish Academy. Its stated aims, according to its bylaws, are: to ensure the purity and splendor of the Spanish language, to contribute to the work of the Royal Spanish Academy and the Association of Academies of the Spanish Language, and to collaborate with other institutions on matters related to the language and its literature, particularly Chilean literature.Today, its members are chosen by co-option. The academy currently has 36 members, as well as a variable number of correspondent members in various Chilean regions and abroad. It has several honorary members, including the Chilean poet Gabriela Mistral, the Spanish philologist Víctor García de la Concha, and Pope John Paul II.The academy gives out five prizes every year:The academy produces the following periodicals:It has also published dictionaries, including the 1976 "Diccionario del Habla Chilena."Since its founding, the academy has been led by the following directors: | [
"Alejandro Garretón",
"José Victorino Lastarria",
"Rodolfo Oroz",
"Alfredo Matus Olivier",
"Adriana Valdés",
"Miguel Luis Amunátegui Reyes",
"Roque Esteban Scarpa"
] |
|
Which position did Hrushikesh Naik hold in Jun, 1999? | June 27, 1999 | {
"text": [
"Member of the Eleventh Odisha Legislative Assembly"
]
} | L2_Q23761984_P39_2 | Hrushikesh Naik holds the position of Member of the Fifteenth Odisha Legislative Assembly from May, 2014 to Dec, 2022.
Hrushikesh Naik holds the position of Member of the Eighth Odisha Legislative Assembly from Jun, 1980 to Mar, 1985.
Hrushikesh Naik holds the position of Member of the Eleventh Odisha Legislative Assembly from Mar, 1995 to Feb, 2000.
Hrushikesh Naik holds the position of Member of the Ninth Odisha Legislative Assembly from Mar, 1985 to Mar, 1990.
Hrushikesh Naik holds the position of Member of the Fourteenth Odisha Legislative Assembly from May, 2009 to May, 2014. | Hrushikesh NaikHrushikesh Naik is a politician from Odisha, India. He represents the Patna (Odisha Vidhan Sabha constituency) since the year 2014.He is the chairperson of District Planning Committee (DPC) of Kendujhar District. | [
"Member of the Ninth Odisha Legislative Assembly",
"Member of the Fourteenth Odisha Legislative Assembly",
"Member of the Eighth Odisha Legislative Assembly",
"Member of the Fifteenth Odisha Legislative Assembly"
] |
|
Which position did Hrushikesh Naik hold in 1999-06-27? | June 27, 1999 | {
"text": [
"Member of the Eleventh Odisha Legislative Assembly"
]
} | L2_Q23761984_P39_2 | Hrushikesh Naik holds the position of Member of the Fifteenth Odisha Legislative Assembly from May, 2014 to Dec, 2022.
Hrushikesh Naik holds the position of Member of the Eighth Odisha Legislative Assembly from Jun, 1980 to Mar, 1985.
Hrushikesh Naik holds the position of Member of the Eleventh Odisha Legislative Assembly from Mar, 1995 to Feb, 2000.
Hrushikesh Naik holds the position of Member of the Ninth Odisha Legislative Assembly from Mar, 1985 to Mar, 1990.
Hrushikesh Naik holds the position of Member of the Fourteenth Odisha Legislative Assembly from May, 2009 to May, 2014. | Hrushikesh NaikHrushikesh Naik is a politician from Odisha, India. He represents the Patna (Odisha Vidhan Sabha constituency) since the year 2014.He is the chairperson of District Planning Committee (DPC) of Kendujhar District. | [
"Member of the Ninth Odisha Legislative Assembly",
"Member of the Fourteenth Odisha Legislative Assembly",
"Member of the Eighth Odisha Legislative Assembly",
"Member of the Fifteenth Odisha Legislative Assembly"
] |
|
Which position did Hrushikesh Naik hold in 27/06/1999? | June 27, 1999 | {
"text": [
"Member of the Eleventh Odisha Legislative Assembly"
]
} | L2_Q23761984_P39_2 | Hrushikesh Naik holds the position of Member of the Fifteenth Odisha Legislative Assembly from May, 2014 to Dec, 2022.
Hrushikesh Naik holds the position of Member of the Eighth Odisha Legislative Assembly from Jun, 1980 to Mar, 1985.
Hrushikesh Naik holds the position of Member of the Eleventh Odisha Legislative Assembly from Mar, 1995 to Feb, 2000.
Hrushikesh Naik holds the position of Member of the Ninth Odisha Legislative Assembly from Mar, 1985 to Mar, 1990.
Hrushikesh Naik holds the position of Member of the Fourteenth Odisha Legislative Assembly from May, 2009 to May, 2014. | Hrushikesh NaikHrushikesh Naik is a politician from Odisha, India. He represents the Patna (Odisha Vidhan Sabha constituency) since the year 2014.He is the chairperson of District Planning Committee (DPC) of Kendujhar District. | [
"Member of the Ninth Odisha Legislative Assembly",
"Member of the Fourteenth Odisha Legislative Assembly",
"Member of the Eighth Odisha Legislative Assembly",
"Member of the Fifteenth Odisha Legislative Assembly"
] |
|
Which position did Hrushikesh Naik hold in Jun 27, 1999? | June 27, 1999 | {
"text": [
"Member of the Eleventh Odisha Legislative Assembly"
]
} | L2_Q23761984_P39_2 | Hrushikesh Naik holds the position of Member of the Fifteenth Odisha Legislative Assembly from May, 2014 to Dec, 2022.
Hrushikesh Naik holds the position of Member of the Eighth Odisha Legislative Assembly from Jun, 1980 to Mar, 1985.
Hrushikesh Naik holds the position of Member of the Eleventh Odisha Legislative Assembly from Mar, 1995 to Feb, 2000.
Hrushikesh Naik holds the position of Member of the Ninth Odisha Legislative Assembly from Mar, 1985 to Mar, 1990.
Hrushikesh Naik holds the position of Member of the Fourteenth Odisha Legislative Assembly from May, 2009 to May, 2014. | Hrushikesh NaikHrushikesh Naik is a politician from Odisha, India. He represents the Patna (Odisha Vidhan Sabha constituency) since the year 2014.He is the chairperson of District Planning Committee (DPC) of Kendujhar District. | [
"Member of the Ninth Odisha Legislative Assembly",
"Member of the Fourteenth Odisha Legislative Assembly",
"Member of the Eighth Odisha Legislative Assembly",
"Member of the Fifteenth Odisha Legislative Assembly"
] |
|
Which position did Hrushikesh Naik hold in 06/27/1999? | June 27, 1999 | {
"text": [
"Member of the Eleventh Odisha Legislative Assembly"
]
} | L2_Q23761984_P39_2 | Hrushikesh Naik holds the position of Member of the Fifteenth Odisha Legislative Assembly from May, 2014 to Dec, 2022.
Hrushikesh Naik holds the position of Member of the Eighth Odisha Legislative Assembly from Jun, 1980 to Mar, 1985.
Hrushikesh Naik holds the position of Member of the Eleventh Odisha Legislative Assembly from Mar, 1995 to Feb, 2000.
Hrushikesh Naik holds the position of Member of the Ninth Odisha Legislative Assembly from Mar, 1985 to Mar, 1990.
Hrushikesh Naik holds the position of Member of the Fourteenth Odisha Legislative Assembly from May, 2009 to May, 2014. | Hrushikesh NaikHrushikesh Naik is a politician from Odisha, India. He represents the Patna (Odisha Vidhan Sabha constituency) since the year 2014.He is the chairperson of District Planning Committee (DPC) of Kendujhar District. | [
"Member of the Ninth Odisha Legislative Assembly",
"Member of the Fourteenth Odisha Legislative Assembly",
"Member of the Eighth Odisha Legislative Assembly",
"Member of the Fifteenth Odisha Legislative Assembly"
] |
|
Which position did Hrushikesh Naik hold in 27-Jun-199927-June-1999? | June 27, 1999 | {
"text": [
"Member of the Eleventh Odisha Legislative Assembly"
]
} | L2_Q23761984_P39_2 | Hrushikesh Naik holds the position of Member of the Fifteenth Odisha Legislative Assembly from May, 2014 to Dec, 2022.
Hrushikesh Naik holds the position of Member of the Eighth Odisha Legislative Assembly from Jun, 1980 to Mar, 1985.
Hrushikesh Naik holds the position of Member of the Eleventh Odisha Legislative Assembly from Mar, 1995 to Feb, 2000.
Hrushikesh Naik holds the position of Member of the Ninth Odisha Legislative Assembly from Mar, 1985 to Mar, 1990.
Hrushikesh Naik holds the position of Member of the Fourteenth Odisha Legislative Assembly from May, 2009 to May, 2014. | Hrushikesh NaikHrushikesh Naik is a politician from Odisha, India. He represents the Patna (Odisha Vidhan Sabha constituency) since the year 2014.He is the chairperson of District Planning Committee (DPC) of Kendujhar District. | [
"Member of the Ninth Odisha Legislative Assembly",
"Member of the Fourteenth Odisha Legislative Assembly",
"Member of the Eighth Odisha Legislative Assembly",
"Member of the Fifteenth Odisha Legislative Assembly"
] |
|
Which position did Sir William Curtis, 1st Baronet hold in Oct, 1799? | October 25, 1799 | {
"text": [
"Member of the 18th Parliament of Great Britain"
]
} | L2_Q7529551_P39_1 | Sir William Curtis, 1st Baronet holds the position of Member of the 8th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jun, 1826 to Dec, 1826.
Sir William Curtis, 1st Baronet holds the position of Member of the 3rd Parliament of the United Kingdom from Oct, 1806 to Apr, 1807.
Sir William Curtis, 1st Baronet holds the position of Member of the 5th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Oct, 1812 to Jun, 1818.
Sir William Curtis, 1st Baronet holds the position of Member of the 7th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Mar, 1820 to Jun, 1826.
Sir William Curtis, 1st Baronet holds the position of Member of the 2nd Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jul, 1802 to Oct, 1806.
Sir William Curtis, 1st Baronet holds the position of Member of the 6th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Feb, 1819 to Feb, 1820.
Sir William Curtis, 1st Baronet holds the position of Member of the 18th Parliament of Great Britain from May, 1796 to Jan, 1801.
Sir William Curtis, 1st Baronet holds the position of Member of the 4th Parliament of the United Kingdom from May, 1807 to Sep, 1812.
Sir William Curtis, 1st Baronet holds the position of Member of the 1st Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jan, 1801 to Jun, 1802.
Sir William Curtis, 1st Baronet holds the position of Member of the 17th Parliament of Great Britain from Jun, 1790 to May, 1796. | Sir William Curtis, 1st BaronetSir William Curtis (25 January 1752 – 18 January 1829) was an English businessman, banker and politician. Although he had a long political and business career (the two significantly intertwined), he was probably best known for the banquets he hosted.Born in Wapping, London, Curtis was the son of a sea biscuit manufacturer, Joseph Curtis, and his wife Mary Tennant.The family business was making ship's biscuit and other dry provisions for the Royal Navy. They were also shipowners whose vessels carried convicts to Australia and engaged in South Sea whaling.A lifelong Tory, he was elected as a Member of Parliament for the City of London at the 1790 general election. He held the seat continuously for 28 years until his defeat at the 1818 general election. He was returned to the Commons in February 1819 at a by-election for Bletchingley, and at the 1820 general election he was returned again for the City of London. He did not contest London again at the 1826 election, when he was returned for Hastings. He resigned that seat later the same year.Curtis was also Alderman of the city, becoming Sheriff of London in 1788 and Lord Mayor in 1795–96. He was known for the lavish banquets he gave at his estate, Cullands Grove. He was created a Baronet of Cullonds Grove in 1802.Curtis died in 1829. His estate sale ran for a week, and included 370 dozen bottles of wine, port, claret, East India Madeira, sherry (Wild's), Malaga, Hock, and beer. | [
"Member of the 2nd Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the 8th Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the 1st Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the 17th Parliament of Great Britain",
"Member of the 5th Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the 4th Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the 3rd Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the 6th Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the 7th Parliament of the United Kingdom"
] |
|
Which position did Sir William Curtis, 1st Baronet hold in 1799-10-25? | October 25, 1799 | {
"text": [
"Member of the 18th Parliament of Great Britain"
]
} | L2_Q7529551_P39_1 | Sir William Curtis, 1st Baronet holds the position of Member of the 8th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jun, 1826 to Dec, 1826.
Sir William Curtis, 1st Baronet holds the position of Member of the 3rd Parliament of the United Kingdom from Oct, 1806 to Apr, 1807.
Sir William Curtis, 1st Baronet holds the position of Member of the 5th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Oct, 1812 to Jun, 1818.
Sir William Curtis, 1st Baronet holds the position of Member of the 7th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Mar, 1820 to Jun, 1826.
Sir William Curtis, 1st Baronet holds the position of Member of the 2nd Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jul, 1802 to Oct, 1806.
Sir William Curtis, 1st Baronet holds the position of Member of the 6th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Feb, 1819 to Feb, 1820.
Sir William Curtis, 1st Baronet holds the position of Member of the 18th Parliament of Great Britain from May, 1796 to Jan, 1801.
Sir William Curtis, 1st Baronet holds the position of Member of the 4th Parliament of the United Kingdom from May, 1807 to Sep, 1812.
Sir William Curtis, 1st Baronet holds the position of Member of the 1st Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jan, 1801 to Jun, 1802.
Sir William Curtis, 1st Baronet holds the position of Member of the 17th Parliament of Great Britain from Jun, 1790 to May, 1796. | Sir William Curtis, 1st BaronetSir William Curtis (25 January 1752 – 18 January 1829) was an English businessman, banker and politician. Although he had a long political and business career (the two significantly intertwined), he was probably best known for the banquets he hosted.Born in Wapping, London, Curtis was the son of a sea biscuit manufacturer, Joseph Curtis, and his wife Mary Tennant.The family business was making ship's biscuit and other dry provisions for the Royal Navy. They were also shipowners whose vessels carried convicts to Australia and engaged in South Sea whaling.A lifelong Tory, he was elected as a Member of Parliament for the City of London at the 1790 general election. He held the seat continuously for 28 years until his defeat at the 1818 general election. He was returned to the Commons in February 1819 at a by-election for Bletchingley, and at the 1820 general election he was returned again for the City of London. He did not contest London again at the 1826 election, when he was returned for Hastings. He resigned that seat later the same year.Curtis was also Alderman of the city, becoming Sheriff of London in 1788 and Lord Mayor in 1795–96. He was known for the lavish banquets he gave at his estate, Cullands Grove. He was created a Baronet of Cullonds Grove in 1802.Curtis died in 1829. His estate sale ran for a week, and included 370 dozen bottles of wine, port, claret, East India Madeira, sherry (Wild's), Malaga, Hock, and beer. | [
"Member of the 2nd Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the 8th Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the 1st Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the 17th Parliament of Great Britain",
"Member of the 5th Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the 4th Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the 3rd Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the 6th Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the 7th Parliament of the United Kingdom"
] |
|
Which position did Sir William Curtis, 1st Baronet hold in 25/10/1799? | October 25, 1799 | {
"text": [
"Member of the 18th Parliament of Great Britain"
]
} | L2_Q7529551_P39_1 | Sir William Curtis, 1st Baronet holds the position of Member of the 8th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jun, 1826 to Dec, 1826.
Sir William Curtis, 1st Baronet holds the position of Member of the 3rd Parliament of the United Kingdom from Oct, 1806 to Apr, 1807.
Sir William Curtis, 1st Baronet holds the position of Member of the 5th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Oct, 1812 to Jun, 1818.
Sir William Curtis, 1st Baronet holds the position of Member of the 7th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Mar, 1820 to Jun, 1826.
Sir William Curtis, 1st Baronet holds the position of Member of the 2nd Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jul, 1802 to Oct, 1806.
Sir William Curtis, 1st Baronet holds the position of Member of the 6th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Feb, 1819 to Feb, 1820.
Sir William Curtis, 1st Baronet holds the position of Member of the 18th Parliament of Great Britain from May, 1796 to Jan, 1801.
Sir William Curtis, 1st Baronet holds the position of Member of the 4th Parliament of the United Kingdom from May, 1807 to Sep, 1812.
Sir William Curtis, 1st Baronet holds the position of Member of the 1st Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jan, 1801 to Jun, 1802.
Sir William Curtis, 1st Baronet holds the position of Member of the 17th Parliament of Great Britain from Jun, 1790 to May, 1796. | Sir William Curtis, 1st BaronetSir William Curtis (25 January 1752 – 18 January 1829) was an English businessman, banker and politician. Although he had a long political and business career (the two significantly intertwined), he was probably best known for the banquets he hosted.Born in Wapping, London, Curtis was the son of a sea biscuit manufacturer, Joseph Curtis, and his wife Mary Tennant.The family business was making ship's biscuit and other dry provisions for the Royal Navy. They were also shipowners whose vessels carried convicts to Australia and engaged in South Sea whaling.A lifelong Tory, he was elected as a Member of Parliament for the City of London at the 1790 general election. He held the seat continuously for 28 years until his defeat at the 1818 general election. He was returned to the Commons in February 1819 at a by-election for Bletchingley, and at the 1820 general election he was returned again for the City of London. He did not contest London again at the 1826 election, when he was returned for Hastings. He resigned that seat later the same year.Curtis was also Alderman of the city, becoming Sheriff of London in 1788 and Lord Mayor in 1795–96. He was known for the lavish banquets he gave at his estate, Cullands Grove. He was created a Baronet of Cullonds Grove in 1802.Curtis died in 1829. His estate sale ran for a week, and included 370 dozen bottles of wine, port, claret, East India Madeira, sherry (Wild's), Malaga, Hock, and beer. | [
"Member of the 2nd Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the 8th Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the 1st Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the 17th Parliament of Great Britain",
"Member of the 5th Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the 4th Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the 3rd Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the 6th Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the 7th Parliament of the United Kingdom"
] |
|
Which position did Sir William Curtis, 1st Baronet hold in Oct 25, 1799? | October 25, 1799 | {
"text": [
"Member of the 18th Parliament of Great Britain"
]
} | L2_Q7529551_P39_1 | Sir William Curtis, 1st Baronet holds the position of Member of the 8th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jun, 1826 to Dec, 1826.
Sir William Curtis, 1st Baronet holds the position of Member of the 3rd Parliament of the United Kingdom from Oct, 1806 to Apr, 1807.
Sir William Curtis, 1st Baronet holds the position of Member of the 5th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Oct, 1812 to Jun, 1818.
Sir William Curtis, 1st Baronet holds the position of Member of the 7th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Mar, 1820 to Jun, 1826.
Sir William Curtis, 1st Baronet holds the position of Member of the 2nd Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jul, 1802 to Oct, 1806.
Sir William Curtis, 1st Baronet holds the position of Member of the 6th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Feb, 1819 to Feb, 1820.
Sir William Curtis, 1st Baronet holds the position of Member of the 18th Parliament of Great Britain from May, 1796 to Jan, 1801.
Sir William Curtis, 1st Baronet holds the position of Member of the 4th Parliament of the United Kingdom from May, 1807 to Sep, 1812.
Sir William Curtis, 1st Baronet holds the position of Member of the 1st Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jan, 1801 to Jun, 1802.
Sir William Curtis, 1st Baronet holds the position of Member of the 17th Parliament of Great Britain from Jun, 1790 to May, 1796. | Sir William Curtis, 1st BaronetSir William Curtis (25 January 1752 – 18 January 1829) was an English businessman, banker and politician. Although he had a long political and business career (the two significantly intertwined), he was probably best known for the banquets he hosted.Born in Wapping, London, Curtis was the son of a sea biscuit manufacturer, Joseph Curtis, and his wife Mary Tennant.The family business was making ship's biscuit and other dry provisions for the Royal Navy. They were also shipowners whose vessels carried convicts to Australia and engaged in South Sea whaling.A lifelong Tory, he was elected as a Member of Parliament for the City of London at the 1790 general election. He held the seat continuously for 28 years until his defeat at the 1818 general election. He was returned to the Commons in February 1819 at a by-election for Bletchingley, and at the 1820 general election he was returned again for the City of London. He did not contest London again at the 1826 election, when he was returned for Hastings. He resigned that seat later the same year.Curtis was also Alderman of the city, becoming Sheriff of London in 1788 and Lord Mayor in 1795–96. He was known for the lavish banquets he gave at his estate, Cullands Grove. He was created a Baronet of Cullonds Grove in 1802.Curtis died in 1829. His estate sale ran for a week, and included 370 dozen bottles of wine, port, claret, East India Madeira, sherry (Wild's), Malaga, Hock, and beer. | [
"Member of the 2nd Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the 8th Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the 1st Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the 17th Parliament of Great Britain",
"Member of the 5th Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the 4th Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the 3rd Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the 6th Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the 7th Parliament of the United Kingdom"
] |
|
Which position did Sir William Curtis, 1st Baronet hold in 10/25/1799? | October 25, 1799 | {
"text": [
"Member of the 18th Parliament of Great Britain"
]
} | L2_Q7529551_P39_1 | Sir William Curtis, 1st Baronet holds the position of Member of the 8th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jun, 1826 to Dec, 1826.
Sir William Curtis, 1st Baronet holds the position of Member of the 3rd Parliament of the United Kingdom from Oct, 1806 to Apr, 1807.
Sir William Curtis, 1st Baronet holds the position of Member of the 5th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Oct, 1812 to Jun, 1818.
Sir William Curtis, 1st Baronet holds the position of Member of the 7th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Mar, 1820 to Jun, 1826.
Sir William Curtis, 1st Baronet holds the position of Member of the 2nd Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jul, 1802 to Oct, 1806.
Sir William Curtis, 1st Baronet holds the position of Member of the 6th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Feb, 1819 to Feb, 1820.
Sir William Curtis, 1st Baronet holds the position of Member of the 18th Parliament of Great Britain from May, 1796 to Jan, 1801.
Sir William Curtis, 1st Baronet holds the position of Member of the 4th Parliament of the United Kingdom from May, 1807 to Sep, 1812.
Sir William Curtis, 1st Baronet holds the position of Member of the 1st Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jan, 1801 to Jun, 1802.
Sir William Curtis, 1st Baronet holds the position of Member of the 17th Parliament of Great Britain from Jun, 1790 to May, 1796. | Sir William Curtis, 1st BaronetSir William Curtis (25 January 1752 – 18 January 1829) was an English businessman, banker and politician. Although he had a long political and business career (the two significantly intertwined), he was probably best known for the banquets he hosted.Born in Wapping, London, Curtis was the son of a sea biscuit manufacturer, Joseph Curtis, and his wife Mary Tennant.The family business was making ship's biscuit and other dry provisions for the Royal Navy. They were also shipowners whose vessels carried convicts to Australia and engaged in South Sea whaling.A lifelong Tory, he was elected as a Member of Parliament for the City of London at the 1790 general election. He held the seat continuously for 28 years until his defeat at the 1818 general election. He was returned to the Commons in February 1819 at a by-election for Bletchingley, and at the 1820 general election he was returned again for the City of London. He did not contest London again at the 1826 election, when he was returned for Hastings. He resigned that seat later the same year.Curtis was also Alderman of the city, becoming Sheriff of London in 1788 and Lord Mayor in 1795–96. He was known for the lavish banquets he gave at his estate, Cullands Grove. He was created a Baronet of Cullonds Grove in 1802.Curtis died in 1829. His estate sale ran for a week, and included 370 dozen bottles of wine, port, claret, East India Madeira, sherry (Wild's), Malaga, Hock, and beer. | [
"Member of the 2nd Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the 8th Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the 1st Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the 17th Parliament of Great Britain",
"Member of the 5th Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the 4th Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the 3rd Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the 6th Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the 7th Parliament of the United Kingdom"
] |
|
Which position did Sir William Curtis, 1st Baronet hold in 25-Oct-179925-October-1799? | October 25, 1799 | {
"text": [
"Member of the 18th Parliament of Great Britain"
]
} | L2_Q7529551_P39_1 | Sir William Curtis, 1st Baronet holds the position of Member of the 8th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jun, 1826 to Dec, 1826.
Sir William Curtis, 1st Baronet holds the position of Member of the 3rd Parliament of the United Kingdom from Oct, 1806 to Apr, 1807.
Sir William Curtis, 1st Baronet holds the position of Member of the 5th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Oct, 1812 to Jun, 1818.
Sir William Curtis, 1st Baronet holds the position of Member of the 7th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Mar, 1820 to Jun, 1826.
Sir William Curtis, 1st Baronet holds the position of Member of the 2nd Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jul, 1802 to Oct, 1806.
Sir William Curtis, 1st Baronet holds the position of Member of the 6th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Feb, 1819 to Feb, 1820.
Sir William Curtis, 1st Baronet holds the position of Member of the 18th Parliament of Great Britain from May, 1796 to Jan, 1801.
Sir William Curtis, 1st Baronet holds the position of Member of the 4th Parliament of the United Kingdom from May, 1807 to Sep, 1812.
Sir William Curtis, 1st Baronet holds the position of Member of the 1st Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jan, 1801 to Jun, 1802.
Sir William Curtis, 1st Baronet holds the position of Member of the 17th Parliament of Great Britain from Jun, 1790 to May, 1796. | Sir William Curtis, 1st BaronetSir William Curtis (25 January 1752 – 18 January 1829) was an English businessman, banker and politician. Although he had a long political and business career (the two significantly intertwined), he was probably best known for the banquets he hosted.Born in Wapping, London, Curtis was the son of a sea biscuit manufacturer, Joseph Curtis, and his wife Mary Tennant.The family business was making ship's biscuit and other dry provisions for the Royal Navy. They were also shipowners whose vessels carried convicts to Australia and engaged in South Sea whaling.A lifelong Tory, he was elected as a Member of Parliament for the City of London at the 1790 general election. He held the seat continuously for 28 years until his defeat at the 1818 general election. He was returned to the Commons in February 1819 at a by-election for Bletchingley, and at the 1820 general election he was returned again for the City of London. He did not contest London again at the 1826 election, when he was returned for Hastings. He resigned that seat later the same year.Curtis was also Alderman of the city, becoming Sheriff of London in 1788 and Lord Mayor in 1795–96. He was known for the lavish banquets he gave at his estate, Cullands Grove. He was created a Baronet of Cullonds Grove in 1802.Curtis died in 1829. His estate sale ran for a week, and included 370 dozen bottles of wine, port, claret, East India Madeira, sherry (Wild's), Malaga, Hock, and beer. | [
"Member of the 2nd Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the 8th Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the 1st Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the 17th Parliament of Great Britain",
"Member of the 5th Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the 4th Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the 3rd Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the 6th Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the 7th Parliament of the United Kingdom"
] |
|
Which team did Gabriel Simion play for in Sep, 2022? | September 16, 2022 | {
"text": [
"FC Universitatea Cluj"
]
} | L2_Q26838690_P54_6 | Gabriel Simion plays for Daco-Getica from Jan, 2018 to Jul, 2018.
Gabriel Simion plays for Aris Limassol F.C. from Jul, 2021 to May, 2022.
Gabriel Simion plays for FC Dunărea Călărași from Jul, 2018 to Jun, 2019.
Gabriel Simion plays for FC Astra Giurgiu from Jun, 2019 to Aug, 2020.
Gabriel Simion plays for FC Academica Clinceni from Jul, 2017 to Dec, 2017.
Gabriel Simion plays for FC Steaua București from Jan, 2016 to Jun, 2022.
Gabriel Simion plays for FC Universitatea Cluj from Aug, 2022 to Dec, 2022. | Gabriel SimionGabriel Simion (born 29 May 1998) is a Romanian professional footballer who plays as a defensive midfielder for FCSB."Statistics accurate as of match played " | [
"FC Academica Clinceni",
"Daco-Getica",
"FC Dunărea Călărași",
"Aris Limassol F.C.",
"FC Steaua București",
"FC Astra Giurgiu"
] |
|
Which team did Gabriel Simion play for in 2022-09-16? | September 16, 2022 | {
"text": [
"FC Universitatea Cluj"
]
} | L2_Q26838690_P54_6 | Gabriel Simion plays for Daco-Getica from Jan, 2018 to Jul, 2018.
Gabriel Simion plays for Aris Limassol F.C. from Jul, 2021 to May, 2022.
Gabriel Simion plays for FC Dunărea Călărași from Jul, 2018 to Jun, 2019.
Gabriel Simion plays for FC Astra Giurgiu from Jun, 2019 to Aug, 2020.
Gabriel Simion plays for FC Academica Clinceni from Jul, 2017 to Dec, 2017.
Gabriel Simion plays for FC Steaua București from Jan, 2016 to Jun, 2022.
Gabriel Simion plays for FC Universitatea Cluj from Aug, 2022 to Dec, 2022. | Gabriel SimionGabriel Simion (born 29 May 1998) is a Romanian professional footballer who plays as a defensive midfielder for FCSB."Statistics accurate as of match played " | [
"FC Academica Clinceni",
"Daco-Getica",
"FC Dunărea Călărași",
"Aris Limassol F.C.",
"FC Steaua București",
"FC Astra Giurgiu"
] |
|
Which team did Gabriel Simion play for in 16/09/2022? | September 16, 2022 | {
"text": [
"FC Universitatea Cluj"
]
} | L2_Q26838690_P54_6 | Gabriel Simion plays for Daco-Getica from Jan, 2018 to Jul, 2018.
Gabriel Simion plays for Aris Limassol F.C. from Jul, 2021 to May, 2022.
Gabriel Simion plays for FC Dunărea Călărași from Jul, 2018 to Jun, 2019.
Gabriel Simion plays for FC Astra Giurgiu from Jun, 2019 to Aug, 2020.
Gabriel Simion plays for FC Academica Clinceni from Jul, 2017 to Dec, 2017.
Gabriel Simion plays for FC Steaua București from Jan, 2016 to Jun, 2022.
Gabriel Simion plays for FC Universitatea Cluj from Aug, 2022 to Dec, 2022. | Gabriel SimionGabriel Simion (born 29 May 1998) is a Romanian professional footballer who plays as a defensive midfielder for FCSB."Statistics accurate as of match played " | [
"FC Academica Clinceni",
"Daco-Getica",
"FC Dunărea Călărași",
"Aris Limassol F.C.",
"FC Steaua București",
"FC Astra Giurgiu"
] |
|
Which team did Gabriel Simion play for in Sep 16, 2022? | September 16, 2022 | {
"text": [
"FC Universitatea Cluj"
]
} | L2_Q26838690_P54_6 | Gabriel Simion plays for Daco-Getica from Jan, 2018 to Jul, 2018.
Gabriel Simion plays for Aris Limassol F.C. from Jul, 2021 to May, 2022.
Gabriel Simion plays for FC Dunărea Călărași from Jul, 2018 to Jun, 2019.
Gabriel Simion plays for FC Astra Giurgiu from Jun, 2019 to Aug, 2020.
Gabriel Simion plays for FC Academica Clinceni from Jul, 2017 to Dec, 2017.
Gabriel Simion plays for FC Steaua București from Jan, 2016 to Jun, 2022.
Gabriel Simion plays for FC Universitatea Cluj from Aug, 2022 to Dec, 2022. | Gabriel SimionGabriel Simion (born 29 May 1998) is a Romanian professional footballer who plays as a defensive midfielder for FCSB."Statistics accurate as of match played " | [
"FC Academica Clinceni",
"Daco-Getica",
"FC Dunărea Călărași",
"Aris Limassol F.C.",
"FC Steaua București",
"FC Astra Giurgiu"
] |
|
Which team did Gabriel Simion play for in 09/16/2022? | September 16, 2022 | {
"text": [
"FC Universitatea Cluj"
]
} | L2_Q26838690_P54_6 | Gabriel Simion plays for Daco-Getica from Jan, 2018 to Jul, 2018.
Gabriel Simion plays for Aris Limassol F.C. from Jul, 2021 to May, 2022.
Gabriel Simion plays for FC Dunărea Călărași from Jul, 2018 to Jun, 2019.
Gabriel Simion plays for FC Astra Giurgiu from Jun, 2019 to Aug, 2020.
Gabriel Simion plays for FC Academica Clinceni from Jul, 2017 to Dec, 2017.
Gabriel Simion plays for FC Steaua București from Jan, 2016 to Jun, 2022.
Gabriel Simion plays for FC Universitatea Cluj from Aug, 2022 to Dec, 2022. | Gabriel SimionGabriel Simion (born 29 May 1998) is a Romanian professional footballer who plays as a defensive midfielder for FCSB."Statistics accurate as of match played " | [
"FC Academica Clinceni",
"Daco-Getica",
"FC Dunărea Călărași",
"Aris Limassol F.C.",
"FC Steaua București",
"FC Astra Giurgiu"
] |
|
Which team did Gabriel Simion play for in 16-Sep-202216-September-2022? | September 16, 2022 | {
"text": [
"FC Universitatea Cluj"
]
} | L2_Q26838690_P54_6 | Gabriel Simion plays for Daco-Getica from Jan, 2018 to Jul, 2018.
Gabriel Simion plays for Aris Limassol F.C. from Jul, 2021 to May, 2022.
Gabriel Simion plays for FC Dunărea Călărași from Jul, 2018 to Jun, 2019.
Gabriel Simion plays for FC Astra Giurgiu from Jun, 2019 to Aug, 2020.
Gabriel Simion plays for FC Academica Clinceni from Jul, 2017 to Dec, 2017.
Gabriel Simion plays for FC Steaua București from Jan, 2016 to Jun, 2022.
Gabriel Simion plays for FC Universitatea Cluj from Aug, 2022 to Dec, 2022. | Gabriel SimionGabriel Simion (born 29 May 1998) is a Romanian professional footballer who plays as a defensive midfielder for FCSB."Statistics accurate as of match played " | [
"FC Academica Clinceni",
"Daco-Getica",
"FC Dunărea Călărași",
"Aris Limassol F.C.",
"FC Steaua București",
"FC Astra Giurgiu"
] |
|
Which employer did Israel Gelfand work for in Aug, 1955? | August 17, 1955 | {
"text": [
"Moscow State University"
]
} | L2_Q315414_P108_1 | Israel Gelfand works for Harvard University from Jan, 1989 to Jan, 1990.
Israel Gelfand works for Academy of Sciences of the USSR from Jan, 1935 to Jan, 1941.
Israel Gelfand works for Moscow State University from Jan, 1941 to Jan, 1989.
Israel Gelfand works for Rutgers University from Jan, 1990 to Jan, 1990.
Israel Gelfand works for Massachusetts Institute of Technology from Jan, 1990 to Jan, 1990. | Israel GelfandIsrael Moiseevich Gelfand, also written Israïl Moyseyovich Gel'fand, or Izrail M. Gelfand (, ; – 5 October 2009) was a prominent Soviet mathematician. He made significant contributions to many branches of mathematics, including group theory, representation theory and functional analysis. The recipient of many awards, including the Order of Lenin and the first Wolf Prize, he was a Foreign Fellow of the Royal Society and professor at Moscow State University and, after immigrating to the United States shortly before his 76th birthday, at Rutgers University. Gelfand is also a 1994 MacArthur Fellow.His legacy continues through his students, who include Endre Szemerédi, Alexandre Kirillov, Edward Frenkel, Joseph Bernstein, David Kazhdan, as well as his own son, Sergei Gelfand.A native of Kherson Governorate, Russian Empire (now, Odessa Oblast, Ukraine), Gelfand was born into a Jewish family in the small southern Ukrainian town of Okny. According to his own account, Gelfand was expelled from high school under the Soviets because his father had been a mill owner. Bypassing both high school and college, he proceeded to postgraduate study at the age of 19 at Moscow State University, where his advisor was the preeminent mathematician Andrei Kolmogorov.Gelfand is known for many developments including:I.M. Gelfand's seminar at Moscow State Universitywas running from 1945(?) until May 1989 (then it continued at Rutgers University), covered a wide range of topics,and was an important school for many mathematicians.The Gelfand–Tsetlin (also spelled Zetlin) basis is a widely used tool in theoretical physics and the result of Gelfand's work on the representation theory of the unitary group and Lie groups in general.Gelfand also published works on biology and medicine. For a long time he took an interest in cell biology and organized a research seminar on the subject.He worked extensively in mathematics education, particularly with correspondence education. In 1994, he was awarded a MacArthur Fellowship for this work.Gelfand was married to Zorya Shapiro, and their two sons, Sergei and Vladimir both live in the United States. The third son, Aleksandr, died of leukemia. Following the divorce from his first wife, Gelfand married his second wife, Tatiana; together they had a daughter, Tatiana. The family also includes four grandchildren and three great-grandchildren. Memories about I. Gelfand are collected at a dedicated website handled by his family.Gelfand held several honorary degrees and was awarded the Order of Lenin three times for his research. In 1977 he was elected a Foreign Member of the Royal Society. He won the Wolf Prize in 1978, Kyoto Prize in 1989 and MacArthur Foundation Fellowship in 1994. He held the presidency of the Moscow Mathematical Society between 1968 and 1970, and was elected a foreign member of the U.S. National Academy of Science, the American Academy of Arts and Sciences, the Royal Irish Academy, the American Mathematical Society and the London Mathematical Society.In an October 2003 article in "The New York Times", written on the occasion of his 90th birthday, Gelfand is described as a scholar who is considered "among the greatest mathematicians of the 20th century", having exerted a tremendous influence on the field both through his own works and those of his students.Israel Gelfand died at the Robert Wood Johnson University Hospital near his home in Highland Park, New Jersey. He was less than five weeks past his 96th birthday. His death was first reported on the blog of his former collaborator Andrei Zelevinsky and confirmed a few hours later by an obituary in the Russian online newspaper "Polit.ru". | [
"Rutgers University",
"Massachusetts Institute of Technology",
"Academy of Sciences of the USSR",
"Harvard University"
] |
|
Which employer did Israel Gelfand work for in 1955-08-17? | August 17, 1955 | {
"text": [
"Moscow State University"
]
} | L2_Q315414_P108_1 | Israel Gelfand works for Harvard University from Jan, 1989 to Jan, 1990.
Israel Gelfand works for Academy of Sciences of the USSR from Jan, 1935 to Jan, 1941.
Israel Gelfand works for Moscow State University from Jan, 1941 to Jan, 1989.
Israel Gelfand works for Rutgers University from Jan, 1990 to Jan, 1990.
Israel Gelfand works for Massachusetts Institute of Technology from Jan, 1990 to Jan, 1990. | Israel GelfandIsrael Moiseevich Gelfand, also written Israïl Moyseyovich Gel'fand, or Izrail M. Gelfand (, ; – 5 October 2009) was a prominent Soviet mathematician. He made significant contributions to many branches of mathematics, including group theory, representation theory and functional analysis. The recipient of many awards, including the Order of Lenin and the first Wolf Prize, he was a Foreign Fellow of the Royal Society and professor at Moscow State University and, after immigrating to the United States shortly before his 76th birthday, at Rutgers University. Gelfand is also a 1994 MacArthur Fellow.His legacy continues through his students, who include Endre Szemerédi, Alexandre Kirillov, Edward Frenkel, Joseph Bernstein, David Kazhdan, as well as his own son, Sergei Gelfand.A native of Kherson Governorate, Russian Empire (now, Odessa Oblast, Ukraine), Gelfand was born into a Jewish family in the small southern Ukrainian town of Okny. According to his own account, Gelfand was expelled from high school under the Soviets because his father had been a mill owner. Bypassing both high school and college, he proceeded to postgraduate study at the age of 19 at Moscow State University, where his advisor was the preeminent mathematician Andrei Kolmogorov.Gelfand is known for many developments including:I.M. Gelfand's seminar at Moscow State Universitywas running from 1945(?) until May 1989 (then it continued at Rutgers University), covered a wide range of topics,and was an important school for many mathematicians.The Gelfand–Tsetlin (also spelled Zetlin) basis is a widely used tool in theoretical physics and the result of Gelfand's work on the representation theory of the unitary group and Lie groups in general.Gelfand also published works on biology and medicine. For a long time he took an interest in cell biology and organized a research seminar on the subject.He worked extensively in mathematics education, particularly with correspondence education. In 1994, he was awarded a MacArthur Fellowship for this work.Gelfand was married to Zorya Shapiro, and their two sons, Sergei and Vladimir both live in the United States. The third son, Aleksandr, died of leukemia. Following the divorce from his first wife, Gelfand married his second wife, Tatiana; together they had a daughter, Tatiana. The family also includes four grandchildren and three great-grandchildren. Memories about I. Gelfand are collected at a dedicated website handled by his family.Gelfand held several honorary degrees and was awarded the Order of Lenin three times for his research. In 1977 he was elected a Foreign Member of the Royal Society. He won the Wolf Prize in 1978, Kyoto Prize in 1989 and MacArthur Foundation Fellowship in 1994. He held the presidency of the Moscow Mathematical Society between 1968 and 1970, and was elected a foreign member of the U.S. National Academy of Science, the American Academy of Arts and Sciences, the Royal Irish Academy, the American Mathematical Society and the London Mathematical Society.In an October 2003 article in "The New York Times", written on the occasion of his 90th birthday, Gelfand is described as a scholar who is considered "among the greatest mathematicians of the 20th century", having exerted a tremendous influence on the field both through his own works and those of his students.Israel Gelfand died at the Robert Wood Johnson University Hospital near his home in Highland Park, New Jersey. He was less than five weeks past his 96th birthday. His death was first reported on the blog of his former collaborator Andrei Zelevinsky and confirmed a few hours later by an obituary in the Russian online newspaper "Polit.ru". | [
"Rutgers University",
"Massachusetts Institute of Technology",
"Academy of Sciences of the USSR",
"Harvard University"
] |
|
Which employer did Israel Gelfand work for in 17/08/1955? | August 17, 1955 | {
"text": [
"Moscow State University"
]
} | L2_Q315414_P108_1 | Israel Gelfand works for Harvard University from Jan, 1989 to Jan, 1990.
Israel Gelfand works for Academy of Sciences of the USSR from Jan, 1935 to Jan, 1941.
Israel Gelfand works for Moscow State University from Jan, 1941 to Jan, 1989.
Israel Gelfand works for Rutgers University from Jan, 1990 to Jan, 1990.
Israel Gelfand works for Massachusetts Institute of Technology from Jan, 1990 to Jan, 1990. | Israel GelfandIsrael Moiseevich Gelfand, also written Israïl Moyseyovich Gel'fand, or Izrail M. Gelfand (, ; – 5 October 2009) was a prominent Soviet mathematician. He made significant contributions to many branches of mathematics, including group theory, representation theory and functional analysis. The recipient of many awards, including the Order of Lenin and the first Wolf Prize, he was a Foreign Fellow of the Royal Society and professor at Moscow State University and, after immigrating to the United States shortly before his 76th birthday, at Rutgers University. Gelfand is also a 1994 MacArthur Fellow.His legacy continues through his students, who include Endre Szemerédi, Alexandre Kirillov, Edward Frenkel, Joseph Bernstein, David Kazhdan, as well as his own son, Sergei Gelfand.A native of Kherson Governorate, Russian Empire (now, Odessa Oblast, Ukraine), Gelfand was born into a Jewish family in the small southern Ukrainian town of Okny. According to his own account, Gelfand was expelled from high school under the Soviets because his father had been a mill owner. Bypassing both high school and college, he proceeded to postgraduate study at the age of 19 at Moscow State University, where his advisor was the preeminent mathematician Andrei Kolmogorov.Gelfand is known for many developments including:I.M. Gelfand's seminar at Moscow State Universitywas running from 1945(?) until May 1989 (then it continued at Rutgers University), covered a wide range of topics,and was an important school for many mathematicians.The Gelfand–Tsetlin (also spelled Zetlin) basis is a widely used tool in theoretical physics and the result of Gelfand's work on the representation theory of the unitary group and Lie groups in general.Gelfand also published works on biology and medicine. For a long time he took an interest in cell biology and organized a research seminar on the subject.He worked extensively in mathematics education, particularly with correspondence education. In 1994, he was awarded a MacArthur Fellowship for this work.Gelfand was married to Zorya Shapiro, and their two sons, Sergei and Vladimir both live in the United States. The third son, Aleksandr, died of leukemia. Following the divorce from his first wife, Gelfand married his second wife, Tatiana; together they had a daughter, Tatiana. The family also includes four grandchildren and three great-grandchildren. Memories about I. Gelfand are collected at a dedicated website handled by his family.Gelfand held several honorary degrees and was awarded the Order of Lenin three times for his research. In 1977 he was elected a Foreign Member of the Royal Society. He won the Wolf Prize in 1978, Kyoto Prize in 1989 and MacArthur Foundation Fellowship in 1994. He held the presidency of the Moscow Mathematical Society between 1968 and 1970, and was elected a foreign member of the U.S. National Academy of Science, the American Academy of Arts and Sciences, the Royal Irish Academy, the American Mathematical Society and the London Mathematical Society.In an October 2003 article in "The New York Times", written on the occasion of his 90th birthday, Gelfand is described as a scholar who is considered "among the greatest mathematicians of the 20th century", having exerted a tremendous influence on the field both through his own works and those of his students.Israel Gelfand died at the Robert Wood Johnson University Hospital near his home in Highland Park, New Jersey. He was less than five weeks past his 96th birthday. His death was first reported on the blog of his former collaborator Andrei Zelevinsky and confirmed a few hours later by an obituary in the Russian online newspaper "Polit.ru". | [
"Rutgers University",
"Massachusetts Institute of Technology",
"Academy of Sciences of the USSR",
"Harvard University"
] |
|
Which employer did Israel Gelfand work for in Aug 17, 1955? | August 17, 1955 | {
"text": [
"Moscow State University"
]
} | L2_Q315414_P108_1 | Israel Gelfand works for Harvard University from Jan, 1989 to Jan, 1990.
Israel Gelfand works for Academy of Sciences of the USSR from Jan, 1935 to Jan, 1941.
Israel Gelfand works for Moscow State University from Jan, 1941 to Jan, 1989.
Israel Gelfand works for Rutgers University from Jan, 1990 to Jan, 1990.
Israel Gelfand works for Massachusetts Institute of Technology from Jan, 1990 to Jan, 1990. | Israel GelfandIsrael Moiseevich Gelfand, also written Israïl Moyseyovich Gel'fand, or Izrail M. Gelfand (, ; – 5 October 2009) was a prominent Soviet mathematician. He made significant contributions to many branches of mathematics, including group theory, representation theory and functional analysis. The recipient of many awards, including the Order of Lenin and the first Wolf Prize, he was a Foreign Fellow of the Royal Society and professor at Moscow State University and, after immigrating to the United States shortly before his 76th birthday, at Rutgers University. Gelfand is also a 1994 MacArthur Fellow.His legacy continues through his students, who include Endre Szemerédi, Alexandre Kirillov, Edward Frenkel, Joseph Bernstein, David Kazhdan, as well as his own son, Sergei Gelfand.A native of Kherson Governorate, Russian Empire (now, Odessa Oblast, Ukraine), Gelfand was born into a Jewish family in the small southern Ukrainian town of Okny. According to his own account, Gelfand was expelled from high school under the Soviets because his father had been a mill owner. Bypassing both high school and college, he proceeded to postgraduate study at the age of 19 at Moscow State University, where his advisor was the preeminent mathematician Andrei Kolmogorov.Gelfand is known for many developments including:I.M. Gelfand's seminar at Moscow State Universitywas running from 1945(?) until May 1989 (then it continued at Rutgers University), covered a wide range of topics,and was an important school for many mathematicians.The Gelfand–Tsetlin (also spelled Zetlin) basis is a widely used tool in theoretical physics and the result of Gelfand's work on the representation theory of the unitary group and Lie groups in general.Gelfand also published works on biology and medicine. For a long time he took an interest in cell biology and organized a research seminar on the subject.He worked extensively in mathematics education, particularly with correspondence education. In 1994, he was awarded a MacArthur Fellowship for this work.Gelfand was married to Zorya Shapiro, and their two sons, Sergei and Vladimir both live in the United States. The third son, Aleksandr, died of leukemia. Following the divorce from his first wife, Gelfand married his second wife, Tatiana; together they had a daughter, Tatiana. The family also includes four grandchildren and three great-grandchildren. Memories about I. Gelfand are collected at a dedicated website handled by his family.Gelfand held several honorary degrees and was awarded the Order of Lenin three times for his research. In 1977 he was elected a Foreign Member of the Royal Society. He won the Wolf Prize in 1978, Kyoto Prize in 1989 and MacArthur Foundation Fellowship in 1994. He held the presidency of the Moscow Mathematical Society between 1968 and 1970, and was elected a foreign member of the U.S. National Academy of Science, the American Academy of Arts and Sciences, the Royal Irish Academy, the American Mathematical Society and the London Mathematical Society.In an October 2003 article in "The New York Times", written on the occasion of his 90th birthday, Gelfand is described as a scholar who is considered "among the greatest mathematicians of the 20th century", having exerted a tremendous influence on the field both through his own works and those of his students.Israel Gelfand died at the Robert Wood Johnson University Hospital near his home in Highland Park, New Jersey. He was less than five weeks past his 96th birthday. His death was first reported on the blog of his former collaborator Andrei Zelevinsky and confirmed a few hours later by an obituary in the Russian online newspaper "Polit.ru". | [
"Rutgers University",
"Massachusetts Institute of Technology",
"Academy of Sciences of the USSR",
"Harvard University"
] |
|
Which employer did Israel Gelfand work for in 08/17/1955? | August 17, 1955 | {
"text": [
"Moscow State University"
]
} | L2_Q315414_P108_1 | Israel Gelfand works for Harvard University from Jan, 1989 to Jan, 1990.
Israel Gelfand works for Academy of Sciences of the USSR from Jan, 1935 to Jan, 1941.
Israel Gelfand works for Moscow State University from Jan, 1941 to Jan, 1989.
Israel Gelfand works for Rutgers University from Jan, 1990 to Jan, 1990.
Israel Gelfand works for Massachusetts Institute of Technology from Jan, 1990 to Jan, 1990. | Israel GelfandIsrael Moiseevich Gelfand, also written Israïl Moyseyovich Gel'fand, or Izrail M. Gelfand (, ; – 5 October 2009) was a prominent Soviet mathematician. He made significant contributions to many branches of mathematics, including group theory, representation theory and functional analysis. The recipient of many awards, including the Order of Lenin and the first Wolf Prize, he was a Foreign Fellow of the Royal Society and professor at Moscow State University and, after immigrating to the United States shortly before his 76th birthday, at Rutgers University. Gelfand is also a 1994 MacArthur Fellow.His legacy continues through his students, who include Endre Szemerédi, Alexandre Kirillov, Edward Frenkel, Joseph Bernstein, David Kazhdan, as well as his own son, Sergei Gelfand.A native of Kherson Governorate, Russian Empire (now, Odessa Oblast, Ukraine), Gelfand was born into a Jewish family in the small southern Ukrainian town of Okny. According to his own account, Gelfand was expelled from high school under the Soviets because his father had been a mill owner. Bypassing both high school and college, he proceeded to postgraduate study at the age of 19 at Moscow State University, where his advisor was the preeminent mathematician Andrei Kolmogorov.Gelfand is known for many developments including:I.M. Gelfand's seminar at Moscow State Universitywas running from 1945(?) until May 1989 (then it continued at Rutgers University), covered a wide range of topics,and was an important school for many mathematicians.The Gelfand–Tsetlin (also spelled Zetlin) basis is a widely used tool in theoretical physics and the result of Gelfand's work on the representation theory of the unitary group and Lie groups in general.Gelfand also published works on biology and medicine. For a long time he took an interest in cell biology and organized a research seminar on the subject.He worked extensively in mathematics education, particularly with correspondence education. In 1994, he was awarded a MacArthur Fellowship for this work.Gelfand was married to Zorya Shapiro, and their two sons, Sergei and Vladimir both live in the United States. The third son, Aleksandr, died of leukemia. Following the divorce from his first wife, Gelfand married his second wife, Tatiana; together they had a daughter, Tatiana. The family also includes four grandchildren and three great-grandchildren. Memories about I. Gelfand are collected at a dedicated website handled by his family.Gelfand held several honorary degrees and was awarded the Order of Lenin three times for his research. In 1977 he was elected a Foreign Member of the Royal Society. He won the Wolf Prize in 1978, Kyoto Prize in 1989 and MacArthur Foundation Fellowship in 1994. He held the presidency of the Moscow Mathematical Society between 1968 and 1970, and was elected a foreign member of the U.S. National Academy of Science, the American Academy of Arts and Sciences, the Royal Irish Academy, the American Mathematical Society and the London Mathematical Society.In an October 2003 article in "The New York Times", written on the occasion of his 90th birthday, Gelfand is described as a scholar who is considered "among the greatest mathematicians of the 20th century", having exerted a tremendous influence on the field both through his own works and those of his students.Israel Gelfand died at the Robert Wood Johnson University Hospital near his home in Highland Park, New Jersey. He was less than five weeks past his 96th birthday. His death was first reported on the blog of his former collaborator Andrei Zelevinsky and confirmed a few hours later by an obituary in the Russian online newspaper "Polit.ru". | [
"Rutgers University",
"Massachusetts Institute of Technology",
"Academy of Sciences of the USSR",
"Harvard University"
] |
|
Which employer did Israel Gelfand work for in 17-Aug-195517-August-1955? | August 17, 1955 | {
"text": [
"Moscow State University"
]
} | L2_Q315414_P108_1 | Israel Gelfand works for Harvard University from Jan, 1989 to Jan, 1990.
Israel Gelfand works for Academy of Sciences of the USSR from Jan, 1935 to Jan, 1941.
Israel Gelfand works for Moscow State University from Jan, 1941 to Jan, 1989.
Israel Gelfand works for Rutgers University from Jan, 1990 to Jan, 1990.
Israel Gelfand works for Massachusetts Institute of Technology from Jan, 1990 to Jan, 1990. | Israel GelfandIsrael Moiseevich Gelfand, also written Israïl Moyseyovich Gel'fand, or Izrail M. Gelfand (, ; – 5 October 2009) was a prominent Soviet mathematician. He made significant contributions to many branches of mathematics, including group theory, representation theory and functional analysis. The recipient of many awards, including the Order of Lenin and the first Wolf Prize, he was a Foreign Fellow of the Royal Society and professor at Moscow State University and, after immigrating to the United States shortly before his 76th birthday, at Rutgers University. Gelfand is also a 1994 MacArthur Fellow.His legacy continues through his students, who include Endre Szemerédi, Alexandre Kirillov, Edward Frenkel, Joseph Bernstein, David Kazhdan, as well as his own son, Sergei Gelfand.A native of Kherson Governorate, Russian Empire (now, Odessa Oblast, Ukraine), Gelfand was born into a Jewish family in the small southern Ukrainian town of Okny. According to his own account, Gelfand was expelled from high school under the Soviets because his father had been a mill owner. Bypassing both high school and college, he proceeded to postgraduate study at the age of 19 at Moscow State University, where his advisor was the preeminent mathematician Andrei Kolmogorov.Gelfand is known for many developments including:I.M. Gelfand's seminar at Moscow State Universitywas running from 1945(?) until May 1989 (then it continued at Rutgers University), covered a wide range of topics,and was an important school for many mathematicians.The Gelfand–Tsetlin (also spelled Zetlin) basis is a widely used tool in theoretical physics and the result of Gelfand's work on the representation theory of the unitary group and Lie groups in general.Gelfand also published works on biology and medicine. For a long time he took an interest in cell biology and organized a research seminar on the subject.He worked extensively in mathematics education, particularly with correspondence education. In 1994, he was awarded a MacArthur Fellowship for this work.Gelfand was married to Zorya Shapiro, and their two sons, Sergei and Vladimir both live in the United States. The third son, Aleksandr, died of leukemia. Following the divorce from his first wife, Gelfand married his second wife, Tatiana; together they had a daughter, Tatiana. The family also includes four grandchildren and three great-grandchildren. Memories about I. Gelfand are collected at a dedicated website handled by his family.Gelfand held several honorary degrees and was awarded the Order of Lenin three times for his research. In 1977 he was elected a Foreign Member of the Royal Society. He won the Wolf Prize in 1978, Kyoto Prize in 1989 and MacArthur Foundation Fellowship in 1994. He held the presidency of the Moscow Mathematical Society between 1968 and 1970, and was elected a foreign member of the U.S. National Academy of Science, the American Academy of Arts and Sciences, the Royal Irish Academy, the American Mathematical Society and the London Mathematical Society.In an October 2003 article in "The New York Times", written on the occasion of his 90th birthday, Gelfand is described as a scholar who is considered "among the greatest mathematicians of the 20th century", having exerted a tremendous influence on the field both through his own works and those of his students.Israel Gelfand died at the Robert Wood Johnson University Hospital near his home in Highland Park, New Jersey. He was less than five weeks past his 96th birthday. His death was first reported on the blog of his former collaborator Andrei Zelevinsky and confirmed a few hours later by an obituary in the Russian online newspaper "Polit.ru". | [
"Rutgers University",
"Massachusetts Institute of Technology",
"Academy of Sciences of the USSR",
"Harvard University"
] |
|
Which position did Sir Roger Conant, 1st Baronet hold in Nov, 1945? | November 25, 1945 | {
"text": [
"Member of the 38th Parliament of the United Kingdom"
]
} | L2_Q7528884_P39_2 | Sir Roger Conant, 1st Baronet holds the position of Member of the 38th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jul, 1945 to Feb, 1950.
Sir Roger Conant, 1st Baronet holds the position of Member of the 36th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Oct, 1931 to Oct, 1935.
Sir Roger Conant, 1st Baronet holds the position of Member of the 37th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jun, 1937 to Jun, 1945.
Sir Roger Conant, 1st Baronet holds the position of Member of the 41st Parliament of the United Kingdom from May, 1955 to Sep, 1959.
Sir Roger Conant, 1st Baronet holds the position of Member of the 39th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Feb, 1950 to Oct, 1951.
Sir Roger Conant, 1st Baronet holds the position of Member of the 40th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Oct, 1951 to May, 1955. | Sir Roger Conant, 1st BaronetSir Roger John Edward Conant, 1st Baronet, CVO, DL (28 May 1899 – 30 March 1973) was a Conservative Party politician in the United Kingdom. He was a Member of Parliament (MP) for more than 25 years between 1931 and 1959.Born in Kensington, London, he was an unsuccessful candidate in the Chesterfield constituency at the 1929 general election, but won the seat at the 1931 general election when the Labour Party split over Ramsay MacDonald's formation of the National Government.He lost the Chesterfield seat at the 1935 general election, but after the retirement in 1937 of Stanley Baldwin, he was returned to Parliament at a by-election for Baldwin's Bewdley constituency in Worcestershire. He held the seat until its abolition for the 1950 general election, when he was elected as MP for Rutland and Stamford.Appointed a Commander of the Royal Victorian Order (CVO) in the 1953 Coronation Honours, Conant was created a baronet on 30 June 1954.Sir Roger retired from the House of Commons at the 1959 general election. He died in 1973 in Chelsea. | [
"Member of the 39th Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the 40th Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the 41st Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the 37th Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the 36th Parliament of the United Kingdom"
] |
|
Which position did Sir Roger Conant, 1st Baronet hold in 1945-11-25? | November 25, 1945 | {
"text": [
"Member of the 38th Parliament of the United Kingdom"
]
} | L2_Q7528884_P39_2 | Sir Roger Conant, 1st Baronet holds the position of Member of the 38th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jul, 1945 to Feb, 1950.
Sir Roger Conant, 1st Baronet holds the position of Member of the 36th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Oct, 1931 to Oct, 1935.
Sir Roger Conant, 1st Baronet holds the position of Member of the 37th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jun, 1937 to Jun, 1945.
Sir Roger Conant, 1st Baronet holds the position of Member of the 41st Parliament of the United Kingdom from May, 1955 to Sep, 1959.
Sir Roger Conant, 1st Baronet holds the position of Member of the 39th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Feb, 1950 to Oct, 1951.
Sir Roger Conant, 1st Baronet holds the position of Member of the 40th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Oct, 1951 to May, 1955. | Sir Roger Conant, 1st BaronetSir Roger John Edward Conant, 1st Baronet, CVO, DL (28 May 1899 – 30 March 1973) was a Conservative Party politician in the United Kingdom. He was a Member of Parliament (MP) for more than 25 years between 1931 and 1959.Born in Kensington, London, he was an unsuccessful candidate in the Chesterfield constituency at the 1929 general election, but won the seat at the 1931 general election when the Labour Party split over Ramsay MacDonald's formation of the National Government.He lost the Chesterfield seat at the 1935 general election, but after the retirement in 1937 of Stanley Baldwin, he was returned to Parliament at a by-election for Baldwin's Bewdley constituency in Worcestershire. He held the seat until its abolition for the 1950 general election, when he was elected as MP for Rutland and Stamford.Appointed a Commander of the Royal Victorian Order (CVO) in the 1953 Coronation Honours, Conant was created a baronet on 30 June 1954.Sir Roger retired from the House of Commons at the 1959 general election. He died in 1973 in Chelsea. | [
"Member of the 39th Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the 40th Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the 41st Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the 37th Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the 36th Parliament of the United Kingdom"
] |
|
Which position did Sir Roger Conant, 1st Baronet hold in 25/11/1945? | November 25, 1945 | {
"text": [
"Member of the 38th Parliament of the United Kingdom"
]
} | L2_Q7528884_P39_2 | Sir Roger Conant, 1st Baronet holds the position of Member of the 38th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jul, 1945 to Feb, 1950.
Sir Roger Conant, 1st Baronet holds the position of Member of the 36th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Oct, 1931 to Oct, 1935.
Sir Roger Conant, 1st Baronet holds the position of Member of the 37th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jun, 1937 to Jun, 1945.
Sir Roger Conant, 1st Baronet holds the position of Member of the 41st Parliament of the United Kingdom from May, 1955 to Sep, 1959.
Sir Roger Conant, 1st Baronet holds the position of Member of the 39th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Feb, 1950 to Oct, 1951.
Sir Roger Conant, 1st Baronet holds the position of Member of the 40th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Oct, 1951 to May, 1955. | Sir Roger Conant, 1st BaronetSir Roger John Edward Conant, 1st Baronet, CVO, DL (28 May 1899 – 30 March 1973) was a Conservative Party politician in the United Kingdom. He was a Member of Parliament (MP) for more than 25 years between 1931 and 1959.Born in Kensington, London, he was an unsuccessful candidate in the Chesterfield constituency at the 1929 general election, but won the seat at the 1931 general election when the Labour Party split over Ramsay MacDonald's formation of the National Government.He lost the Chesterfield seat at the 1935 general election, but after the retirement in 1937 of Stanley Baldwin, he was returned to Parliament at a by-election for Baldwin's Bewdley constituency in Worcestershire. He held the seat until its abolition for the 1950 general election, when he was elected as MP for Rutland and Stamford.Appointed a Commander of the Royal Victorian Order (CVO) in the 1953 Coronation Honours, Conant was created a baronet on 30 June 1954.Sir Roger retired from the House of Commons at the 1959 general election. He died in 1973 in Chelsea. | [
"Member of the 39th Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the 40th Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the 41st Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the 37th Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the 36th Parliament of the United Kingdom"
] |
|
Which position did Sir Roger Conant, 1st Baronet hold in Nov 25, 1945? | November 25, 1945 | {
"text": [
"Member of the 38th Parliament of the United Kingdom"
]
} | L2_Q7528884_P39_2 | Sir Roger Conant, 1st Baronet holds the position of Member of the 38th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jul, 1945 to Feb, 1950.
Sir Roger Conant, 1st Baronet holds the position of Member of the 36th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Oct, 1931 to Oct, 1935.
Sir Roger Conant, 1st Baronet holds the position of Member of the 37th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jun, 1937 to Jun, 1945.
Sir Roger Conant, 1st Baronet holds the position of Member of the 41st Parliament of the United Kingdom from May, 1955 to Sep, 1959.
Sir Roger Conant, 1st Baronet holds the position of Member of the 39th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Feb, 1950 to Oct, 1951.
Sir Roger Conant, 1st Baronet holds the position of Member of the 40th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Oct, 1951 to May, 1955. | Sir Roger Conant, 1st BaronetSir Roger John Edward Conant, 1st Baronet, CVO, DL (28 May 1899 – 30 March 1973) was a Conservative Party politician in the United Kingdom. He was a Member of Parliament (MP) for more than 25 years between 1931 and 1959.Born in Kensington, London, he was an unsuccessful candidate in the Chesterfield constituency at the 1929 general election, but won the seat at the 1931 general election when the Labour Party split over Ramsay MacDonald's formation of the National Government.He lost the Chesterfield seat at the 1935 general election, but after the retirement in 1937 of Stanley Baldwin, he was returned to Parliament at a by-election for Baldwin's Bewdley constituency in Worcestershire. He held the seat until its abolition for the 1950 general election, when he was elected as MP for Rutland and Stamford.Appointed a Commander of the Royal Victorian Order (CVO) in the 1953 Coronation Honours, Conant was created a baronet on 30 June 1954.Sir Roger retired from the House of Commons at the 1959 general election. He died in 1973 in Chelsea. | [
"Member of the 39th Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the 40th Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the 41st Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the 37th Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the 36th Parliament of the United Kingdom"
] |
|
Which position did Sir Roger Conant, 1st Baronet hold in 11/25/1945? | November 25, 1945 | {
"text": [
"Member of the 38th Parliament of the United Kingdom"
]
} | L2_Q7528884_P39_2 | Sir Roger Conant, 1st Baronet holds the position of Member of the 38th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jul, 1945 to Feb, 1950.
Sir Roger Conant, 1st Baronet holds the position of Member of the 36th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Oct, 1931 to Oct, 1935.
Sir Roger Conant, 1st Baronet holds the position of Member of the 37th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jun, 1937 to Jun, 1945.
Sir Roger Conant, 1st Baronet holds the position of Member of the 41st Parliament of the United Kingdom from May, 1955 to Sep, 1959.
Sir Roger Conant, 1st Baronet holds the position of Member of the 39th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Feb, 1950 to Oct, 1951.
Sir Roger Conant, 1st Baronet holds the position of Member of the 40th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Oct, 1951 to May, 1955. | Sir Roger Conant, 1st BaronetSir Roger John Edward Conant, 1st Baronet, CVO, DL (28 May 1899 – 30 March 1973) was a Conservative Party politician in the United Kingdom. He was a Member of Parliament (MP) for more than 25 years between 1931 and 1959.Born in Kensington, London, he was an unsuccessful candidate in the Chesterfield constituency at the 1929 general election, but won the seat at the 1931 general election when the Labour Party split over Ramsay MacDonald's formation of the National Government.He lost the Chesterfield seat at the 1935 general election, but after the retirement in 1937 of Stanley Baldwin, he was returned to Parliament at a by-election for Baldwin's Bewdley constituency in Worcestershire. He held the seat until its abolition for the 1950 general election, when he was elected as MP for Rutland and Stamford.Appointed a Commander of the Royal Victorian Order (CVO) in the 1953 Coronation Honours, Conant was created a baronet on 30 June 1954.Sir Roger retired from the House of Commons at the 1959 general election. He died in 1973 in Chelsea. | [
"Member of the 39th Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the 40th Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the 41st Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the 37th Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the 36th Parliament of the United Kingdom"
] |
|
Which position did Sir Roger Conant, 1st Baronet hold in 25-Nov-194525-November-1945? | November 25, 1945 | {
"text": [
"Member of the 38th Parliament of the United Kingdom"
]
} | L2_Q7528884_P39_2 | Sir Roger Conant, 1st Baronet holds the position of Member of the 38th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jul, 1945 to Feb, 1950.
Sir Roger Conant, 1st Baronet holds the position of Member of the 36th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Oct, 1931 to Oct, 1935.
Sir Roger Conant, 1st Baronet holds the position of Member of the 37th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jun, 1937 to Jun, 1945.
Sir Roger Conant, 1st Baronet holds the position of Member of the 41st Parliament of the United Kingdom from May, 1955 to Sep, 1959.
Sir Roger Conant, 1st Baronet holds the position of Member of the 39th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Feb, 1950 to Oct, 1951.
Sir Roger Conant, 1st Baronet holds the position of Member of the 40th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Oct, 1951 to May, 1955. | Sir Roger Conant, 1st BaronetSir Roger John Edward Conant, 1st Baronet, CVO, DL (28 May 1899 – 30 March 1973) was a Conservative Party politician in the United Kingdom. He was a Member of Parliament (MP) for more than 25 years between 1931 and 1959.Born in Kensington, London, he was an unsuccessful candidate in the Chesterfield constituency at the 1929 general election, but won the seat at the 1931 general election when the Labour Party split over Ramsay MacDonald's formation of the National Government.He lost the Chesterfield seat at the 1935 general election, but after the retirement in 1937 of Stanley Baldwin, he was returned to Parliament at a by-election for Baldwin's Bewdley constituency in Worcestershire. He held the seat until its abolition for the 1950 general election, when he was elected as MP for Rutland and Stamford.Appointed a Commander of the Royal Victorian Order (CVO) in the 1953 Coronation Honours, Conant was created a baronet on 30 June 1954.Sir Roger retired from the House of Commons at the 1959 general election. He died in 1973 in Chelsea. | [
"Member of the 39th Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the 40th Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the 41st Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the 37th Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the 36th Parliament of the United Kingdom"
] |
|
Which team did Carlos Alberto Etcheverry play for in Dec, 1965? | December 16, 1965 | {
"text": [
"Atlante F.C."
]
} | L2_Q519395_P54_5 | Carlos Alberto Etcheverry plays for Club León from Jan, 1958 to Jan, 1961.
Carlos Alberto Etcheverry plays for Atlante F.C. from Jan, 1965 to Jan, 1966.
Carlos Alberto Etcheverry plays for Jabatos de Nuevo León from Jan, 1966 to Jan, 1969.
Carlos Alberto Etcheverry plays for Atlético Irapuato from Jan, 1961 to Jan, 1962.
Carlos Alberto Etcheverry plays for Boca Juniors from Jan, 1952 to Jan, 1955.
Carlos Alberto Etcheverry plays for Club Universidad Nacional from Jan, 1963 to Jan, 1964.
Carlos Alberto Etcheverry plays for Chacarita Juniors from Jan, 1955 to Jan, 1957. | Carlos Alberto EtcheverryCarlos Alberto "Tito" Etcheverry D'Angelo (June 29, 1933 in Buenos Aires – August 28, 2014) was an Argentine former soccer player and coach, who is most known in Mexico for being the first top-scorer of the Pumas de la UNAM.Etcheverry was born in the Barrio de La Paternal, in Buenos Aires, Argentina. When was 17, he debuted as a professional, playing for Boca Juniors. After several seasons, he was transferred to Chacarita Juniors. In 1957, he was hired by the Mexican León, recommended by his brother-in-law and also a soccer player, Oscar Nova.In 1964, Etcheverry became the first top-goalscorer of the Pumas de la UNAM, with 20 goals.Besides León and UNAM, "Tito" Etcheverry also played in Mexico for Club Irapuato, Atlante F.C., and Jabatos de Nuevo León, where he served as player-manager. He later went on to become manager of CF Monterrey.Etcheverry died due to complications related to his battle with diabetes, in Leon, on August 28, 2014. | [
"Chacarita Juniors",
"Club Universidad Nacional",
"Jabatos de Nuevo León",
"Club León",
"Atlético Irapuato",
"Boca Juniors"
] |
|
Which team did Carlos Alberto Etcheverry play for in 1965-12-16? | December 16, 1965 | {
"text": [
"Atlante F.C."
]
} | L2_Q519395_P54_5 | Carlos Alberto Etcheverry plays for Club León from Jan, 1958 to Jan, 1961.
Carlos Alberto Etcheverry plays for Atlante F.C. from Jan, 1965 to Jan, 1966.
Carlos Alberto Etcheverry plays for Jabatos de Nuevo León from Jan, 1966 to Jan, 1969.
Carlos Alberto Etcheverry plays for Atlético Irapuato from Jan, 1961 to Jan, 1962.
Carlos Alberto Etcheverry plays for Boca Juniors from Jan, 1952 to Jan, 1955.
Carlos Alberto Etcheverry plays for Club Universidad Nacional from Jan, 1963 to Jan, 1964.
Carlos Alberto Etcheverry plays for Chacarita Juniors from Jan, 1955 to Jan, 1957. | Carlos Alberto EtcheverryCarlos Alberto "Tito" Etcheverry D'Angelo (June 29, 1933 in Buenos Aires – August 28, 2014) was an Argentine former soccer player and coach, who is most known in Mexico for being the first top-scorer of the Pumas de la UNAM.Etcheverry was born in the Barrio de La Paternal, in Buenos Aires, Argentina. When was 17, he debuted as a professional, playing for Boca Juniors. After several seasons, he was transferred to Chacarita Juniors. In 1957, he was hired by the Mexican León, recommended by his brother-in-law and also a soccer player, Oscar Nova.In 1964, Etcheverry became the first top-goalscorer of the Pumas de la UNAM, with 20 goals.Besides León and UNAM, "Tito" Etcheverry also played in Mexico for Club Irapuato, Atlante F.C., and Jabatos de Nuevo León, where he served as player-manager. He later went on to become manager of CF Monterrey.Etcheverry died due to complications related to his battle with diabetes, in Leon, on August 28, 2014. | [
"Chacarita Juniors",
"Club Universidad Nacional",
"Jabatos de Nuevo León",
"Club León",
"Atlético Irapuato",
"Boca Juniors"
] |
|
Which team did Carlos Alberto Etcheverry play for in 16/12/1965? | December 16, 1965 | {
"text": [
"Atlante F.C."
]
} | L2_Q519395_P54_5 | Carlos Alberto Etcheverry plays for Club León from Jan, 1958 to Jan, 1961.
Carlos Alberto Etcheverry plays for Atlante F.C. from Jan, 1965 to Jan, 1966.
Carlos Alberto Etcheverry plays for Jabatos de Nuevo León from Jan, 1966 to Jan, 1969.
Carlos Alberto Etcheverry plays for Atlético Irapuato from Jan, 1961 to Jan, 1962.
Carlos Alberto Etcheverry plays for Boca Juniors from Jan, 1952 to Jan, 1955.
Carlos Alberto Etcheverry plays for Club Universidad Nacional from Jan, 1963 to Jan, 1964.
Carlos Alberto Etcheverry plays for Chacarita Juniors from Jan, 1955 to Jan, 1957. | Carlos Alberto EtcheverryCarlos Alberto "Tito" Etcheverry D'Angelo (June 29, 1933 in Buenos Aires – August 28, 2014) was an Argentine former soccer player and coach, who is most known in Mexico for being the first top-scorer of the Pumas de la UNAM.Etcheverry was born in the Barrio de La Paternal, in Buenos Aires, Argentina. When was 17, he debuted as a professional, playing for Boca Juniors. After several seasons, he was transferred to Chacarita Juniors. In 1957, he was hired by the Mexican León, recommended by his brother-in-law and also a soccer player, Oscar Nova.In 1964, Etcheverry became the first top-goalscorer of the Pumas de la UNAM, with 20 goals.Besides León and UNAM, "Tito" Etcheverry also played in Mexico for Club Irapuato, Atlante F.C., and Jabatos de Nuevo León, where he served as player-manager. He later went on to become manager of CF Monterrey.Etcheverry died due to complications related to his battle with diabetes, in Leon, on August 28, 2014. | [
"Chacarita Juniors",
"Club Universidad Nacional",
"Jabatos de Nuevo León",
"Club León",
"Atlético Irapuato",
"Boca Juniors"
] |
|
Which team did Carlos Alberto Etcheverry play for in Dec 16, 1965? | December 16, 1965 | {
"text": [
"Atlante F.C."
]
} | L2_Q519395_P54_5 | Carlos Alberto Etcheverry plays for Club León from Jan, 1958 to Jan, 1961.
Carlos Alberto Etcheverry plays for Atlante F.C. from Jan, 1965 to Jan, 1966.
Carlos Alberto Etcheverry plays for Jabatos de Nuevo León from Jan, 1966 to Jan, 1969.
Carlos Alberto Etcheverry plays for Atlético Irapuato from Jan, 1961 to Jan, 1962.
Carlos Alberto Etcheverry plays for Boca Juniors from Jan, 1952 to Jan, 1955.
Carlos Alberto Etcheverry plays for Club Universidad Nacional from Jan, 1963 to Jan, 1964.
Carlos Alberto Etcheverry plays for Chacarita Juniors from Jan, 1955 to Jan, 1957. | Carlos Alberto EtcheverryCarlos Alberto "Tito" Etcheverry D'Angelo (June 29, 1933 in Buenos Aires – August 28, 2014) was an Argentine former soccer player and coach, who is most known in Mexico for being the first top-scorer of the Pumas de la UNAM.Etcheverry was born in the Barrio de La Paternal, in Buenos Aires, Argentina. When was 17, he debuted as a professional, playing for Boca Juniors. After several seasons, he was transferred to Chacarita Juniors. In 1957, he was hired by the Mexican León, recommended by his brother-in-law and also a soccer player, Oscar Nova.In 1964, Etcheverry became the first top-goalscorer of the Pumas de la UNAM, with 20 goals.Besides León and UNAM, "Tito" Etcheverry also played in Mexico for Club Irapuato, Atlante F.C., and Jabatos de Nuevo León, where he served as player-manager. He later went on to become manager of CF Monterrey.Etcheverry died due to complications related to his battle with diabetes, in Leon, on August 28, 2014. | [
"Chacarita Juniors",
"Club Universidad Nacional",
"Jabatos de Nuevo León",
"Club León",
"Atlético Irapuato",
"Boca Juniors"
] |
|
Which team did Carlos Alberto Etcheverry play for in 12/16/1965? | December 16, 1965 | {
"text": [
"Atlante F.C."
]
} | L2_Q519395_P54_5 | Carlos Alberto Etcheverry plays for Club León from Jan, 1958 to Jan, 1961.
Carlos Alberto Etcheverry plays for Atlante F.C. from Jan, 1965 to Jan, 1966.
Carlos Alberto Etcheverry plays for Jabatos de Nuevo León from Jan, 1966 to Jan, 1969.
Carlos Alberto Etcheverry plays for Atlético Irapuato from Jan, 1961 to Jan, 1962.
Carlos Alberto Etcheverry plays for Boca Juniors from Jan, 1952 to Jan, 1955.
Carlos Alberto Etcheverry plays for Club Universidad Nacional from Jan, 1963 to Jan, 1964.
Carlos Alberto Etcheverry plays for Chacarita Juniors from Jan, 1955 to Jan, 1957. | Carlos Alberto EtcheverryCarlos Alberto "Tito" Etcheverry D'Angelo (June 29, 1933 in Buenos Aires – August 28, 2014) was an Argentine former soccer player and coach, who is most known in Mexico for being the first top-scorer of the Pumas de la UNAM.Etcheverry was born in the Barrio de La Paternal, in Buenos Aires, Argentina. When was 17, he debuted as a professional, playing for Boca Juniors. After several seasons, he was transferred to Chacarita Juniors. In 1957, he was hired by the Mexican León, recommended by his brother-in-law and also a soccer player, Oscar Nova.In 1964, Etcheverry became the first top-goalscorer of the Pumas de la UNAM, with 20 goals.Besides León and UNAM, "Tito" Etcheverry also played in Mexico for Club Irapuato, Atlante F.C., and Jabatos de Nuevo León, where he served as player-manager. He later went on to become manager of CF Monterrey.Etcheverry died due to complications related to his battle with diabetes, in Leon, on August 28, 2014. | [
"Chacarita Juniors",
"Club Universidad Nacional",
"Jabatos de Nuevo León",
"Club León",
"Atlético Irapuato",
"Boca Juniors"
] |
|
Which team did Carlos Alberto Etcheverry play for in 16-Dec-196516-December-1965? | December 16, 1965 | {
"text": [
"Atlante F.C."
]
} | L2_Q519395_P54_5 | Carlos Alberto Etcheverry plays for Club León from Jan, 1958 to Jan, 1961.
Carlos Alberto Etcheverry plays for Atlante F.C. from Jan, 1965 to Jan, 1966.
Carlos Alberto Etcheverry plays for Jabatos de Nuevo León from Jan, 1966 to Jan, 1969.
Carlos Alberto Etcheverry plays for Atlético Irapuato from Jan, 1961 to Jan, 1962.
Carlos Alberto Etcheverry plays for Boca Juniors from Jan, 1952 to Jan, 1955.
Carlos Alberto Etcheverry plays for Club Universidad Nacional from Jan, 1963 to Jan, 1964.
Carlos Alberto Etcheverry plays for Chacarita Juniors from Jan, 1955 to Jan, 1957. | Carlos Alberto EtcheverryCarlos Alberto "Tito" Etcheverry D'Angelo (June 29, 1933 in Buenos Aires – August 28, 2014) was an Argentine former soccer player and coach, who is most known in Mexico for being the first top-scorer of the Pumas de la UNAM.Etcheverry was born in the Barrio de La Paternal, in Buenos Aires, Argentina. When was 17, he debuted as a professional, playing for Boca Juniors. After several seasons, he was transferred to Chacarita Juniors. In 1957, he was hired by the Mexican León, recommended by his brother-in-law and also a soccer player, Oscar Nova.In 1964, Etcheverry became the first top-goalscorer of the Pumas de la UNAM, with 20 goals.Besides León and UNAM, "Tito" Etcheverry also played in Mexico for Club Irapuato, Atlante F.C., and Jabatos de Nuevo León, where he served as player-manager. He later went on to become manager of CF Monterrey.Etcheverry died due to complications related to his battle with diabetes, in Leon, on August 28, 2014. | [
"Chacarita Juniors",
"Club Universidad Nacional",
"Jabatos de Nuevo León",
"Club León",
"Atlético Irapuato",
"Boca Juniors"
] |
|
Who was the chair of Liberal Party of Canada in Jun, 1966? | June 18, 1966 | {
"text": [
"Lester B. Pearson"
]
} | L2_Q138345_P488_6 | Jean Chrétien is the chair of Liberal Party of Canada from Jun, 1990 to Nov, 2003.
Lester B. Pearson is the chair of Liberal Party of Canada from Jan, 1958 to Apr, 1968.
Stéphane Dion is the chair of Liberal Party of Canada from Dec, 2006 to Dec, 2008.
Edward Blake is the chair of Liberal Party of Canada from May, 1880 to Jun, 1887.
Paul Martin is the chair of Liberal Party of Canada from Nov, 2003 to Mar, 2006.
Bill Graham is the chair of Liberal Party of Canada from Mar, 2006 to Dec, 2006.
Louis St. Laurent is the chair of Liberal Party of Canada from Aug, 1948 to Jan, 1958.
Bob Rae is the chair of Liberal Party of Canada from May, 2011 to Apr, 2013.
Wilfrid Laurier is the chair of Liberal Party of Canada from Jun, 1887 to Feb, 1919.
John Turner is the chair of Liberal Party of Canada from Jun, 1984 to Jun, 1990.
Justin Trudeau is the chair of Liberal Party of Canada from Apr, 2013 to Dec, 2022.
Daniel Duncan McKenzie is the chair of Liberal Party of Canada from Feb, 1919 to Aug, 1919.
Alexander Mackenzie is the chair of Liberal Party of Canada from Mar, 1873 to Apr, 1880.
William Lyon Mackenzie King is the chair of Liberal Party of Canada from Aug, 1919 to Aug, 1948.
Pierre Trudeau is the chair of Liberal Party of Canada from Apr, 1968 to Jun, 1984.
Michael Ignatieff is the chair of Liberal Party of Canada from Dec, 2008 to May, 2011. | Liberal Party of CanadaThe Liberal Party of Canada (LPC; ) is the longest-serving and oldest active federal political party in Canada. The party has dominated federal politics for much of Canada's history, holding power for almost 70 years of the 20th century. As a result, it has sometimes been referred to as Canada's "natural governing party".The party espouses the principles of liberalism, and generally sits at the centre to centre-left of the Canadian political spectrum, with their rival the Conservative Party positioned to the right and the New Democratic Party (who at times aligned itself with the Liberals during minority governments), positioned to their left. The party is described as "big tent", practicing "brokerage politics", attracting support from a broad spectrum of voters. In the late 1970s, Prime Minister Pierre Elliott Trudeau claimed that his Liberal Party adhered to the "radical centre".The Liberals' signature policies and legislative decisions include universal health care, the Canada Pension Plan, Canada Student Loans, peacekeeping, multilateralism, official bilingualism, official multiculturalism, gun control, patriating the Canadian constitution and the entrenchment of Canada's "Charter of Rights and Freedoms", the "Clarity Act", legalizing same-sex marriage, euthanasia, and cannabis, national carbon pricing, and expanded access to abortion.In the 2015 federal election, the Liberal Party under Justin Trudeau had its best result since the 2000 election, winning 39.5 percent of the popular vote and 184 seats, gaining a majority of seats in the House of Commons. In the 2019 federal election, they were reduced to a minority government, winning 157 seats to remain the largest party in the House of Commons while narrowly losing the popular vote.The Liberals are descended from the mid-19th century Reformers who advocated for responsible government throughout British North America. These included George Brown, Alexander Mackenzie, Robert Baldwin, William Lyon Mackenzie and the Clear Grits in Upper Canada, Joseph Howe in Nova Scotia, and the Patriotes and Rouges in Lower Canada led by figures such as Louis-Joseph Papineau. The Clear Grits and "Parti rouge" sometimes functioned as a united bloc in the legislature of the Province of Canada beginning in 1854, and a united Liberal Party combining both English and French Canadian members was formed in 1861.At the time of confederation of the former British colonies of Canada (now Ontario and Quebec), New Brunswick and Nova Scotia, the radical Liberals were marginalized by the more pragmatic Conservative coalition assembled under Sir John A. Macdonald. In the 29 years after Canadian confederation, the Liberals were consigned to opposition, with the exception of one stint in government. Alexander Mackenzie was the de facto leader of the Official Opposition after Confederation and finally agreed to become the first official leader of the Liberal Party in 1873. He was able to lead the party to power for the first time in 1873, after the MacDonald government lost a vote of no confidence in the House of Commons due to the Pacific Scandal. Mackenzie subsequently won the 1874 election, and served as Prime Minister for an additional four years. During the five years the Liberal government brought in many reforms, which include the replacement of open voting by secret ballot, confining elections to one day and the creation of the Supreme Court of Canada, the Royal Military College of Canada, and the Office of the Auditor General. However the party was only able to build a solid support base in Ontario, and in 1878 lost the government to MacDonald. The Liberals would spend the next 18 years in opposition.In their early history, the Liberals were the party of continentalism and opposition to imperialism. The Liberals also became identified with the aspirations of Quebecers as a result of the growing hostility of French Canadians to the Conservatives. The Conservatives lost the support of French Canadians because of the role of Conservative governments in the execution of Louis Riel and their role in the Conscription Crisis of 1917, and especially their opposition to French schools in provinces besides Quebec.It was not until Wilfrid Laurier became leader that the Liberal Party emerged as a modern party. Laurier was able to capitalize on the Tories' alienation of French Canada by offering the Liberals as a credible alternative. Laurier was able to overcome the party's reputation for anti-clericalism that offended the still-powerful Quebec Roman Catholic Church. In English-speaking Canada, the Liberal Party's support for reciprocity made it popular among farmers, and helped cement the party's hold in the growing prairie provinces.Laurier led the Liberals to power in the 1896 election (in which he became the first Francophone Prime Minister), and oversaw a government that increased immigration in order to settle Western Canada. Laurier's government created the provinces of Saskatchewan and Alberta out of the North-West Territories, and promoted the development of Canadian industry.Until the early part of the century, the Liberal Party was a loose, informal coalition of local, provincial and regional bodies with a strong national party leader and caucus (and when in power, the national cabinet) but with an informal and regionalized extra-parliamentary organizational structure. There was no national membership of the party, an individual became a member by joining a provincial Liberal party. Laurier called the party's first national convention in 1893 in order to unite Liberal supporters behind a programme and build the campaign that successfully brought the party to power in 1896; however, once in power, no efforts were made to create a formal national organization outside of parliament.As a result of the party's defeats in the 1911 and 1917 federal elections, Laurier attempted to organize the party on a national level by creating three bodies: the Central Liberal Information Office, the National Liberal Advisory Committee, and the National Liberal Organization Committee. However, the advisory committee became dominated by members of parliament and all three bodies were underfunded and competed with both local and provincial Liberal associations and the national caucus for authority. The party did organize the national party's second convention in 1919 to elect William Lyon Mackenzie King as Laurier's successor (Canada's first ever leadership convention), yet following the party's return to power in the 1921 federal election the nascent national party organizations were eclipsed by powerful ministers and local party organizations largely driven by patronage.As a result of both the party's defeat in the 1930 federal election, and the Beauharnois bribery scandal which highlighted the need for distance between the Liberal Party's political wing and campaign fundraising, a central coordinating organization, the National Liberal Federation, was created in 1932 with Vincent Massey as its first president. The new organization allowed individuals to directly join the national Liberal Party for the first time. With the Liberals return to power the national organization languished except for occasional national committee meetings, such as in 1943 when Mackenzie King called a meeting of the federation (consisting of the national caucus and up to seven voting delegates per province) to approve a new platform for the party in anticipation of the end of World War II and prepare for a post-war election. No national convention was held, however, until 1948; the Liberal Party held only three national conventions prior to the 1950s – in 1893, 1919 and 1948. The National Liberal Federation remained largely dependent on provincial Liberal parties and was often ignored and bypassed the parliamentary party in the organization of election campaigns and the development of policy. With the defeat of the Liberals in the 1957 federal election and in particular 1958, reformers argued for the strengthening of the national party organization so it would not be dependent on provincial Liberal parties and patronage. A national executive and Council of presidents, consisting of the presidents of each Liberal riding association, were developed to give the party more co-ordination and national party conventions were regularly held in biennially where previously they had been held infrequently. Over time, provincial Liberal parties in most provinces were separated from provincial wings of the federal party and in a number of cases disaffiliated. By the 1980s, the National Liberal Federation was officially known as the Liberal Party of Canada.Under Laurier, and his successor William Lyon Mackenzie King, the Liberals promoted Canadian sovereignty and greater independence within the British Commonwealth. In Imperial Conferences held throughout the 1920s, Canadian Liberal governments often took the lead in arguing that the United Kingdom and the dominions should have equal status, and against proposals for an 'imperial parliament' that would have subsumed Canadian independence. After the King–Byng Affair of 1926, the Liberals argued that the Governor General of Canada should no longer be appointed on the recommendation of the British government. The decisions of the Imperial Conferences were formalized in the Statute of Westminster, which was actually passed in 1931, the year after the Liberals lost power.The Liberals also promoted the idea of Canada being responsible for its own foreign and defence policy. Initially, it was Britain which determined external affairs for the dominion. In 1905, Laurier created the Department of External Affairs, and in 1909 he advised Governor General Earl Grey to appoint the first Secretary of State for External Affairs to Cabinet. It was also Laurier who first proposed the creation of a Canadian Navy in 1910. Mackenzie King recommended the appointment by Governor General Lord Byng of Vincent Massey as the first Canadian ambassador to Washington in 1926, marking the Liberal government's insistence on having direct relations with the United States, rather than having Britain act on Canada's behalf.In the period just before and after the Second World War, the party became a champion of 'progressive social policy'. As Prime Minister for most of the time between 1921 and 1948, King introduced several measures that led to the creation of Canada's social safety net. Bowing to popular pressure, he introduced the mother's allowance, a monthly payment to all mothers with young children. He also reluctantly introduced old age pensions when J. S. Woodsworth required it in exchange for his Co-operative Commonwealth Federation party's support of King's minority government.Louis St. Laurent succeeded King as Liberal leader and Prime Minister on November 15, 1948. In the 1949 and 1953 federal elections, St. Laurent led the Liberal Party to two large majority governments. As Prime Minister he oversaw the joining of Newfoundland in Confederation as Canada's tenth province, he established equalization payments to the provinces, and continued with social reform with improvements in pensions and health insurance. In 1956, Canada played an important role in resolving the Suez Crisis, and contributed to the United Nations force in the Korean War. Canada enjoyed economic prosperity during St. Laurent's premiership and wartime debts were paid off. The Pipeline Debate proved the Liberal Party's undoing. Their attempt to pass legislation to build a natural gas pipeline from Alberta to central Canada was met with fierce disagreement in the House of Commons. In 1957, John Diefenbaker's Progressive Conservatives won a minority government and St. Laurent resigned as Prime Minister and Liberal leader.Lester B. Pearson was easily elected Liberal leader at the party's 1958 leadership convention. However, only months after becoming Liberal leader, Pearson led the party into the 1958 federal election that saw Diefenbaker's Progressive Conservatives win the largest majority government, by percentage of seats, in Canadian history. The Progressive Conservatives won 206 of the 265 seats in the House of Commons, while the Liberals were reduced to just 48 seats. Pearson remained Liberal leader during this time and in the 1962 election managed to reduce Diefenbaker to a minority government. In the 1963 election Pearson led the Liberal Party back to victory, forming a minority government. Pearson served as Prime Minister for five years, winning a second election in 1965. While Pearson's leadership was considered poor and the Liberal Party never held a majority of the seats in parliament during his premiership, he left office in 1968 with an impressive legacy. Pearson's government introduced Medicare, a new immigration act, the Canada Pension Plan, Canada Student Loans, the Canada Assistance Plan, and adopted the Maple Leaf as Canada's national flag.Under Pierre Trudeau, the mission of a progressive social policy evolved into the goal of creating a "just society".The Liberal Party under Trudeau promoted official bilingualism and passed the "Official Languages Act", which gave French and English languages equal status in Canada. Trudeau hoped that the promotion of bilingualism would cement Quebec's place in Confederation, and counter growing calls for an independent Quebec. The party hoped the policy would transform Canada into a country where English and French Canadians could live together, and allow Canadians to move to any part of the country without having to lose their language. Although this vision has yet to fully materialize, official bilingualism has helped to halt the decline of the French language outside of Quebec, and to ensure that all federal government services (including radio and television services provided by the government-owned Canadian Broadcasting Corporation/Radio-Canada) are available in both languages throughout the country.The Trudeau Liberals are also credited with support for state multiculturalism as a means of integrating immigrants into Canadian society without forcing them to shed their culture, leading the party to build a base of support among recent immigrants and their children. This marked the culmination of a decades-long shift in Liberal immigration policy, a reversal of pre-war racial attitudes that spurred discriminatory policies such as the Chinese Immigration Act of 1923 and the MS St. Louis incident.The most lasting effect of the Trudeau years has been the patriation of the Canadian constitution and the creation of Canada's Charter of Rights and Freedoms. Trudeau's Liberals supported the concept of a strong, central government, and fought Quebec separatism, other forms of Quebec nationalism, and the granting of "distinct society" status to Quebec. Such actions, however, served as rallying cries for sovereigntists and alienated many Francophone Quebeckers.The other primary legacy of the Trudeau years has been financial. Net federal debt in fiscal 1968, just before Trudeau became Prime Minister, was about $18 billion CAD, or 26 percent of gross domestic product; by his final year in office, it had ballooned to over 200 billion—at 46 percent of GDP, nearly twice as large relative to the economy.After Trudeau's retirement in 1984, many Liberals, such as Jean Chrétien and Clyde Wells, continued to adhere to Trudeau's concept of federalism. Others, such as John Turner, supported the failed Meech Lake and Charlottetown Constitutional Accords, which would have recognized Quebec as a "distinct society" and would have increased the powers of the provinces to the detriment of the federal government.Trudeau stepped down as Prime Minister and party leader in 1984, as the Liberals were slipping in polls. At that year's leadership convention, Turner defeated Chrétien on the second ballot to become Prime Minister. Immediately, upon taking office, Turner called a snap election, citing favourable internal polls. However, the party was hurt by numerous patronage appointments, many of which Turner had made supposedly in return for Trudeau retiring early. Also, they were unpopular in their traditional stronghold of Quebec because of the constitution repatriation which excluded that province. The Liberals lost power in the 1984 election, and were reduced to only 40 seats in the House of Commons. The Progressive Conservatives won a majority of the seats in every province, including Quebec. The 95-seat loss was the worst defeat in the party's history, and the worst defeat at the time for a governing party at the federal level. What was more, the New Democratic Party, successor to the Co-operative Commonwealth Federation, won only ten fewer seats than the Liberals, and some thought that the NDP under Ed Broadbent would push the Liberals to third-party status.The party began a long process of reconstruction. A small group of young Liberal MPs, known as the Rat Pack, gained fame by criticizing the Tory government of Brian Mulroney at every turn. Also, despite public and backroom attempts to remove Turner as leader, he managed to consolidate his leadership at the 1986 review.The 1988 election was notable for Turner's strong opposition to the Canada-U.S. Free Trade Agreement negotiated by Progressive Conservative Prime Minister Brian Mulroney. Although most Canadians voted for parties opposed to free trade, the Tories were returned with a majority government, and implemented the deal. The Liberals recovered from their near-meltdown of 1984, however, winning 83 seats and ending much of the talk of being eclipsed by the NDP, who won 43 seats.Turner announced that he would resign as leader of the Liberal Party on May 3, 1989. The Liberal Party set a leadership convention for June 23, 1990, in Calgary. Five candidates contested the leadership of the party and former Deputy Prime Minister Jean Chrétien, who had served in every Liberal cabinet since 1965, won on the first ballot. Chrétien's Liberals campaigned in the 1993 election on the promise of renegotiating the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA), and eliminating the Goods and Services Tax (GST). Just after the writ was dropped for the election, they issued the Red Book, an integrated and coherent approach to economic, social, environmental and foreign policy. This was unprecedented for a Canadian party. Taking full advantage of the inability of Mulroney's successor, Kim Campbell, to overcome a large amount of antipathy toward Mulroney, they won a strong majority government with 177 seats—the third-best performance in party history, and their best since 1949. The Progressive Conservatives were cut down to only two seats, suffering a defeat even more severe than the one they had handed the Liberals nine years earlier. The Liberals were re-elected with a considerably reduced majority in 1997, but nearly tied their 1993 total in 2000.For the next decade, the Liberals dominated Canadian politics in a fashion not seen since the early years of Confederation. This was because of the destruction of the "grand coalition" of Western socially conservative populists, Quebec nationalists, and fiscal conservatives from Ontario that had supported the Progressive Conservatives in 1984 and 1988. The Progressive Conservatives Western support, for all practical purposes, transferred en masse to the Western-based Reform Party, which replaced the PCs as the major right-wing party in Canada. However, the new party's agenda was seen as too conservative for most Canadians. It only won one seat east of Manitoba in an election (but gained another in a floor-crossing). Even when Reform restructured into the Canadian Alliance, the party was virtually non-existent east of Manitoba, winning only 66 seats in 2000. Reform/Alliance was the official opposition from 1997 to 2003, but was never able to overcome wide perceptions that it was merely a Western protest party. The Quebec nationalists who had once supported the Tories largely switched their support to the sovereigntist Bloc Québécois, while the Tories' Ontario support largely moved to the Liberals. The PCs would never be a major force in Canadian politics again; while they rebounded to 20 seats in the next election, they won only two seats west of Quebec in the next decade.Ontario and Quebec combine for a majority of seats in the House of Commons by virtue of Ontario's current population and Quebec's historic population (59 percent of the seats ). As a result, it is very difficult to form even a minority government without substantial support in Ontario and/or Quebec. No party has ever formed a majority government without winning the most seats in either Ontario or Quebec. It is mathematically possible to form a minority government without a strong base in either province, but such an undertaking is politically difficult. The Liberals were the only party with a strong base in both provinces, thus making them the only party capable of forming a government.There was some disappointment as Liberals were not able to recover their traditional dominant position in Quebec, despite being led by a Quebecer from a strongly nationalist region of Quebec. The Bloc capitalized on discontent with the failure of the 1990 Meech Lake Accord and Chrétien's uncompromising stance on federalism (see below) to win the most seats in Quebec in every election from 1993, onward, even serving as the official opposition from 1993 to 1997. Chrétien's reputation in his home province never recovered after the 1990 leadership convention when rival Paul Martin forced him to declare his opposition to the Meech Lake Accord. However, the Liberals did increase their support in the next two elections because of infighting within the Bloc. In the 1997 election, although the Liberals finished with a thin majority, it was their gains in Quebec which were credited with offsetting their losses in the Maritime provinces. In particular, the 2000 election was a breakthrough for the Liberals after the PQ government's unpopular initiatives regarding consolidation of several Quebec urban areas into "megacities". Many federal Liberals also took credit for Charest's provincial election victory over the PQ in spring 2003. A series of by-elections allowed the Liberals to gain a majority of Quebec ridings for the first time since 1984.The Chrétien Liberals more than made up for their shortfall in Quebec by building a strong base in Ontario. They reaped a substantial windfall from the votes of fiscally conservative and socially liberal voters who had previously voted Tory, as well as rapid growth in the Greater Toronto Area. They were also able to take advantage of massive vote splitting between the Tories and Reform/Alliance in rural areas of the province that had traditionally formed the backbone of provincial Tory governments. Combined with their historic dominance of Metro Toronto and northern Ontario, the Liberals dominated the province's federal politics even as the Tories won landslide majorities at the provincial level. In 1993, for example, the Liberals won all but one seat in Ontario, and came within 123 votes in Simcoe Centre of pulling off the first clean sweep of Canada's most populated province. They were able to retain their position as the largest party in the House by winning all but two seats in Ontario in the 1997 election. The Liberals were assured of at least a minority government once the Ontario results came in, but it was not clear until later in the night that they would retain their majority. In 2000, the Liberals won all but three seats in Ontario.While the Chrétien Liberals campaigned from the left, their time in power is most marked by the cuts made to many social programs, including health transfers, in order to balance the federal budget. Chrétien had supported the Charlottetown Accord while in opposition, but in power opposed major concessions to Quebec and other provincialist factions. In contrast to their promises during the 1993 campaign, they implemented only minor changes to NAFTA, embraced the free trade concept and—with the exception of the replacement of the GST with the Harmonized Sales Tax in some Atlantic provinces—broke their promise to replace the GST.After a proposal for Quebec independence was narrowly defeated in the 1995 Quebec referendum, the Liberals passed the "Clarity Act", which outlines the federal government's preconditions for negotiating provincial independence. In Chrétien's final days, he supported same-sex marriage and decriminalizing the possession of small quantities of marijuana. Chrétien displeased the United States government when he pledged on March 17, 2003, that Canada would not support the 2003 invasion of Iraq. A poll released shortly after showed widespread approval of Chrétien's decision by the Canadian public. The poll, which was conducted by EKOS for the "Toronto Star" and "La Presse", found 71 percent of those questioned approved of the government's decision to not enter the United States-led invasion, with 27 percent expressing disapproval.Several trends started in 2003 which suggested the end of the Liberal Party's political dominance. Notably, there would be a high turnover of permanent party leaders, in contrast to their predecessors who usually served over two or more elections, particularly Trudeau and Chrétien who each led for over a decade. The Liberals were also hampered by their inability to raise campaign money competitively after Chrétien passed a bill in 2003 which banned corporate donations, even though the Liberals had enjoyed by far the lion's share of this funding because of the then-divided opposition parties. It has been suggested that Chrétien, who had done nothing about election financing for his 10 years in office, could be seen as the idealist as he retired, while his rival and successor Paul Martin would have the burden of having to fight an election under the strict new rules. Simon Fraser University professor Doug McArthur has noted that Martin's leadership campaign used aggressive tactics for the 2003 leadership convention, in attempting to end the contest before it could start by giving the impression that his bid was too strong for any other candidate to beat. McArthur blamed Martin's tactics for the ongoing sag in Liberal fortunes, as it discouraged activists who were not on side.Paul Martin succeeded Chrétien as party leader and prime minister in 2003. Despite the personal rivalry between the two, Martin was the architect of the Liberals' economic policies as Minister of Finance during the 1990s. Chrétien left office with a high approval rating and Martin was expected to make inroads into Quebec and Western Canada, two regions of Canada where the Liberals had not attracted much support since the 1980s and 1990s, respectively. While his cabinet choices provoked some controversy over excluding many Chrétien supporters, it at first did little to hurt his popularity.However, the political situation changed with the revelation of the sponsorship scandal, in which advertising agencies supporting the Liberal Party received grossly inflated commissions for their services. Having faced a divided conservative opposition for the past three elections, Liberals were seriously challenged by competition from the newly united Conservative Party led by Stephen Harper. The infighting between Martin and Chrétien's supporters also dogged the party. Nonetheless, by criticizing the Conservatives' social policies, the Liberals were able to draw progressive votes from the NDP which made the difference in several close races. On June 28, 2004 federal election, the Martin Liberals retained enough support to continue as the government, though they were reduced to a minority.In the ensuing months, testimony from the Gomery Commission caused public opinion to turn sharply against the Liberals for the first time in over a decade. Despite the devastating revelations, only two Liberal MPs—David Kilgour (who had crossed the floor from the PC Party in 1990) and Pat O'Brien—left the party for reasons other than the scandal. Belinda Stronach, who crossed the floor from the Conservatives to the Liberals, gave Martin the number of votes needed, although barely, to hold onto power when an NDP-sponsored amendment to his budget was passed only by the Speaker's tiebreaking vote on May 19, 2005.In November, the Liberals dropped in polls following the release of the first Gomery Report. Nonetheless, Martin turned down the NDP's conditions for continued support, as well as rejected an opposition proposal which would schedule a February 2006 election in return for passing several pieces of legislation. The Liberals thus lost the no-confidence vote on November 28; Martin thus became only the fifth prime minister to lose the confidence of the House, but the first to lose on a straight no-confidence motion. Because of the Christmas holiday, Martin advised Governor General Michaëlle Jean to dissolve Parliament and call an election for January 2006.The Liberal campaign was dogged from start to finish by the sponsorship scandal, which was brought up by a Royal Canadian Mounted Police (RCMP) criminal investigation into the leak of the income trust announcement. Numerous gaffes, contrasting with a smoothly run Conservative campaign, put Liberals as many as ten points behind the Conservatives in opinion polling. They managed to recover some of their momentum by election night, but not enough to retain power. They won 103 seats, a net loss of 30 from when the writs were dropped, losing a similar number of seats in Ontario and Quebec to the Tories. However, the Liberals managed to capture the most seats in Ontario for the fifth straight election (54 to the Tories' 40), holding the Conservatives to a minority government. While the Conservatives captured many of Ontario's rural ridings, the Liberals retained most of the population-rich Greater Toronto Area. Many of these ridings, particularly the 905 region, had historically been bellwethers (the Liberals were nearly shut out of this region in 1979 and 1984), but demographic changes have resulted in high Liberal returns in recent years.Martin resigned as parliamentary leader after the election and stepped down as Liberal leader on March 18, having previously promised to step down if he did not win a plurality.On May 11, 2006, "La Presse" reported that the Government of Canada would file a lawsuit against the Liberal Party to recover all the money missing in the sponsorship program. Scott Brison told reporters that same day that the Liberals has already paid back the $1.14 million into the public purse; however, the Conservatives believed that there was as much as $40 million unaccounted for in the sponsorship program.After their election defeat Martin chose not to take on the office of Leader of the Opposition. He stepped down as parliamentary leader of his party on February 1, and the Liberal caucus appointed Bill Graham, MP for Toronto Centre and outgoing Defence Minister, as his interim successor. Martin officially resigned as leader in March, with Graham taking over on an interim basis.The leadership election was set for December 2, 2006, in Montreal; however, a number of prominent members such as John Manley, Frank McKenna, Brian Tobin, and Allan Rock had already announced they would not enter the race to succeed Martin. Throughout the campaign 12 candidates came forward to lead the party, but by the time of the leadership convention only eight people remained in the race; Martha Hall Findlay, Stéphane Dion, Michael Ignatieff, Gerard Kennedy, Bob Rae, Scott Brison, Ken Dryden, Joe Volpe.Throughout the campaign Ignatieff, Rae, Dion and Kennedy were considered to be the only candidates with enough support to be able to win the leadership, with Ignatieff and Rae being considered the two front-runners. However polling showed Ignatieff had little room to grow his support, while Dion was the second and third choice among a plurality of delegates. At the leadership convention Ignatieff came out on top on the first ballot with 29.3 percent, With Kennedy's support Dion was able to leapfrog both Rae and Ignatieff on the third ballot, eliminating Rae. On the fourth and final ballot Dion defeated Ignatieff to become leader of the Liberal Party.Following the leadership race the Liberal Party saw a bounce in support and surpassed the Conservative Party as the most popular party in Canada. However, in the months and years to come the party's support gradually fell. Dion's own popularity lagged considerably behind that of Prime Minister Harper's, and he often trailed NDP leader Jack Layton in opinion polls when Canadians were asked who would make the best Prime Minister.Dion campaigned on environmental sustainability during the leadership race, and created the "Green Shift" plan following his election as leader. The Green Shift proposed creating a carbon tax that would be coupled with reductions to income tax rates. The proposal was to tax greenhouse gas emissions, starting at $10 per tonne of CO2 and reaching $40 per tonne within four years. The plan was a key policy for the party in the 2008 federal election, but it was not well received and was continuously attacked by both the Conservatives and NDP. On election night the Liberal Party won 26.26 percent of the popular vote and 77 of the 308 seats in the House of Commons. At that time their popular support was the lowest in the party's history, and weeks later Dion announced he would step down as Liberal leader once his successor was chosen.New Brunswick Member of Parliament Dominic LeBlanc was the first candidate to announce he would seek the leadership of the Liberal Party on October 27, 2008. Days later Bob Rae, who had finished third in 2006, announced he would also be a candidate for the leadership. The party executive met in early November and chose May 2, 2009, as the date to elect the next leader. On November 13 Michael Ignatieff, who finished second in 2006, announced he would also be a candidate.On November 27, 2008, Minister of Finance Jim Flaherty provided the House of Commons with a fiscal update, within which were plans to cut government spending, suspend the ability of civil servants to strike until 2011, sell off some Crown assets to raise capital, and eliminate the existing $1.95 per vote subsidy parties garner in an election. The opposition parties criticized the fiscal update, and announced they would not support it because it contained no stimulus money to spur Canada's economy and protect workers during the economic crisis. With the Conservative Party only holding a minority of the seats in the House of Commons the government would be defeated if the opposition parties voted against the fiscal update. With the Conservatives unwilling to budge on the proposals outlined in the fiscal update the Liberals and NDP signed an agreement to form a coalition government, with a written pledge of support from the Bloc Québécois. Under the terms of the agreement Dion would be sworn in as Prime Minister, however he would only serve in the position until the next Liberal leader was chosen. Dion contacted Governor General Michaëlle Jean and advised her that he had the confidence of the House of Commons if Prime Minister Harper's government was to fall. However, before the fiscal update could be voted on in the House of Commons Prime Minister Harper requested the Governor General to prorogue parliament till January 26, 2009, which she accepted.While polls showed Canadians were split on the idea of having either a coalition government or having the Conservatives continue to govern, it was clear that because of Dion's personal popularity they were not comfortable with him becoming Prime Minister. Members of the Liberal Party therefore called on Dion to resign as leader immediately and for an interim leader to be chosen, this person would become the Prime Minister in the event that the Conservatives were defeated when parliament resumed in January. With an estimated 70 percent of the Liberal caucus wanting Ignatieff to be named interim leader, Dion resigned the post on December 8, 2008 (effective December 10, upon Ignatieff's becoming interim leader). LeBlanc announced on the same day that he was abandoning the Liberal leadership race and endorsing Ignatieff as the next leader. The following day Rae announced he was also dropping out of the race and was placing his "full and unqualified" support to Ignatieff.With Ignatieff named interim leader of the party (on December 10), the Liberal's poll numbers saw significant gains, after they plummeted with the signing of the coalition agreement. When parliament resumed on January 28, 2009, the Ignatieff Liberals agreed to support the budget as long as it included regular accountability reports, which the Conservatives accepted. This ended the possibility of the coalition government with the New Democrats.Throughout the Winter of 2008–09, opinion polls showed that while the Ignatieff led Liberals still trailed the Conservatives their support had stabilized in the low 30 percent range. However, by the time Ignatieff was confirmed as party leader on May 2, 2009, the Liberal Party had a comfortable lead over the governing Conservatives. After a summer where he was accused of being missing in action, Ignatieff announced on August 31, 2009, that the Liberals would not support the minority Conservative government. After this announcement the Liberal Party's poll numbers, which had already declined over the summer, started to fall further behind the Conservatives. On October 1, 2009, the Liberals put forth a non-confidence motion with the hope of defeating the government. However, the NDP abstained from voting and the Conservatives survived the confidence motion.The Liberal Party's attempt to force an election, just a year after the previous one, was reported as a miscalculation, as polls showed that most Canadians did not want another election. Even after the government survived the confidence motion popularity for Ignatieff and his party continued to fall. Over the next year and a half, with the exception of a brief period in early 2010, support for the Liberals remained below 30 percent, and behind the Conservatives. While his predecessor Dion was criticized by the Conservatives as a "weak leader", Ignatieff was attacked as a "political opportunist".On March 25, 2011, Ignatieff introduced a motion of non-confidence against the Harper government to attempt to force a May 2011, federal election after the government was found to be in Contempt of Parliament, the first such occurrence in Commonwealth history. The House of Commons passed the motion by 156–145.The Liberals had considerable momentum when the writ was dropped, and Ignatieff successfully squeezed NDP leader Jack Layton out of media attention, by issuing challenges to Harper for one-on-one debates. In the first couple weeks of the campaign, Ignatieff kept his party in second place in the polls, and his personal ratings exceeded that of Layton for the first time. However, opponents frequently criticized Ignatieff's perceived political opportunism, particularly during the leaders debates when Layton criticized Ignatieff for having a poor attendance record for Commons votes saying "You know, most Canadians, if they don't show up for work, they don't get a promotion". Ignatieff failed to defend himself against these charges, and the debates were said to be a turning point for his party's campaign. Near the end of the campaign, a late surge in support for Layton and the NDP relegated Ignatieff and the Liberals to third in opinion polls.The Liberals suffered their worst defeat in history in the May 2, 2011, federal election. The result was a third-place finish, with only 19 percent of the vote and returning 34 seats in the House of Commons. Notably, their support in Toronto and Montreal, their power bases for the last two decades, all but vanished. All told, the Liberals won only 11 seats in Ontario (seven of which were in Toronto) and seven in Quebec (all in Montreal)—their fewest totals in either province. Newfoundland and Labrador was the only province with majority Liberal seats at 4 out of 7. They also won only four seats west of Ontario. The Conservatives won 40 percent of the vote and formed a majority government, while the NDP formed the Official Opposition winning 31 percent of the vote.This election marked the first time the Liberals were unable to form either government or the official opposition. Ignatieff was defeated in his own riding, and announced his resignation as Liberal leader shortly after. Bob Rae was chosen as the interim leader on May 25, 2011.On April 14, 2013 Justin Trudeau, son of former Prime Minister Pierre Trudeau, was elected leader of the Liberal Party on the first ballot, winning 80% of the vote. Following his win, support for the Liberal Party increased considerably, and the party moved into first place in public opinion polls.An initial surge in support in the polls following Trudeau's election wore off in the following year, in the face of Conservative ad campaign after Trudeau's win attempting to "[paint] him as a silly dilettante unfit for public office."In 2014, Trudeau removed all Liberal senators from the Liberal Party caucus. In announcing this, Trudeau said the purpose of the unelected upper chamber is to act as a check on the power of the prime minister, but the party structure interferes with that purpose. Following this move, Liberal senators chose to keep the designation "Liberal" and sit together as a caucus, albeit not one supported by the Liberal Party of Canada. This independent group continued to refer to itself in publications as the Senate Liberal Caucus until 2019.By the time the 2015 federal election was called, the Liberals had been knocked back into third place. Trudeau and his advisors planned to mount a campaign based on economic stimulus in the hopes of regaining the mantle of being the party that best represented change from the New Democrats.Justin Trudeau's Liberals would win the 2015 election in dramatic fashion: becoming the first party to win a parliamentary majority after being reduced to third party status in a previous general election, besting Brian Mulroney's record for the largest seat increase by a party in a single election (111 in 1984), and winning the most seats in Quebec for the first time since 1980. Chantal Hébert deemed the result "a Liberal comeback that is headed straight for the history books", while Bloomberg's Josh Wingrove and Theophilos Argitis similarly described it as "capping the biggest political comeback in the country’s history."Scholars and political experts have recently used a political realignment model to explain what was considered a collapse of a dominant party, and put its condition in long-term perspective. According to recent scholarship, there have been four party systems in Canada at the federal level since Confederation, each with its own distinctive pattern of social support, patronage relationships, leadership styles, and electoral strategies. Steve Patten identifies four party systems in Canada's political history:Stephen Clarkson (2005) shows how the Liberal Party has dominated all the party systems, using different approaches. It began with a "clientelistic approach" under Laurier, which evolved into a "brokerage" system of the 1920s, 1930s and 1940s under Mackenzie King. The 1950s saw the emergence of a "pan-Canadian system", which lasted until the 1990s. The 1993 election – categorized by Clarkson as an electoral "earthquake" which "fragmented" the party system, saw the emergence of regional politics within a four party-system, whereby various groups championed regional issues and concerns. Clarkson concludes that the inherent bias built into the first-past-the-post system, has chiefly benefited the Liberals.Pundits in the wake of the 2011 election widely believed in a theme of major realignment. Lawrence Martin, commentator for "The Globe and Mail", claimed that "Harper has completed a remarkable reconstruction of a Canadian political landscape that endured for more than a century. The realignment sees both old parties of the moderate middle, the Progressive Conservatives and the Liberals, either eliminated or marginalized." "Maclean's" said that the election marked "an unprecedented realignment of Canadian politics" as "the Conservatives are now in a position to replace the Liberals as the natural governing party in Canada"; Andrew Coyne proclaimed "The West is in and Ontario has joined it," noting that the Conservatives accomplished the rare feat of putting together a majority by winning in both Ontario and the western provinces (difficult because of traditionally conflicting interests), while having little representation in Quebec. Books such as "The Big Shift" by John Ibbitson and Darrell Bricker, and Peter C. Newman's "When the Gods Changed: The Death of Liberal Canada", provocatively asserted that the Liberals had become an "endangered species" and that an NDP-led opposition would mean that "fortune favours the Harper government" in subsequent campaigns.The Liberal victory in 2015, leaving Alberta and Saskatchewan as the only provinces represented by a majority of Conservative MPs, has now challenged that narrative.The principles of the party are based on liberalism as defined by various liberal theorists and include individual freedom for present and future generations, responsibility, human dignity, a just society, political freedom, religious freedom, national unity, equality of opportunity, cultural diversity, bilingualism, and multilateralism. In the present times, the Liberal party has favoured a variety of "big tent" policies from both right and left of the political spectrum. When it formed the government from 1993 to 2006, it championed balanced budgets, and eliminated the budget deficit completely from the federal budget in 1995 by reducing spending on social programs or delegating them to the provinces, and promised to replace the Goods and Services Tax in the party's famous Red Book. It also legalized same-sex marriage.During the 2015 election, the Liberal party's proposed policies included:Each province and one territory in Canada has its own Liberal Party. However, only those in New Brunswick, Newfoundland and Labrador, Nova Scotia, and Prince Edward Island are politically and organizationally affiliated with the federal Liberal Party. While other provincial Liberal parties may align ideologically with the federal party, they operate as completely separate entities. Those provincial parties have separate policies, finances, memberships, constituency associations, executives, conventions and offices.To date, only seven Liberal leaders never served as Prime Minister, three of whom were interim leaders. | [
"Wilfrid Laurier",
"Stéphane Dion",
"Bob Rae",
"Paul Martin",
"William Lyon Mackenzie King",
"Daniel Duncan McKenzie",
"Jean Chrétien",
"Louis St. Laurent",
"Pierre Trudeau",
"John Turner",
"Alexander Mackenzie",
"Edward Blake",
"Justin Trudeau",
"Bill Graham",
"Michael Ignatieff"
] |
|
Who was the chair of Liberal Party of Canada in 1966-06-18? | June 18, 1966 | {
"text": [
"Lester B. Pearson"
]
} | L2_Q138345_P488_6 | Jean Chrétien is the chair of Liberal Party of Canada from Jun, 1990 to Nov, 2003.
Lester B. Pearson is the chair of Liberal Party of Canada from Jan, 1958 to Apr, 1968.
Stéphane Dion is the chair of Liberal Party of Canada from Dec, 2006 to Dec, 2008.
Edward Blake is the chair of Liberal Party of Canada from May, 1880 to Jun, 1887.
Paul Martin is the chair of Liberal Party of Canada from Nov, 2003 to Mar, 2006.
Bill Graham is the chair of Liberal Party of Canada from Mar, 2006 to Dec, 2006.
Louis St. Laurent is the chair of Liberal Party of Canada from Aug, 1948 to Jan, 1958.
Bob Rae is the chair of Liberal Party of Canada from May, 2011 to Apr, 2013.
Wilfrid Laurier is the chair of Liberal Party of Canada from Jun, 1887 to Feb, 1919.
John Turner is the chair of Liberal Party of Canada from Jun, 1984 to Jun, 1990.
Justin Trudeau is the chair of Liberal Party of Canada from Apr, 2013 to Dec, 2022.
Daniel Duncan McKenzie is the chair of Liberal Party of Canada from Feb, 1919 to Aug, 1919.
Alexander Mackenzie is the chair of Liberal Party of Canada from Mar, 1873 to Apr, 1880.
William Lyon Mackenzie King is the chair of Liberal Party of Canada from Aug, 1919 to Aug, 1948.
Pierre Trudeau is the chair of Liberal Party of Canada from Apr, 1968 to Jun, 1984.
Michael Ignatieff is the chair of Liberal Party of Canada from Dec, 2008 to May, 2011. | Liberal Party of CanadaThe Liberal Party of Canada (LPC; ) is the longest-serving and oldest active federal political party in Canada. The party has dominated federal politics for much of Canada's history, holding power for almost 70 years of the 20th century. As a result, it has sometimes been referred to as Canada's "natural governing party".The party espouses the principles of liberalism, and generally sits at the centre to centre-left of the Canadian political spectrum, with their rival the Conservative Party positioned to the right and the New Democratic Party (who at times aligned itself with the Liberals during minority governments), positioned to their left. The party is described as "big tent", practicing "brokerage politics", attracting support from a broad spectrum of voters. In the late 1970s, Prime Minister Pierre Elliott Trudeau claimed that his Liberal Party adhered to the "radical centre".The Liberals' signature policies and legislative decisions include universal health care, the Canada Pension Plan, Canada Student Loans, peacekeeping, multilateralism, official bilingualism, official multiculturalism, gun control, patriating the Canadian constitution and the entrenchment of Canada's "Charter of Rights and Freedoms", the "Clarity Act", legalizing same-sex marriage, euthanasia, and cannabis, national carbon pricing, and expanded access to abortion.In the 2015 federal election, the Liberal Party under Justin Trudeau had its best result since the 2000 election, winning 39.5 percent of the popular vote and 184 seats, gaining a majority of seats in the House of Commons. In the 2019 federal election, they were reduced to a minority government, winning 157 seats to remain the largest party in the House of Commons while narrowly losing the popular vote.The Liberals are descended from the mid-19th century Reformers who advocated for responsible government throughout British North America. These included George Brown, Alexander Mackenzie, Robert Baldwin, William Lyon Mackenzie and the Clear Grits in Upper Canada, Joseph Howe in Nova Scotia, and the Patriotes and Rouges in Lower Canada led by figures such as Louis-Joseph Papineau. The Clear Grits and "Parti rouge" sometimes functioned as a united bloc in the legislature of the Province of Canada beginning in 1854, and a united Liberal Party combining both English and French Canadian members was formed in 1861.At the time of confederation of the former British colonies of Canada (now Ontario and Quebec), New Brunswick and Nova Scotia, the radical Liberals were marginalized by the more pragmatic Conservative coalition assembled under Sir John A. Macdonald. In the 29 years after Canadian confederation, the Liberals were consigned to opposition, with the exception of one stint in government. Alexander Mackenzie was the de facto leader of the Official Opposition after Confederation and finally agreed to become the first official leader of the Liberal Party in 1873. He was able to lead the party to power for the first time in 1873, after the MacDonald government lost a vote of no confidence in the House of Commons due to the Pacific Scandal. Mackenzie subsequently won the 1874 election, and served as Prime Minister for an additional four years. During the five years the Liberal government brought in many reforms, which include the replacement of open voting by secret ballot, confining elections to one day and the creation of the Supreme Court of Canada, the Royal Military College of Canada, and the Office of the Auditor General. However the party was only able to build a solid support base in Ontario, and in 1878 lost the government to MacDonald. The Liberals would spend the next 18 years in opposition.In their early history, the Liberals were the party of continentalism and opposition to imperialism. The Liberals also became identified with the aspirations of Quebecers as a result of the growing hostility of French Canadians to the Conservatives. The Conservatives lost the support of French Canadians because of the role of Conservative governments in the execution of Louis Riel and their role in the Conscription Crisis of 1917, and especially their opposition to French schools in provinces besides Quebec.It was not until Wilfrid Laurier became leader that the Liberal Party emerged as a modern party. Laurier was able to capitalize on the Tories' alienation of French Canada by offering the Liberals as a credible alternative. Laurier was able to overcome the party's reputation for anti-clericalism that offended the still-powerful Quebec Roman Catholic Church. In English-speaking Canada, the Liberal Party's support for reciprocity made it popular among farmers, and helped cement the party's hold in the growing prairie provinces.Laurier led the Liberals to power in the 1896 election (in which he became the first Francophone Prime Minister), and oversaw a government that increased immigration in order to settle Western Canada. Laurier's government created the provinces of Saskatchewan and Alberta out of the North-West Territories, and promoted the development of Canadian industry.Until the early part of the century, the Liberal Party was a loose, informal coalition of local, provincial and regional bodies with a strong national party leader and caucus (and when in power, the national cabinet) but with an informal and regionalized extra-parliamentary organizational structure. There was no national membership of the party, an individual became a member by joining a provincial Liberal party. Laurier called the party's first national convention in 1893 in order to unite Liberal supporters behind a programme and build the campaign that successfully brought the party to power in 1896; however, once in power, no efforts were made to create a formal national organization outside of parliament.As a result of the party's defeats in the 1911 and 1917 federal elections, Laurier attempted to organize the party on a national level by creating three bodies: the Central Liberal Information Office, the National Liberal Advisory Committee, and the National Liberal Organization Committee. However, the advisory committee became dominated by members of parliament and all three bodies were underfunded and competed with both local and provincial Liberal associations and the national caucus for authority. The party did organize the national party's second convention in 1919 to elect William Lyon Mackenzie King as Laurier's successor (Canada's first ever leadership convention), yet following the party's return to power in the 1921 federal election the nascent national party organizations were eclipsed by powerful ministers and local party organizations largely driven by patronage.As a result of both the party's defeat in the 1930 federal election, and the Beauharnois bribery scandal which highlighted the need for distance between the Liberal Party's political wing and campaign fundraising, a central coordinating organization, the National Liberal Federation, was created in 1932 with Vincent Massey as its first president. The new organization allowed individuals to directly join the national Liberal Party for the first time. With the Liberals return to power the national organization languished except for occasional national committee meetings, such as in 1943 when Mackenzie King called a meeting of the federation (consisting of the national caucus and up to seven voting delegates per province) to approve a new platform for the party in anticipation of the end of World War II and prepare for a post-war election. No national convention was held, however, until 1948; the Liberal Party held only three national conventions prior to the 1950s – in 1893, 1919 and 1948. The National Liberal Federation remained largely dependent on provincial Liberal parties and was often ignored and bypassed the parliamentary party in the organization of election campaigns and the development of policy. With the defeat of the Liberals in the 1957 federal election and in particular 1958, reformers argued for the strengthening of the national party organization so it would not be dependent on provincial Liberal parties and patronage. A national executive and Council of presidents, consisting of the presidents of each Liberal riding association, were developed to give the party more co-ordination and national party conventions were regularly held in biennially where previously they had been held infrequently. Over time, provincial Liberal parties in most provinces were separated from provincial wings of the federal party and in a number of cases disaffiliated. By the 1980s, the National Liberal Federation was officially known as the Liberal Party of Canada.Under Laurier, and his successor William Lyon Mackenzie King, the Liberals promoted Canadian sovereignty and greater independence within the British Commonwealth. In Imperial Conferences held throughout the 1920s, Canadian Liberal governments often took the lead in arguing that the United Kingdom and the dominions should have equal status, and against proposals for an 'imperial parliament' that would have subsumed Canadian independence. After the King–Byng Affair of 1926, the Liberals argued that the Governor General of Canada should no longer be appointed on the recommendation of the British government. The decisions of the Imperial Conferences were formalized in the Statute of Westminster, which was actually passed in 1931, the year after the Liberals lost power.The Liberals also promoted the idea of Canada being responsible for its own foreign and defence policy. Initially, it was Britain which determined external affairs for the dominion. In 1905, Laurier created the Department of External Affairs, and in 1909 he advised Governor General Earl Grey to appoint the first Secretary of State for External Affairs to Cabinet. It was also Laurier who first proposed the creation of a Canadian Navy in 1910. Mackenzie King recommended the appointment by Governor General Lord Byng of Vincent Massey as the first Canadian ambassador to Washington in 1926, marking the Liberal government's insistence on having direct relations with the United States, rather than having Britain act on Canada's behalf.In the period just before and after the Second World War, the party became a champion of 'progressive social policy'. As Prime Minister for most of the time between 1921 and 1948, King introduced several measures that led to the creation of Canada's social safety net. Bowing to popular pressure, he introduced the mother's allowance, a monthly payment to all mothers with young children. He also reluctantly introduced old age pensions when J. S. Woodsworth required it in exchange for his Co-operative Commonwealth Federation party's support of King's minority government.Louis St. Laurent succeeded King as Liberal leader and Prime Minister on November 15, 1948. In the 1949 and 1953 federal elections, St. Laurent led the Liberal Party to two large majority governments. As Prime Minister he oversaw the joining of Newfoundland in Confederation as Canada's tenth province, he established equalization payments to the provinces, and continued with social reform with improvements in pensions and health insurance. In 1956, Canada played an important role in resolving the Suez Crisis, and contributed to the United Nations force in the Korean War. Canada enjoyed economic prosperity during St. Laurent's premiership and wartime debts were paid off. The Pipeline Debate proved the Liberal Party's undoing. Their attempt to pass legislation to build a natural gas pipeline from Alberta to central Canada was met with fierce disagreement in the House of Commons. In 1957, John Diefenbaker's Progressive Conservatives won a minority government and St. Laurent resigned as Prime Minister and Liberal leader.Lester B. Pearson was easily elected Liberal leader at the party's 1958 leadership convention. However, only months after becoming Liberal leader, Pearson led the party into the 1958 federal election that saw Diefenbaker's Progressive Conservatives win the largest majority government, by percentage of seats, in Canadian history. The Progressive Conservatives won 206 of the 265 seats in the House of Commons, while the Liberals were reduced to just 48 seats. Pearson remained Liberal leader during this time and in the 1962 election managed to reduce Diefenbaker to a minority government. In the 1963 election Pearson led the Liberal Party back to victory, forming a minority government. Pearson served as Prime Minister for five years, winning a second election in 1965. While Pearson's leadership was considered poor and the Liberal Party never held a majority of the seats in parliament during his premiership, he left office in 1968 with an impressive legacy. Pearson's government introduced Medicare, a new immigration act, the Canada Pension Plan, Canada Student Loans, the Canada Assistance Plan, and adopted the Maple Leaf as Canada's national flag.Under Pierre Trudeau, the mission of a progressive social policy evolved into the goal of creating a "just society".The Liberal Party under Trudeau promoted official bilingualism and passed the "Official Languages Act", which gave French and English languages equal status in Canada. Trudeau hoped that the promotion of bilingualism would cement Quebec's place in Confederation, and counter growing calls for an independent Quebec. The party hoped the policy would transform Canada into a country where English and French Canadians could live together, and allow Canadians to move to any part of the country without having to lose their language. Although this vision has yet to fully materialize, official bilingualism has helped to halt the decline of the French language outside of Quebec, and to ensure that all federal government services (including radio and television services provided by the government-owned Canadian Broadcasting Corporation/Radio-Canada) are available in both languages throughout the country.The Trudeau Liberals are also credited with support for state multiculturalism as a means of integrating immigrants into Canadian society without forcing them to shed their culture, leading the party to build a base of support among recent immigrants and their children. This marked the culmination of a decades-long shift in Liberal immigration policy, a reversal of pre-war racial attitudes that spurred discriminatory policies such as the Chinese Immigration Act of 1923 and the MS St. Louis incident.The most lasting effect of the Trudeau years has been the patriation of the Canadian constitution and the creation of Canada's Charter of Rights and Freedoms. Trudeau's Liberals supported the concept of a strong, central government, and fought Quebec separatism, other forms of Quebec nationalism, and the granting of "distinct society" status to Quebec. Such actions, however, served as rallying cries for sovereigntists and alienated many Francophone Quebeckers.The other primary legacy of the Trudeau years has been financial. Net federal debt in fiscal 1968, just before Trudeau became Prime Minister, was about $18 billion CAD, or 26 percent of gross domestic product; by his final year in office, it had ballooned to over 200 billion—at 46 percent of GDP, nearly twice as large relative to the economy.After Trudeau's retirement in 1984, many Liberals, such as Jean Chrétien and Clyde Wells, continued to adhere to Trudeau's concept of federalism. Others, such as John Turner, supported the failed Meech Lake and Charlottetown Constitutional Accords, which would have recognized Quebec as a "distinct society" and would have increased the powers of the provinces to the detriment of the federal government.Trudeau stepped down as Prime Minister and party leader in 1984, as the Liberals were slipping in polls. At that year's leadership convention, Turner defeated Chrétien on the second ballot to become Prime Minister. Immediately, upon taking office, Turner called a snap election, citing favourable internal polls. However, the party was hurt by numerous patronage appointments, many of which Turner had made supposedly in return for Trudeau retiring early. Also, they were unpopular in their traditional stronghold of Quebec because of the constitution repatriation which excluded that province. The Liberals lost power in the 1984 election, and were reduced to only 40 seats in the House of Commons. The Progressive Conservatives won a majority of the seats in every province, including Quebec. The 95-seat loss was the worst defeat in the party's history, and the worst defeat at the time for a governing party at the federal level. What was more, the New Democratic Party, successor to the Co-operative Commonwealth Federation, won only ten fewer seats than the Liberals, and some thought that the NDP under Ed Broadbent would push the Liberals to third-party status.The party began a long process of reconstruction. A small group of young Liberal MPs, known as the Rat Pack, gained fame by criticizing the Tory government of Brian Mulroney at every turn. Also, despite public and backroom attempts to remove Turner as leader, he managed to consolidate his leadership at the 1986 review.The 1988 election was notable for Turner's strong opposition to the Canada-U.S. Free Trade Agreement negotiated by Progressive Conservative Prime Minister Brian Mulroney. Although most Canadians voted for parties opposed to free trade, the Tories were returned with a majority government, and implemented the deal. The Liberals recovered from their near-meltdown of 1984, however, winning 83 seats and ending much of the talk of being eclipsed by the NDP, who won 43 seats.Turner announced that he would resign as leader of the Liberal Party on May 3, 1989. The Liberal Party set a leadership convention for June 23, 1990, in Calgary. Five candidates contested the leadership of the party and former Deputy Prime Minister Jean Chrétien, who had served in every Liberal cabinet since 1965, won on the first ballot. Chrétien's Liberals campaigned in the 1993 election on the promise of renegotiating the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA), and eliminating the Goods and Services Tax (GST). Just after the writ was dropped for the election, they issued the Red Book, an integrated and coherent approach to economic, social, environmental and foreign policy. This was unprecedented for a Canadian party. Taking full advantage of the inability of Mulroney's successor, Kim Campbell, to overcome a large amount of antipathy toward Mulroney, they won a strong majority government with 177 seats—the third-best performance in party history, and their best since 1949. The Progressive Conservatives were cut down to only two seats, suffering a defeat even more severe than the one they had handed the Liberals nine years earlier. The Liberals were re-elected with a considerably reduced majority in 1997, but nearly tied their 1993 total in 2000.For the next decade, the Liberals dominated Canadian politics in a fashion not seen since the early years of Confederation. This was because of the destruction of the "grand coalition" of Western socially conservative populists, Quebec nationalists, and fiscal conservatives from Ontario that had supported the Progressive Conservatives in 1984 and 1988. The Progressive Conservatives Western support, for all practical purposes, transferred en masse to the Western-based Reform Party, which replaced the PCs as the major right-wing party in Canada. However, the new party's agenda was seen as too conservative for most Canadians. It only won one seat east of Manitoba in an election (but gained another in a floor-crossing). Even when Reform restructured into the Canadian Alliance, the party was virtually non-existent east of Manitoba, winning only 66 seats in 2000. Reform/Alliance was the official opposition from 1997 to 2003, but was never able to overcome wide perceptions that it was merely a Western protest party. The Quebec nationalists who had once supported the Tories largely switched their support to the sovereigntist Bloc Québécois, while the Tories' Ontario support largely moved to the Liberals. The PCs would never be a major force in Canadian politics again; while they rebounded to 20 seats in the next election, they won only two seats west of Quebec in the next decade.Ontario and Quebec combine for a majority of seats in the House of Commons by virtue of Ontario's current population and Quebec's historic population (59 percent of the seats ). As a result, it is very difficult to form even a minority government without substantial support in Ontario and/or Quebec. No party has ever formed a majority government without winning the most seats in either Ontario or Quebec. It is mathematically possible to form a minority government without a strong base in either province, but such an undertaking is politically difficult. The Liberals were the only party with a strong base in both provinces, thus making them the only party capable of forming a government.There was some disappointment as Liberals were not able to recover their traditional dominant position in Quebec, despite being led by a Quebecer from a strongly nationalist region of Quebec. The Bloc capitalized on discontent with the failure of the 1990 Meech Lake Accord and Chrétien's uncompromising stance on federalism (see below) to win the most seats in Quebec in every election from 1993, onward, even serving as the official opposition from 1993 to 1997. Chrétien's reputation in his home province never recovered after the 1990 leadership convention when rival Paul Martin forced him to declare his opposition to the Meech Lake Accord. However, the Liberals did increase their support in the next two elections because of infighting within the Bloc. In the 1997 election, although the Liberals finished with a thin majority, it was their gains in Quebec which were credited with offsetting their losses in the Maritime provinces. In particular, the 2000 election was a breakthrough for the Liberals after the PQ government's unpopular initiatives regarding consolidation of several Quebec urban areas into "megacities". Many federal Liberals also took credit for Charest's provincial election victory over the PQ in spring 2003. A series of by-elections allowed the Liberals to gain a majority of Quebec ridings for the first time since 1984.The Chrétien Liberals more than made up for their shortfall in Quebec by building a strong base in Ontario. They reaped a substantial windfall from the votes of fiscally conservative and socially liberal voters who had previously voted Tory, as well as rapid growth in the Greater Toronto Area. They were also able to take advantage of massive vote splitting between the Tories and Reform/Alliance in rural areas of the province that had traditionally formed the backbone of provincial Tory governments. Combined with their historic dominance of Metro Toronto and northern Ontario, the Liberals dominated the province's federal politics even as the Tories won landslide majorities at the provincial level. In 1993, for example, the Liberals won all but one seat in Ontario, and came within 123 votes in Simcoe Centre of pulling off the first clean sweep of Canada's most populated province. They were able to retain their position as the largest party in the House by winning all but two seats in Ontario in the 1997 election. The Liberals were assured of at least a minority government once the Ontario results came in, but it was not clear until later in the night that they would retain their majority. In 2000, the Liberals won all but three seats in Ontario.While the Chrétien Liberals campaigned from the left, their time in power is most marked by the cuts made to many social programs, including health transfers, in order to balance the federal budget. Chrétien had supported the Charlottetown Accord while in opposition, but in power opposed major concessions to Quebec and other provincialist factions. In contrast to their promises during the 1993 campaign, they implemented only minor changes to NAFTA, embraced the free trade concept and—with the exception of the replacement of the GST with the Harmonized Sales Tax in some Atlantic provinces—broke their promise to replace the GST.After a proposal for Quebec independence was narrowly defeated in the 1995 Quebec referendum, the Liberals passed the "Clarity Act", which outlines the federal government's preconditions for negotiating provincial independence. In Chrétien's final days, he supported same-sex marriage and decriminalizing the possession of small quantities of marijuana. Chrétien displeased the United States government when he pledged on March 17, 2003, that Canada would not support the 2003 invasion of Iraq. A poll released shortly after showed widespread approval of Chrétien's decision by the Canadian public. The poll, which was conducted by EKOS for the "Toronto Star" and "La Presse", found 71 percent of those questioned approved of the government's decision to not enter the United States-led invasion, with 27 percent expressing disapproval.Several trends started in 2003 which suggested the end of the Liberal Party's political dominance. Notably, there would be a high turnover of permanent party leaders, in contrast to their predecessors who usually served over two or more elections, particularly Trudeau and Chrétien who each led for over a decade. The Liberals were also hampered by their inability to raise campaign money competitively after Chrétien passed a bill in 2003 which banned corporate donations, even though the Liberals had enjoyed by far the lion's share of this funding because of the then-divided opposition parties. It has been suggested that Chrétien, who had done nothing about election financing for his 10 years in office, could be seen as the idealist as he retired, while his rival and successor Paul Martin would have the burden of having to fight an election under the strict new rules. Simon Fraser University professor Doug McArthur has noted that Martin's leadership campaign used aggressive tactics for the 2003 leadership convention, in attempting to end the contest before it could start by giving the impression that his bid was too strong for any other candidate to beat. McArthur blamed Martin's tactics for the ongoing sag in Liberal fortunes, as it discouraged activists who were not on side.Paul Martin succeeded Chrétien as party leader and prime minister in 2003. Despite the personal rivalry between the two, Martin was the architect of the Liberals' economic policies as Minister of Finance during the 1990s. Chrétien left office with a high approval rating and Martin was expected to make inroads into Quebec and Western Canada, two regions of Canada where the Liberals had not attracted much support since the 1980s and 1990s, respectively. While his cabinet choices provoked some controversy over excluding many Chrétien supporters, it at first did little to hurt his popularity.However, the political situation changed with the revelation of the sponsorship scandal, in which advertising agencies supporting the Liberal Party received grossly inflated commissions for their services. Having faced a divided conservative opposition for the past three elections, Liberals were seriously challenged by competition from the newly united Conservative Party led by Stephen Harper. The infighting between Martin and Chrétien's supporters also dogged the party. Nonetheless, by criticizing the Conservatives' social policies, the Liberals were able to draw progressive votes from the NDP which made the difference in several close races. On June 28, 2004 federal election, the Martin Liberals retained enough support to continue as the government, though they were reduced to a minority.In the ensuing months, testimony from the Gomery Commission caused public opinion to turn sharply against the Liberals for the first time in over a decade. Despite the devastating revelations, only two Liberal MPs—David Kilgour (who had crossed the floor from the PC Party in 1990) and Pat O'Brien—left the party for reasons other than the scandal. Belinda Stronach, who crossed the floor from the Conservatives to the Liberals, gave Martin the number of votes needed, although barely, to hold onto power when an NDP-sponsored amendment to his budget was passed only by the Speaker's tiebreaking vote on May 19, 2005.In November, the Liberals dropped in polls following the release of the first Gomery Report. Nonetheless, Martin turned down the NDP's conditions for continued support, as well as rejected an opposition proposal which would schedule a February 2006 election in return for passing several pieces of legislation. The Liberals thus lost the no-confidence vote on November 28; Martin thus became only the fifth prime minister to lose the confidence of the House, but the first to lose on a straight no-confidence motion. Because of the Christmas holiday, Martin advised Governor General Michaëlle Jean to dissolve Parliament and call an election for January 2006.The Liberal campaign was dogged from start to finish by the sponsorship scandal, which was brought up by a Royal Canadian Mounted Police (RCMP) criminal investigation into the leak of the income trust announcement. Numerous gaffes, contrasting with a smoothly run Conservative campaign, put Liberals as many as ten points behind the Conservatives in opinion polling. They managed to recover some of their momentum by election night, but not enough to retain power. They won 103 seats, a net loss of 30 from when the writs were dropped, losing a similar number of seats in Ontario and Quebec to the Tories. However, the Liberals managed to capture the most seats in Ontario for the fifth straight election (54 to the Tories' 40), holding the Conservatives to a minority government. While the Conservatives captured many of Ontario's rural ridings, the Liberals retained most of the population-rich Greater Toronto Area. Many of these ridings, particularly the 905 region, had historically been bellwethers (the Liberals were nearly shut out of this region in 1979 and 1984), but demographic changes have resulted in high Liberal returns in recent years.Martin resigned as parliamentary leader after the election and stepped down as Liberal leader on March 18, having previously promised to step down if he did not win a plurality.On May 11, 2006, "La Presse" reported that the Government of Canada would file a lawsuit against the Liberal Party to recover all the money missing in the sponsorship program. Scott Brison told reporters that same day that the Liberals has already paid back the $1.14 million into the public purse; however, the Conservatives believed that there was as much as $40 million unaccounted for in the sponsorship program.After their election defeat Martin chose not to take on the office of Leader of the Opposition. He stepped down as parliamentary leader of his party on February 1, and the Liberal caucus appointed Bill Graham, MP for Toronto Centre and outgoing Defence Minister, as his interim successor. Martin officially resigned as leader in March, with Graham taking over on an interim basis.The leadership election was set for December 2, 2006, in Montreal; however, a number of prominent members such as John Manley, Frank McKenna, Brian Tobin, and Allan Rock had already announced they would not enter the race to succeed Martin. Throughout the campaign 12 candidates came forward to lead the party, but by the time of the leadership convention only eight people remained in the race; Martha Hall Findlay, Stéphane Dion, Michael Ignatieff, Gerard Kennedy, Bob Rae, Scott Brison, Ken Dryden, Joe Volpe.Throughout the campaign Ignatieff, Rae, Dion and Kennedy were considered to be the only candidates with enough support to be able to win the leadership, with Ignatieff and Rae being considered the two front-runners. However polling showed Ignatieff had little room to grow his support, while Dion was the second and third choice among a plurality of delegates. At the leadership convention Ignatieff came out on top on the first ballot with 29.3 percent, With Kennedy's support Dion was able to leapfrog both Rae and Ignatieff on the third ballot, eliminating Rae. On the fourth and final ballot Dion defeated Ignatieff to become leader of the Liberal Party.Following the leadership race the Liberal Party saw a bounce in support and surpassed the Conservative Party as the most popular party in Canada. However, in the months and years to come the party's support gradually fell. Dion's own popularity lagged considerably behind that of Prime Minister Harper's, and he often trailed NDP leader Jack Layton in opinion polls when Canadians were asked who would make the best Prime Minister.Dion campaigned on environmental sustainability during the leadership race, and created the "Green Shift" plan following his election as leader. The Green Shift proposed creating a carbon tax that would be coupled with reductions to income tax rates. The proposal was to tax greenhouse gas emissions, starting at $10 per tonne of CO2 and reaching $40 per tonne within four years. The plan was a key policy for the party in the 2008 federal election, but it was not well received and was continuously attacked by both the Conservatives and NDP. On election night the Liberal Party won 26.26 percent of the popular vote and 77 of the 308 seats in the House of Commons. At that time their popular support was the lowest in the party's history, and weeks later Dion announced he would step down as Liberal leader once his successor was chosen.New Brunswick Member of Parliament Dominic LeBlanc was the first candidate to announce he would seek the leadership of the Liberal Party on October 27, 2008. Days later Bob Rae, who had finished third in 2006, announced he would also be a candidate for the leadership. The party executive met in early November and chose May 2, 2009, as the date to elect the next leader. On November 13 Michael Ignatieff, who finished second in 2006, announced he would also be a candidate.On November 27, 2008, Minister of Finance Jim Flaherty provided the House of Commons with a fiscal update, within which were plans to cut government spending, suspend the ability of civil servants to strike until 2011, sell off some Crown assets to raise capital, and eliminate the existing $1.95 per vote subsidy parties garner in an election. The opposition parties criticized the fiscal update, and announced they would not support it because it contained no stimulus money to spur Canada's economy and protect workers during the economic crisis. With the Conservative Party only holding a minority of the seats in the House of Commons the government would be defeated if the opposition parties voted against the fiscal update. With the Conservatives unwilling to budge on the proposals outlined in the fiscal update the Liberals and NDP signed an agreement to form a coalition government, with a written pledge of support from the Bloc Québécois. Under the terms of the agreement Dion would be sworn in as Prime Minister, however he would only serve in the position until the next Liberal leader was chosen. Dion contacted Governor General Michaëlle Jean and advised her that he had the confidence of the House of Commons if Prime Minister Harper's government was to fall. However, before the fiscal update could be voted on in the House of Commons Prime Minister Harper requested the Governor General to prorogue parliament till January 26, 2009, which she accepted.While polls showed Canadians were split on the idea of having either a coalition government or having the Conservatives continue to govern, it was clear that because of Dion's personal popularity they were not comfortable with him becoming Prime Minister. Members of the Liberal Party therefore called on Dion to resign as leader immediately and for an interim leader to be chosen, this person would become the Prime Minister in the event that the Conservatives were defeated when parliament resumed in January. With an estimated 70 percent of the Liberal caucus wanting Ignatieff to be named interim leader, Dion resigned the post on December 8, 2008 (effective December 10, upon Ignatieff's becoming interim leader). LeBlanc announced on the same day that he was abandoning the Liberal leadership race and endorsing Ignatieff as the next leader. The following day Rae announced he was also dropping out of the race and was placing his "full and unqualified" support to Ignatieff.With Ignatieff named interim leader of the party (on December 10), the Liberal's poll numbers saw significant gains, after they plummeted with the signing of the coalition agreement. When parliament resumed on January 28, 2009, the Ignatieff Liberals agreed to support the budget as long as it included regular accountability reports, which the Conservatives accepted. This ended the possibility of the coalition government with the New Democrats.Throughout the Winter of 2008–09, opinion polls showed that while the Ignatieff led Liberals still trailed the Conservatives their support had stabilized in the low 30 percent range. However, by the time Ignatieff was confirmed as party leader on May 2, 2009, the Liberal Party had a comfortable lead over the governing Conservatives. After a summer where he was accused of being missing in action, Ignatieff announced on August 31, 2009, that the Liberals would not support the minority Conservative government. After this announcement the Liberal Party's poll numbers, which had already declined over the summer, started to fall further behind the Conservatives. On October 1, 2009, the Liberals put forth a non-confidence motion with the hope of defeating the government. However, the NDP abstained from voting and the Conservatives survived the confidence motion.The Liberal Party's attempt to force an election, just a year after the previous one, was reported as a miscalculation, as polls showed that most Canadians did not want another election. Even after the government survived the confidence motion popularity for Ignatieff and his party continued to fall. Over the next year and a half, with the exception of a brief period in early 2010, support for the Liberals remained below 30 percent, and behind the Conservatives. While his predecessor Dion was criticized by the Conservatives as a "weak leader", Ignatieff was attacked as a "political opportunist".On March 25, 2011, Ignatieff introduced a motion of non-confidence against the Harper government to attempt to force a May 2011, federal election after the government was found to be in Contempt of Parliament, the first such occurrence in Commonwealth history. The House of Commons passed the motion by 156–145.The Liberals had considerable momentum when the writ was dropped, and Ignatieff successfully squeezed NDP leader Jack Layton out of media attention, by issuing challenges to Harper for one-on-one debates. In the first couple weeks of the campaign, Ignatieff kept his party in second place in the polls, and his personal ratings exceeded that of Layton for the first time. However, opponents frequently criticized Ignatieff's perceived political opportunism, particularly during the leaders debates when Layton criticized Ignatieff for having a poor attendance record for Commons votes saying "You know, most Canadians, if they don't show up for work, they don't get a promotion". Ignatieff failed to defend himself against these charges, and the debates were said to be a turning point for his party's campaign. Near the end of the campaign, a late surge in support for Layton and the NDP relegated Ignatieff and the Liberals to third in opinion polls.The Liberals suffered their worst defeat in history in the May 2, 2011, federal election. The result was a third-place finish, with only 19 percent of the vote and returning 34 seats in the House of Commons. Notably, their support in Toronto and Montreal, their power bases for the last two decades, all but vanished. All told, the Liberals won only 11 seats in Ontario (seven of which were in Toronto) and seven in Quebec (all in Montreal)—their fewest totals in either province. Newfoundland and Labrador was the only province with majority Liberal seats at 4 out of 7. They also won only four seats west of Ontario. The Conservatives won 40 percent of the vote and formed a majority government, while the NDP formed the Official Opposition winning 31 percent of the vote.This election marked the first time the Liberals were unable to form either government or the official opposition. Ignatieff was defeated in his own riding, and announced his resignation as Liberal leader shortly after. Bob Rae was chosen as the interim leader on May 25, 2011.On April 14, 2013 Justin Trudeau, son of former Prime Minister Pierre Trudeau, was elected leader of the Liberal Party on the first ballot, winning 80% of the vote. Following his win, support for the Liberal Party increased considerably, and the party moved into first place in public opinion polls.An initial surge in support in the polls following Trudeau's election wore off in the following year, in the face of Conservative ad campaign after Trudeau's win attempting to "[paint] him as a silly dilettante unfit for public office."In 2014, Trudeau removed all Liberal senators from the Liberal Party caucus. In announcing this, Trudeau said the purpose of the unelected upper chamber is to act as a check on the power of the prime minister, but the party structure interferes with that purpose. Following this move, Liberal senators chose to keep the designation "Liberal" and sit together as a caucus, albeit not one supported by the Liberal Party of Canada. This independent group continued to refer to itself in publications as the Senate Liberal Caucus until 2019.By the time the 2015 federal election was called, the Liberals had been knocked back into third place. Trudeau and his advisors planned to mount a campaign based on economic stimulus in the hopes of regaining the mantle of being the party that best represented change from the New Democrats.Justin Trudeau's Liberals would win the 2015 election in dramatic fashion: becoming the first party to win a parliamentary majority after being reduced to third party status in a previous general election, besting Brian Mulroney's record for the largest seat increase by a party in a single election (111 in 1984), and winning the most seats in Quebec for the first time since 1980. Chantal Hébert deemed the result "a Liberal comeback that is headed straight for the history books", while Bloomberg's Josh Wingrove and Theophilos Argitis similarly described it as "capping the biggest political comeback in the country’s history."Scholars and political experts have recently used a political realignment model to explain what was considered a collapse of a dominant party, and put its condition in long-term perspective. According to recent scholarship, there have been four party systems in Canada at the federal level since Confederation, each with its own distinctive pattern of social support, patronage relationships, leadership styles, and electoral strategies. Steve Patten identifies four party systems in Canada's political history:Stephen Clarkson (2005) shows how the Liberal Party has dominated all the party systems, using different approaches. It began with a "clientelistic approach" under Laurier, which evolved into a "brokerage" system of the 1920s, 1930s and 1940s under Mackenzie King. The 1950s saw the emergence of a "pan-Canadian system", which lasted until the 1990s. The 1993 election – categorized by Clarkson as an electoral "earthquake" which "fragmented" the party system, saw the emergence of regional politics within a four party-system, whereby various groups championed regional issues and concerns. Clarkson concludes that the inherent bias built into the first-past-the-post system, has chiefly benefited the Liberals.Pundits in the wake of the 2011 election widely believed in a theme of major realignment. Lawrence Martin, commentator for "The Globe and Mail", claimed that "Harper has completed a remarkable reconstruction of a Canadian political landscape that endured for more than a century. The realignment sees both old parties of the moderate middle, the Progressive Conservatives and the Liberals, either eliminated or marginalized." "Maclean's" said that the election marked "an unprecedented realignment of Canadian politics" as "the Conservatives are now in a position to replace the Liberals as the natural governing party in Canada"; Andrew Coyne proclaimed "The West is in and Ontario has joined it," noting that the Conservatives accomplished the rare feat of putting together a majority by winning in both Ontario and the western provinces (difficult because of traditionally conflicting interests), while having little representation in Quebec. Books such as "The Big Shift" by John Ibbitson and Darrell Bricker, and Peter C. Newman's "When the Gods Changed: The Death of Liberal Canada", provocatively asserted that the Liberals had become an "endangered species" and that an NDP-led opposition would mean that "fortune favours the Harper government" in subsequent campaigns.The Liberal victory in 2015, leaving Alberta and Saskatchewan as the only provinces represented by a majority of Conservative MPs, has now challenged that narrative.The principles of the party are based on liberalism as defined by various liberal theorists and include individual freedom for present and future generations, responsibility, human dignity, a just society, political freedom, religious freedom, national unity, equality of opportunity, cultural diversity, bilingualism, and multilateralism. In the present times, the Liberal party has favoured a variety of "big tent" policies from both right and left of the political spectrum. When it formed the government from 1993 to 2006, it championed balanced budgets, and eliminated the budget deficit completely from the federal budget in 1995 by reducing spending on social programs or delegating them to the provinces, and promised to replace the Goods and Services Tax in the party's famous Red Book. It also legalized same-sex marriage.During the 2015 election, the Liberal party's proposed policies included:Each province and one territory in Canada has its own Liberal Party. However, only those in New Brunswick, Newfoundland and Labrador, Nova Scotia, and Prince Edward Island are politically and organizationally affiliated with the federal Liberal Party. While other provincial Liberal parties may align ideologically with the federal party, they operate as completely separate entities. Those provincial parties have separate policies, finances, memberships, constituency associations, executives, conventions and offices.To date, only seven Liberal leaders never served as Prime Minister, three of whom were interim leaders. | [
"Wilfrid Laurier",
"Stéphane Dion",
"Bob Rae",
"Paul Martin",
"William Lyon Mackenzie King",
"Daniel Duncan McKenzie",
"Jean Chrétien",
"Louis St. Laurent",
"Pierre Trudeau",
"John Turner",
"Alexander Mackenzie",
"Edward Blake",
"Justin Trudeau",
"Bill Graham",
"Michael Ignatieff"
] |
|
Who was the chair of Liberal Party of Canada in 18/06/1966? | June 18, 1966 | {
"text": [
"Lester B. Pearson"
]
} | L2_Q138345_P488_6 | Jean Chrétien is the chair of Liberal Party of Canada from Jun, 1990 to Nov, 2003.
Lester B. Pearson is the chair of Liberal Party of Canada from Jan, 1958 to Apr, 1968.
Stéphane Dion is the chair of Liberal Party of Canada from Dec, 2006 to Dec, 2008.
Edward Blake is the chair of Liberal Party of Canada from May, 1880 to Jun, 1887.
Paul Martin is the chair of Liberal Party of Canada from Nov, 2003 to Mar, 2006.
Bill Graham is the chair of Liberal Party of Canada from Mar, 2006 to Dec, 2006.
Louis St. Laurent is the chair of Liberal Party of Canada from Aug, 1948 to Jan, 1958.
Bob Rae is the chair of Liberal Party of Canada from May, 2011 to Apr, 2013.
Wilfrid Laurier is the chair of Liberal Party of Canada from Jun, 1887 to Feb, 1919.
John Turner is the chair of Liberal Party of Canada from Jun, 1984 to Jun, 1990.
Justin Trudeau is the chair of Liberal Party of Canada from Apr, 2013 to Dec, 2022.
Daniel Duncan McKenzie is the chair of Liberal Party of Canada from Feb, 1919 to Aug, 1919.
Alexander Mackenzie is the chair of Liberal Party of Canada from Mar, 1873 to Apr, 1880.
William Lyon Mackenzie King is the chair of Liberal Party of Canada from Aug, 1919 to Aug, 1948.
Pierre Trudeau is the chair of Liberal Party of Canada from Apr, 1968 to Jun, 1984.
Michael Ignatieff is the chair of Liberal Party of Canada from Dec, 2008 to May, 2011. | Liberal Party of CanadaThe Liberal Party of Canada (LPC; ) is the longest-serving and oldest active federal political party in Canada. The party has dominated federal politics for much of Canada's history, holding power for almost 70 years of the 20th century. As a result, it has sometimes been referred to as Canada's "natural governing party".The party espouses the principles of liberalism, and generally sits at the centre to centre-left of the Canadian political spectrum, with their rival the Conservative Party positioned to the right and the New Democratic Party (who at times aligned itself with the Liberals during minority governments), positioned to their left. The party is described as "big tent", practicing "brokerage politics", attracting support from a broad spectrum of voters. In the late 1970s, Prime Minister Pierre Elliott Trudeau claimed that his Liberal Party adhered to the "radical centre".The Liberals' signature policies and legislative decisions include universal health care, the Canada Pension Plan, Canada Student Loans, peacekeeping, multilateralism, official bilingualism, official multiculturalism, gun control, patriating the Canadian constitution and the entrenchment of Canada's "Charter of Rights and Freedoms", the "Clarity Act", legalizing same-sex marriage, euthanasia, and cannabis, national carbon pricing, and expanded access to abortion.In the 2015 federal election, the Liberal Party under Justin Trudeau had its best result since the 2000 election, winning 39.5 percent of the popular vote and 184 seats, gaining a majority of seats in the House of Commons. In the 2019 federal election, they were reduced to a minority government, winning 157 seats to remain the largest party in the House of Commons while narrowly losing the popular vote.The Liberals are descended from the mid-19th century Reformers who advocated for responsible government throughout British North America. These included George Brown, Alexander Mackenzie, Robert Baldwin, William Lyon Mackenzie and the Clear Grits in Upper Canada, Joseph Howe in Nova Scotia, and the Patriotes and Rouges in Lower Canada led by figures such as Louis-Joseph Papineau. The Clear Grits and "Parti rouge" sometimes functioned as a united bloc in the legislature of the Province of Canada beginning in 1854, and a united Liberal Party combining both English and French Canadian members was formed in 1861.At the time of confederation of the former British colonies of Canada (now Ontario and Quebec), New Brunswick and Nova Scotia, the radical Liberals were marginalized by the more pragmatic Conservative coalition assembled under Sir John A. Macdonald. In the 29 years after Canadian confederation, the Liberals were consigned to opposition, with the exception of one stint in government. Alexander Mackenzie was the de facto leader of the Official Opposition after Confederation and finally agreed to become the first official leader of the Liberal Party in 1873. He was able to lead the party to power for the first time in 1873, after the MacDonald government lost a vote of no confidence in the House of Commons due to the Pacific Scandal. Mackenzie subsequently won the 1874 election, and served as Prime Minister for an additional four years. During the five years the Liberal government brought in many reforms, which include the replacement of open voting by secret ballot, confining elections to one day and the creation of the Supreme Court of Canada, the Royal Military College of Canada, and the Office of the Auditor General. However the party was only able to build a solid support base in Ontario, and in 1878 lost the government to MacDonald. The Liberals would spend the next 18 years in opposition.In their early history, the Liberals were the party of continentalism and opposition to imperialism. The Liberals also became identified with the aspirations of Quebecers as a result of the growing hostility of French Canadians to the Conservatives. The Conservatives lost the support of French Canadians because of the role of Conservative governments in the execution of Louis Riel and their role in the Conscription Crisis of 1917, and especially their opposition to French schools in provinces besides Quebec.It was not until Wilfrid Laurier became leader that the Liberal Party emerged as a modern party. Laurier was able to capitalize on the Tories' alienation of French Canada by offering the Liberals as a credible alternative. Laurier was able to overcome the party's reputation for anti-clericalism that offended the still-powerful Quebec Roman Catholic Church. In English-speaking Canada, the Liberal Party's support for reciprocity made it popular among farmers, and helped cement the party's hold in the growing prairie provinces.Laurier led the Liberals to power in the 1896 election (in which he became the first Francophone Prime Minister), and oversaw a government that increased immigration in order to settle Western Canada. Laurier's government created the provinces of Saskatchewan and Alberta out of the North-West Territories, and promoted the development of Canadian industry.Until the early part of the century, the Liberal Party was a loose, informal coalition of local, provincial and regional bodies with a strong national party leader and caucus (and when in power, the national cabinet) but with an informal and regionalized extra-parliamentary organizational structure. There was no national membership of the party, an individual became a member by joining a provincial Liberal party. Laurier called the party's first national convention in 1893 in order to unite Liberal supporters behind a programme and build the campaign that successfully brought the party to power in 1896; however, once in power, no efforts were made to create a formal national organization outside of parliament.As a result of the party's defeats in the 1911 and 1917 federal elections, Laurier attempted to organize the party on a national level by creating three bodies: the Central Liberal Information Office, the National Liberal Advisory Committee, and the National Liberal Organization Committee. However, the advisory committee became dominated by members of parliament and all three bodies were underfunded and competed with both local and provincial Liberal associations and the national caucus for authority. The party did organize the national party's second convention in 1919 to elect William Lyon Mackenzie King as Laurier's successor (Canada's first ever leadership convention), yet following the party's return to power in the 1921 federal election the nascent national party organizations were eclipsed by powerful ministers and local party organizations largely driven by patronage.As a result of both the party's defeat in the 1930 federal election, and the Beauharnois bribery scandal which highlighted the need for distance between the Liberal Party's political wing and campaign fundraising, a central coordinating organization, the National Liberal Federation, was created in 1932 with Vincent Massey as its first president. The new organization allowed individuals to directly join the national Liberal Party for the first time. With the Liberals return to power the national organization languished except for occasional national committee meetings, such as in 1943 when Mackenzie King called a meeting of the federation (consisting of the national caucus and up to seven voting delegates per province) to approve a new platform for the party in anticipation of the end of World War II and prepare for a post-war election. No national convention was held, however, until 1948; the Liberal Party held only three national conventions prior to the 1950s – in 1893, 1919 and 1948. The National Liberal Federation remained largely dependent on provincial Liberal parties and was often ignored and bypassed the parliamentary party in the organization of election campaigns and the development of policy. With the defeat of the Liberals in the 1957 federal election and in particular 1958, reformers argued for the strengthening of the national party organization so it would not be dependent on provincial Liberal parties and patronage. A national executive and Council of presidents, consisting of the presidents of each Liberal riding association, were developed to give the party more co-ordination and national party conventions were regularly held in biennially where previously they had been held infrequently. Over time, provincial Liberal parties in most provinces were separated from provincial wings of the federal party and in a number of cases disaffiliated. By the 1980s, the National Liberal Federation was officially known as the Liberal Party of Canada.Under Laurier, and his successor William Lyon Mackenzie King, the Liberals promoted Canadian sovereignty and greater independence within the British Commonwealth. In Imperial Conferences held throughout the 1920s, Canadian Liberal governments often took the lead in arguing that the United Kingdom and the dominions should have equal status, and against proposals for an 'imperial parliament' that would have subsumed Canadian independence. After the King–Byng Affair of 1926, the Liberals argued that the Governor General of Canada should no longer be appointed on the recommendation of the British government. The decisions of the Imperial Conferences were formalized in the Statute of Westminster, which was actually passed in 1931, the year after the Liberals lost power.The Liberals also promoted the idea of Canada being responsible for its own foreign and defence policy. Initially, it was Britain which determined external affairs for the dominion. In 1905, Laurier created the Department of External Affairs, and in 1909 he advised Governor General Earl Grey to appoint the first Secretary of State for External Affairs to Cabinet. It was also Laurier who first proposed the creation of a Canadian Navy in 1910. Mackenzie King recommended the appointment by Governor General Lord Byng of Vincent Massey as the first Canadian ambassador to Washington in 1926, marking the Liberal government's insistence on having direct relations with the United States, rather than having Britain act on Canada's behalf.In the period just before and after the Second World War, the party became a champion of 'progressive social policy'. As Prime Minister for most of the time between 1921 and 1948, King introduced several measures that led to the creation of Canada's social safety net. Bowing to popular pressure, he introduced the mother's allowance, a monthly payment to all mothers with young children. He also reluctantly introduced old age pensions when J. S. Woodsworth required it in exchange for his Co-operative Commonwealth Federation party's support of King's minority government.Louis St. Laurent succeeded King as Liberal leader and Prime Minister on November 15, 1948. In the 1949 and 1953 federal elections, St. Laurent led the Liberal Party to two large majority governments. As Prime Minister he oversaw the joining of Newfoundland in Confederation as Canada's tenth province, he established equalization payments to the provinces, and continued with social reform with improvements in pensions and health insurance. In 1956, Canada played an important role in resolving the Suez Crisis, and contributed to the United Nations force in the Korean War. Canada enjoyed economic prosperity during St. Laurent's premiership and wartime debts were paid off. The Pipeline Debate proved the Liberal Party's undoing. Their attempt to pass legislation to build a natural gas pipeline from Alberta to central Canada was met with fierce disagreement in the House of Commons. In 1957, John Diefenbaker's Progressive Conservatives won a minority government and St. Laurent resigned as Prime Minister and Liberal leader.Lester B. Pearson was easily elected Liberal leader at the party's 1958 leadership convention. However, only months after becoming Liberal leader, Pearson led the party into the 1958 federal election that saw Diefenbaker's Progressive Conservatives win the largest majority government, by percentage of seats, in Canadian history. The Progressive Conservatives won 206 of the 265 seats in the House of Commons, while the Liberals were reduced to just 48 seats. Pearson remained Liberal leader during this time and in the 1962 election managed to reduce Diefenbaker to a minority government. In the 1963 election Pearson led the Liberal Party back to victory, forming a minority government. Pearson served as Prime Minister for five years, winning a second election in 1965. While Pearson's leadership was considered poor and the Liberal Party never held a majority of the seats in parliament during his premiership, he left office in 1968 with an impressive legacy. Pearson's government introduced Medicare, a new immigration act, the Canada Pension Plan, Canada Student Loans, the Canada Assistance Plan, and adopted the Maple Leaf as Canada's national flag.Under Pierre Trudeau, the mission of a progressive social policy evolved into the goal of creating a "just society".The Liberal Party under Trudeau promoted official bilingualism and passed the "Official Languages Act", which gave French and English languages equal status in Canada. Trudeau hoped that the promotion of bilingualism would cement Quebec's place in Confederation, and counter growing calls for an independent Quebec. The party hoped the policy would transform Canada into a country where English and French Canadians could live together, and allow Canadians to move to any part of the country without having to lose their language. Although this vision has yet to fully materialize, official bilingualism has helped to halt the decline of the French language outside of Quebec, and to ensure that all federal government services (including radio and television services provided by the government-owned Canadian Broadcasting Corporation/Radio-Canada) are available in both languages throughout the country.The Trudeau Liberals are also credited with support for state multiculturalism as a means of integrating immigrants into Canadian society without forcing them to shed their culture, leading the party to build a base of support among recent immigrants and their children. This marked the culmination of a decades-long shift in Liberal immigration policy, a reversal of pre-war racial attitudes that spurred discriminatory policies such as the Chinese Immigration Act of 1923 and the MS St. Louis incident.The most lasting effect of the Trudeau years has been the patriation of the Canadian constitution and the creation of Canada's Charter of Rights and Freedoms. Trudeau's Liberals supported the concept of a strong, central government, and fought Quebec separatism, other forms of Quebec nationalism, and the granting of "distinct society" status to Quebec. Such actions, however, served as rallying cries for sovereigntists and alienated many Francophone Quebeckers.The other primary legacy of the Trudeau years has been financial. Net federal debt in fiscal 1968, just before Trudeau became Prime Minister, was about $18 billion CAD, or 26 percent of gross domestic product; by his final year in office, it had ballooned to over 200 billion—at 46 percent of GDP, nearly twice as large relative to the economy.After Trudeau's retirement in 1984, many Liberals, such as Jean Chrétien and Clyde Wells, continued to adhere to Trudeau's concept of federalism. Others, such as John Turner, supported the failed Meech Lake and Charlottetown Constitutional Accords, which would have recognized Quebec as a "distinct society" and would have increased the powers of the provinces to the detriment of the federal government.Trudeau stepped down as Prime Minister and party leader in 1984, as the Liberals were slipping in polls. At that year's leadership convention, Turner defeated Chrétien on the second ballot to become Prime Minister. Immediately, upon taking office, Turner called a snap election, citing favourable internal polls. However, the party was hurt by numerous patronage appointments, many of which Turner had made supposedly in return for Trudeau retiring early. Also, they were unpopular in their traditional stronghold of Quebec because of the constitution repatriation which excluded that province. The Liberals lost power in the 1984 election, and were reduced to only 40 seats in the House of Commons. The Progressive Conservatives won a majority of the seats in every province, including Quebec. The 95-seat loss was the worst defeat in the party's history, and the worst defeat at the time for a governing party at the federal level. What was more, the New Democratic Party, successor to the Co-operative Commonwealth Federation, won only ten fewer seats than the Liberals, and some thought that the NDP under Ed Broadbent would push the Liberals to third-party status.The party began a long process of reconstruction. A small group of young Liberal MPs, known as the Rat Pack, gained fame by criticizing the Tory government of Brian Mulroney at every turn. Also, despite public and backroom attempts to remove Turner as leader, he managed to consolidate his leadership at the 1986 review.The 1988 election was notable for Turner's strong opposition to the Canada-U.S. Free Trade Agreement negotiated by Progressive Conservative Prime Minister Brian Mulroney. Although most Canadians voted for parties opposed to free trade, the Tories were returned with a majority government, and implemented the deal. The Liberals recovered from their near-meltdown of 1984, however, winning 83 seats and ending much of the talk of being eclipsed by the NDP, who won 43 seats.Turner announced that he would resign as leader of the Liberal Party on May 3, 1989. The Liberal Party set a leadership convention for June 23, 1990, in Calgary. Five candidates contested the leadership of the party and former Deputy Prime Minister Jean Chrétien, who had served in every Liberal cabinet since 1965, won on the first ballot. Chrétien's Liberals campaigned in the 1993 election on the promise of renegotiating the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA), and eliminating the Goods and Services Tax (GST). Just after the writ was dropped for the election, they issued the Red Book, an integrated and coherent approach to economic, social, environmental and foreign policy. This was unprecedented for a Canadian party. Taking full advantage of the inability of Mulroney's successor, Kim Campbell, to overcome a large amount of antipathy toward Mulroney, they won a strong majority government with 177 seats—the third-best performance in party history, and their best since 1949. The Progressive Conservatives were cut down to only two seats, suffering a defeat even more severe than the one they had handed the Liberals nine years earlier. The Liberals were re-elected with a considerably reduced majority in 1997, but nearly tied their 1993 total in 2000.For the next decade, the Liberals dominated Canadian politics in a fashion not seen since the early years of Confederation. This was because of the destruction of the "grand coalition" of Western socially conservative populists, Quebec nationalists, and fiscal conservatives from Ontario that had supported the Progressive Conservatives in 1984 and 1988. The Progressive Conservatives Western support, for all practical purposes, transferred en masse to the Western-based Reform Party, which replaced the PCs as the major right-wing party in Canada. However, the new party's agenda was seen as too conservative for most Canadians. It only won one seat east of Manitoba in an election (but gained another in a floor-crossing). Even when Reform restructured into the Canadian Alliance, the party was virtually non-existent east of Manitoba, winning only 66 seats in 2000. Reform/Alliance was the official opposition from 1997 to 2003, but was never able to overcome wide perceptions that it was merely a Western protest party. The Quebec nationalists who had once supported the Tories largely switched their support to the sovereigntist Bloc Québécois, while the Tories' Ontario support largely moved to the Liberals. The PCs would never be a major force in Canadian politics again; while they rebounded to 20 seats in the next election, they won only two seats west of Quebec in the next decade.Ontario and Quebec combine for a majority of seats in the House of Commons by virtue of Ontario's current population and Quebec's historic population (59 percent of the seats ). As a result, it is very difficult to form even a minority government without substantial support in Ontario and/or Quebec. No party has ever formed a majority government without winning the most seats in either Ontario or Quebec. It is mathematically possible to form a minority government without a strong base in either province, but such an undertaking is politically difficult. The Liberals were the only party with a strong base in both provinces, thus making them the only party capable of forming a government.There was some disappointment as Liberals were not able to recover their traditional dominant position in Quebec, despite being led by a Quebecer from a strongly nationalist region of Quebec. The Bloc capitalized on discontent with the failure of the 1990 Meech Lake Accord and Chrétien's uncompromising stance on federalism (see below) to win the most seats in Quebec in every election from 1993, onward, even serving as the official opposition from 1993 to 1997. Chrétien's reputation in his home province never recovered after the 1990 leadership convention when rival Paul Martin forced him to declare his opposition to the Meech Lake Accord. However, the Liberals did increase their support in the next two elections because of infighting within the Bloc. In the 1997 election, although the Liberals finished with a thin majority, it was their gains in Quebec which were credited with offsetting their losses in the Maritime provinces. In particular, the 2000 election was a breakthrough for the Liberals after the PQ government's unpopular initiatives regarding consolidation of several Quebec urban areas into "megacities". Many federal Liberals also took credit for Charest's provincial election victory over the PQ in spring 2003. A series of by-elections allowed the Liberals to gain a majority of Quebec ridings for the first time since 1984.The Chrétien Liberals more than made up for their shortfall in Quebec by building a strong base in Ontario. They reaped a substantial windfall from the votes of fiscally conservative and socially liberal voters who had previously voted Tory, as well as rapid growth in the Greater Toronto Area. They were also able to take advantage of massive vote splitting between the Tories and Reform/Alliance in rural areas of the province that had traditionally formed the backbone of provincial Tory governments. Combined with their historic dominance of Metro Toronto and northern Ontario, the Liberals dominated the province's federal politics even as the Tories won landslide majorities at the provincial level. In 1993, for example, the Liberals won all but one seat in Ontario, and came within 123 votes in Simcoe Centre of pulling off the first clean sweep of Canada's most populated province. They were able to retain their position as the largest party in the House by winning all but two seats in Ontario in the 1997 election. The Liberals were assured of at least a minority government once the Ontario results came in, but it was not clear until later in the night that they would retain their majority. In 2000, the Liberals won all but three seats in Ontario.While the Chrétien Liberals campaigned from the left, their time in power is most marked by the cuts made to many social programs, including health transfers, in order to balance the federal budget. Chrétien had supported the Charlottetown Accord while in opposition, but in power opposed major concessions to Quebec and other provincialist factions. In contrast to their promises during the 1993 campaign, they implemented only minor changes to NAFTA, embraced the free trade concept and—with the exception of the replacement of the GST with the Harmonized Sales Tax in some Atlantic provinces—broke their promise to replace the GST.After a proposal for Quebec independence was narrowly defeated in the 1995 Quebec referendum, the Liberals passed the "Clarity Act", which outlines the federal government's preconditions for negotiating provincial independence. In Chrétien's final days, he supported same-sex marriage and decriminalizing the possession of small quantities of marijuana. Chrétien displeased the United States government when he pledged on March 17, 2003, that Canada would not support the 2003 invasion of Iraq. A poll released shortly after showed widespread approval of Chrétien's decision by the Canadian public. The poll, which was conducted by EKOS for the "Toronto Star" and "La Presse", found 71 percent of those questioned approved of the government's decision to not enter the United States-led invasion, with 27 percent expressing disapproval.Several trends started in 2003 which suggested the end of the Liberal Party's political dominance. Notably, there would be a high turnover of permanent party leaders, in contrast to their predecessors who usually served over two or more elections, particularly Trudeau and Chrétien who each led for over a decade. The Liberals were also hampered by their inability to raise campaign money competitively after Chrétien passed a bill in 2003 which banned corporate donations, even though the Liberals had enjoyed by far the lion's share of this funding because of the then-divided opposition parties. It has been suggested that Chrétien, who had done nothing about election financing for his 10 years in office, could be seen as the idealist as he retired, while his rival and successor Paul Martin would have the burden of having to fight an election under the strict new rules. Simon Fraser University professor Doug McArthur has noted that Martin's leadership campaign used aggressive tactics for the 2003 leadership convention, in attempting to end the contest before it could start by giving the impression that his bid was too strong for any other candidate to beat. McArthur blamed Martin's tactics for the ongoing sag in Liberal fortunes, as it discouraged activists who were not on side.Paul Martin succeeded Chrétien as party leader and prime minister in 2003. Despite the personal rivalry between the two, Martin was the architect of the Liberals' economic policies as Minister of Finance during the 1990s. Chrétien left office with a high approval rating and Martin was expected to make inroads into Quebec and Western Canada, two regions of Canada where the Liberals had not attracted much support since the 1980s and 1990s, respectively. While his cabinet choices provoked some controversy over excluding many Chrétien supporters, it at first did little to hurt his popularity.However, the political situation changed with the revelation of the sponsorship scandal, in which advertising agencies supporting the Liberal Party received grossly inflated commissions for their services. Having faced a divided conservative opposition for the past three elections, Liberals were seriously challenged by competition from the newly united Conservative Party led by Stephen Harper. The infighting between Martin and Chrétien's supporters also dogged the party. Nonetheless, by criticizing the Conservatives' social policies, the Liberals were able to draw progressive votes from the NDP which made the difference in several close races. On June 28, 2004 federal election, the Martin Liberals retained enough support to continue as the government, though they were reduced to a minority.In the ensuing months, testimony from the Gomery Commission caused public opinion to turn sharply against the Liberals for the first time in over a decade. Despite the devastating revelations, only two Liberal MPs—David Kilgour (who had crossed the floor from the PC Party in 1990) and Pat O'Brien—left the party for reasons other than the scandal. Belinda Stronach, who crossed the floor from the Conservatives to the Liberals, gave Martin the number of votes needed, although barely, to hold onto power when an NDP-sponsored amendment to his budget was passed only by the Speaker's tiebreaking vote on May 19, 2005.In November, the Liberals dropped in polls following the release of the first Gomery Report. Nonetheless, Martin turned down the NDP's conditions for continued support, as well as rejected an opposition proposal which would schedule a February 2006 election in return for passing several pieces of legislation. The Liberals thus lost the no-confidence vote on November 28; Martin thus became only the fifth prime minister to lose the confidence of the House, but the first to lose on a straight no-confidence motion. Because of the Christmas holiday, Martin advised Governor General Michaëlle Jean to dissolve Parliament and call an election for January 2006.The Liberal campaign was dogged from start to finish by the sponsorship scandal, which was brought up by a Royal Canadian Mounted Police (RCMP) criminal investigation into the leak of the income trust announcement. Numerous gaffes, contrasting with a smoothly run Conservative campaign, put Liberals as many as ten points behind the Conservatives in opinion polling. They managed to recover some of their momentum by election night, but not enough to retain power. They won 103 seats, a net loss of 30 from when the writs were dropped, losing a similar number of seats in Ontario and Quebec to the Tories. However, the Liberals managed to capture the most seats in Ontario for the fifth straight election (54 to the Tories' 40), holding the Conservatives to a minority government. While the Conservatives captured many of Ontario's rural ridings, the Liberals retained most of the population-rich Greater Toronto Area. Many of these ridings, particularly the 905 region, had historically been bellwethers (the Liberals were nearly shut out of this region in 1979 and 1984), but demographic changes have resulted in high Liberal returns in recent years.Martin resigned as parliamentary leader after the election and stepped down as Liberal leader on March 18, having previously promised to step down if he did not win a plurality.On May 11, 2006, "La Presse" reported that the Government of Canada would file a lawsuit against the Liberal Party to recover all the money missing in the sponsorship program. Scott Brison told reporters that same day that the Liberals has already paid back the $1.14 million into the public purse; however, the Conservatives believed that there was as much as $40 million unaccounted for in the sponsorship program.After their election defeat Martin chose not to take on the office of Leader of the Opposition. He stepped down as parliamentary leader of his party on February 1, and the Liberal caucus appointed Bill Graham, MP for Toronto Centre and outgoing Defence Minister, as his interim successor. Martin officially resigned as leader in March, with Graham taking over on an interim basis.The leadership election was set for December 2, 2006, in Montreal; however, a number of prominent members such as John Manley, Frank McKenna, Brian Tobin, and Allan Rock had already announced they would not enter the race to succeed Martin. Throughout the campaign 12 candidates came forward to lead the party, but by the time of the leadership convention only eight people remained in the race; Martha Hall Findlay, Stéphane Dion, Michael Ignatieff, Gerard Kennedy, Bob Rae, Scott Brison, Ken Dryden, Joe Volpe.Throughout the campaign Ignatieff, Rae, Dion and Kennedy were considered to be the only candidates with enough support to be able to win the leadership, with Ignatieff and Rae being considered the two front-runners. However polling showed Ignatieff had little room to grow his support, while Dion was the second and third choice among a plurality of delegates. At the leadership convention Ignatieff came out on top on the first ballot with 29.3 percent, With Kennedy's support Dion was able to leapfrog both Rae and Ignatieff on the third ballot, eliminating Rae. On the fourth and final ballot Dion defeated Ignatieff to become leader of the Liberal Party.Following the leadership race the Liberal Party saw a bounce in support and surpassed the Conservative Party as the most popular party in Canada. However, in the months and years to come the party's support gradually fell. Dion's own popularity lagged considerably behind that of Prime Minister Harper's, and he often trailed NDP leader Jack Layton in opinion polls when Canadians were asked who would make the best Prime Minister.Dion campaigned on environmental sustainability during the leadership race, and created the "Green Shift" plan following his election as leader. The Green Shift proposed creating a carbon tax that would be coupled with reductions to income tax rates. The proposal was to tax greenhouse gas emissions, starting at $10 per tonne of CO2 and reaching $40 per tonne within four years. The plan was a key policy for the party in the 2008 federal election, but it was not well received and was continuously attacked by both the Conservatives and NDP. On election night the Liberal Party won 26.26 percent of the popular vote and 77 of the 308 seats in the House of Commons. At that time their popular support was the lowest in the party's history, and weeks later Dion announced he would step down as Liberal leader once his successor was chosen.New Brunswick Member of Parliament Dominic LeBlanc was the first candidate to announce he would seek the leadership of the Liberal Party on October 27, 2008. Days later Bob Rae, who had finished third in 2006, announced he would also be a candidate for the leadership. The party executive met in early November and chose May 2, 2009, as the date to elect the next leader. On November 13 Michael Ignatieff, who finished second in 2006, announced he would also be a candidate.On November 27, 2008, Minister of Finance Jim Flaherty provided the House of Commons with a fiscal update, within which were plans to cut government spending, suspend the ability of civil servants to strike until 2011, sell off some Crown assets to raise capital, and eliminate the existing $1.95 per vote subsidy parties garner in an election. The opposition parties criticized the fiscal update, and announced they would not support it because it contained no stimulus money to spur Canada's economy and protect workers during the economic crisis. With the Conservative Party only holding a minority of the seats in the House of Commons the government would be defeated if the opposition parties voted against the fiscal update. With the Conservatives unwilling to budge on the proposals outlined in the fiscal update the Liberals and NDP signed an agreement to form a coalition government, with a written pledge of support from the Bloc Québécois. Under the terms of the agreement Dion would be sworn in as Prime Minister, however he would only serve in the position until the next Liberal leader was chosen. Dion contacted Governor General Michaëlle Jean and advised her that he had the confidence of the House of Commons if Prime Minister Harper's government was to fall. However, before the fiscal update could be voted on in the House of Commons Prime Minister Harper requested the Governor General to prorogue parliament till January 26, 2009, which she accepted.While polls showed Canadians were split on the idea of having either a coalition government or having the Conservatives continue to govern, it was clear that because of Dion's personal popularity they were not comfortable with him becoming Prime Minister. Members of the Liberal Party therefore called on Dion to resign as leader immediately and for an interim leader to be chosen, this person would become the Prime Minister in the event that the Conservatives were defeated when parliament resumed in January. With an estimated 70 percent of the Liberal caucus wanting Ignatieff to be named interim leader, Dion resigned the post on December 8, 2008 (effective December 10, upon Ignatieff's becoming interim leader). LeBlanc announced on the same day that he was abandoning the Liberal leadership race and endorsing Ignatieff as the next leader. The following day Rae announced he was also dropping out of the race and was placing his "full and unqualified" support to Ignatieff.With Ignatieff named interim leader of the party (on December 10), the Liberal's poll numbers saw significant gains, after they plummeted with the signing of the coalition agreement. When parliament resumed on January 28, 2009, the Ignatieff Liberals agreed to support the budget as long as it included regular accountability reports, which the Conservatives accepted. This ended the possibility of the coalition government with the New Democrats.Throughout the Winter of 2008–09, opinion polls showed that while the Ignatieff led Liberals still trailed the Conservatives their support had stabilized in the low 30 percent range. However, by the time Ignatieff was confirmed as party leader on May 2, 2009, the Liberal Party had a comfortable lead over the governing Conservatives. After a summer where he was accused of being missing in action, Ignatieff announced on August 31, 2009, that the Liberals would not support the minority Conservative government. After this announcement the Liberal Party's poll numbers, which had already declined over the summer, started to fall further behind the Conservatives. On October 1, 2009, the Liberals put forth a non-confidence motion with the hope of defeating the government. However, the NDP abstained from voting and the Conservatives survived the confidence motion.The Liberal Party's attempt to force an election, just a year after the previous one, was reported as a miscalculation, as polls showed that most Canadians did not want another election. Even after the government survived the confidence motion popularity for Ignatieff and his party continued to fall. Over the next year and a half, with the exception of a brief period in early 2010, support for the Liberals remained below 30 percent, and behind the Conservatives. While his predecessor Dion was criticized by the Conservatives as a "weak leader", Ignatieff was attacked as a "political opportunist".On March 25, 2011, Ignatieff introduced a motion of non-confidence against the Harper government to attempt to force a May 2011, federal election after the government was found to be in Contempt of Parliament, the first such occurrence in Commonwealth history. The House of Commons passed the motion by 156–145.The Liberals had considerable momentum when the writ was dropped, and Ignatieff successfully squeezed NDP leader Jack Layton out of media attention, by issuing challenges to Harper for one-on-one debates. In the first couple weeks of the campaign, Ignatieff kept his party in second place in the polls, and his personal ratings exceeded that of Layton for the first time. However, opponents frequently criticized Ignatieff's perceived political opportunism, particularly during the leaders debates when Layton criticized Ignatieff for having a poor attendance record for Commons votes saying "You know, most Canadians, if they don't show up for work, they don't get a promotion". Ignatieff failed to defend himself against these charges, and the debates were said to be a turning point for his party's campaign. Near the end of the campaign, a late surge in support for Layton and the NDP relegated Ignatieff and the Liberals to third in opinion polls.The Liberals suffered their worst defeat in history in the May 2, 2011, federal election. The result was a third-place finish, with only 19 percent of the vote and returning 34 seats in the House of Commons. Notably, their support in Toronto and Montreal, their power bases for the last two decades, all but vanished. All told, the Liberals won only 11 seats in Ontario (seven of which were in Toronto) and seven in Quebec (all in Montreal)—their fewest totals in either province. Newfoundland and Labrador was the only province with majority Liberal seats at 4 out of 7. They also won only four seats west of Ontario. The Conservatives won 40 percent of the vote and formed a majority government, while the NDP formed the Official Opposition winning 31 percent of the vote.This election marked the first time the Liberals were unable to form either government or the official opposition. Ignatieff was defeated in his own riding, and announced his resignation as Liberal leader shortly after. Bob Rae was chosen as the interim leader on May 25, 2011.On April 14, 2013 Justin Trudeau, son of former Prime Minister Pierre Trudeau, was elected leader of the Liberal Party on the first ballot, winning 80% of the vote. Following his win, support for the Liberal Party increased considerably, and the party moved into first place in public opinion polls.An initial surge in support in the polls following Trudeau's election wore off in the following year, in the face of Conservative ad campaign after Trudeau's win attempting to "[paint] him as a silly dilettante unfit for public office."In 2014, Trudeau removed all Liberal senators from the Liberal Party caucus. In announcing this, Trudeau said the purpose of the unelected upper chamber is to act as a check on the power of the prime minister, but the party structure interferes with that purpose. Following this move, Liberal senators chose to keep the designation "Liberal" and sit together as a caucus, albeit not one supported by the Liberal Party of Canada. This independent group continued to refer to itself in publications as the Senate Liberal Caucus until 2019.By the time the 2015 federal election was called, the Liberals had been knocked back into third place. Trudeau and his advisors planned to mount a campaign based on economic stimulus in the hopes of regaining the mantle of being the party that best represented change from the New Democrats.Justin Trudeau's Liberals would win the 2015 election in dramatic fashion: becoming the first party to win a parliamentary majority after being reduced to third party status in a previous general election, besting Brian Mulroney's record for the largest seat increase by a party in a single election (111 in 1984), and winning the most seats in Quebec for the first time since 1980. Chantal Hébert deemed the result "a Liberal comeback that is headed straight for the history books", while Bloomberg's Josh Wingrove and Theophilos Argitis similarly described it as "capping the biggest political comeback in the country’s history."Scholars and political experts have recently used a political realignment model to explain what was considered a collapse of a dominant party, and put its condition in long-term perspective. According to recent scholarship, there have been four party systems in Canada at the federal level since Confederation, each with its own distinctive pattern of social support, patronage relationships, leadership styles, and electoral strategies. Steve Patten identifies four party systems in Canada's political history:Stephen Clarkson (2005) shows how the Liberal Party has dominated all the party systems, using different approaches. It began with a "clientelistic approach" under Laurier, which evolved into a "brokerage" system of the 1920s, 1930s and 1940s under Mackenzie King. The 1950s saw the emergence of a "pan-Canadian system", which lasted until the 1990s. The 1993 election – categorized by Clarkson as an electoral "earthquake" which "fragmented" the party system, saw the emergence of regional politics within a four party-system, whereby various groups championed regional issues and concerns. Clarkson concludes that the inherent bias built into the first-past-the-post system, has chiefly benefited the Liberals.Pundits in the wake of the 2011 election widely believed in a theme of major realignment. Lawrence Martin, commentator for "The Globe and Mail", claimed that "Harper has completed a remarkable reconstruction of a Canadian political landscape that endured for more than a century. The realignment sees both old parties of the moderate middle, the Progressive Conservatives and the Liberals, either eliminated or marginalized." "Maclean's" said that the election marked "an unprecedented realignment of Canadian politics" as "the Conservatives are now in a position to replace the Liberals as the natural governing party in Canada"; Andrew Coyne proclaimed "The West is in and Ontario has joined it," noting that the Conservatives accomplished the rare feat of putting together a majority by winning in both Ontario and the western provinces (difficult because of traditionally conflicting interests), while having little representation in Quebec. Books such as "The Big Shift" by John Ibbitson and Darrell Bricker, and Peter C. Newman's "When the Gods Changed: The Death of Liberal Canada", provocatively asserted that the Liberals had become an "endangered species" and that an NDP-led opposition would mean that "fortune favours the Harper government" in subsequent campaigns.The Liberal victory in 2015, leaving Alberta and Saskatchewan as the only provinces represented by a majority of Conservative MPs, has now challenged that narrative.The principles of the party are based on liberalism as defined by various liberal theorists and include individual freedom for present and future generations, responsibility, human dignity, a just society, political freedom, religious freedom, national unity, equality of opportunity, cultural diversity, bilingualism, and multilateralism. In the present times, the Liberal party has favoured a variety of "big tent" policies from both right and left of the political spectrum. When it formed the government from 1993 to 2006, it championed balanced budgets, and eliminated the budget deficit completely from the federal budget in 1995 by reducing spending on social programs or delegating them to the provinces, and promised to replace the Goods and Services Tax in the party's famous Red Book. It also legalized same-sex marriage.During the 2015 election, the Liberal party's proposed policies included:Each province and one territory in Canada has its own Liberal Party. However, only those in New Brunswick, Newfoundland and Labrador, Nova Scotia, and Prince Edward Island are politically and organizationally affiliated with the federal Liberal Party. While other provincial Liberal parties may align ideologically with the federal party, they operate as completely separate entities. Those provincial parties have separate policies, finances, memberships, constituency associations, executives, conventions and offices.To date, only seven Liberal leaders never served as Prime Minister, three of whom were interim leaders. | [
"Wilfrid Laurier",
"Stéphane Dion",
"Bob Rae",
"Paul Martin",
"William Lyon Mackenzie King",
"Daniel Duncan McKenzie",
"Jean Chrétien",
"Louis St. Laurent",
"Pierre Trudeau",
"John Turner",
"Alexander Mackenzie",
"Edward Blake",
"Justin Trudeau",
"Bill Graham",
"Michael Ignatieff"
] |
|
Who was the chair of Liberal Party of Canada in Jun 18, 1966? | June 18, 1966 | {
"text": [
"Lester B. Pearson"
]
} | L2_Q138345_P488_6 | Jean Chrétien is the chair of Liberal Party of Canada from Jun, 1990 to Nov, 2003.
Lester B. Pearson is the chair of Liberal Party of Canada from Jan, 1958 to Apr, 1968.
Stéphane Dion is the chair of Liberal Party of Canada from Dec, 2006 to Dec, 2008.
Edward Blake is the chair of Liberal Party of Canada from May, 1880 to Jun, 1887.
Paul Martin is the chair of Liberal Party of Canada from Nov, 2003 to Mar, 2006.
Bill Graham is the chair of Liberal Party of Canada from Mar, 2006 to Dec, 2006.
Louis St. Laurent is the chair of Liberal Party of Canada from Aug, 1948 to Jan, 1958.
Bob Rae is the chair of Liberal Party of Canada from May, 2011 to Apr, 2013.
Wilfrid Laurier is the chair of Liberal Party of Canada from Jun, 1887 to Feb, 1919.
John Turner is the chair of Liberal Party of Canada from Jun, 1984 to Jun, 1990.
Justin Trudeau is the chair of Liberal Party of Canada from Apr, 2013 to Dec, 2022.
Daniel Duncan McKenzie is the chair of Liberal Party of Canada from Feb, 1919 to Aug, 1919.
Alexander Mackenzie is the chair of Liberal Party of Canada from Mar, 1873 to Apr, 1880.
William Lyon Mackenzie King is the chair of Liberal Party of Canada from Aug, 1919 to Aug, 1948.
Pierre Trudeau is the chair of Liberal Party of Canada from Apr, 1968 to Jun, 1984.
Michael Ignatieff is the chair of Liberal Party of Canada from Dec, 2008 to May, 2011. | Liberal Party of CanadaThe Liberal Party of Canada (LPC; ) is the longest-serving and oldest active federal political party in Canada. The party has dominated federal politics for much of Canada's history, holding power for almost 70 years of the 20th century. As a result, it has sometimes been referred to as Canada's "natural governing party".The party espouses the principles of liberalism, and generally sits at the centre to centre-left of the Canadian political spectrum, with their rival the Conservative Party positioned to the right and the New Democratic Party (who at times aligned itself with the Liberals during minority governments), positioned to their left. The party is described as "big tent", practicing "brokerage politics", attracting support from a broad spectrum of voters. In the late 1970s, Prime Minister Pierre Elliott Trudeau claimed that his Liberal Party adhered to the "radical centre".The Liberals' signature policies and legislative decisions include universal health care, the Canada Pension Plan, Canada Student Loans, peacekeeping, multilateralism, official bilingualism, official multiculturalism, gun control, patriating the Canadian constitution and the entrenchment of Canada's "Charter of Rights and Freedoms", the "Clarity Act", legalizing same-sex marriage, euthanasia, and cannabis, national carbon pricing, and expanded access to abortion.In the 2015 federal election, the Liberal Party under Justin Trudeau had its best result since the 2000 election, winning 39.5 percent of the popular vote and 184 seats, gaining a majority of seats in the House of Commons. In the 2019 federal election, they were reduced to a minority government, winning 157 seats to remain the largest party in the House of Commons while narrowly losing the popular vote.The Liberals are descended from the mid-19th century Reformers who advocated for responsible government throughout British North America. These included George Brown, Alexander Mackenzie, Robert Baldwin, William Lyon Mackenzie and the Clear Grits in Upper Canada, Joseph Howe in Nova Scotia, and the Patriotes and Rouges in Lower Canada led by figures such as Louis-Joseph Papineau. The Clear Grits and "Parti rouge" sometimes functioned as a united bloc in the legislature of the Province of Canada beginning in 1854, and a united Liberal Party combining both English and French Canadian members was formed in 1861.At the time of confederation of the former British colonies of Canada (now Ontario and Quebec), New Brunswick and Nova Scotia, the radical Liberals were marginalized by the more pragmatic Conservative coalition assembled under Sir John A. Macdonald. In the 29 years after Canadian confederation, the Liberals were consigned to opposition, with the exception of one stint in government. Alexander Mackenzie was the de facto leader of the Official Opposition after Confederation and finally agreed to become the first official leader of the Liberal Party in 1873. He was able to lead the party to power for the first time in 1873, after the MacDonald government lost a vote of no confidence in the House of Commons due to the Pacific Scandal. Mackenzie subsequently won the 1874 election, and served as Prime Minister for an additional four years. During the five years the Liberal government brought in many reforms, which include the replacement of open voting by secret ballot, confining elections to one day and the creation of the Supreme Court of Canada, the Royal Military College of Canada, and the Office of the Auditor General. However the party was only able to build a solid support base in Ontario, and in 1878 lost the government to MacDonald. The Liberals would spend the next 18 years in opposition.In their early history, the Liberals were the party of continentalism and opposition to imperialism. The Liberals also became identified with the aspirations of Quebecers as a result of the growing hostility of French Canadians to the Conservatives. The Conservatives lost the support of French Canadians because of the role of Conservative governments in the execution of Louis Riel and their role in the Conscription Crisis of 1917, and especially their opposition to French schools in provinces besides Quebec.It was not until Wilfrid Laurier became leader that the Liberal Party emerged as a modern party. Laurier was able to capitalize on the Tories' alienation of French Canada by offering the Liberals as a credible alternative. Laurier was able to overcome the party's reputation for anti-clericalism that offended the still-powerful Quebec Roman Catholic Church. In English-speaking Canada, the Liberal Party's support for reciprocity made it popular among farmers, and helped cement the party's hold in the growing prairie provinces.Laurier led the Liberals to power in the 1896 election (in which he became the first Francophone Prime Minister), and oversaw a government that increased immigration in order to settle Western Canada. Laurier's government created the provinces of Saskatchewan and Alberta out of the North-West Territories, and promoted the development of Canadian industry.Until the early part of the century, the Liberal Party was a loose, informal coalition of local, provincial and regional bodies with a strong national party leader and caucus (and when in power, the national cabinet) but with an informal and regionalized extra-parliamentary organizational structure. There was no national membership of the party, an individual became a member by joining a provincial Liberal party. Laurier called the party's first national convention in 1893 in order to unite Liberal supporters behind a programme and build the campaign that successfully brought the party to power in 1896; however, once in power, no efforts were made to create a formal national organization outside of parliament.As a result of the party's defeats in the 1911 and 1917 federal elections, Laurier attempted to organize the party on a national level by creating three bodies: the Central Liberal Information Office, the National Liberal Advisory Committee, and the National Liberal Organization Committee. However, the advisory committee became dominated by members of parliament and all three bodies were underfunded and competed with both local and provincial Liberal associations and the national caucus for authority. The party did organize the national party's second convention in 1919 to elect William Lyon Mackenzie King as Laurier's successor (Canada's first ever leadership convention), yet following the party's return to power in the 1921 federal election the nascent national party organizations were eclipsed by powerful ministers and local party organizations largely driven by patronage.As a result of both the party's defeat in the 1930 federal election, and the Beauharnois bribery scandal which highlighted the need for distance between the Liberal Party's political wing and campaign fundraising, a central coordinating organization, the National Liberal Federation, was created in 1932 with Vincent Massey as its first president. The new organization allowed individuals to directly join the national Liberal Party for the first time. With the Liberals return to power the national organization languished except for occasional national committee meetings, such as in 1943 when Mackenzie King called a meeting of the federation (consisting of the national caucus and up to seven voting delegates per province) to approve a new platform for the party in anticipation of the end of World War II and prepare for a post-war election. No national convention was held, however, until 1948; the Liberal Party held only three national conventions prior to the 1950s – in 1893, 1919 and 1948. The National Liberal Federation remained largely dependent on provincial Liberal parties and was often ignored and bypassed the parliamentary party in the organization of election campaigns and the development of policy. With the defeat of the Liberals in the 1957 federal election and in particular 1958, reformers argued for the strengthening of the national party organization so it would not be dependent on provincial Liberal parties and patronage. A national executive and Council of presidents, consisting of the presidents of each Liberal riding association, were developed to give the party more co-ordination and national party conventions were regularly held in biennially where previously they had been held infrequently. Over time, provincial Liberal parties in most provinces were separated from provincial wings of the federal party and in a number of cases disaffiliated. By the 1980s, the National Liberal Federation was officially known as the Liberal Party of Canada.Under Laurier, and his successor William Lyon Mackenzie King, the Liberals promoted Canadian sovereignty and greater independence within the British Commonwealth. In Imperial Conferences held throughout the 1920s, Canadian Liberal governments often took the lead in arguing that the United Kingdom and the dominions should have equal status, and against proposals for an 'imperial parliament' that would have subsumed Canadian independence. After the King–Byng Affair of 1926, the Liberals argued that the Governor General of Canada should no longer be appointed on the recommendation of the British government. The decisions of the Imperial Conferences were formalized in the Statute of Westminster, which was actually passed in 1931, the year after the Liberals lost power.The Liberals also promoted the idea of Canada being responsible for its own foreign and defence policy. Initially, it was Britain which determined external affairs for the dominion. In 1905, Laurier created the Department of External Affairs, and in 1909 he advised Governor General Earl Grey to appoint the first Secretary of State for External Affairs to Cabinet. It was also Laurier who first proposed the creation of a Canadian Navy in 1910. Mackenzie King recommended the appointment by Governor General Lord Byng of Vincent Massey as the first Canadian ambassador to Washington in 1926, marking the Liberal government's insistence on having direct relations with the United States, rather than having Britain act on Canada's behalf.In the period just before and after the Second World War, the party became a champion of 'progressive social policy'. As Prime Minister for most of the time between 1921 and 1948, King introduced several measures that led to the creation of Canada's social safety net. Bowing to popular pressure, he introduced the mother's allowance, a monthly payment to all mothers with young children. He also reluctantly introduced old age pensions when J. S. Woodsworth required it in exchange for his Co-operative Commonwealth Federation party's support of King's minority government.Louis St. Laurent succeeded King as Liberal leader and Prime Minister on November 15, 1948. In the 1949 and 1953 federal elections, St. Laurent led the Liberal Party to two large majority governments. As Prime Minister he oversaw the joining of Newfoundland in Confederation as Canada's tenth province, he established equalization payments to the provinces, and continued with social reform with improvements in pensions and health insurance. In 1956, Canada played an important role in resolving the Suez Crisis, and contributed to the United Nations force in the Korean War. Canada enjoyed economic prosperity during St. Laurent's premiership and wartime debts were paid off. The Pipeline Debate proved the Liberal Party's undoing. Their attempt to pass legislation to build a natural gas pipeline from Alberta to central Canada was met with fierce disagreement in the House of Commons. In 1957, John Diefenbaker's Progressive Conservatives won a minority government and St. Laurent resigned as Prime Minister and Liberal leader.Lester B. Pearson was easily elected Liberal leader at the party's 1958 leadership convention. However, only months after becoming Liberal leader, Pearson led the party into the 1958 federal election that saw Diefenbaker's Progressive Conservatives win the largest majority government, by percentage of seats, in Canadian history. The Progressive Conservatives won 206 of the 265 seats in the House of Commons, while the Liberals were reduced to just 48 seats. Pearson remained Liberal leader during this time and in the 1962 election managed to reduce Diefenbaker to a minority government. In the 1963 election Pearson led the Liberal Party back to victory, forming a minority government. Pearson served as Prime Minister for five years, winning a second election in 1965. While Pearson's leadership was considered poor and the Liberal Party never held a majority of the seats in parliament during his premiership, he left office in 1968 with an impressive legacy. Pearson's government introduced Medicare, a new immigration act, the Canada Pension Plan, Canada Student Loans, the Canada Assistance Plan, and adopted the Maple Leaf as Canada's national flag.Under Pierre Trudeau, the mission of a progressive social policy evolved into the goal of creating a "just society".The Liberal Party under Trudeau promoted official bilingualism and passed the "Official Languages Act", which gave French and English languages equal status in Canada. Trudeau hoped that the promotion of bilingualism would cement Quebec's place in Confederation, and counter growing calls for an independent Quebec. The party hoped the policy would transform Canada into a country where English and French Canadians could live together, and allow Canadians to move to any part of the country without having to lose their language. Although this vision has yet to fully materialize, official bilingualism has helped to halt the decline of the French language outside of Quebec, and to ensure that all federal government services (including radio and television services provided by the government-owned Canadian Broadcasting Corporation/Radio-Canada) are available in both languages throughout the country.The Trudeau Liberals are also credited with support for state multiculturalism as a means of integrating immigrants into Canadian society without forcing them to shed their culture, leading the party to build a base of support among recent immigrants and their children. This marked the culmination of a decades-long shift in Liberal immigration policy, a reversal of pre-war racial attitudes that spurred discriminatory policies such as the Chinese Immigration Act of 1923 and the MS St. Louis incident.The most lasting effect of the Trudeau years has been the patriation of the Canadian constitution and the creation of Canada's Charter of Rights and Freedoms. Trudeau's Liberals supported the concept of a strong, central government, and fought Quebec separatism, other forms of Quebec nationalism, and the granting of "distinct society" status to Quebec. Such actions, however, served as rallying cries for sovereigntists and alienated many Francophone Quebeckers.The other primary legacy of the Trudeau years has been financial. Net federal debt in fiscal 1968, just before Trudeau became Prime Minister, was about $18 billion CAD, or 26 percent of gross domestic product; by his final year in office, it had ballooned to over 200 billion—at 46 percent of GDP, nearly twice as large relative to the economy.After Trudeau's retirement in 1984, many Liberals, such as Jean Chrétien and Clyde Wells, continued to adhere to Trudeau's concept of federalism. Others, such as John Turner, supported the failed Meech Lake and Charlottetown Constitutional Accords, which would have recognized Quebec as a "distinct society" and would have increased the powers of the provinces to the detriment of the federal government.Trudeau stepped down as Prime Minister and party leader in 1984, as the Liberals were slipping in polls. At that year's leadership convention, Turner defeated Chrétien on the second ballot to become Prime Minister. Immediately, upon taking office, Turner called a snap election, citing favourable internal polls. However, the party was hurt by numerous patronage appointments, many of which Turner had made supposedly in return for Trudeau retiring early. Also, they were unpopular in their traditional stronghold of Quebec because of the constitution repatriation which excluded that province. The Liberals lost power in the 1984 election, and were reduced to only 40 seats in the House of Commons. The Progressive Conservatives won a majority of the seats in every province, including Quebec. The 95-seat loss was the worst defeat in the party's history, and the worst defeat at the time for a governing party at the federal level. What was more, the New Democratic Party, successor to the Co-operative Commonwealth Federation, won only ten fewer seats than the Liberals, and some thought that the NDP under Ed Broadbent would push the Liberals to third-party status.The party began a long process of reconstruction. A small group of young Liberal MPs, known as the Rat Pack, gained fame by criticizing the Tory government of Brian Mulroney at every turn. Also, despite public and backroom attempts to remove Turner as leader, he managed to consolidate his leadership at the 1986 review.The 1988 election was notable for Turner's strong opposition to the Canada-U.S. Free Trade Agreement negotiated by Progressive Conservative Prime Minister Brian Mulroney. Although most Canadians voted for parties opposed to free trade, the Tories were returned with a majority government, and implemented the deal. The Liberals recovered from their near-meltdown of 1984, however, winning 83 seats and ending much of the talk of being eclipsed by the NDP, who won 43 seats.Turner announced that he would resign as leader of the Liberal Party on May 3, 1989. The Liberal Party set a leadership convention for June 23, 1990, in Calgary. Five candidates contested the leadership of the party and former Deputy Prime Minister Jean Chrétien, who had served in every Liberal cabinet since 1965, won on the first ballot. Chrétien's Liberals campaigned in the 1993 election on the promise of renegotiating the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA), and eliminating the Goods and Services Tax (GST). Just after the writ was dropped for the election, they issued the Red Book, an integrated and coherent approach to economic, social, environmental and foreign policy. This was unprecedented for a Canadian party. Taking full advantage of the inability of Mulroney's successor, Kim Campbell, to overcome a large amount of antipathy toward Mulroney, they won a strong majority government with 177 seats—the third-best performance in party history, and their best since 1949. The Progressive Conservatives were cut down to only two seats, suffering a defeat even more severe than the one they had handed the Liberals nine years earlier. The Liberals were re-elected with a considerably reduced majority in 1997, but nearly tied their 1993 total in 2000.For the next decade, the Liberals dominated Canadian politics in a fashion not seen since the early years of Confederation. This was because of the destruction of the "grand coalition" of Western socially conservative populists, Quebec nationalists, and fiscal conservatives from Ontario that had supported the Progressive Conservatives in 1984 and 1988. The Progressive Conservatives Western support, for all practical purposes, transferred en masse to the Western-based Reform Party, which replaced the PCs as the major right-wing party in Canada. However, the new party's agenda was seen as too conservative for most Canadians. It only won one seat east of Manitoba in an election (but gained another in a floor-crossing). Even when Reform restructured into the Canadian Alliance, the party was virtually non-existent east of Manitoba, winning only 66 seats in 2000. Reform/Alliance was the official opposition from 1997 to 2003, but was never able to overcome wide perceptions that it was merely a Western protest party. The Quebec nationalists who had once supported the Tories largely switched their support to the sovereigntist Bloc Québécois, while the Tories' Ontario support largely moved to the Liberals. The PCs would never be a major force in Canadian politics again; while they rebounded to 20 seats in the next election, they won only two seats west of Quebec in the next decade.Ontario and Quebec combine for a majority of seats in the House of Commons by virtue of Ontario's current population and Quebec's historic population (59 percent of the seats ). As a result, it is very difficult to form even a minority government without substantial support in Ontario and/or Quebec. No party has ever formed a majority government without winning the most seats in either Ontario or Quebec. It is mathematically possible to form a minority government without a strong base in either province, but such an undertaking is politically difficult. The Liberals were the only party with a strong base in both provinces, thus making them the only party capable of forming a government.There was some disappointment as Liberals were not able to recover their traditional dominant position in Quebec, despite being led by a Quebecer from a strongly nationalist region of Quebec. The Bloc capitalized on discontent with the failure of the 1990 Meech Lake Accord and Chrétien's uncompromising stance on federalism (see below) to win the most seats in Quebec in every election from 1993, onward, even serving as the official opposition from 1993 to 1997. Chrétien's reputation in his home province never recovered after the 1990 leadership convention when rival Paul Martin forced him to declare his opposition to the Meech Lake Accord. However, the Liberals did increase their support in the next two elections because of infighting within the Bloc. In the 1997 election, although the Liberals finished with a thin majority, it was their gains in Quebec which were credited with offsetting their losses in the Maritime provinces. In particular, the 2000 election was a breakthrough for the Liberals after the PQ government's unpopular initiatives regarding consolidation of several Quebec urban areas into "megacities". Many federal Liberals also took credit for Charest's provincial election victory over the PQ in spring 2003. A series of by-elections allowed the Liberals to gain a majority of Quebec ridings for the first time since 1984.The Chrétien Liberals more than made up for their shortfall in Quebec by building a strong base in Ontario. They reaped a substantial windfall from the votes of fiscally conservative and socially liberal voters who had previously voted Tory, as well as rapid growth in the Greater Toronto Area. They were also able to take advantage of massive vote splitting between the Tories and Reform/Alliance in rural areas of the province that had traditionally formed the backbone of provincial Tory governments. Combined with their historic dominance of Metro Toronto and northern Ontario, the Liberals dominated the province's federal politics even as the Tories won landslide majorities at the provincial level. In 1993, for example, the Liberals won all but one seat in Ontario, and came within 123 votes in Simcoe Centre of pulling off the first clean sweep of Canada's most populated province. They were able to retain their position as the largest party in the House by winning all but two seats in Ontario in the 1997 election. The Liberals were assured of at least a minority government once the Ontario results came in, but it was not clear until later in the night that they would retain their majority. In 2000, the Liberals won all but three seats in Ontario.While the Chrétien Liberals campaigned from the left, their time in power is most marked by the cuts made to many social programs, including health transfers, in order to balance the federal budget. Chrétien had supported the Charlottetown Accord while in opposition, but in power opposed major concessions to Quebec and other provincialist factions. In contrast to their promises during the 1993 campaign, they implemented only minor changes to NAFTA, embraced the free trade concept and—with the exception of the replacement of the GST with the Harmonized Sales Tax in some Atlantic provinces—broke their promise to replace the GST.After a proposal for Quebec independence was narrowly defeated in the 1995 Quebec referendum, the Liberals passed the "Clarity Act", which outlines the federal government's preconditions for negotiating provincial independence. In Chrétien's final days, he supported same-sex marriage and decriminalizing the possession of small quantities of marijuana. Chrétien displeased the United States government when he pledged on March 17, 2003, that Canada would not support the 2003 invasion of Iraq. A poll released shortly after showed widespread approval of Chrétien's decision by the Canadian public. The poll, which was conducted by EKOS for the "Toronto Star" and "La Presse", found 71 percent of those questioned approved of the government's decision to not enter the United States-led invasion, with 27 percent expressing disapproval.Several trends started in 2003 which suggested the end of the Liberal Party's political dominance. Notably, there would be a high turnover of permanent party leaders, in contrast to their predecessors who usually served over two or more elections, particularly Trudeau and Chrétien who each led for over a decade. The Liberals were also hampered by their inability to raise campaign money competitively after Chrétien passed a bill in 2003 which banned corporate donations, even though the Liberals had enjoyed by far the lion's share of this funding because of the then-divided opposition parties. It has been suggested that Chrétien, who had done nothing about election financing for his 10 years in office, could be seen as the idealist as he retired, while his rival and successor Paul Martin would have the burden of having to fight an election under the strict new rules. Simon Fraser University professor Doug McArthur has noted that Martin's leadership campaign used aggressive tactics for the 2003 leadership convention, in attempting to end the contest before it could start by giving the impression that his bid was too strong for any other candidate to beat. McArthur blamed Martin's tactics for the ongoing sag in Liberal fortunes, as it discouraged activists who were not on side.Paul Martin succeeded Chrétien as party leader and prime minister in 2003. Despite the personal rivalry between the two, Martin was the architect of the Liberals' economic policies as Minister of Finance during the 1990s. Chrétien left office with a high approval rating and Martin was expected to make inroads into Quebec and Western Canada, two regions of Canada where the Liberals had not attracted much support since the 1980s and 1990s, respectively. While his cabinet choices provoked some controversy over excluding many Chrétien supporters, it at first did little to hurt his popularity.However, the political situation changed with the revelation of the sponsorship scandal, in which advertising agencies supporting the Liberal Party received grossly inflated commissions for their services. Having faced a divided conservative opposition for the past three elections, Liberals were seriously challenged by competition from the newly united Conservative Party led by Stephen Harper. The infighting between Martin and Chrétien's supporters also dogged the party. Nonetheless, by criticizing the Conservatives' social policies, the Liberals were able to draw progressive votes from the NDP which made the difference in several close races. On June 28, 2004 federal election, the Martin Liberals retained enough support to continue as the government, though they were reduced to a minority.In the ensuing months, testimony from the Gomery Commission caused public opinion to turn sharply against the Liberals for the first time in over a decade. Despite the devastating revelations, only two Liberal MPs—David Kilgour (who had crossed the floor from the PC Party in 1990) and Pat O'Brien—left the party for reasons other than the scandal. Belinda Stronach, who crossed the floor from the Conservatives to the Liberals, gave Martin the number of votes needed, although barely, to hold onto power when an NDP-sponsored amendment to his budget was passed only by the Speaker's tiebreaking vote on May 19, 2005.In November, the Liberals dropped in polls following the release of the first Gomery Report. Nonetheless, Martin turned down the NDP's conditions for continued support, as well as rejected an opposition proposal which would schedule a February 2006 election in return for passing several pieces of legislation. The Liberals thus lost the no-confidence vote on November 28; Martin thus became only the fifth prime minister to lose the confidence of the House, but the first to lose on a straight no-confidence motion. Because of the Christmas holiday, Martin advised Governor General Michaëlle Jean to dissolve Parliament and call an election for January 2006.The Liberal campaign was dogged from start to finish by the sponsorship scandal, which was brought up by a Royal Canadian Mounted Police (RCMP) criminal investigation into the leak of the income trust announcement. Numerous gaffes, contrasting with a smoothly run Conservative campaign, put Liberals as many as ten points behind the Conservatives in opinion polling. They managed to recover some of their momentum by election night, but not enough to retain power. They won 103 seats, a net loss of 30 from when the writs were dropped, losing a similar number of seats in Ontario and Quebec to the Tories. However, the Liberals managed to capture the most seats in Ontario for the fifth straight election (54 to the Tories' 40), holding the Conservatives to a minority government. While the Conservatives captured many of Ontario's rural ridings, the Liberals retained most of the population-rich Greater Toronto Area. Many of these ridings, particularly the 905 region, had historically been bellwethers (the Liberals were nearly shut out of this region in 1979 and 1984), but demographic changes have resulted in high Liberal returns in recent years.Martin resigned as parliamentary leader after the election and stepped down as Liberal leader on March 18, having previously promised to step down if he did not win a plurality.On May 11, 2006, "La Presse" reported that the Government of Canada would file a lawsuit against the Liberal Party to recover all the money missing in the sponsorship program. Scott Brison told reporters that same day that the Liberals has already paid back the $1.14 million into the public purse; however, the Conservatives believed that there was as much as $40 million unaccounted for in the sponsorship program.After their election defeat Martin chose not to take on the office of Leader of the Opposition. He stepped down as parliamentary leader of his party on February 1, and the Liberal caucus appointed Bill Graham, MP for Toronto Centre and outgoing Defence Minister, as his interim successor. Martin officially resigned as leader in March, with Graham taking over on an interim basis.The leadership election was set for December 2, 2006, in Montreal; however, a number of prominent members such as John Manley, Frank McKenna, Brian Tobin, and Allan Rock had already announced they would not enter the race to succeed Martin. Throughout the campaign 12 candidates came forward to lead the party, but by the time of the leadership convention only eight people remained in the race; Martha Hall Findlay, Stéphane Dion, Michael Ignatieff, Gerard Kennedy, Bob Rae, Scott Brison, Ken Dryden, Joe Volpe.Throughout the campaign Ignatieff, Rae, Dion and Kennedy were considered to be the only candidates with enough support to be able to win the leadership, with Ignatieff and Rae being considered the two front-runners. However polling showed Ignatieff had little room to grow his support, while Dion was the second and third choice among a plurality of delegates. At the leadership convention Ignatieff came out on top on the first ballot with 29.3 percent, With Kennedy's support Dion was able to leapfrog both Rae and Ignatieff on the third ballot, eliminating Rae. On the fourth and final ballot Dion defeated Ignatieff to become leader of the Liberal Party.Following the leadership race the Liberal Party saw a bounce in support and surpassed the Conservative Party as the most popular party in Canada. However, in the months and years to come the party's support gradually fell. Dion's own popularity lagged considerably behind that of Prime Minister Harper's, and he often trailed NDP leader Jack Layton in opinion polls when Canadians were asked who would make the best Prime Minister.Dion campaigned on environmental sustainability during the leadership race, and created the "Green Shift" plan following his election as leader. The Green Shift proposed creating a carbon tax that would be coupled with reductions to income tax rates. The proposal was to tax greenhouse gas emissions, starting at $10 per tonne of CO2 and reaching $40 per tonne within four years. The plan was a key policy for the party in the 2008 federal election, but it was not well received and was continuously attacked by both the Conservatives and NDP. On election night the Liberal Party won 26.26 percent of the popular vote and 77 of the 308 seats in the House of Commons. At that time their popular support was the lowest in the party's history, and weeks later Dion announced he would step down as Liberal leader once his successor was chosen.New Brunswick Member of Parliament Dominic LeBlanc was the first candidate to announce he would seek the leadership of the Liberal Party on October 27, 2008. Days later Bob Rae, who had finished third in 2006, announced he would also be a candidate for the leadership. The party executive met in early November and chose May 2, 2009, as the date to elect the next leader. On November 13 Michael Ignatieff, who finished second in 2006, announced he would also be a candidate.On November 27, 2008, Minister of Finance Jim Flaherty provided the House of Commons with a fiscal update, within which were plans to cut government spending, suspend the ability of civil servants to strike until 2011, sell off some Crown assets to raise capital, and eliminate the existing $1.95 per vote subsidy parties garner in an election. The opposition parties criticized the fiscal update, and announced they would not support it because it contained no stimulus money to spur Canada's economy and protect workers during the economic crisis. With the Conservative Party only holding a minority of the seats in the House of Commons the government would be defeated if the opposition parties voted against the fiscal update. With the Conservatives unwilling to budge on the proposals outlined in the fiscal update the Liberals and NDP signed an agreement to form a coalition government, with a written pledge of support from the Bloc Québécois. Under the terms of the agreement Dion would be sworn in as Prime Minister, however he would only serve in the position until the next Liberal leader was chosen. Dion contacted Governor General Michaëlle Jean and advised her that he had the confidence of the House of Commons if Prime Minister Harper's government was to fall. However, before the fiscal update could be voted on in the House of Commons Prime Minister Harper requested the Governor General to prorogue parliament till January 26, 2009, which she accepted.While polls showed Canadians were split on the idea of having either a coalition government or having the Conservatives continue to govern, it was clear that because of Dion's personal popularity they were not comfortable with him becoming Prime Minister. Members of the Liberal Party therefore called on Dion to resign as leader immediately and for an interim leader to be chosen, this person would become the Prime Minister in the event that the Conservatives were defeated when parliament resumed in January. With an estimated 70 percent of the Liberal caucus wanting Ignatieff to be named interim leader, Dion resigned the post on December 8, 2008 (effective December 10, upon Ignatieff's becoming interim leader). LeBlanc announced on the same day that he was abandoning the Liberal leadership race and endorsing Ignatieff as the next leader. The following day Rae announced he was also dropping out of the race and was placing his "full and unqualified" support to Ignatieff.With Ignatieff named interim leader of the party (on December 10), the Liberal's poll numbers saw significant gains, after they plummeted with the signing of the coalition agreement. When parliament resumed on January 28, 2009, the Ignatieff Liberals agreed to support the budget as long as it included regular accountability reports, which the Conservatives accepted. This ended the possibility of the coalition government with the New Democrats.Throughout the Winter of 2008–09, opinion polls showed that while the Ignatieff led Liberals still trailed the Conservatives their support had stabilized in the low 30 percent range. However, by the time Ignatieff was confirmed as party leader on May 2, 2009, the Liberal Party had a comfortable lead over the governing Conservatives. After a summer where he was accused of being missing in action, Ignatieff announced on August 31, 2009, that the Liberals would not support the minority Conservative government. After this announcement the Liberal Party's poll numbers, which had already declined over the summer, started to fall further behind the Conservatives. On October 1, 2009, the Liberals put forth a non-confidence motion with the hope of defeating the government. However, the NDP abstained from voting and the Conservatives survived the confidence motion.The Liberal Party's attempt to force an election, just a year after the previous one, was reported as a miscalculation, as polls showed that most Canadians did not want another election. Even after the government survived the confidence motion popularity for Ignatieff and his party continued to fall. Over the next year and a half, with the exception of a brief period in early 2010, support for the Liberals remained below 30 percent, and behind the Conservatives. While his predecessor Dion was criticized by the Conservatives as a "weak leader", Ignatieff was attacked as a "political opportunist".On March 25, 2011, Ignatieff introduced a motion of non-confidence against the Harper government to attempt to force a May 2011, federal election after the government was found to be in Contempt of Parliament, the first such occurrence in Commonwealth history. The House of Commons passed the motion by 156–145.The Liberals had considerable momentum when the writ was dropped, and Ignatieff successfully squeezed NDP leader Jack Layton out of media attention, by issuing challenges to Harper for one-on-one debates. In the first couple weeks of the campaign, Ignatieff kept his party in second place in the polls, and his personal ratings exceeded that of Layton for the first time. However, opponents frequently criticized Ignatieff's perceived political opportunism, particularly during the leaders debates when Layton criticized Ignatieff for having a poor attendance record for Commons votes saying "You know, most Canadians, if they don't show up for work, they don't get a promotion". Ignatieff failed to defend himself against these charges, and the debates were said to be a turning point for his party's campaign. Near the end of the campaign, a late surge in support for Layton and the NDP relegated Ignatieff and the Liberals to third in opinion polls.The Liberals suffered their worst defeat in history in the May 2, 2011, federal election. The result was a third-place finish, with only 19 percent of the vote and returning 34 seats in the House of Commons. Notably, their support in Toronto and Montreal, their power bases for the last two decades, all but vanished. All told, the Liberals won only 11 seats in Ontario (seven of which were in Toronto) and seven in Quebec (all in Montreal)—their fewest totals in either province. Newfoundland and Labrador was the only province with majority Liberal seats at 4 out of 7. They also won only four seats west of Ontario. The Conservatives won 40 percent of the vote and formed a majority government, while the NDP formed the Official Opposition winning 31 percent of the vote.This election marked the first time the Liberals were unable to form either government or the official opposition. Ignatieff was defeated in his own riding, and announced his resignation as Liberal leader shortly after. Bob Rae was chosen as the interim leader on May 25, 2011.On April 14, 2013 Justin Trudeau, son of former Prime Minister Pierre Trudeau, was elected leader of the Liberal Party on the first ballot, winning 80% of the vote. Following his win, support for the Liberal Party increased considerably, and the party moved into first place in public opinion polls.An initial surge in support in the polls following Trudeau's election wore off in the following year, in the face of Conservative ad campaign after Trudeau's win attempting to "[paint] him as a silly dilettante unfit for public office."In 2014, Trudeau removed all Liberal senators from the Liberal Party caucus. In announcing this, Trudeau said the purpose of the unelected upper chamber is to act as a check on the power of the prime minister, but the party structure interferes with that purpose. Following this move, Liberal senators chose to keep the designation "Liberal" and sit together as a caucus, albeit not one supported by the Liberal Party of Canada. This independent group continued to refer to itself in publications as the Senate Liberal Caucus until 2019.By the time the 2015 federal election was called, the Liberals had been knocked back into third place. Trudeau and his advisors planned to mount a campaign based on economic stimulus in the hopes of regaining the mantle of being the party that best represented change from the New Democrats.Justin Trudeau's Liberals would win the 2015 election in dramatic fashion: becoming the first party to win a parliamentary majority after being reduced to third party status in a previous general election, besting Brian Mulroney's record for the largest seat increase by a party in a single election (111 in 1984), and winning the most seats in Quebec for the first time since 1980. Chantal Hébert deemed the result "a Liberal comeback that is headed straight for the history books", while Bloomberg's Josh Wingrove and Theophilos Argitis similarly described it as "capping the biggest political comeback in the country’s history."Scholars and political experts have recently used a political realignment model to explain what was considered a collapse of a dominant party, and put its condition in long-term perspective. According to recent scholarship, there have been four party systems in Canada at the federal level since Confederation, each with its own distinctive pattern of social support, patronage relationships, leadership styles, and electoral strategies. Steve Patten identifies four party systems in Canada's political history:Stephen Clarkson (2005) shows how the Liberal Party has dominated all the party systems, using different approaches. It began with a "clientelistic approach" under Laurier, which evolved into a "brokerage" system of the 1920s, 1930s and 1940s under Mackenzie King. The 1950s saw the emergence of a "pan-Canadian system", which lasted until the 1990s. The 1993 election – categorized by Clarkson as an electoral "earthquake" which "fragmented" the party system, saw the emergence of regional politics within a four party-system, whereby various groups championed regional issues and concerns. Clarkson concludes that the inherent bias built into the first-past-the-post system, has chiefly benefited the Liberals.Pundits in the wake of the 2011 election widely believed in a theme of major realignment. Lawrence Martin, commentator for "The Globe and Mail", claimed that "Harper has completed a remarkable reconstruction of a Canadian political landscape that endured for more than a century. The realignment sees both old parties of the moderate middle, the Progressive Conservatives and the Liberals, either eliminated or marginalized." "Maclean's" said that the election marked "an unprecedented realignment of Canadian politics" as "the Conservatives are now in a position to replace the Liberals as the natural governing party in Canada"; Andrew Coyne proclaimed "The West is in and Ontario has joined it," noting that the Conservatives accomplished the rare feat of putting together a majority by winning in both Ontario and the western provinces (difficult because of traditionally conflicting interests), while having little representation in Quebec. Books such as "The Big Shift" by John Ibbitson and Darrell Bricker, and Peter C. Newman's "When the Gods Changed: The Death of Liberal Canada", provocatively asserted that the Liberals had become an "endangered species" and that an NDP-led opposition would mean that "fortune favours the Harper government" in subsequent campaigns.The Liberal victory in 2015, leaving Alberta and Saskatchewan as the only provinces represented by a majority of Conservative MPs, has now challenged that narrative.The principles of the party are based on liberalism as defined by various liberal theorists and include individual freedom for present and future generations, responsibility, human dignity, a just society, political freedom, religious freedom, national unity, equality of opportunity, cultural diversity, bilingualism, and multilateralism. In the present times, the Liberal party has favoured a variety of "big tent" policies from both right and left of the political spectrum. When it formed the government from 1993 to 2006, it championed balanced budgets, and eliminated the budget deficit completely from the federal budget in 1995 by reducing spending on social programs or delegating them to the provinces, and promised to replace the Goods and Services Tax in the party's famous Red Book. It also legalized same-sex marriage.During the 2015 election, the Liberal party's proposed policies included:Each province and one territory in Canada has its own Liberal Party. However, only those in New Brunswick, Newfoundland and Labrador, Nova Scotia, and Prince Edward Island are politically and organizationally affiliated with the federal Liberal Party. While other provincial Liberal parties may align ideologically with the federal party, they operate as completely separate entities. Those provincial parties have separate policies, finances, memberships, constituency associations, executives, conventions and offices.To date, only seven Liberal leaders never served as Prime Minister, three of whom were interim leaders. | [
"Wilfrid Laurier",
"Stéphane Dion",
"Bob Rae",
"Paul Martin",
"William Lyon Mackenzie King",
"Daniel Duncan McKenzie",
"Jean Chrétien",
"Louis St. Laurent",
"Pierre Trudeau",
"John Turner",
"Alexander Mackenzie",
"Edward Blake",
"Justin Trudeau",
"Bill Graham",
"Michael Ignatieff"
] |
|
Who was the chair of Liberal Party of Canada in 06/18/1966? | June 18, 1966 | {
"text": [
"Lester B. Pearson"
]
} | L2_Q138345_P488_6 | Jean Chrétien is the chair of Liberal Party of Canada from Jun, 1990 to Nov, 2003.
Lester B. Pearson is the chair of Liberal Party of Canada from Jan, 1958 to Apr, 1968.
Stéphane Dion is the chair of Liberal Party of Canada from Dec, 2006 to Dec, 2008.
Edward Blake is the chair of Liberal Party of Canada from May, 1880 to Jun, 1887.
Paul Martin is the chair of Liberal Party of Canada from Nov, 2003 to Mar, 2006.
Bill Graham is the chair of Liberal Party of Canada from Mar, 2006 to Dec, 2006.
Louis St. Laurent is the chair of Liberal Party of Canada from Aug, 1948 to Jan, 1958.
Bob Rae is the chair of Liberal Party of Canada from May, 2011 to Apr, 2013.
Wilfrid Laurier is the chair of Liberal Party of Canada from Jun, 1887 to Feb, 1919.
John Turner is the chair of Liberal Party of Canada from Jun, 1984 to Jun, 1990.
Justin Trudeau is the chair of Liberal Party of Canada from Apr, 2013 to Dec, 2022.
Daniel Duncan McKenzie is the chair of Liberal Party of Canada from Feb, 1919 to Aug, 1919.
Alexander Mackenzie is the chair of Liberal Party of Canada from Mar, 1873 to Apr, 1880.
William Lyon Mackenzie King is the chair of Liberal Party of Canada from Aug, 1919 to Aug, 1948.
Pierre Trudeau is the chair of Liberal Party of Canada from Apr, 1968 to Jun, 1984.
Michael Ignatieff is the chair of Liberal Party of Canada from Dec, 2008 to May, 2011. | Liberal Party of CanadaThe Liberal Party of Canada (LPC; ) is the longest-serving and oldest active federal political party in Canada. The party has dominated federal politics for much of Canada's history, holding power for almost 70 years of the 20th century. As a result, it has sometimes been referred to as Canada's "natural governing party".The party espouses the principles of liberalism, and generally sits at the centre to centre-left of the Canadian political spectrum, with their rival the Conservative Party positioned to the right and the New Democratic Party (who at times aligned itself with the Liberals during minority governments), positioned to their left. The party is described as "big tent", practicing "brokerage politics", attracting support from a broad spectrum of voters. In the late 1970s, Prime Minister Pierre Elliott Trudeau claimed that his Liberal Party adhered to the "radical centre".The Liberals' signature policies and legislative decisions include universal health care, the Canada Pension Plan, Canada Student Loans, peacekeeping, multilateralism, official bilingualism, official multiculturalism, gun control, patriating the Canadian constitution and the entrenchment of Canada's "Charter of Rights and Freedoms", the "Clarity Act", legalizing same-sex marriage, euthanasia, and cannabis, national carbon pricing, and expanded access to abortion.In the 2015 federal election, the Liberal Party under Justin Trudeau had its best result since the 2000 election, winning 39.5 percent of the popular vote and 184 seats, gaining a majority of seats in the House of Commons. In the 2019 federal election, they were reduced to a minority government, winning 157 seats to remain the largest party in the House of Commons while narrowly losing the popular vote.The Liberals are descended from the mid-19th century Reformers who advocated for responsible government throughout British North America. These included George Brown, Alexander Mackenzie, Robert Baldwin, William Lyon Mackenzie and the Clear Grits in Upper Canada, Joseph Howe in Nova Scotia, and the Patriotes and Rouges in Lower Canada led by figures such as Louis-Joseph Papineau. The Clear Grits and "Parti rouge" sometimes functioned as a united bloc in the legislature of the Province of Canada beginning in 1854, and a united Liberal Party combining both English and French Canadian members was formed in 1861.At the time of confederation of the former British colonies of Canada (now Ontario and Quebec), New Brunswick and Nova Scotia, the radical Liberals were marginalized by the more pragmatic Conservative coalition assembled under Sir John A. Macdonald. In the 29 years after Canadian confederation, the Liberals were consigned to opposition, with the exception of one stint in government. Alexander Mackenzie was the de facto leader of the Official Opposition after Confederation and finally agreed to become the first official leader of the Liberal Party in 1873. He was able to lead the party to power for the first time in 1873, after the MacDonald government lost a vote of no confidence in the House of Commons due to the Pacific Scandal. Mackenzie subsequently won the 1874 election, and served as Prime Minister for an additional four years. During the five years the Liberal government brought in many reforms, which include the replacement of open voting by secret ballot, confining elections to one day and the creation of the Supreme Court of Canada, the Royal Military College of Canada, and the Office of the Auditor General. However the party was only able to build a solid support base in Ontario, and in 1878 lost the government to MacDonald. The Liberals would spend the next 18 years in opposition.In their early history, the Liberals were the party of continentalism and opposition to imperialism. The Liberals also became identified with the aspirations of Quebecers as a result of the growing hostility of French Canadians to the Conservatives. The Conservatives lost the support of French Canadians because of the role of Conservative governments in the execution of Louis Riel and their role in the Conscription Crisis of 1917, and especially their opposition to French schools in provinces besides Quebec.It was not until Wilfrid Laurier became leader that the Liberal Party emerged as a modern party. Laurier was able to capitalize on the Tories' alienation of French Canada by offering the Liberals as a credible alternative. Laurier was able to overcome the party's reputation for anti-clericalism that offended the still-powerful Quebec Roman Catholic Church. In English-speaking Canada, the Liberal Party's support for reciprocity made it popular among farmers, and helped cement the party's hold in the growing prairie provinces.Laurier led the Liberals to power in the 1896 election (in which he became the first Francophone Prime Minister), and oversaw a government that increased immigration in order to settle Western Canada. Laurier's government created the provinces of Saskatchewan and Alberta out of the North-West Territories, and promoted the development of Canadian industry.Until the early part of the century, the Liberal Party was a loose, informal coalition of local, provincial and regional bodies with a strong national party leader and caucus (and when in power, the national cabinet) but with an informal and regionalized extra-parliamentary organizational structure. There was no national membership of the party, an individual became a member by joining a provincial Liberal party. Laurier called the party's first national convention in 1893 in order to unite Liberal supporters behind a programme and build the campaign that successfully brought the party to power in 1896; however, once in power, no efforts were made to create a formal national organization outside of parliament.As a result of the party's defeats in the 1911 and 1917 federal elections, Laurier attempted to organize the party on a national level by creating three bodies: the Central Liberal Information Office, the National Liberal Advisory Committee, and the National Liberal Organization Committee. However, the advisory committee became dominated by members of parliament and all three bodies were underfunded and competed with both local and provincial Liberal associations and the national caucus for authority. The party did organize the national party's second convention in 1919 to elect William Lyon Mackenzie King as Laurier's successor (Canada's first ever leadership convention), yet following the party's return to power in the 1921 federal election the nascent national party organizations were eclipsed by powerful ministers and local party organizations largely driven by patronage.As a result of both the party's defeat in the 1930 federal election, and the Beauharnois bribery scandal which highlighted the need for distance between the Liberal Party's political wing and campaign fundraising, a central coordinating organization, the National Liberal Federation, was created in 1932 with Vincent Massey as its first president. The new organization allowed individuals to directly join the national Liberal Party for the first time. With the Liberals return to power the national organization languished except for occasional national committee meetings, such as in 1943 when Mackenzie King called a meeting of the federation (consisting of the national caucus and up to seven voting delegates per province) to approve a new platform for the party in anticipation of the end of World War II and prepare for a post-war election. No national convention was held, however, until 1948; the Liberal Party held only three national conventions prior to the 1950s – in 1893, 1919 and 1948. The National Liberal Federation remained largely dependent on provincial Liberal parties and was often ignored and bypassed the parliamentary party in the organization of election campaigns and the development of policy. With the defeat of the Liberals in the 1957 federal election and in particular 1958, reformers argued for the strengthening of the national party organization so it would not be dependent on provincial Liberal parties and patronage. A national executive and Council of presidents, consisting of the presidents of each Liberal riding association, were developed to give the party more co-ordination and national party conventions were regularly held in biennially where previously they had been held infrequently. Over time, provincial Liberal parties in most provinces were separated from provincial wings of the federal party and in a number of cases disaffiliated. By the 1980s, the National Liberal Federation was officially known as the Liberal Party of Canada.Under Laurier, and his successor William Lyon Mackenzie King, the Liberals promoted Canadian sovereignty and greater independence within the British Commonwealth. In Imperial Conferences held throughout the 1920s, Canadian Liberal governments often took the lead in arguing that the United Kingdom and the dominions should have equal status, and against proposals for an 'imperial parliament' that would have subsumed Canadian independence. After the King–Byng Affair of 1926, the Liberals argued that the Governor General of Canada should no longer be appointed on the recommendation of the British government. The decisions of the Imperial Conferences were formalized in the Statute of Westminster, which was actually passed in 1931, the year after the Liberals lost power.The Liberals also promoted the idea of Canada being responsible for its own foreign and defence policy. Initially, it was Britain which determined external affairs for the dominion. In 1905, Laurier created the Department of External Affairs, and in 1909 he advised Governor General Earl Grey to appoint the first Secretary of State for External Affairs to Cabinet. It was also Laurier who first proposed the creation of a Canadian Navy in 1910. Mackenzie King recommended the appointment by Governor General Lord Byng of Vincent Massey as the first Canadian ambassador to Washington in 1926, marking the Liberal government's insistence on having direct relations with the United States, rather than having Britain act on Canada's behalf.In the period just before and after the Second World War, the party became a champion of 'progressive social policy'. As Prime Minister for most of the time between 1921 and 1948, King introduced several measures that led to the creation of Canada's social safety net. Bowing to popular pressure, he introduced the mother's allowance, a monthly payment to all mothers with young children. He also reluctantly introduced old age pensions when J. S. Woodsworth required it in exchange for his Co-operative Commonwealth Federation party's support of King's minority government.Louis St. Laurent succeeded King as Liberal leader and Prime Minister on November 15, 1948. In the 1949 and 1953 federal elections, St. Laurent led the Liberal Party to two large majority governments. As Prime Minister he oversaw the joining of Newfoundland in Confederation as Canada's tenth province, he established equalization payments to the provinces, and continued with social reform with improvements in pensions and health insurance. In 1956, Canada played an important role in resolving the Suez Crisis, and contributed to the United Nations force in the Korean War. Canada enjoyed economic prosperity during St. Laurent's premiership and wartime debts were paid off. The Pipeline Debate proved the Liberal Party's undoing. Their attempt to pass legislation to build a natural gas pipeline from Alberta to central Canada was met with fierce disagreement in the House of Commons. In 1957, John Diefenbaker's Progressive Conservatives won a minority government and St. Laurent resigned as Prime Minister and Liberal leader.Lester B. Pearson was easily elected Liberal leader at the party's 1958 leadership convention. However, only months after becoming Liberal leader, Pearson led the party into the 1958 federal election that saw Diefenbaker's Progressive Conservatives win the largest majority government, by percentage of seats, in Canadian history. The Progressive Conservatives won 206 of the 265 seats in the House of Commons, while the Liberals were reduced to just 48 seats. Pearson remained Liberal leader during this time and in the 1962 election managed to reduce Diefenbaker to a minority government. In the 1963 election Pearson led the Liberal Party back to victory, forming a minority government. Pearson served as Prime Minister for five years, winning a second election in 1965. While Pearson's leadership was considered poor and the Liberal Party never held a majority of the seats in parliament during his premiership, he left office in 1968 with an impressive legacy. Pearson's government introduced Medicare, a new immigration act, the Canada Pension Plan, Canada Student Loans, the Canada Assistance Plan, and adopted the Maple Leaf as Canada's national flag.Under Pierre Trudeau, the mission of a progressive social policy evolved into the goal of creating a "just society".The Liberal Party under Trudeau promoted official bilingualism and passed the "Official Languages Act", which gave French and English languages equal status in Canada. Trudeau hoped that the promotion of bilingualism would cement Quebec's place in Confederation, and counter growing calls for an independent Quebec. The party hoped the policy would transform Canada into a country where English and French Canadians could live together, and allow Canadians to move to any part of the country without having to lose their language. Although this vision has yet to fully materialize, official bilingualism has helped to halt the decline of the French language outside of Quebec, and to ensure that all federal government services (including radio and television services provided by the government-owned Canadian Broadcasting Corporation/Radio-Canada) are available in both languages throughout the country.The Trudeau Liberals are also credited with support for state multiculturalism as a means of integrating immigrants into Canadian society without forcing them to shed their culture, leading the party to build a base of support among recent immigrants and their children. This marked the culmination of a decades-long shift in Liberal immigration policy, a reversal of pre-war racial attitudes that spurred discriminatory policies such as the Chinese Immigration Act of 1923 and the MS St. Louis incident.The most lasting effect of the Trudeau years has been the patriation of the Canadian constitution and the creation of Canada's Charter of Rights and Freedoms. Trudeau's Liberals supported the concept of a strong, central government, and fought Quebec separatism, other forms of Quebec nationalism, and the granting of "distinct society" status to Quebec. Such actions, however, served as rallying cries for sovereigntists and alienated many Francophone Quebeckers.The other primary legacy of the Trudeau years has been financial. Net federal debt in fiscal 1968, just before Trudeau became Prime Minister, was about $18 billion CAD, or 26 percent of gross domestic product; by his final year in office, it had ballooned to over 200 billion—at 46 percent of GDP, nearly twice as large relative to the economy.After Trudeau's retirement in 1984, many Liberals, such as Jean Chrétien and Clyde Wells, continued to adhere to Trudeau's concept of federalism. Others, such as John Turner, supported the failed Meech Lake and Charlottetown Constitutional Accords, which would have recognized Quebec as a "distinct society" and would have increased the powers of the provinces to the detriment of the federal government.Trudeau stepped down as Prime Minister and party leader in 1984, as the Liberals were slipping in polls. At that year's leadership convention, Turner defeated Chrétien on the second ballot to become Prime Minister. Immediately, upon taking office, Turner called a snap election, citing favourable internal polls. However, the party was hurt by numerous patronage appointments, many of which Turner had made supposedly in return for Trudeau retiring early. Also, they were unpopular in their traditional stronghold of Quebec because of the constitution repatriation which excluded that province. The Liberals lost power in the 1984 election, and were reduced to only 40 seats in the House of Commons. The Progressive Conservatives won a majority of the seats in every province, including Quebec. The 95-seat loss was the worst defeat in the party's history, and the worst defeat at the time for a governing party at the federal level. What was more, the New Democratic Party, successor to the Co-operative Commonwealth Federation, won only ten fewer seats than the Liberals, and some thought that the NDP under Ed Broadbent would push the Liberals to third-party status.The party began a long process of reconstruction. A small group of young Liberal MPs, known as the Rat Pack, gained fame by criticizing the Tory government of Brian Mulroney at every turn. Also, despite public and backroom attempts to remove Turner as leader, he managed to consolidate his leadership at the 1986 review.The 1988 election was notable for Turner's strong opposition to the Canada-U.S. Free Trade Agreement negotiated by Progressive Conservative Prime Minister Brian Mulroney. Although most Canadians voted for parties opposed to free trade, the Tories were returned with a majority government, and implemented the deal. The Liberals recovered from their near-meltdown of 1984, however, winning 83 seats and ending much of the talk of being eclipsed by the NDP, who won 43 seats.Turner announced that he would resign as leader of the Liberal Party on May 3, 1989. The Liberal Party set a leadership convention for June 23, 1990, in Calgary. Five candidates contested the leadership of the party and former Deputy Prime Minister Jean Chrétien, who had served in every Liberal cabinet since 1965, won on the first ballot. Chrétien's Liberals campaigned in the 1993 election on the promise of renegotiating the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA), and eliminating the Goods and Services Tax (GST). Just after the writ was dropped for the election, they issued the Red Book, an integrated and coherent approach to economic, social, environmental and foreign policy. This was unprecedented for a Canadian party. Taking full advantage of the inability of Mulroney's successor, Kim Campbell, to overcome a large amount of antipathy toward Mulroney, they won a strong majority government with 177 seats—the third-best performance in party history, and their best since 1949. The Progressive Conservatives were cut down to only two seats, suffering a defeat even more severe than the one they had handed the Liberals nine years earlier. The Liberals were re-elected with a considerably reduced majority in 1997, but nearly tied their 1993 total in 2000.For the next decade, the Liberals dominated Canadian politics in a fashion not seen since the early years of Confederation. This was because of the destruction of the "grand coalition" of Western socially conservative populists, Quebec nationalists, and fiscal conservatives from Ontario that had supported the Progressive Conservatives in 1984 and 1988. The Progressive Conservatives Western support, for all practical purposes, transferred en masse to the Western-based Reform Party, which replaced the PCs as the major right-wing party in Canada. However, the new party's agenda was seen as too conservative for most Canadians. It only won one seat east of Manitoba in an election (but gained another in a floor-crossing). Even when Reform restructured into the Canadian Alliance, the party was virtually non-existent east of Manitoba, winning only 66 seats in 2000. Reform/Alliance was the official opposition from 1997 to 2003, but was never able to overcome wide perceptions that it was merely a Western protest party. The Quebec nationalists who had once supported the Tories largely switched their support to the sovereigntist Bloc Québécois, while the Tories' Ontario support largely moved to the Liberals. The PCs would never be a major force in Canadian politics again; while they rebounded to 20 seats in the next election, they won only two seats west of Quebec in the next decade.Ontario and Quebec combine for a majority of seats in the House of Commons by virtue of Ontario's current population and Quebec's historic population (59 percent of the seats ). As a result, it is very difficult to form even a minority government without substantial support in Ontario and/or Quebec. No party has ever formed a majority government without winning the most seats in either Ontario or Quebec. It is mathematically possible to form a minority government without a strong base in either province, but such an undertaking is politically difficult. The Liberals were the only party with a strong base in both provinces, thus making them the only party capable of forming a government.There was some disappointment as Liberals were not able to recover their traditional dominant position in Quebec, despite being led by a Quebecer from a strongly nationalist region of Quebec. The Bloc capitalized on discontent with the failure of the 1990 Meech Lake Accord and Chrétien's uncompromising stance on federalism (see below) to win the most seats in Quebec in every election from 1993, onward, even serving as the official opposition from 1993 to 1997. Chrétien's reputation in his home province never recovered after the 1990 leadership convention when rival Paul Martin forced him to declare his opposition to the Meech Lake Accord. However, the Liberals did increase their support in the next two elections because of infighting within the Bloc. In the 1997 election, although the Liberals finished with a thin majority, it was their gains in Quebec which were credited with offsetting their losses in the Maritime provinces. In particular, the 2000 election was a breakthrough for the Liberals after the PQ government's unpopular initiatives regarding consolidation of several Quebec urban areas into "megacities". Many federal Liberals also took credit for Charest's provincial election victory over the PQ in spring 2003. A series of by-elections allowed the Liberals to gain a majority of Quebec ridings for the first time since 1984.The Chrétien Liberals more than made up for their shortfall in Quebec by building a strong base in Ontario. They reaped a substantial windfall from the votes of fiscally conservative and socially liberal voters who had previously voted Tory, as well as rapid growth in the Greater Toronto Area. They were also able to take advantage of massive vote splitting between the Tories and Reform/Alliance in rural areas of the province that had traditionally formed the backbone of provincial Tory governments. Combined with their historic dominance of Metro Toronto and northern Ontario, the Liberals dominated the province's federal politics even as the Tories won landslide majorities at the provincial level. In 1993, for example, the Liberals won all but one seat in Ontario, and came within 123 votes in Simcoe Centre of pulling off the first clean sweep of Canada's most populated province. They were able to retain their position as the largest party in the House by winning all but two seats in Ontario in the 1997 election. The Liberals were assured of at least a minority government once the Ontario results came in, but it was not clear until later in the night that they would retain their majority. In 2000, the Liberals won all but three seats in Ontario.While the Chrétien Liberals campaigned from the left, their time in power is most marked by the cuts made to many social programs, including health transfers, in order to balance the federal budget. Chrétien had supported the Charlottetown Accord while in opposition, but in power opposed major concessions to Quebec and other provincialist factions. In contrast to their promises during the 1993 campaign, they implemented only minor changes to NAFTA, embraced the free trade concept and—with the exception of the replacement of the GST with the Harmonized Sales Tax in some Atlantic provinces—broke their promise to replace the GST.After a proposal for Quebec independence was narrowly defeated in the 1995 Quebec referendum, the Liberals passed the "Clarity Act", which outlines the federal government's preconditions for negotiating provincial independence. In Chrétien's final days, he supported same-sex marriage and decriminalizing the possession of small quantities of marijuana. Chrétien displeased the United States government when he pledged on March 17, 2003, that Canada would not support the 2003 invasion of Iraq. A poll released shortly after showed widespread approval of Chrétien's decision by the Canadian public. The poll, which was conducted by EKOS for the "Toronto Star" and "La Presse", found 71 percent of those questioned approved of the government's decision to not enter the United States-led invasion, with 27 percent expressing disapproval.Several trends started in 2003 which suggested the end of the Liberal Party's political dominance. Notably, there would be a high turnover of permanent party leaders, in contrast to their predecessors who usually served over two or more elections, particularly Trudeau and Chrétien who each led for over a decade. The Liberals were also hampered by their inability to raise campaign money competitively after Chrétien passed a bill in 2003 which banned corporate donations, even though the Liberals had enjoyed by far the lion's share of this funding because of the then-divided opposition parties. It has been suggested that Chrétien, who had done nothing about election financing for his 10 years in office, could be seen as the idealist as he retired, while his rival and successor Paul Martin would have the burden of having to fight an election under the strict new rules. Simon Fraser University professor Doug McArthur has noted that Martin's leadership campaign used aggressive tactics for the 2003 leadership convention, in attempting to end the contest before it could start by giving the impression that his bid was too strong for any other candidate to beat. McArthur blamed Martin's tactics for the ongoing sag in Liberal fortunes, as it discouraged activists who were not on side.Paul Martin succeeded Chrétien as party leader and prime minister in 2003. Despite the personal rivalry between the two, Martin was the architect of the Liberals' economic policies as Minister of Finance during the 1990s. Chrétien left office with a high approval rating and Martin was expected to make inroads into Quebec and Western Canada, two regions of Canada where the Liberals had not attracted much support since the 1980s and 1990s, respectively. While his cabinet choices provoked some controversy over excluding many Chrétien supporters, it at first did little to hurt his popularity.However, the political situation changed with the revelation of the sponsorship scandal, in which advertising agencies supporting the Liberal Party received grossly inflated commissions for their services. Having faced a divided conservative opposition for the past three elections, Liberals were seriously challenged by competition from the newly united Conservative Party led by Stephen Harper. The infighting between Martin and Chrétien's supporters also dogged the party. Nonetheless, by criticizing the Conservatives' social policies, the Liberals were able to draw progressive votes from the NDP which made the difference in several close races. On June 28, 2004 federal election, the Martin Liberals retained enough support to continue as the government, though they were reduced to a minority.In the ensuing months, testimony from the Gomery Commission caused public opinion to turn sharply against the Liberals for the first time in over a decade. Despite the devastating revelations, only two Liberal MPs—David Kilgour (who had crossed the floor from the PC Party in 1990) and Pat O'Brien—left the party for reasons other than the scandal. Belinda Stronach, who crossed the floor from the Conservatives to the Liberals, gave Martin the number of votes needed, although barely, to hold onto power when an NDP-sponsored amendment to his budget was passed only by the Speaker's tiebreaking vote on May 19, 2005.In November, the Liberals dropped in polls following the release of the first Gomery Report. Nonetheless, Martin turned down the NDP's conditions for continued support, as well as rejected an opposition proposal which would schedule a February 2006 election in return for passing several pieces of legislation. The Liberals thus lost the no-confidence vote on November 28; Martin thus became only the fifth prime minister to lose the confidence of the House, but the first to lose on a straight no-confidence motion. Because of the Christmas holiday, Martin advised Governor General Michaëlle Jean to dissolve Parliament and call an election for January 2006.The Liberal campaign was dogged from start to finish by the sponsorship scandal, which was brought up by a Royal Canadian Mounted Police (RCMP) criminal investigation into the leak of the income trust announcement. Numerous gaffes, contrasting with a smoothly run Conservative campaign, put Liberals as many as ten points behind the Conservatives in opinion polling. They managed to recover some of their momentum by election night, but not enough to retain power. They won 103 seats, a net loss of 30 from when the writs were dropped, losing a similar number of seats in Ontario and Quebec to the Tories. However, the Liberals managed to capture the most seats in Ontario for the fifth straight election (54 to the Tories' 40), holding the Conservatives to a minority government. While the Conservatives captured many of Ontario's rural ridings, the Liberals retained most of the population-rich Greater Toronto Area. Many of these ridings, particularly the 905 region, had historically been bellwethers (the Liberals were nearly shut out of this region in 1979 and 1984), but demographic changes have resulted in high Liberal returns in recent years.Martin resigned as parliamentary leader after the election and stepped down as Liberal leader on March 18, having previously promised to step down if he did not win a plurality.On May 11, 2006, "La Presse" reported that the Government of Canada would file a lawsuit against the Liberal Party to recover all the money missing in the sponsorship program. Scott Brison told reporters that same day that the Liberals has already paid back the $1.14 million into the public purse; however, the Conservatives believed that there was as much as $40 million unaccounted for in the sponsorship program.After their election defeat Martin chose not to take on the office of Leader of the Opposition. He stepped down as parliamentary leader of his party on February 1, and the Liberal caucus appointed Bill Graham, MP for Toronto Centre and outgoing Defence Minister, as his interim successor. Martin officially resigned as leader in March, with Graham taking over on an interim basis.The leadership election was set for December 2, 2006, in Montreal; however, a number of prominent members such as John Manley, Frank McKenna, Brian Tobin, and Allan Rock had already announced they would not enter the race to succeed Martin. Throughout the campaign 12 candidates came forward to lead the party, but by the time of the leadership convention only eight people remained in the race; Martha Hall Findlay, Stéphane Dion, Michael Ignatieff, Gerard Kennedy, Bob Rae, Scott Brison, Ken Dryden, Joe Volpe.Throughout the campaign Ignatieff, Rae, Dion and Kennedy were considered to be the only candidates with enough support to be able to win the leadership, with Ignatieff and Rae being considered the two front-runners. However polling showed Ignatieff had little room to grow his support, while Dion was the second and third choice among a plurality of delegates. At the leadership convention Ignatieff came out on top on the first ballot with 29.3 percent, With Kennedy's support Dion was able to leapfrog both Rae and Ignatieff on the third ballot, eliminating Rae. On the fourth and final ballot Dion defeated Ignatieff to become leader of the Liberal Party.Following the leadership race the Liberal Party saw a bounce in support and surpassed the Conservative Party as the most popular party in Canada. However, in the months and years to come the party's support gradually fell. Dion's own popularity lagged considerably behind that of Prime Minister Harper's, and he often trailed NDP leader Jack Layton in opinion polls when Canadians were asked who would make the best Prime Minister.Dion campaigned on environmental sustainability during the leadership race, and created the "Green Shift" plan following his election as leader. The Green Shift proposed creating a carbon tax that would be coupled with reductions to income tax rates. The proposal was to tax greenhouse gas emissions, starting at $10 per tonne of CO2 and reaching $40 per tonne within four years. The plan was a key policy for the party in the 2008 federal election, but it was not well received and was continuously attacked by both the Conservatives and NDP. On election night the Liberal Party won 26.26 percent of the popular vote and 77 of the 308 seats in the House of Commons. At that time their popular support was the lowest in the party's history, and weeks later Dion announced he would step down as Liberal leader once his successor was chosen.New Brunswick Member of Parliament Dominic LeBlanc was the first candidate to announce he would seek the leadership of the Liberal Party on October 27, 2008. Days later Bob Rae, who had finished third in 2006, announced he would also be a candidate for the leadership. The party executive met in early November and chose May 2, 2009, as the date to elect the next leader. On November 13 Michael Ignatieff, who finished second in 2006, announced he would also be a candidate.On November 27, 2008, Minister of Finance Jim Flaherty provided the House of Commons with a fiscal update, within which were plans to cut government spending, suspend the ability of civil servants to strike until 2011, sell off some Crown assets to raise capital, and eliminate the existing $1.95 per vote subsidy parties garner in an election. The opposition parties criticized the fiscal update, and announced they would not support it because it contained no stimulus money to spur Canada's economy and protect workers during the economic crisis. With the Conservative Party only holding a minority of the seats in the House of Commons the government would be defeated if the opposition parties voted against the fiscal update. With the Conservatives unwilling to budge on the proposals outlined in the fiscal update the Liberals and NDP signed an agreement to form a coalition government, with a written pledge of support from the Bloc Québécois. Under the terms of the agreement Dion would be sworn in as Prime Minister, however he would only serve in the position until the next Liberal leader was chosen. Dion contacted Governor General Michaëlle Jean and advised her that he had the confidence of the House of Commons if Prime Minister Harper's government was to fall. However, before the fiscal update could be voted on in the House of Commons Prime Minister Harper requested the Governor General to prorogue parliament till January 26, 2009, which she accepted.While polls showed Canadians were split on the idea of having either a coalition government or having the Conservatives continue to govern, it was clear that because of Dion's personal popularity they were not comfortable with him becoming Prime Minister. Members of the Liberal Party therefore called on Dion to resign as leader immediately and for an interim leader to be chosen, this person would become the Prime Minister in the event that the Conservatives were defeated when parliament resumed in January. With an estimated 70 percent of the Liberal caucus wanting Ignatieff to be named interim leader, Dion resigned the post on December 8, 2008 (effective December 10, upon Ignatieff's becoming interim leader). LeBlanc announced on the same day that he was abandoning the Liberal leadership race and endorsing Ignatieff as the next leader. The following day Rae announced he was also dropping out of the race and was placing his "full and unqualified" support to Ignatieff.With Ignatieff named interim leader of the party (on December 10), the Liberal's poll numbers saw significant gains, after they plummeted with the signing of the coalition agreement. When parliament resumed on January 28, 2009, the Ignatieff Liberals agreed to support the budget as long as it included regular accountability reports, which the Conservatives accepted. This ended the possibility of the coalition government with the New Democrats.Throughout the Winter of 2008–09, opinion polls showed that while the Ignatieff led Liberals still trailed the Conservatives their support had stabilized in the low 30 percent range. However, by the time Ignatieff was confirmed as party leader on May 2, 2009, the Liberal Party had a comfortable lead over the governing Conservatives. After a summer where he was accused of being missing in action, Ignatieff announced on August 31, 2009, that the Liberals would not support the minority Conservative government. After this announcement the Liberal Party's poll numbers, which had already declined over the summer, started to fall further behind the Conservatives. On October 1, 2009, the Liberals put forth a non-confidence motion with the hope of defeating the government. However, the NDP abstained from voting and the Conservatives survived the confidence motion.The Liberal Party's attempt to force an election, just a year after the previous one, was reported as a miscalculation, as polls showed that most Canadians did not want another election. Even after the government survived the confidence motion popularity for Ignatieff and his party continued to fall. Over the next year and a half, with the exception of a brief period in early 2010, support for the Liberals remained below 30 percent, and behind the Conservatives. While his predecessor Dion was criticized by the Conservatives as a "weak leader", Ignatieff was attacked as a "political opportunist".On March 25, 2011, Ignatieff introduced a motion of non-confidence against the Harper government to attempt to force a May 2011, federal election after the government was found to be in Contempt of Parliament, the first such occurrence in Commonwealth history. The House of Commons passed the motion by 156–145.The Liberals had considerable momentum when the writ was dropped, and Ignatieff successfully squeezed NDP leader Jack Layton out of media attention, by issuing challenges to Harper for one-on-one debates. In the first couple weeks of the campaign, Ignatieff kept his party in second place in the polls, and his personal ratings exceeded that of Layton for the first time. However, opponents frequently criticized Ignatieff's perceived political opportunism, particularly during the leaders debates when Layton criticized Ignatieff for having a poor attendance record for Commons votes saying "You know, most Canadians, if they don't show up for work, they don't get a promotion". Ignatieff failed to defend himself against these charges, and the debates were said to be a turning point for his party's campaign. Near the end of the campaign, a late surge in support for Layton and the NDP relegated Ignatieff and the Liberals to third in opinion polls.The Liberals suffered their worst defeat in history in the May 2, 2011, federal election. The result was a third-place finish, with only 19 percent of the vote and returning 34 seats in the House of Commons. Notably, their support in Toronto and Montreal, their power bases for the last two decades, all but vanished. All told, the Liberals won only 11 seats in Ontario (seven of which were in Toronto) and seven in Quebec (all in Montreal)—their fewest totals in either province. Newfoundland and Labrador was the only province with majority Liberal seats at 4 out of 7. They also won only four seats west of Ontario. The Conservatives won 40 percent of the vote and formed a majority government, while the NDP formed the Official Opposition winning 31 percent of the vote.This election marked the first time the Liberals were unable to form either government or the official opposition. Ignatieff was defeated in his own riding, and announced his resignation as Liberal leader shortly after. Bob Rae was chosen as the interim leader on May 25, 2011.On April 14, 2013 Justin Trudeau, son of former Prime Minister Pierre Trudeau, was elected leader of the Liberal Party on the first ballot, winning 80% of the vote. Following his win, support for the Liberal Party increased considerably, and the party moved into first place in public opinion polls.An initial surge in support in the polls following Trudeau's election wore off in the following year, in the face of Conservative ad campaign after Trudeau's win attempting to "[paint] him as a silly dilettante unfit for public office."In 2014, Trudeau removed all Liberal senators from the Liberal Party caucus. In announcing this, Trudeau said the purpose of the unelected upper chamber is to act as a check on the power of the prime minister, but the party structure interferes with that purpose. Following this move, Liberal senators chose to keep the designation "Liberal" and sit together as a caucus, albeit not one supported by the Liberal Party of Canada. This independent group continued to refer to itself in publications as the Senate Liberal Caucus until 2019.By the time the 2015 federal election was called, the Liberals had been knocked back into third place. Trudeau and his advisors planned to mount a campaign based on economic stimulus in the hopes of regaining the mantle of being the party that best represented change from the New Democrats.Justin Trudeau's Liberals would win the 2015 election in dramatic fashion: becoming the first party to win a parliamentary majority after being reduced to third party status in a previous general election, besting Brian Mulroney's record for the largest seat increase by a party in a single election (111 in 1984), and winning the most seats in Quebec for the first time since 1980. Chantal Hébert deemed the result "a Liberal comeback that is headed straight for the history books", while Bloomberg's Josh Wingrove and Theophilos Argitis similarly described it as "capping the biggest political comeback in the country’s history."Scholars and political experts have recently used a political realignment model to explain what was considered a collapse of a dominant party, and put its condition in long-term perspective. According to recent scholarship, there have been four party systems in Canada at the federal level since Confederation, each with its own distinctive pattern of social support, patronage relationships, leadership styles, and electoral strategies. Steve Patten identifies four party systems in Canada's political history:Stephen Clarkson (2005) shows how the Liberal Party has dominated all the party systems, using different approaches. It began with a "clientelistic approach" under Laurier, which evolved into a "brokerage" system of the 1920s, 1930s and 1940s under Mackenzie King. The 1950s saw the emergence of a "pan-Canadian system", which lasted until the 1990s. The 1993 election – categorized by Clarkson as an electoral "earthquake" which "fragmented" the party system, saw the emergence of regional politics within a four party-system, whereby various groups championed regional issues and concerns. Clarkson concludes that the inherent bias built into the first-past-the-post system, has chiefly benefited the Liberals.Pundits in the wake of the 2011 election widely believed in a theme of major realignment. Lawrence Martin, commentator for "The Globe and Mail", claimed that "Harper has completed a remarkable reconstruction of a Canadian political landscape that endured for more than a century. The realignment sees both old parties of the moderate middle, the Progressive Conservatives and the Liberals, either eliminated or marginalized." "Maclean's" said that the election marked "an unprecedented realignment of Canadian politics" as "the Conservatives are now in a position to replace the Liberals as the natural governing party in Canada"; Andrew Coyne proclaimed "The West is in and Ontario has joined it," noting that the Conservatives accomplished the rare feat of putting together a majority by winning in both Ontario and the western provinces (difficult because of traditionally conflicting interests), while having little representation in Quebec. Books such as "The Big Shift" by John Ibbitson and Darrell Bricker, and Peter C. Newman's "When the Gods Changed: The Death of Liberal Canada", provocatively asserted that the Liberals had become an "endangered species" and that an NDP-led opposition would mean that "fortune favours the Harper government" in subsequent campaigns.The Liberal victory in 2015, leaving Alberta and Saskatchewan as the only provinces represented by a majority of Conservative MPs, has now challenged that narrative.The principles of the party are based on liberalism as defined by various liberal theorists and include individual freedom for present and future generations, responsibility, human dignity, a just society, political freedom, religious freedom, national unity, equality of opportunity, cultural diversity, bilingualism, and multilateralism. In the present times, the Liberal party has favoured a variety of "big tent" policies from both right and left of the political spectrum. When it formed the government from 1993 to 2006, it championed balanced budgets, and eliminated the budget deficit completely from the federal budget in 1995 by reducing spending on social programs or delegating them to the provinces, and promised to replace the Goods and Services Tax in the party's famous Red Book. It also legalized same-sex marriage.During the 2015 election, the Liberal party's proposed policies included:Each province and one territory in Canada has its own Liberal Party. However, only those in New Brunswick, Newfoundland and Labrador, Nova Scotia, and Prince Edward Island are politically and organizationally affiliated with the federal Liberal Party. While other provincial Liberal parties may align ideologically with the federal party, they operate as completely separate entities. Those provincial parties have separate policies, finances, memberships, constituency associations, executives, conventions and offices.To date, only seven Liberal leaders never served as Prime Minister, three of whom were interim leaders. | [
"Wilfrid Laurier",
"Stéphane Dion",
"Bob Rae",
"Paul Martin",
"William Lyon Mackenzie King",
"Daniel Duncan McKenzie",
"Jean Chrétien",
"Louis St. Laurent",
"Pierre Trudeau",
"John Turner",
"Alexander Mackenzie",
"Edward Blake",
"Justin Trudeau",
"Bill Graham",
"Michael Ignatieff"
] |
|
Who was the chair of Liberal Party of Canada in 18-Jun-196618-June-1966? | June 18, 1966 | {
"text": [
"Lester B. Pearson"
]
} | L2_Q138345_P488_6 | Jean Chrétien is the chair of Liberal Party of Canada from Jun, 1990 to Nov, 2003.
Lester B. Pearson is the chair of Liberal Party of Canada from Jan, 1958 to Apr, 1968.
Stéphane Dion is the chair of Liberal Party of Canada from Dec, 2006 to Dec, 2008.
Edward Blake is the chair of Liberal Party of Canada from May, 1880 to Jun, 1887.
Paul Martin is the chair of Liberal Party of Canada from Nov, 2003 to Mar, 2006.
Bill Graham is the chair of Liberal Party of Canada from Mar, 2006 to Dec, 2006.
Louis St. Laurent is the chair of Liberal Party of Canada from Aug, 1948 to Jan, 1958.
Bob Rae is the chair of Liberal Party of Canada from May, 2011 to Apr, 2013.
Wilfrid Laurier is the chair of Liberal Party of Canada from Jun, 1887 to Feb, 1919.
John Turner is the chair of Liberal Party of Canada from Jun, 1984 to Jun, 1990.
Justin Trudeau is the chair of Liberal Party of Canada from Apr, 2013 to Dec, 2022.
Daniel Duncan McKenzie is the chair of Liberal Party of Canada from Feb, 1919 to Aug, 1919.
Alexander Mackenzie is the chair of Liberal Party of Canada from Mar, 1873 to Apr, 1880.
William Lyon Mackenzie King is the chair of Liberal Party of Canada from Aug, 1919 to Aug, 1948.
Pierre Trudeau is the chair of Liberal Party of Canada from Apr, 1968 to Jun, 1984.
Michael Ignatieff is the chair of Liberal Party of Canada from Dec, 2008 to May, 2011. | Liberal Party of CanadaThe Liberal Party of Canada (LPC; ) is the longest-serving and oldest active federal political party in Canada. The party has dominated federal politics for much of Canada's history, holding power for almost 70 years of the 20th century. As a result, it has sometimes been referred to as Canada's "natural governing party".The party espouses the principles of liberalism, and generally sits at the centre to centre-left of the Canadian political spectrum, with their rival the Conservative Party positioned to the right and the New Democratic Party (who at times aligned itself with the Liberals during minority governments), positioned to their left. The party is described as "big tent", practicing "brokerage politics", attracting support from a broad spectrum of voters. In the late 1970s, Prime Minister Pierre Elliott Trudeau claimed that his Liberal Party adhered to the "radical centre".The Liberals' signature policies and legislative decisions include universal health care, the Canada Pension Plan, Canada Student Loans, peacekeeping, multilateralism, official bilingualism, official multiculturalism, gun control, patriating the Canadian constitution and the entrenchment of Canada's "Charter of Rights and Freedoms", the "Clarity Act", legalizing same-sex marriage, euthanasia, and cannabis, national carbon pricing, and expanded access to abortion.In the 2015 federal election, the Liberal Party under Justin Trudeau had its best result since the 2000 election, winning 39.5 percent of the popular vote and 184 seats, gaining a majority of seats in the House of Commons. In the 2019 federal election, they were reduced to a minority government, winning 157 seats to remain the largest party in the House of Commons while narrowly losing the popular vote.The Liberals are descended from the mid-19th century Reformers who advocated for responsible government throughout British North America. These included George Brown, Alexander Mackenzie, Robert Baldwin, William Lyon Mackenzie and the Clear Grits in Upper Canada, Joseph Howe in Nova Scotia, and the Patriotes and Rouges in Lower Canada led by figures such as Louis-Joseph Papineau. The Clear Grits and "Parti rouge" sometimes functioned as a united bloc in the legislature of the Province of Canada beginning in 1854, and a united Liberal Party combining both English and French Canadian members was formed in 1861.At the time of confederation of the former British colonies of Canada (now Ontario and Quebec), New Brunswick and Nova Scotia, the radical Liberals were marginalized by the more pragmatic Conservative coalition assembled under Sir John A. Macdonald. In the 29 years after Canadian confederation, the Liberals were consigned to opposition, with the exception of one stint in government. Alexander Mackenzie was the de facto leader of the Official Opposition after Confederation and finally agreed to become the first official leader of the Liberal Party in 1873. He was able to lead the party to power for the first time in 1873, after the MacDonald government lost a vote of no confidence in the House of Commons due to the Pacific Scandal. Mackenzie subsequently won the 1874 election, and served as Prime Minister for an additional four years. During the five years the Liberal government brought in many reforms, which include the replacement of open voting by secret ballot, confining elections to one day and the creation of the Supreme Court of Canada, the Royal Military College of Canada, and the Office of the Auditor General. However the party was only able to build a solid support base in Ontario, and in 1878 lost the government to MacDonald. The Liberals would spend the next 18 years in opposition.In their early history, the Liberals were the party of continentalism and opposition to imperialism. The Liberals also became identified with the aspirations of Quebecers as a result of the growing hostility of French Canadians to the Conservatives. The Conservatives lost the support of French Canadians because of the role of Conservative governments in the execution of Louis Riel and their role in the Conscription Crisis of 1917, and especially their opposition to French schools in provinces besides Quebec.It was not until Wilfrid Laurier became leader that the Liberal Party emerged as a modern party. Laurier was able to capitalize on the Tories' alienation of French Canada by offering the Liberals as a credible alternative. Laurier was able to overcome the party's reputation for anti-clericalism that offended the still-powerful Quebec Roman Catholic Church. In English-speaking Canada, the Liberal Party's support for reciprocity made it popular among farmers, and helped cement the party's hold in the growing prairie provinces.Laurier led the Liberals to power in the 1896 election (in which he became the first Francophone Prime Minister), and oversaw a government that increased immigration in order to settle Western Canada. Laurier's government created the provinces of Saskatchewan and Alberta out of the North-West Territories, and promoted the development of Canadian industry.Until the early part of the century, the Liberal Party was a loose, informal coalition of local, provincial and regional bodies with a strong national party leader and caucus (and when in power, the national cabinet) but with an informal and regionalized extra-parliamentary organizational structure. There was no national membership of the party, an individual became a member by joining a provincial Liberal party. Laurier called the party's first national convention in 1893 in order to unite Liberal supporters behind a programme and build the campaign that successfully brought the party to power in 1896; however, once in power, no efforts were made to create a formal national organization outside of parliament.As a result of the party's defeats in the 1911 and 1917 federal elections, Laurier attempted to organize the party on a national level by creating three bodies: the Central Liberal Information Office, the National Liberal Advisory Committee, and the National Liberal Organization Committee. However, the advisory committee became dominated by members of parliament and all three bodies were underfunded and competed with both local and provincial Liberal associations and the national caucus for authority. The party did organize the national party's second convention in 1919 to elect William Lyon Mackenzie King as Laurier's successor (Canada's first ever leadership convention), yet following the party's return to power in the 1921 federal election the nascent national party organizations were eclipsed by powerful ministers and local party organizations largely driven by patronage.As a result of both the party's defeat in the 1930 federal election, and the Beauharnois bribery scandal which highlighted the need for distance between the Liberal Party's political wing and campaign fundraising, a central coordinating organization, the National Liberal Federation, was created in 1932 with Vincent Massey as its first president. The new organization allowed individuals to directly join the national Liberal Party for the first time. With the Liberals return to power the national organization languished except for occasional national committee meetings, such as in 1943 when Mackenzie King called a meeting of the federation (consisting of the national caucus and up to seven voting delegates per province) to approve a new platform for the party in anticipation of the end of World War II and prepare for a post-war election. No national convention was held, however, until 1948; the Liberal Party held only three national conventions prior to the 1950s – in 1893, 1919 and 1948. The National Liberal Federation remained largely dependent on provincial Liberal parties and was often ignored and bypassed the parliamentary party in the organization of election campaigns and the development of policy. With the defeat of the Liberals in the 1957 federal election and in particular 1958, reformers argued for the strengthening of the national party organization so it would not be dependent on provincial Liberal parties and patronage. A national executive and Council of presidents, consisting of the presidents of each Liberal riding association, were developed to give the party more co-ordination and national party conventions were regularly held in biennially where previously they had been held infrequently. Over time, provincial Liberal parties in most provinces were separated from provincial wings of the federal party and in a number of cases disaffiliated. By the 1980s, the National Liberal Federation was officially known as the Liberal Party of Canada.Under Laurier, and his successor William Lyon Mackenzie King, the Liberals promoted Canadian sovereignty and greater independence within the British Commonwealth. In Imperial Conferences held throughout the 1920s, Canadian Liberal governments often took the lead in arguing that the United Kingdom and the dominions should have equal status, and against proposals for an 'imperial parliament' that would have subsumed Canadian independence. After the King–Byng Affair of 1926, the Liberals argued that the Governor General of Canada should no longer be appointed on the recommendation of the British government. The decisions of the Imperial Conferences were formalized in the Statute of Westminster, which was actually passed in 1931, the year after the Liberals lost power.The Liberals also promoted the idea of Canada being responsible for its own foreign and defence policy. Initially, it was Britain which determined external affairs for the dominion. In 1905, Laurier created the Department of External Affairs, and in 1909 he advised Governor General Earl Grey to appoint the first Secretary of State for External Affairs to Cabinet. It was also Laurier who first proposed the creation of a Canadian Navy in 1910. Mackenzie King recommended the appointment by Governor General Lord Byng of Vincent Massey as the first Canadian ambassador to Washington in 1926, marking the Liberal government's insistence on having direct relations with the United States, rather than having Britain act on Canada's behalf.In the period just before and after the Second World War, the party became a champion of 'progressive social policy'. As Prime Minister for most of the time between 1921 and 1948, King introduced several measures that led to the creation of Canada's social safety net. Bowing to popular pressure, he introduced the mother's allowance, a monthly payment to all mothers with young children. He also reluctantly introduced old age pensions when J. S. Woodsworth required it in exchange for his Co-operative Commonwealth Federation party's support of King's minority government.Louis St. Laurent succeeded King as Liberal leader and Prime Minister on November 15, 1948. In the 1949 and 1953 federal elections, St. Laurent led the Liberal Party to two large majority governments. As Prime Minister he oversaw the joining of Newfoundland in Confederation as Canada's tenth province, he established equalization payments to the provinces, and continued with social reform with improvements in pensions and health insurance. In 1956, Canada played an important role in resolving the Suez Crisis, and contributed to the United Nations force in the Korean War. Canada enjoyed economic prosperity during St. Laurent's premiership and wartime debts were paid off. The Pipeline Debate proved the Liberal Party's undoing. Their attempt to pass legislation to build a natural gas pipeline from Alberta to central Canada was met with fierce disagreement in the House of Commons. In 1957, John Diefenbaker's Progressive Conservatives won a minority government and St. Laurent resigned as Prime Minister and Liberal leader.Lester B. Pearson was easily elected Liberal leader at the party's 1958 leadership convention. However, only months after becoming Liberal leader, Pearson led the party into the 1958 federal election that saw Diefenbaker's Progressive Conservatives win the largest majority government, by percentage of seats, in Canadian history. The Progressive Conservatives won 206 of the 265 seats in the House of Commons, while the Liberals were reduced to just 48 seats. Pearson remained Liberal leader during this time and in the 1962 election managed to reduce Diefenbaker to a minority government. In the 1963 election Pearson led the Liberal Party back to victory, forming a minority government. Pearson served as Prime Minister for five years, winning a second election in 1965. While Pearson's leadership was considered poor and the Liberal Party never held a majority of the seats in parliament during his premiership, he left office in 1968 with an impressive legacy. Pearson's government introduced Medicare, a new immigration act, the Canada Pension Plan, Canada Student Loans, the Canada Assistance Plan, and adopted the Maple Leaf as Canada's national flag.Under Pierre Trudeau, the mission of a progressive social policy evolved into the goal of creating a "just society".The Liberal Party under Trudeau promoted official bilingualism and passed the "Official Languages Act", which gave French and English languages equal status in Canada. Trudeau hoped that the promotion of bilingualism would cement Quebec's place in Confederation, and counter growing calls for an independent Quebec. The party hoped the policy would transform Canada into a country where English and French Canadians could live together, and allow Canadians to move to any part of the country without having to lose their language. Although this vision has yet to fully materialize, official bilingualism has helped to halt the decline of the French language outside of Quebec, and to ensure that all federal government services (including radio and television services provided by the government-owned Canadian Broadcasting Corporation/Radio-Canada) are available in both languages throughout the country.The Trudeau Liberals are also credited with support for state multiculturalism as a means of integrating immigrants into Canadian society without forcing them to shed their culture, leading the party to build a base of support among recent immigrants and their children. This marked the culmination of a decades-long shift in Liberal immigration policy, a reversal of pre-war racial attitudes that spurred discriminatory policies such as the Chinese Immigration Act of 1923 and the MS St. Louis incident.The most lasting effect of the Trudeau years has been the patriation of the Canadian constitution and the creation of Canada's Charter of Rights and Freedoms. Trudeau's Liberals supported the concept of a strong, central government, and fought Quebec separatism, other forms of Quebec nationalism, and the granting of "distinct society" status to Quebec. Such actions, however, served as rallying cries for sovereigntists and alienated many Francophone Quebeckers.The other primary legacy of the Trudeau years has been financial. Net federal debt in fiscal 1968, just before Trudeau became Prime Minister, was about $18 billion CAD, or 26 percent of gross domestic product; by his final year in office, it had ballooned to over 200 billion—at 46 percent of GDP, nearly twice as large relative to the economy.After Trudeau's retirement in 1984, many Liberals, such as Jean Chrétien and Clyde Wells, continued to adhere to Trudeau's concept of federalism. Others, such as John Turner, supported the failed Meech Lake and Charlottetown Constitutional Accords, which would have recognized Quebec as a "distinct society" and would have increased the powers of the provinces to the detriment of the federal government.Trudeau stepped down as Prime Minister and party leader in 1984, as the Liberals were slipping in polls. At that year's leadership convention, Turner defeated Chrétien on the second ballot to become Prime Minister. Immediately, upon taking office, Turner called a snap election, citing favourable internal polls. However, the party was hurt by numerous patronage appointments, many of which Turner had made supposedly in return for Trudeau retiring early. Also, they were unpopular in their traditional stronghold of Quebec because of the constitution repatriation which excluded that province. The Liberals lost power in the 1984 election, and were reduced to only 40 seats in the House of Commons. The Progressive Conservatives won a majority of the seats in every province, including Quebec. The 95-seat loss was the worst defeat in the party's history, and the worst defeat at the time for a governing party at the federal level. What was more, the New Democratic Party, successor to the Co-operative Commonwealth Federation, won only ten fewer seats than the Liberals, and some thought that the NDP under Ed Broadbent would push the Liberals to third-party status.The party began a long process of reconstruction. A small group of young Liberal MPs, known as the Rat Pack, gained fame by criticizing the Tory government of Brian Mulroney at every turn. Also, despite public and backroom attempts to remove Turner as leader, he managed to consolidate his leadership at the 1986 review.The 1988 election was notable for Turner's strong opposition to the Canada-U.S. Free Trade Agreement negotiated by Progressive Conservative Prime Minister Brian Mulroney. Although most Canadians voted for parties opposed to free trade, the Tories were returned with a majority government, and implemented the deal. The Liberals recovered from their near-meltdown of 1984, however, winning 83 seats and ending much of the talk of being eclipsed by the NDP, who won 43 seats.Turner announced that he would resign as leader of the Liberal Party on May 3, 1989. The Liberal Party set a leadership convention for June 23, 1990, in Calgary. Five candidates contested the leadership of the party and former Deputy Prime Minister Jean Chrétien, who had served in every Liberal cabinet since 1965, won on the first ballot. Chrétien's Liberals campaigned in the 1993 election on the promise of renegotiating the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA), and eliminating the Goods and Services Tax (GST). Just after the writ was dropped for the election, they issued the Red Book, an integrated and coherent approach to economic, social, environmental and foreign policy. This was unprecedented for a Canadian party. Taking full advantage of the inability of Mulroney's successor, Kim Campbell, to overcome a large amount of antipathy toward Mulroney, they won a strong majority government with 177 seats—the third-best performance in party history, and their best since 1949. The Progressive Conservatives were cut down to only two seats, suffering a defeat even more severe than the one they had handed the Liberals nine years earlier. The Liberals were re-elected with a considerably reduced majority in 1997, but nearly tied their 1993 total in 2000.For the next decade, the Liberals dominated Canadian politics in a fashion not seen since the early years of Confederation. This was because of the destruction of the "grand coalition" of Western socially conservative populists, Quebec nationalists, and fiscal conservatives from Ontario that had supported the Progressive Conservatives in 1984 and 1988. The Progressive Conservatives Western support, for all practical purposes, transferred en masse to the Western-based Reform Party, which replaced the PCs as the major right-wing party in Canada. However, the new party's agenda was seen as too conservative for most Canadians. It only won one seat east of Manitoba in an election (but gained another in a floor-crossing). Even when Reform restructured into the Canadian Alliance, the party was virtually non-existent east of Manitoba, winning only 66 seats in 2000. Reform/Alliance was the official opposition from 1997 to 2003, but was never able to overcome wide perceptions that it was merely a Western protest party. The Quebec nationalists who had once supported the Tories largely switched their support to the sovereigntist Bloc Québécois, while the Tories' Ontario support largely moved to the Liberals. The PCs would never be a major force in Canadian politics again; while they rebounded to 20 seats in the next election, they won only two seats west of Quebec in the next decade.Ontario and Quebec combine for a majority of seats in the House of Commons by virtue of Ontario's current population and Quebec's historic population (59 percent of the seats ). As a result, it is very difficult to form even a minority government without substantial support in Ontario and/or Quebec. No party has ever formed a majority government without winning the most seats in either Ontario or Quebec. It is mathematically possible to form a minority government without a strong base in either province, but such an undertaking is politically difficult. The Liberals were the only party with a strong base in both provinces, thus making them the only party capable of forming a government.There was some disappointment as Liberals were not able to recover their traditional dominant position in Quebec, despite being led by a Quebecer from a strongly nationalist region of Quebec. The Bloc capitalized on discontent with the failure of the 1990 Meech Lake Accord and Chrétien's uncompromising stance on federalism (see below) to win the most seats in Quebec in every election from 1993, onward, even serving as the official opposition from 1993 to 1997. Chrétien's reputation in his home province never recovered after the 1990 leadership convention when rival Paul Martin forced him to declare his opposition to the Meech Lake Accord. However, the Liberals did increase their support in the next two elections because of infighting within the Bloc. In the 1997 election, although the Liberals finished with a thin majority, it was their gains in Quebec which were credited with offsetting their losses in the Maritime provinces. In particular, the 2000 election was a breakthrough for the Liberals after the PQ government's unpopular initiatives regarding consolidation of several Quebec urban areas into "megacities". Many federal Liberals also took credit for Charest's provincial election victory over the PQ in spring 2003. A series of by-elections allowed the Liberals to gain a majority of Quebec ridings for the first time since 1984.The Chrétien Liberals more than made up for their shortfall in Quebec by building a strong base in Ontario. They reaped a substantial windfall from the votes of fiscally conservative and socially liberal voters who had previously voted Tory, as well as rapid growth in the Greater Toronto Area. They were also able to take advantage of massive vote splitting between the Tories and Reform/Alliance in rural areas of the province that had traditionally formed the backbone of provincial Tory governments. Combined with their historic dominance of Metro Toronto and northern Ontario, the Liberals dominated the province's federal politics even as the Tories won landslide majorities at the provincial level. In 1993, for example, the Liberals won all but one seat in Ontario, and came within 123 votes in Simcoe Centre of pulling off the first clean sweep of Canada's most populated province. They were able to retain their position as the largest party in the House by winning all but two seats in Ontario in the 1997 election. The Liberals were assured of at least a minority government once the Ontario results came in, but it was not clear until later in the night that they would retain their majority. In 2000, the Liberals won all but three seats in Ontario.While the Chrétien Liberals campaigned from the left, their time in power is most marked by the cuts made to many social programs, including health transfers, in order to balance the federal budget. Chrétien had supported the Charlottetown Accord while in opposition, but in power opposed major concessions to Quebec and other provincialist factions. In contrast to their promises during the 1993 campaign, they implemented only minor changes to NAFTA, embraced the free trade concept and—with the exception of the replacement of the GST with the Harmonized Sales Tax in some Atlantic provinces—broke their promise to replace the GST.After a proposal for Quebec independence was narrowly defeated in the 1995 Quebec referendum, the Liberals passed the "Clarity Act", which outlines the federal government's preconditions for negotiating provincial independence. In Chrétien's final days, he supported same-sex marriage and decriminalizing the possession of small quantities of marijuana. Chrétien displeased the United States government when he pledged on March 17, 2003, that Canada would not support the 2003 invasion of Iraq. A poll released shortly after showed widespread approval of Chrétien's decision by the Canadian public. The poll, which was conducted by EKOS for the "Toronto Star" and "La Presse", found 71 percent of those questioned approved of the government's decision to not enter the United States-led invasion, with 27 percent expressing disapproval.Several trends started in 2003 which suggested the end of the Liberal Party's political dominance. Notably, there would be a high turnover of permanent party leaders, in contrast to their predecessors who usually served over two or more elections, particularly Trudeau and Chrétien who each led for over a decade. The Liberals were also hampered by their inability to raise campaign money competitively after Chrétien passed a bill in 2003 which banned corporate donations, even though the Liberals had enjoyed by far the lion's share of this funding because of the then-divided opposition parties. It has been suggested that Chrétien, who had done nothing about election financing for his 10 years in office, could be seen as the idealist as he retired, while his rival and successor Paul Martin would have the burden of having to fight an election under the strict new rules. Simon Fraser University professor Doug McArthur has noted that Martin's leadership campaign used aggressive tactics for the 2003 leadership convention, in attempting to end the contest before it could start by giving the impression that his bid was too strong for any other candidate to beat. McArthur blamed Martin's tactics for the ongoing sag in Liberal fortunes, as it discouraged activists who were not on side.Paul Martin succeeded Chrétien as party leader and prime minister in 2003. Despite the personal rivalry between the two, Martin was the architect of the Liberals' economic policies as Minister of Finance during the 1990s. Chrétien left office with a high approval rating and Martin was expected to make inroads into Quebec and Western Canada, two regions of Canada where the Liberals had not attracted much support since the 1980s and 1990s, respectively. While his cabinet choices provoked some controversy over excluding many Chrétien supporters, it at first did little to hurt his popularity.However, the political situation changed with the revelation of the sponsorship scandal, in which advertising agencies supporting the Liberal Party received grossly inflated commissions for their services. Having faced a divided conservative opposition for the past three elections, Liberals were seriously challenged by competition from the newly united Conservative Party led by Stephen Harper. The infighting between Martin and Chrétien's supporters also dogged the party. Nonetheless, by criticizing the Conservatives' social policies, the Liberals were able to draw progressive votes from the NDP which made the difference in several close races. On June 28, 2004 federal election, the Martin Liberals retained enough support to continue as the government, though they were reduced to a minority.In the ensuing months, testimony from the Gomery Commission caused public opinion to turn sharply against the Liberals for the first time in over a decade. Despite the devastating revelations, only two Liberal MPs—David Kilgour (who had crossed the floor from the PC Party in 1990) and Pat O'Brien—left the party for reasons other than the scandal. Belinda Stronach, who crossed the floor from the Conservatives to the Liberals, gave Martin the number of votes needed, although barely, to hold onto power when an NDP-sponsored amendment to his budget was passed only by the Speaker's tiebreaking vote on May 19, 2005.In November, the Liberals dropped in polls following the release of the first Gomery Report. Nonetheless, Martin turned down the NDP's conditions for continued support, as well as rejected an opposition proposal which would schedule a February 2006 election in return for passing several pieces of legislation. The Liberals thus lost the no-confidence vote on November 28; Martin thus became only the fifth prime minister to lose the confidence of the House, but the first to lose on a straight no-confidence motion. Because of the Christmas holiday, Martin advised Governor General Michaëlle Jean to dissolve Parliament and call an election for January 2006.The Liberal campaign was dogged from start to finish by the sponsorship scandal, which was brought up by a Royal Canadian Mounted Police (RCMP) criminal investigation into the leak of the income trust announcement. Numerous gaffes, contrasting with a smoothly run Conservative campaign, put Liberals as many as ten points behind the Conservatives in opinion polling. They managed to recover some of their momentum by election night, but not enough to retain power. They won 103 seats, a net loss of 30 from when the writs were dropped, losing a similar number of seats in Ontario and Quebec to the Tories. However, the Liberals managed to capture the most seats in Ontario for the fifth straight election (54 to the Tories' 40), holding the Conservatives to a minority government. While the Conservatives captured many of Ontario's rural ridings, the Liberals retained most of the population-rich Greater Toronto Area. Many of these ridings, particularly the 905 region, had historically been bellwethers (the Liberals were nearly shut out of this region in 1979 and 1984), but demographic changes have resulted in high Liberal returns in recent years.Martin resigned as parliamentary leader after the election and stepped down as Liberal leader on March 18, having previously promised to step down if he did not win a plurality.On May 11, 2006, "La Presse" reported that the Government of Canada would file a lawsuit against the Liberal Party to recover all the money missing in the sponsorship program. Scott Brison told reporters that same day that the Liberals has already paid back the $1.14 million into the public purse; however, the Conservatives believed that there was as much as $40 million unaccounted for in the sponsorship program.After their election defeat Martin chose not to take on the office of Leader of the Opposition. He stepped down as parliamentary leader of his party on February 1, and the Liberal caucus appointed Bill Graham, MP for Toronto Centre and outgoing Defence Minister, as his interim successor. Martin officially resigned as leader in March, with Graham taking over on an interim basis.The leadership election was set for December 2, 2006, in Montreal; however, a number of prominent members such as John Manley, Frank McKenna, Brian Tobin, and Allan Rock had already announced they would not enter the race to succeed Martin. Throughout the campaign 12 candidates came forward to lead the party, but by the time of the leadership convention only eight people remained in the race; Martha Hall Findlay, Stéphane Dion, Michael Ignatieff, Gerard Kennedy, Bob Rae, Scott Brison, Ken Dryden, Joe Volpe.Throughout the campaign Ignatieff, Rae, Dion and Kennedy were considered to be the only candidates with enough support to be able to win the leadership, with Ignatieff and Rae being considered the two front-runners. However polling showed Ignatieff had little room to grow his support, while Dion was the second and third choice among a plurality of delegates. At the leadership convention Ignatieff came out on top on the first ballot with 29.3 percent, With Kennedy's support Dion was able to leapfrog both Rae and Ignatieff on the third ballot, eliminating Rae. On the fourth and final ballot Dion defeated Ignatieff to become leader of the Liberal Party.Following the leadership race the Liberal Party saw a bounce in support and surpassed the Conservative Party as the most popular party in Canada. However, in the months and years to come the party's support gradually fell. Dion's own popularity lagged considerably behind that of Prime Minister Harper's, and he often trailed NDP leader Jack Layton in opinion polls when Canadians were asked who would make the best Prime Minister.Dion campaigned on environmental sustainability during the leadership race, and created the "Green Shift" plan following his election as leader. The Green Shift proposed creating a carbon tax that would be coupled with reductions to income tax rates. The proposal was to tax greenhouse gas emissions, starting at $10 per tonne of CO2 and reaching $40 per tonne within four years. The plan was a key policy for the party in the 2008 federal election, but it was not well received and was continuously attacked by both the Conservatives and NDP. On election night the Liberal Party won 26.26 percent of the popular vote and 77 of the 308 seats in the House of Commons. At that time their popular support was the lowest in the party's history, and weeks later Dion announced he would step down as Liberal leader once his successor was chosen.New Brunswick Member of Parliament Dominic LeBlanc was the first candidate to announce he would seek the leadership of the Liberal Party on October 27, 2008. Days later Bob Rae, who had finished third in 2006, announced he would also be a candidate for the leadership. The party executive met in early November and chose May 2, 2009, as the date to elect the next leader. On November 13 Michael Ignatieff, who finished second in 2006, announced he would also be a candidate.On November 27, 2008, Minister of Finance Jim Flaherty provided the House of Commons with a fiscal update, within which were plans to cut government spending, suspend the ability of civil servants to strike until 2011, sell off some Crown assets to raise capital, and eliminate the existing $1.95 per vote subsidy parties garner in an election. The opposition parties criticized the fiscal update, and announced they would not support it because it contained no stimulus money to spur Canada's economy and protect workers during the economic crisis. With the Conservative Party only holding a minority of the seats in the House of Commons the government would be defeated if the opposition parties voted against the fiscal update. With the Conservatives unwilling to budge on the proposals outlined in the fiscal update the Liberals and NDP signed an agreement to form a coalition government, with a written pledge of support from the Bloc Québécois. Under the terms of the agreement Dion would be sworn in as Prime Minister, however he would only serve in the position until the next Liberal leader was chosen. Dion contacted Governor General Michaëlle Jean and advised her that he had the confidence of the House of Commons if Prime Minister Harper's government was to fall. However, before the fiscal update could be voted on in the House of Commons Prime Minister Harper requested the Governor General to prorogue parliament till January 26, 2009, which she accepted.While polls showed Canadians were split on the idea of having either a coalition government or having the Conservatives continue to govern, it was clear that because of Dion's personal popularity they were not comfortable with him becoming Prime Minister. Members of the Liberal Party therefore called on Dion to resign as leader immediately and for an interim leader to be chosen, this person would become the Prime Minister in the event that the Conservatives were defeated when parliament resumed in January. With an estimated 70 percent of the Liberal caucus wanting Ignatieff to be named interim leader, Dion resigned the post on December 8, 2008 (effective December 10, upon Ignatieff's becoming interim leader). LeBlanc announced on the same day that he was abandoning the Liberal leadership race and endorsing Ignatieff as the next leader. The following day Rae announced he was also dropping out of the race and was placing his "full and unqualified" support to Ignatieff.With Ignatieff named interim leader of the party (on December 10), the Liberal's poll numbers saw significant gains, after they plummeted with the signing of the coalition agreement. When parliament resumed on January 28, 2009, the Ignatieff Liberals agreed to support the budget as long as it included regular accountability reports, which the Conservatives accepted. This ended the possibility of the coalition government with the New Democrats.Throughout the Winter of 2008–09, opinion polls showed that while the Ignatieff led Liberals still trailed the Conservatives their support had stabilized in the low 30 percent range. However, by the time Ignatieff was confirmed as party leader on May 2, 2009, the Liberal Party had a comfortable lead over the governing Conservatives. After a summer where he was accused of being missing in action, Ignatieff announced on August 31, 2009, that the Liberals would not support the minority Conservative government. After this announcement the Liberal Party's poll numbers, which had already declined over the summer, started to fall further behind the Conservatives. On October 1, 2009, the Liberals put forth a non-confidence motion with the hope of defeating the government. However, the NDP abstained from voting and the Conservatives survived the confidence motion.The Liberal Party's attempt to force an election, just a year after the previous one, was reported as a miscalculation, as polls showed that most Canadians did not want another election. Even after the government survived the confidence motion popularity for Ignatieff and his party continued to fall. Over the next year and a half, with the exception of a brief period in early 2010, support for the Liberals remained below 30 percent, and behind the Conservatives. While his predecessor Dion was criticized by the Conservatives as a "weak leader", Ignatieff was attacked as a "political opportunist".On March 25, 2011, Ignatieff introduced a motion of non-confidence against the Harper government to attempt to force a May 2011, federal election after the government was found to be in Contempt of Parliament, the first such occurrence in Commonwealth history. The House of Commons passed the motion by 156–145.The Liberals had considerable momentum when the writ was dropped, and Ignatieff successfully squeezed NDP leader Jack Layton out of media attention, by issuing challenges to Harper for one-on-one debates. In the first couple weeks of the campaign, Ignatieff kept his party in second place in the polls, and his personal ratings exceeded that of Layton for the first time. However, opponents frequently criticized Ignatieff's perceived political opportunism, particularly during the leaders debates when Layton criticized Ignatieff for having a poor attendance record for Commons votes saying "You know, most Canadians, if they don't show up for work, they don't get a promotion". Ignatieff failed to defend himself against these charges, and the debates were said to be a turning point for his party's campaign. Near the end of the campaign, a late surge in support for Layton and the NDP relegated Ignatieff and the Liberals to third in opinion polls.The Liberals suffered their worst defeat in history in the May 2, 2011, federal election. The result was a third-place finish, with only 19 percent of the vote and returning 34 seats in the House of Commons. Notably, their support in Toronto and Montreal, their power bases for the last two decades, all but vanished. All told, the Liberals won only 11 seats in Ontario (seven of which were in Toronto) and seven in Quebec (all in Montreal)—their fewest totals in either province. Newfoundland and Labrador was the only province with majority Liberal seats at 4 out of 7. They also won only four seats west of Ontario. The Conservatives won 40 percent of the vote and formed a majority government, while the NDP formed the Official Opposition winning 31 percent of the vote.This election marked the first time the Liberals were unable to form either government or the official opposition. Ignatieff was defeated in his own riding, and announced his resignation as Liberal leader shortly after. Bob Rae was chosen as the interim leader on May 25, 2011.On April 14, 2013 Justin Trudeau, son of former Prime Minister Pierre Trudeau, was elected leader of the Liberal Party on the first ballot, winning 80% of the vote. Following his win, support for the Liberal Party increased considerably, and the party moved into first place in public opinion polls.An initial surge in support in the polls following Trudeau's election wore off in the following year, in the face of Conservative ad campaign after Trudeau's win attempting to "[paint] him as a silly dilettante unfit for public office."In 2014, Trudeau removed all Liberal senators from the Liberal Party caucus. In announcing this, Trudeau said the purpose of the unelected upper chamber is to act as a check on the power of the prime minister, but the party structure interferes with that purpose. Following this move, Liberal senators chose to keep the designation "Liberal" and sit together as a caucus, albeit not one supported by the Liberal Party of Canada. This independent group continued to refer to itself in publications as the Senate Liberal Caucus until 2019.By the time the 2015 federal election was called, the Liberals had been knocked back into third place. Trudeau and his advisors planned to mount a campaign based on economic stimulus in the hopes of regaining the mantle of being the party that best represented change from the New Democrats.Justin Trudeau's Liberals would win the 2015 election in dramatic fashion: becoming the first party to win a parliamentary majority after being reduced to third party status in a previous general election, besting Brian Mulroney's record for the largest seat increase by a party in a single election (111 in 1984), and winning the most seats in Quebec for the first time since 1980. Chantal Hébert deemed the result "a Liberal comeback that is headed straight for the history books", while Bloomberg's Josh Wingrove and Theophilos Argitis similarly described it as "capping the biggest political comeback in the country’s history."Scholars and political experts have recently used a political realignment model to explain what was considered a collapse of a dominant party, and put its condition in long-term perspective. According to recent scholarship, there have been four party systems in Canada at the federal level since Confederation, each with its own distinctive pattern of social support, patronage relationships, leadership styles, and electoral strategies. Steve Patten identifies four party systems in Canada's political history:Stephen Clarkson (2005) shows how the Liberal Party has dominated all the party systems, using different approaches. It began with a "clientelistic approach" under Laurier, which evolved into a "brokerage" system of the 1920s, 1930s and 1940s under Mackenzie King. The 1950s saw the emergence of a "pan-Canadian system", which lasted until the 1990s. The 1993 election – categorized by Clarkson as an electoral "earthquake" which "fragmented" the party system, saw the emergence of regional politics within a four party-system, whereby various groups championed regional issues and concerns. Clarkson concludes that the inherent bias built into the first-past-the-post system, has chiefly benefited the Liberals.Pundits in the wake of the 2011 election widely believed in a theme of major realignment. Lawrence Martin, commentator for "The Globe and Mail", claimed that "Harper has completed a remarkable reconstruction of a Canadian political landscape that endured for more than a century. The realignment sees both old parties of the moderate middle, the Progressive Conservatives and the Liberals, either eliminated or marginalized." "Maclean's" said that the election marked "an unprecedented realignment of Canadian politics" as "the Conservatives are now in a position to replace the Liberals as the natural governing party in Canada"; Andrew Coyne proclaimed "The West is in and Ontario has joined it," noting that the Conservatives accomplished the rare feat of putting together a majority by winning in both Ontario and the western provinces (difficult because of traditionally conflicting interests), while having little representation in Quebec. Books such as "The Big Shift" by John Ibbitson and Darrell Bricker, and Peter C. Newman's "When the Gods Changed: The Death of Liberal Canada", provocatively asserted that the Liberals had become an "endangered species" and that an NDP-led opposition would mean that "fortune favours the Harper government" in subsequent campaigns.The Liberal victory in 2015, leaving Alberta and Saskatchewan as the only provinces represented by a majority of Conservative MPs, has now challenged that narrative.The principles of the party are based on liberalism as defined by various liberal theorists and include individual freedom for present and future generations, responsibility, human dignity, a just society, political freedom, religious freedom, national unity, equality of opportunity, cultural diversity, bilingualism, and multilateralism. In the present times, the Liberal party has favoured a variety of "big tent" policies from both right and left of the political spectrum. When it formed the government from 1993 to 2006, it championed balanced budgets, and eliminated the budget deficit completely from the federal budget in 1995 by reducing spending on social programs or delegating them to the provinces, and promised to replace the Goods and Services Tax in the party's famous Red Book. It also legalized same-sex marriage.During the 2015 election, the Liberal party's proposed policies included:Each province and one territory in Canada has its own Liberal Party. However, only those in New Brunswick, Newfoundland and Labrador, Nova Scotia, and Prince Edward Island are politically and organizationally affiliated with the federal Liberal Party. While other provincial Liberal parties may align ideologically with the federal party, they operate as completely separate entities. Those provincial parties have separate policies, finances, memberships, constituency associations, executives, conventions and offices.To date, only seven Liberal leaders never served as Prime Minister, three of whom were interim leaders. | [
"Wilfrid Laurier",
"Stéphane Dion",
"Bob Rae",
"Paul Martin",
"William Lyon Mackenzie King",
"Daniel Duncan McKenzie",
"Jean Chrétien",
"Louis St. Laurent",
"Pierre Trudeau",
"John Turner",
"Alexander Mackenzie",
"Edward Blake",
"Justin Trudeau",
"Bill Graham",
"Michael Ignatieff"
] |
|
Where was Joëlle Elvinger educated in Sep, 2003? | September 29, 2003 | {
"text": [
"Queen Mary University of London"
]
} | L2_Q16439127_P69_2 | Joëlle Elvinger attended Paul Cézanne University from Jan, 1999 to Jan, 2003.
Joëlle Elvinger attended Lycée de garçons Luxembourg from Jan, 1992 to Jan, 1999.
Joëlle Elvinger attended Queen Mary University of London from Jan, 2003 to Jan, 2004. | Joëlle ElvingerJoëlle Elvinger, (born January 6, 1980) is a lawyer and politician from Luxembourg. A member of the Democratic Party, she served in the Chamber of Deputies from 2013 to 2019. .Joëlle Elvinger was born in Luxembourg City to René Elvinger, an industrialist and president of Cebi International. Today, Joelle sits on the board of directors for Cebi International. Politically, her father was involved with the Democratic Party's youth wing and her uncle sits on the Communal Council for Walferdange.Elvinger received her master's degree in business law from Paul Cézanne University in Marseille and a "Master of Laws" at Queen Mary University of London.Elvinger first ran in the 2005 communal elections and was elected to the Communal Council of Walferdange, where she became échevin in 2011. On January 18, 2016, she was sworn in as mayor of the commune, a position she held until November 30, 2017.Following the 2013 Luxembourg general election and the appointment of Corinne Cahen to the Xavier Bettel government, Elvinger entered the Chamber of Deputies for the Centre constituency as a member of the Democratic Party. Notably, she was a member of the Budget and Finance Committee, the Labor, Work and Social Security Committee and served as rapporteur for the 2018 Budget.In November 2019, Elvinger was elected to replace Henri Grethen in the European Court of Auditors, taking her seat on January 1, 2020. Her position in the Chamber of Deputies was filled by Claude Lamberty and her communal seat was filled by Gallinaro. | [
"Paul Cézanne University",
"Lycée de garçons Luxembourg"
] |
|
Where was Joëlle Elvinger educated in 2003-09-29? | September 29, 2003 | {
"text": [
"Queen Mary University of London"
]
} | L2_Q16439127_P69_2 | Joëlle Elvinger attended Paul Cézanne University from Jan, 1999 to Jan, 2003.
Joëlle Elvinger attended Lycée de garçons Luxembourg from Jan, 1992 to Jan, 1999.
Joëlle Elvinger attended Queen Mary University of London from Jan, 2003 to Jan, 2004. | Joëlle ElvingerJoëlle Elvinger, (born January 6, 1980) is a lawyer and politician from Luxembourg. A member of the Democratic Party, she served in the Chamber of Deputies from 2013 to 2019. .Joëlle Elvinger was born in Luxembourg City to René Elvinger, an industrialist and president of Cebi International. Today, Joelle sits on the board of directors for Cebi International. Politically, her father was involved with the Democratic Party's youth wing and her uncle sits on the Communal Council for Walferdange.Elvinger received her master's degree in business law from Paul Cézanne University in Marseille and a "Master of Laws" at Queen Mary University of London.Elvinger first ran in the 2005 communal elections and was elected to the Communal Council of Walferdange, where she became échevin in 2011. On January 18, 2016, she was sworn in as mayor of the commune, a position she held until November 30, 2017.Following the 2013 Luxembourg general election and the appointment of Corinne Cahen to the Xavier Bettel government, Elvinger entered the Chamber of Deputies for the Centre constituency as a member of the Democratic Party. Notably, she was a member of the Budget and Finance Committee, the Labor, Work and Social Security Committee and served as rapporteur for the 2018 Budget.In November 2019, Elvinger was elected to replace Henri Grethen in the European Court of Auditors, taking her seat on January 1, 2020. Her position in the Chamber of Deputies was filled by Claude Lamberty and her communal seat was filled by Gallinaro. | [
"Paul Cézanne University",
"Lycée de garçons Luxembourg"
] |
|
Where was Joëlle Elvinger educated in 29/09/2003? | September 29, 2003 | {
"text": [
"Queen Mary University of London"
]
} | L2_Q16439127_P69_2 | Joëlle Elvinger attended Paul Cézanne University from Jan, 1999 to Jan, 2003.
Joëlle Elvinger attended Lycée de garçons Luxembourg from Jan, 1992 to Jan, 1999.
Joëlle Elvinger attended Queen Mary University of London from Jan, 2003 to Jan, 2004. | Joëlle ElvingerJoëlle Elvinger, (born January 6, 1980) is a lawyer and politician from Luxembourg. A member of the Democratic Party, she served in the Chamber of Deputies from 2013 to 2019. .Joëlle Elvinger was born in Luxembourg City to René Elvinger, an industrialist and president of Cebi International. Today, Joelle sits on the board of directors for Cebi International. Politically, her father was involved with the Democratic Party's youth wing and her uncle sits on the Communal Council for Walferdange.Elvinger received her master's degree in business law from Paul Cézanne University in Marseille and a "Master of Laws" at Queen Mary University of London.Elvinger first ran in the 2005 communal elections and was elected to the Communal Council of Walferdange, where she became échevin in 2011. On January 18, 2016, she was sworn in as mayor of the commune, a position she held until November 30, 2017.Following the 2013 Luxembourg general election and the appointment of Corinne Cahen to the Xavier Bettel government, Elvinger entered the Chamber of Deputies for the Centre constituency as a member of the Democratic Party. Notably, she was a member of the Budget and Finance Committee, the Labor, Work and Social Security Committee and served as rapporteur for the 2018 Budget.In November 2019, Elvinger was elected to replace Henri Grethen in the European Court of Auditors, taking her seat on January 1, 2020. Her position in the Chamber of Deputies was filled by Claude Lamberty and her communal seat was filled by Gallinaro. | [
"Paul Cézanne University",
"Lycée de garçons Luxembourg"
] |
|
Where was Joëlle Elvinger educated in Sep 29, 2003? | September 29, 2003 | {
"text": [
"Queen Mary University of London"
]
} | L2_Q16439127_P69_2 | Joëlle Elvinger attended Paul Cézanne University from Jan, 1999 to Jan, 2003.
Joëlle Elvinger attended Lycée de garçons Luxembourg from Jan, 1992 to Jan, 1999.
Joëlle Elvinger attended Queen Mary University of London from Jan, 2003 to Jan, 2004. | Joëlle ElvingerJoëlle Elvinger, (born January 6, 1980) is a lawyer and politician from Luxembourg. A member of the Democratic Party, she served in the Chamber of Deputies from 2013 to 2019. .Joëlle Elvinger was born in Luxembourg City to René Elvinger, an industrialist and president of Cebi International. Today, Joelle sits on the board of directors for Cebi International. Politically, her father was involved with the Democratic Party's youth wing and her uncle sits on the Communal Council for Walferdange.Elvinger received her master's degree in business law from Paul Cézanne University in Marseille and a "Master of Laws" at Queen Mary University of London.Elvinger first ran in the 2005 communal elections and was elected to the Communal Council of Walferdange, where she became échevin in 2011. On January 18, 2016, she was sworn in as mayor of the commune, a position she held until November 30, 2017.Following the 2013 Luxembourg general election and the appointment of Corinne Cahen to the Xavier Bettel government, Elvinger entered the Chamber of Deputies for the Centre constituency as a member of the Democratic Party. Notably, she was a member of the Budget and Finance Committee, the Labor, Work and Social Security Committee and served as rapporteur for the 2018 Budget.In November 2019, Elvinger was elected to replace Henri Grethen in the European Court of Auditors, taking her seat on January 1, 2020. Her position in the Chamber of Deputies was filled by Claude Lamberty and her communal seat was filled by Gallinaro. | [
"Paul Cézanne University",
"Lycée de garçons Luxembourg"
] |
|
Where was Joëlle Elvinger educated in 09/29/2003? | September 29, 2003 | {
"text": [
"Queen Mary University of London"
]
} | L2_Q16439127_P69_2 | Joëlle Elvinger attended Paul Cézanne University from Jan, 1999 to Jan, 2003.
Joëlle Elvinger attended Lycée de garçons Luxembourg from Jan, 1992 to Jan, 1999.
Joëlle Elvinger attended Queen Mary University of London from Jan, 2003 to Jan, 2004. | Joëlle ElvingerJoëlle Elvinger, (born January 6, 1980) is a lawyer and politician from Luxembourg. A member of the Democratic Party, she served in the Chamber of Deputies from 2013 to 2019. .Joëlle Elvinger was born in Luxembourg City to René Elvinger, an industrialist and president of Cebi International. Today, Joelle sits on the board of directors for Cebi International. Politically, her father was involved with the Democratic Party's youth wing and her uncle sits on the Communal Council for Walferdange.Elvinger received her master's degree in business law from Paul Cézanne University in Marseille and a "Master of Laws" at Queen Mary University of London.Elvinger first ran in the 2005 communal elections and was elected to the Communal Council of Walferdange, where she became échevin in 2011. On January 18, 2016, she was sworn in as mayor of the commune, a position she held until November 30, 2017.Following the 2013 Luxembourg general election and the appointment of Corinne Cahen to the Xavier Bettel government, Elvinger entered the Chamber of Deputies for the Centre constituency as a member of the Democratic Party. Notably, she was a member of the Budget and Finance Committee, the Labor, Work and Social Security Committee and served as rapporteur for the 2018 Budget.In November 2019, Elvinger was elected to replace Henri Grethen in the European Court of Auditors, taking her seat on January 1, 2020. Her position in the Chamber of Deputies was filled by Claude Lamberty and her communal seat was filled by Gallinaro. | [
"Paul Cézanne University",
"Lycée de garçons Luxembourg"
] |
|
Where was Joëlle Elvinger educated in 29-Sep-200329-September-2003? | September 29, 2003 | {
"text": [
"Queen Mary University of London"
]
} | L2_Q16439127_P69_2 | Joëlle Elvinger attended Paul Cézanne University from Jan, 1999 to Jan, 2003.
Joëlle Elvinger attended Lycée de garçons Luxembourg from Jan, 1992 to Jan, 1999.
Joëlle Elvinger attended Queen Mary University of London from Jan, 2003 to Jan, 2004. | Joëlle ElvingerJoëlle Elvinger, (born January 6, 1980) is a lawyer and politician from Luxembourg. A member of the Democratic Party, she served in the Chamber of Deputies from 2013 to 2019. .Joëlle Elvinger was born in Luxembourg City to René Elvinger, an industrialist and president of Cebi International. Today, Joelle sits on the board of directors for Cebi International. Politically, her father was involved with the Democratic Party's youth wing and her uncle sits on the Communal Council for Walferdange.Elvinger received her master's degree in business law from Paul Cézanne University in Marseille and a "Master of Laws" at Queen Mary University of London.Elvinger first ran in the 2005 communal elections and was elected to the Communal Council of Walferdange, where she became échevin in 2011. On January 18, 2016, she was sworn in as mayor of the commune, a position she held until November 30, 2017.Following the 2013 Luxembourg general election and the appointment of Corinne Cahen to the Xavier Bettel government, Elvinger entered the Chamber of Deputies for the Centre constituency as a member of the Democratic Party. Notably, she was a member of the Budget and Finance Committee, the Labor, Work and Social Security Committee and served as rapporteur for the 2018 Budget.In November 2019, Elvinger was elected to replace Henri Grethen in the European Court of Auditors, taking her seat on January 1, 2020. Her position in the Chamber of Deputies was filled by Claude Lamberty and her communal seat was filled by Gallinaro. | [
"Paul Cézanne University",
"Lycée de garçons Luxembourg"
] |
|
Where was Suzana Herculano-Houzel educated in Aug, 1993? | August 03, 1993 | {
"text": [
"Case Western Reserve University"
]
} | L2_Q10375239_P69_1 | Suzana Herculano-Houzel attended Case Western Reserve University from Aug, 1992 to Mar, 1995.
Suzana Herculano-Houzel attended Pierre and Marie Curie University from Aug, 1995 to Jan, 1999.
Suzana Herculano-Houzel attended Federal University of Rio de Janeiro from Mar, 1989 to Mar, 1992. | Suzana Herculano-HouzelSuzana Herculano-Houzel (born 1972) is a Brazilian neuroscientist. Her main field of work is comparative neuroanatomy; her findings include a method of counting of neurons of human and other animals' brains and the relation between the cerebral cortex area and thickness and number of cortical folds .Suzana Herculano-Houzel was born in 1972 in Rio de Janeiro. She graduated in biology at the Federal University of Rio de Janeiro (1992), took a master's degree at Case Western Reserve (1995), and a doctorate in neuroscience at Paris VI University (1999). She was also a post-doctoral fellow at Max Planck Institute for Brain Research (1999).Herculano-Houzel was a faculty member at the Federal University of Rio de Janeiro from 2002 to May 2016, when she moved to Vanderbilt University.She published books on popularization of science and writes columns for Folha de S.Paulo newspaper and Scientific American Brazil magazine. She was the first Brazilian speaker on TED Global in 2013.She won the José Reis Prize of Science Communication in 2004. | [
"Pierre and Marie Curie University",
"Federal University of Rio de Janeiro"
] |
|
Where was Suzana Herculano-Houzel educated in 1993-08-03? | August 03, 1993 | {
"text": [
"Case Western Reserve University"
]
} | L2_Q10375239_P69_1 | Suzana Herculano-Houzel attended Case Western Reserve University from Aug, 1992 to Mar, 1995.
Suzana Herculano-Houzel attended Pierre and Marie Curie University from Aug, 1995 to Jan, 1999.
Suzana Herculano-Houzel attended Federal University of Rio de Janeiro from Mar, 1989 to Mar, 1992. | Suzana Herculano-HouzelSuzana Herculano-Houzel (born 1972) is a Brazilian neuroscientist. Her main field of work is comparative neuroanatomy; her findings include a method of counting of neurons of human and other animals' brains and the relation between the cerebral cortex area and thickness and number of cortical folds .Suzana Herculano-Houzel was born in 1972 in Rio de Janeiro. She graduated in biology at the Federal University of Rio de Janeiro (1992), took a master's degree at Case Western Reserve (1995), and a doctorate in neuroscience at Paris VI University (1999). She was also a post-doctoral fellow at Max Planck Institute for Brain Research (1999).Herculano-Houzel was a faculty member at the Federal University of Rio de Janeiro from 2002 to May 2016, when she moved to Vanderbilt University.She published books on popularization of science and writes columns for Folha de S.Paulo newspaper and Scientific American Brazil magazine. She was the first Brazilian speaker on TED Global in 2013.She won the José Reis Prize of Science Communication in 2004. | [
"Pierre and Marie Curie University",
"Federal University of Rio de Janeiro"
] |
|
Where was Suzana Herculano-Houzel educated in 03/08/1993? | August 03, 1993 | {
"text": [
"Case Western Reserve University"
]
} | L2_Q10375239_P69_1 | Suzana Herculano-Houzel attended Case Western Reserve University from Aug, 1992 to Mar, 1995.
Suzana Herculano-Houzel attended Pierre and Marie Curie University from Aug, 1995 to Jan, 1999.
Suzana Herculano-Houzel attended Federal University of Rio de Janeiro from Mar, 1989 to Mar, 1992. | Suzana Herculano-HouzelSuzana Herculano-Houzel (born 1972) is a Brazilian neuroscientist. Her main field of work is comparative neuroanatomy; her findings include a method of counting of neurons of human and other animals' brains and the relation between the cerebral cortex area and thickness and number of cortical folds .Suzana Herculano-Houzel was born in 1972 in Rio de Janeiro. She graduated in biology at the Federal University of Rio de Janeiro (1992), took a master's degree at Case Western Reserve (1995), and a doctorate in neuroscience at Paris VI University (1999). She was also a post-doctoral fellow at Max Planck Institute for Brain Research (1999).Herculano-Houzel was a faculty member at the Federal University of Rio de Janeiro from 2002 to May 2016, when she moved to Vanderbilt University.She published books on popularization of science and writes columns for Folha de S.Paulo newspaper and Scientific American Brazil magazine. She was the first Brazilian speaker on TED Global in 2013.She won the José Reis Prize of Science Communication in 2004. | [
"Pierre and Marie Curie University",
"Federal University of Rio de Janeiro"
] |
|
Where was Suzana Herculano-Houzel educated in Aug 03, 1993? | August 03, 1993 | {
"text": [
"Case Western Reserve University"
]
} | L2_Q10375239_P69_1 | Suzana Herculano-Houzel attended Case Western Reserve University from Aug, 1992 to Mar, 1995.
Suzana Herculano-Houzel attended Pierre and Marie Curie University from Aug, 1995 to Jan, 1999.
Suzana Herculano-Houzel attended Federal University of Rio de Janeiro from Mar, 1989 to Mar, 1992. | Suzana Herculano-HouzelSuzana Herculano-Houzel (born 1972) is a Brazilian neuroscientist. Her main field of work is comparative neuroanatomy; her findings include a method of counting of neurons of human and other animals' brains and the relation between the cerebral cortex area and thickness and number of cortical folds .Suzana Herculano-Houzel was born in 1972 in Rio de Janeiro. She graduated in biology at the Federal University of Rio de Janeiro (1992), took a master's degree at Case Western Reserve (1995), and a doctorate in neuroscience at Paris VI University (1999). She was also a post-doctoral fellow at Max Planck Institute for Brain Research (1999).Herculano-Houzel was a faculty member at the Federal University of Rio de Janeiro from 2002 to May 2016, when she moved to Vanderbilt University.She published books on popularization of science and writes columns for Folha de S.Paulo newspaper and Scientific American Brazil magazine. She was the first Brazilian speaker on TED Global in 2013.She won the José Reis Prize of Science Communication in 2004. | [
"Pierre and Marie Curie University",
"Federal University of Rio de Janeiro"
] |
|
Where was Suzana Herculano-Houzel educated in 08/03/1993? | August 03, 1993 | {
"text": [
"Case Western Reserve University"
]
} | L2_Q10375239_P69_1 | Suzana Herculano-Houzel attended Case Western Reserve University from Aug, 1992 to Mar, 1995.
Suzana Herculano-Houzel attended Pierre and Marie Curie University from Aug, 1995 to Jan, 1999.
Suzana Herculano-Houzel attended Federal University of Rio de Janeiro from Mar, 1989 to Mar, 1992. | Suzana Herculano-HouzelSuzana Herculano-Houzel (born 1972) is a Brazilian neuroscientist. Her main field of work is comparative neuroanatomy; her findings include a method of counting of neurons of human and other animals' brains and the relation between the cerebral cortex area and thickness and number of cortical folds .Suzana Herculano-Houzel was born in 1972 in Rio de Janeiro. She graduated in biology at the Federal University of Rio de Janeiro (1992), took a master's degree at Case Western Reserve (1995), and a doctorate in neuroscience at Paris VI University (1999). She was also a post-doctoral fellow at Max Planck Institute for Brain Research (1999).Herculano-Houzel was a faculty member at the Federal University of Rio de Janeiro from 2002 to May 2016, when she moved to Vanderbilt University.She published books on popularization of science and writes columns for Folha de S.Paulo newspaper and Scientific American Brazil magazine. She was the first Brazilian speaker on TED Global in 2013.She won the José Reis Prize of Science Communication in 2004. | [
"Pierre and Marie Curie University",
"Federal University of Rio de Janeiro"
] |
|
Where was Suzana Herculano-Houzel educated in 03-Aug-199303-August-1993? | August 03, 1993 | {
"text": [
"Case Western Reserve University"
]
} | L2_Q10375239_P69_1 | Suzana Herculano-Houzel attended Case Western Reserve University from Aug, 1992 to Mar, 1995.
Suzana Herculano-Houzel attended Pierre and Marie Curie University from Aug, 1995 to Jan, 1999.
Suzana Herculano-Houzel attended Federal University of Rio de Janeiro from Mar, 1989 to Mar, 1992. | Suzana Herculano-HouzelSuzana Herculano-Houzel (born 1972) is a Brazilian neuroscientist. Her main field of work is comparative neuroanatomy; her findings include a method of counting of neurons of human and other animals' brains and the relation between the cerebral cortex area and thickness and number of cortical folds .Suzana Herculano-Houzel was born in 1972 in Rio de Janeiro. She graduated in biology at the Federal University of Rio de Janeiro (1992), took a master's degree at Case Western Reserve (1995), and a doctorate in neuroscience at Paris VI University (1999). She was also a post-doctoral fellow at Max Planck Institute for Brain Research (1999).Herculano-Houzel was a faculty member at the Federal University of Rio de Janeiro from 2002 to May 2016, when she moved to Vanderbilt University.She published books on popularization of science and writes columns for Folha de S.Paulo newspaper and Scientific American Brazil magazine. She was the first Brazilian speaker on TED Global in 2013.She won the José Reis Prize of Science Communication in 2004. | [
"Pierre and Marie Curie University",
"Federal University of Rio de Janeiro"
] |
|
Which team did Maciej Korzym play for in May, 2015? | May 13, 2015 | {
"text": [
"Górnik Zabrze"
]
} | L2_Q6723940_P54_6 | Maciej Korzym plays for GKS Bełchatów from Jan, 2009 to Jan, 2010.
Maciej Korzym plays for Poland national under-21 football team from Jan, 2008 to Jan, 2010.
Maciej Korzym plays for Podbeskidzie Bielsko-Biała from Jan, 2014 to Jan, 2015.
Maciej Korzym plays for Korona Kielce from Jan, 2010 to Jan, 2014.
Maciej Korzym plays for Górnik Zabrze from Jan, 2015 to Jan, 2016.
Maciej Korzym plays for Legia Warsaw from Jan, 2004 to Jan, 2010.
Maciej Korzym plays for Odra Wodzisław from Jan, 2008 to Jan, 2009. | Maciej KorzymMaciej Korzym (born 2 May 1988) is a Polish footballer who plays as a forward, most recently for Sandecja Nowy Sącz.He also played for the Poland national under-21 football team. | [
"Odra Wodzisław",
"Poland national under-21 football team",
"Korona Kielce",
"Legia Warsaw",
"GKS Bełchatów",
"Podbeskidzie Bielsko-Biała"
] |
|
Which team did Maciej Korzym play for in 2015-05-13? | May 13, 2015 | {
"text": [
"Górnik Zabrze"
]
} | L2_Q6723940_P54_6 | Maciej Korzym plays for GKS Bełchatów from Jan, 2009 to Jan, 2010.
Maciej Korzym plays for Poland national under-21 football team from Jan, 2008 to Jan, 2010.
Maciej Korzym plays for Podbeskidzie Bielsko-Biała from Jan, 2014 to Jan, 2015.
Maciej Korzym plays for Korona Kielce from Jan, 2010 to Jan, 2014.
Maciej Korzym plays for Górnik Zabrze from Jan, 2015 to Jan, 2016.
Maciej Korzym plays for Legia Warsaw from Jan, 2004 to Jan, 2010.
Maciej Korzym plays for Odra Wodzisław from Jan, 2008 to Jan, 2009. | Maciej KorzymMaciej Korzym (born 2 May 1988) is a Polish footballer who plays as a forward, most recently for Sandecja Nowy Sącz.He also played for the Poland national under-21 football team. | [
"Odra Wodzisław",
"Poland national under-21 football team",
"Korona Kielce",
"Legia Warsaw",
"GKS Bełchatów",
"Podbeskidzie Bielsko-Biała"
] |
|
Which team did Maciej Korzym play for in 13/05/2015? | May 13, 2015 | {
"text": [
"Górnik Zabrze"
]
} | L2_Q6723940_P54_6 | Maciej Korzym plays for GKS Bełchatów from Jan, 2009 to Jan, 2010.
Maciej Korzym plays for Poland national under-21 football team from Jan, 2008 to Jan, 2010.
Maciej Korzym plays for Podbeskidzie Bielsko-Biała from Jan, 2014 to Jan, 2015.
Maciej Korzym plays for Korona Kielce from Jan, 2010 to Jan, 2014.
Maciej Korzym plays for Górnik Zabrze from Jan, 2015 to Jan, 2016.
Maciej Korzym plays for Legia Warsaw from Jan, 2004 to Jan, 2010.
Maciej Korzym plays for Odra Wodzisław from Jan, 2008 to Jan, 2009. | Maciej KorzymMaciej Korzym (born 2 May 1988) is a Polish footballer who plays as a forward, most recently for Sandecja Nowy Sącz.He also played for the Poland national under-21 football team. | [
"Odra Wodzisław",
"Poland national under-21 football team",
"Korona Kielce",
"Legia Warsaw",
"GKS Bełchatów",
"Podbeskidzie Bielsko-Biała"
] |
|
Which team did Maciej Korzym play for in May 13, 2015? | May 13, 2015 | {
"text": [
"Górnik Zabrze"
]
} | L2_Q6723940_P54_6 | Maciej Korzym plays for GKS Bełchatów from Jan, 2009 to Jan, 2010.
Maciej Korzym plays for Poland national under-21 football team from Jan, 2008 to Jan, 2010.
Maciej Korzym plays for Podbeskidzie Bielsko-Biała from Jan, 2014 to Jan, 2015.
Maciej Korzym plays for Korona Kielce from Jan, 2010 to Jan, 2014.
Maciej Korzym plays for Górnik Zabrze from Jan, 2015 to Jan, 2016.
Maciej Korzym plays for Legia Warsaw from Jan, 2004 to Jan, 2010.
Maciej Korzym plays for Odra Wodzisław from Jan, 2008 to Jan, 2009. | Maciej KorzymMaciej Korzym (born 2 May 1988) is a Polish footballer who plays as a forward, most recently for Sandecja Nowy Sącz.He also played for the Poland national under-21 football team. | [
"Odra Wodzisław",
"Poland national under-21 football team",
"Korona Kielce",
"Legia Warsaw",
"GKS Bełchatów",
"Podbeskidzie Bielsko-Biała"
] |
|
Which team did Maciej Korzym play for in 05/13/2015? | May 13, 2015 | {
"text": [
"Górnik Zabrze"
]
} | L2_Q6723940_P54_6 | Maciej Korzym plays for GKS Bełchatów from Jan, 2009 to Jan, 2010.
Maciej Korzym plays for Poland national under-21 football team from Jan, 2008 to Jan, 2010.
Maciej Korzym plays for Podbeskidzie Bielsko-Biała from Jan, 2014 to Jan, 2015.
Maciej Korzym plays for Korona Kielce from Jan, 2010 to Jan, 2014.
Maciej Korzym plays for Górnik Zabrze from Jan, 2015 to Jan, 2016.
Maciej Korzym plays for Legia Warsaw from Jan, 2004 to Jan, 2010.
Maciej Korzym plays for Odra Wodzisław from Jan, 2008 to Jan, 2009. | Maciej KorzymMaciej Korzym (born 2 May 1988) is a Polish footballer who plays as a forward, most recently for Sandecja Nowy Sącz.He also played for the Poland national under-21 football team. | [
"Odra Wodzisław",
"Poland national under-21 football team",
"Korona Kielce",
"Legia Warsaw",
"GKS Bełchatów",
"Podbeskidzie Bielsko-Biała"
] |
|
Which team did Maciej Korzym play for in 13-May-201513-May-2015? | May 13, 2015 | {
"text": [
"Górnik Zabrze"
]
} | L2_Q6723940_P54_6 | Maciej Korzym plays for GKS Bełchatów from Jan, 2009 to Jan, 2010.
Maciej Korzym plays for Poland national under-21 football team from Jan, 2008 to Jan, 2010.
Maciej Korzym plays for Podbeskidzie Bielsko-Biała from Jan, 2014 to Jan, 2015.
Maciej Korzym plays for Korona Kielce from Jan, 2010 to Jan, 2014.
Maciej Korzym plays for Górnik Zabrze from Jan, 2015 to Jan, 2016.
Maciej Korzym plays for Legia Warsaw from Jan, 2004 to Jan, 2010.
Maciej Korzym plays for Odra Wodzisław from Jan, 2008 to Jan, 2009. | Maciej KorzymMaciej Korzym (born 2 May 1988) is a Polish footballer who plays as a forward, most recently for Sandecja Nowy Sącz.He also played for the Poland national under-21 football team. | [
"Odra Wodzisław",
"Poland national under-21 football team",
"Korona Kielce",
"Legia Warsaw",
"GKS Bełchatów",
"Podbeskidzie Bielsko-Biała"
] |
|
Which position did Richard Winfred Anane hold in Nov, 2009? | November 04, 2009 | {
"text": [
"Member of the 5th Parliament of the 4th Republic of Ghana"
]
} | L2_Q2150918_P39_4 | Richard Winfred Anane holds the position of Member of the 3rd Parliament of the 4th Republic of Ghana from Jan, 2001 to Jan, 2005.
Richard Winfred Anane holds the position of Member of the 2nd Parliament of the 4th Republic of Ghana from Jan, 1997 to Jan, 2001.
Richard Winfred Anane holds the position of Member of the 4th Parliament of the 4th Republic of Ghana from Jan, 2005 to Jan, 2009.
Richard Winfred Anane holds the position of Member of the 6th Parliament of the 4th Republic of Ghana from Jan, 2013 to Jan, 2017.
Richard Winfred Anane holds the position of Minister for Health of Ghana from Jan, 2001 to Jan, 2003.
Richard Winfred Anane holds the position of Member of the 5th Parliament of the 4th Republic of Ghana from Jan, 2009 to Jan, 2013. | Richard Winfred AnaneRichard Winfred Anane (born March 12, 1954) is a physician and former Ghanaian politician who served as Minister for Roads and Highways, Minister for Health, and Member of Parliament for Nhyiaeso serving from 1997 to 2017.Anane was born on 12 March 1954. He hails from Santasi in the Ashanti Region. He received his high school education in Asanteman Senior High School. In 1983, Anane received an MB CHB from Kwame Nkrumah University of Science and Technology (KNUST) in Kumasi.Anane was the doctor of Hebron Clinic, Bantama before he became a Member of Parliament in 1997.Anane is a member of the New Patriotic Party. He contested in the 2012 Ghanaian general elections on the ticket of the New Patriotic Party and won. He obtained 36,067 votes out of the 47, 535 valid votes cast, representing 75.9% of the total votes cast in the 2012 election, exemplifying his popularity in his constituency. Anane served in multiple cabinet-level positions under John Agyekum Kufuor, being Minister for Health and Minister for Roads and Highways respectively from 2001 to 2006.Anane was elected as the member of parliament for the Nhyiaeso constituency of the Ashanti Region of Ghana in the 2004 Ghanaian general elections. He won on the ticket of the New Patriotic Party. His constituency was a part of the 36 parliamentary seats out of 39 seats won by the New Patriotic Party in that election for the Ashanti Region. The New Patriotic Party won a majority total of 128 parliamentary seats out of 230 seats. He was elected with 36,307 votes out of 46,626 total valid votes cast. This was equivalent to 77.9% of total valid votes cast. He was elected over Eric Baah-Nuako of the National Democratic Congress and Kwame Appiah Boateng of the Convention People's Party. These obtained 8,908 and 1,411 votes respectively of total valid votes cast. These were equivalent to 19.1% and 3% respectively of total valid votes cast.In 2008, he won the general elections on the ticket of the New Patriotic Party for the same constituency. His constituency was part of the 34 parliamentary seats out of 39 seats won by the New Patriotic Party in that election for the Ashanti Region. The New Patriotic Party won a minority total of 109 parliamentary seats out of 230 seats. He was elected with 36,067 votes out of 47,535 total valid votes cast. This was equivalent to 75.87% of total valid votes cast. He was elected over Joseph Bernard Boadu of the National Democratic Congress, Kwame Appiah Boateng of the Convention People’s Party, Kwaku Bonsu of the Reformed Patriotic Democrats and Kwame Owusu an independent candidate. These obtained 9,426, 1,055, 197 and 790 votes respectively of the total valid votes cast. These were equivalent to 19.83%, 2.22%, 0.41% and 1.66% respectively of the total votes cast.In 2012, he won the general elections on the ticket of the New Patriotic Party for the same constituency. He was elected with 45,389 votes out of 56,558 total valid votes cast. This was equivalent to 76.21% of total valid votes cast. He was elected over Nana Afua Anima of the National Democratic Congress, Yaw Sekyere of the Progressive People's Party, Emmanuel Dapaah of the Convention People's Party and Peter Boakye-Yiadom of the National Democratic Party. These obtained 12,304, 666, 807 and 392 votes respectively of the total valid votes cast. These were equivalent to 20.66%, 1.12%, 1.35% and 0.66% respectively of the total votes cast.Anane is a Roman Catholic. He is married with four children. | [
"Member of the 4th Parliament of the 4th Republic of Ghana",
"Member of the 2nd Parliament of the 4th Republic of Ghana",
"Member of the 3rd Parliament of the 4th Republic of Ghana",
"Member of the 6th Parliament of the 4th Republic of Ghana",
"Minister for Health of Ghana"
] |
|
Which position did Richard Winfred Anane hold in 2009-11-04? | November 04, 2009 | {
"text": [
"Member of the 5th Parliament of the 4th Republic of Ghana"
]
} | L2_Q2150918_P39_4 | Richard Winfred Anane holds the position of Member of the 3rd Parliament of the 4th Republic of Ghana from Jan, 2001 to Jan, 2005.
Richard Winfred Anane holds the position of Member of the 2nd Parliament of the 4th Republic of Ghana from Jan, 1997 to Jan, 2001.
Richard Winfred Anane holds the position of Member of the 4th Parliament of the 4th Republic of Ghana from Jan, 2005 to Jan, 2009.
Richard Winfred Anane holds the position of Member of the 6th Parliament of the 4th Republic of Ghana from Jan, 2013 to Jan, 2017.
Richard Winfred Anane holds the position of Minister for Health of Ghana from Jan, 2001 to Jan, 2003.
Richard Winfred Anane holds the position of Member of the 5th Parliament of the 4th Republic of Ghana from Jan, 2009 to Jan, 2013. | Richard Winfred AnaneRichard Winfred Anane (born March 12, 1954) is a physician and former Ghanaian politician who served as Minister for Roads and Highways, Minister for Health, and Member of Parliament for Nhyiaeso serving from 1997 to 2017.Anane was born on 12 March 1954. He hails from Santasi in the Ashanti Region. He received his high school education in Asanteman Senior High School. In 1983, Anane received an MB CHB from Kwame Nkrumah University of Science and Technology (KNUST) in Kumasi.Anane was the doctor of Hebron Clinic, Bantama before he became a Member of Parliament in 1997.Anane is a member of the New Patriotic Party. He contested in the 2012 Ghanaian general elections on the ticket of the New Patriotic Party and won. He obtained 36,067 votes out of the 47, 535 valid votes cast, representing 75.9% of the total votes cast in the 2012 election, exemplifying his popularity in his constituency. Anane served in multiple cabinet-level positions under John Agyekum Kufuor, being Minister for Health and Minister for Roads and Highways respectively from 2001 to 2006.Anane was elected as the member of parliament for the Nhyiaeso constituency of the Ashanti Region of Ghana in the 2004 Ghanaian general elections. He won on the ticket of the New Patriotic Party. His constituency was a part of the 36 parliamentary seats out of 39 seats won by the New Patriotic Party in that election for the Ashanti Region. The New Patriotic Party won a majority total of 128 parliamentary seats out of 230 seats. He was elected with 36,307 votes out of 46,626 total valid votes cast. This was equivalent to 77.9% of total valid votes cast. He was elected over Eric Baah-Nuako of the National Democratic Congress and Kwame Appiah Boateng of the Convention People's Party. These obtained 8,908 and 1,411 votes respectively of total valid votes cast. These were equivalent to 19.1% and 3% respectively of total valid votes cast.In 2008, he won the general elections on the ticket of the New Patriotic Party for the same constituency. His constituency was part of the 34 parliamentary seats out of 39 seats won by the New Patriotic Party in that election for the Ashanti Region. The New Patriotic Party won a minority total of 109 parliamentary seats out of 230 seats. He was elected with 36,067 votes out of 47,535 total valid votes cast. This was equivalent to 75.87% of total valid votes cast. He was elected over Joseph Bernard Boadu of the National Democratic Congress, Kwame Appiah Boateng of the Convention People’s Party, Kwaku Bonsu of the Reformed Patriotic Democrats and Kwame Owusu an independent candidate. These obtained 9,426, 1,055, 197 and 790 votes respectively of the total valid votes cast. These were equivalent to 19.83%, 2.22%, 0.41% and 1.66% respectively of the total votes cast.In 2012, he won the general elections on the ticket of the New Patriotic Party for the same constituency. He was elected with 45,389 votes out of 56,558 total valid votes cast. This was equivalent to 76.21% of total valid votes cast. He was elected over Nana Afua Anima of the National Democratic Congress, Yaw Sekyere of the Progressive People's Party, Emmanuel Dapaah of the Convention People's Party and Peter Boakye-Yiadom of the National Democratic Party. These obtained 12,304, 666, 807 and 392 votes respectively of the total valid votes cast. These were equivalent to 20.66%, 1.12%, 1.35% and 0.66% respectively of the total votes cast.Anane is a Roman Catholic. He is married with four children. | [
"Member of the 4th Parliament of the 4th Republic of Ghana",
"Member of the 2nd Parliament of the 4th Republic of Ghana",
"Member of the 3rd Parliament of the 4th Republic of Ghana",
"Member of the 6th Parliament of the 4th Republic of Ghana",
"Minister for Health of Ghana"
] |
|
Which position did Richard Winfred Anane hold in 04/11/2009? | November 04, 2009 | {
"text": [
"Member of the 5th Parliament of the 4th Republic of Ghana"
]
} | L2_Q2150918_P39_4 | Richard Winfred Anane holds the position of Member of the 3rd Parliament of the 4th Republic of Ghana from Jan, 2001 to Jan, 2005.
Richard Winfred Anane holds the position of Member of the 2nd Parliament of the 4th Republic of Ghana from Jan, 1997 to Jan, 2001.
Richard Winfred Anane holds the position of Member of the 4th Parliament of the 4th Republic of Ghana from Jan, 2005 to Jan, 2009.
Richard Winfred Anane holds the position of Member of the 6th Parliament of the 4th Republic of Ghana from Jan, 2013 to Jan, 2017.
Richard Winfred Anane holds the position of Minister for Health of Ghana from Jan, 2001 to Jan, 2003.
Richard Winfred Anane holds the position of Member of the 5th Parliament of the 4th Republic of Ghana from Jan, 2009 to Jan, 2013. | Richard Winfred AnaneRichard Winfred Anane (born March 12, 1954) is a physician and former Ghanaian politician who served as Minister for Roads and Highways, Minister for Health, and Member of Parliament for Nhyiaeso serving from 1997 to 2017.Anane was born on 12 March 1954. He hails from Santasi in the Ashanti Region. He received his high school education in Asanteman Senior High School. In 1983, Anane received an MB CHB from Kwame Nkrumah University of Science and Technology (KNUST) in Kumasi.Anane was the doctor of Hebron Clinic, Bantama before he became a Member of Parliament in 1997.Anane is a member of the New Patriotic Party. He contested in the 2012 Ghanaian general elections on the ticket of the New Patriotic Party and won. He obtained 36,067 votes out of the 47, 535 valid votes cast, representing 75.9% of the total votes cast in the 2012 election, exemplifying his popularity in his constituency. Anane served in multiple cabinet-level positions under John Agyekum Kufuor, being Minister for Health and Minister for Roads and Highways respectively from 2001 to 2006.Anane was elected as the member of parliament for the Nhyiaeso constituency of the Ashanti Region of Ghana in the 2004 Ghanaian general elections. He won on the ticket of the New Patriotic Party. His constituency was a part of the 36 parliamentary seats out of 39 seats won by the New Patriotic Party in that election for the Ashanti Region. The New Patriotic Party won a majority total of 128 parliamentary seats out of 230 seats. He was elected with 36,307 votes out of 46,626 total valid votes cast. This was equivalent to 77.9% of total valid votes cast. He was elected over Eric Baah-Nuako of the National Democratic Congress and Kwame Appiah Boateng of the Convention People's Party. These obtained 8,908 and 1,411 votes respectively of total valid votes cast. These were equivalent to 19.1% and 3% respectively of total valid votes cast.In 2008, he won the general elections on the ticket of the New Patriotic Party for the same constituency. His constituency was part of the 34 parliamentary seats out of 39 seats won by the New Patriotic Party in that election for the Ashanti Region. The New Patriotic Party won a minority total of 109 parliamentary seats out of 230 seats. He was elected with 36,067 votes out of 47,535 total valid votes cast. This was equivalent to 75.87% of total valid votes cast. He was elected over Joseph Bernard Boadu of the National Democratic Congress, Kwame Appiah Boateng of the Convention People’s Party, Kwaku Bonsu of the Reformed Patriotic Democrats and Kwame Owusu an independent candidate. These obtained 9,426, 1,055, 197 and 790 votes respectively of the total valid votes cast. These were equivalent to 19.83%, 2.22%, 0.41% and 1.66% respectively of the total votes cast.In 2012, he won the general elections on the ticket of the New Patriotic Party for the same constituency. He was elected with 45,389 votes out of 56,558 total valid votes cast. This was equivalent to 76.21% of total valid votes cast. He was elected over Nana Afua Anima of the National Democratic Congress, Yaw Sekyere of the Progressive People's Party, Emmanuel Dapaah of the Convention People's Party and Peter Boakye-Yiadom of the National Democratic Party. These obtained 12,304, 666, 807 and 392 votes respectively of the total valid votes cast. These were equivalent to 20.66%, 1.12%, 1.35% and 0.66% respectively of the total votes cast.Anane is a Roman Catholic. He is married with four children. | [
"Member of the 4th Parliament of the 4th Republic of Ghana",
"Member of the 2nd Parliament of the 4th Republic of Ghana",
"Member of the 3rd Parliament of the 4th Republic of Ghana",
"Member of the 6th Parliament of the 4th Republic of Ghana",
"Minister for Health of Ghana"
] |
|
Which position did Richard Winfred Anane hold in Nov 04, 2009? | November 04, 2009 | {
"text": [
"Member of the 5th Parliament of the 4th Republic of Ghana"
]
} | L2_Q2150918_P39_4 | Richard Winfred Anane holds the position of Member of the 3rd Parliament of the 4th Republic of Ghana from Jan, 2001 to Jan, 2005.
Richard Winfred Anane holds the position of Member of the 2nd Parliament of the 4th Republic of Ghana from Jan, 1997 to Jan, 2001.
Richard Winfred Anane holds the position of Member of the 4th Parliament of the 4th Republic of Ghana from Jan, 2005 to Jan, 2009.
Richard Winfred Anane holds the position of Member of the 6th Parliament of the 4th Republic of Ghana from Jan, 2013 to Jan, 2017.
Richard Winfred Anane holds the position of Minister for Health of Ghana from Jan, 2001 to Jan, 2003.
Richard Winfred Anane holds the position of Member of the 5th Parliament of the 4th Republic of Ghana from Jan, 2009 to Jan, 2013. | Richard Winfred AnaneRichard Winfred Anane (born March 12, 1954) is a physician and former Ghanaian politician who served as Minister for Roads and Highways, Minister for Health, and Member of Parliament for Nhyiaeso serving from 1997 to 2017.Anane was born on 12 March 1954. He hails from Santasi in the Ashanti Region. He received his high school education in Asanteman Senior High School. In 1983, Anane received an MB CHB from Kwame Nkrumah University of Science and Technology (KNUST) in Kumasi.Anane was the doctor of Hebron Clinic, Bantama before he became a Member of Parliament in 1997.Anane is a member of the New Patriotic Party. He contested in the 2012 Ghanaian general elections on the ticket of the New Patriotic Party and won. He obtained 36,067 votes out of the 47, 535 valid votes cast, representing 75.9% of the total votes cast in the 2012 election, exemplifying his popularity in his constituency. Anane served in multiple cabinet-level positions under John Agyekum Kufuor, being Minister for Health and Minister for Roads and Highways respectively from 2001 to 2006.Anane was elected as the member of parliament for the Nhyiaeso constituency of the Ashanti Region of Ghana in the 2004 Ghanaian general elections. He won on the ticket of the New Patriotic Party. His constituency was a part of the 36 parliamentary seats out of 39 seats won by the New Patriotic Party in that election for the Ashanti Region. The New Patriotic Party won a majority total of 128 parliamentary seats out of 230 seats. He was elected with 36,307 votes out of 46,626 total valid votes cast. This was equivalent to 77.9% of total valid votes cast. He was elected over Eric Baah-Nuako of the National Democratic Congress and Kwame Appiah Boateng of the Convention People's Party. These obtained 8,908 and 1,411 votes respectively of total valid votes cast. These were equivalent to 19.1% and 3% respectively of total valid votes cast.In 2008, he won the general elections on the ticket of the New Patriotic Party for the same constituency. His constituency was part of the 34 parliamentary seats out of 39 seats won by the New Patriotic Party in that election for the Ashanti Region. The New Patriotic Party won a minority total of 109 parliamentary seats out of 230 seats. He was elected with 36,067 votes out of 47,535 total valid votes cast. This was equivalent to 75.87% of total valid votes cast. He was elected over Joseph Bernard Boadu of the National Democratic Congress, Kwame Appiah Boateng of the Convention People’s Party, Kwaku Bonsu of the Reformed Patriotic Democrats and Kwame Owusu an independent candidate. These obtained 9,426, 1,055, 197 and 790 votes respectively of the total valid votes cast. These were equivalent to 19.83%, 2.22%, 0.41% and 1.66% respectively of the total votes cast.In 2012, he won the general elections on the ticket of the New Patriotic Party for the same constituency. He was elected with 45,389 votes out of 56,558 total valid votes cast. This was equivalent to 76.21% of total valid votes cast. He was elected over Nana Afua Anima of the National Democratic Congress, Yaw Sekyere of the Progressive People's Party, Emmanuel Dapaah of the Convention People's Party and Peter Boakye-Yiadom of the National Democratic Party. These obtained 12,304, 666, 807 and 392 votes respectively of the total valid votes cast. These were equivalent to 20.66%, 1.12%, 1.35% and 0.66% respectively of the total votes cast.Anane is a Roman Catholic. He is married with four children. | [
"Member of the 4th Parliament of the 4th Republic of Ghana",
"Member of the 2nd Parliament of the 4th Republic of Ghana",
"Member of the 3rd Parliament of the 4th Republic of Ghana",
"Member of the 6th Parliament of the 4th Republic of Ghana",
"Minister for Health of Ghana"
] |
|
Which position did Richard Winfred Anane hold in 11/04/2009? | November 04, 2009 | {
"text": [
"Member of the 5th Parliament of the 4th Republic of Ghana"
]
} | L2_Q2150918_P39_4 | Richard Winfred Anane holds the position of Member of the 3rd Parliament of the 4th Republic of Ghana from Jan, 2001 to Jan, 2005.
Richard Winfred Anane holds the position of Member of the 2nd Parliament of the 4th Republic of Ghana from Jan, 1997 to Jan, 2001.
Richard Winfred Anane holds the position of Member of the 4th Parliament of the 4th Republic of Ghana from Jan, 2005 to Jan, 2009.
Richard Winfred Anane holds the position of Member of the 6th Parliament of the 4th Republic of Ghana from Jan, 2013 to Jan, 2017.
Richard Winfred Anane holds the position of Minister for Health of Ghana from Jan, 2001 to Jan, 2003.
Richard Winfred Anane holds the position of Member of the 5th Parliament of the 4th Republic of Ghana from Jan, 2009 to Jan, 2013. | Richard Winfred AnaneRichard Winfred Anane (born March 12, 1954) is a physician and former Ghanaian politician who served as Minister for Roads and Highways, Minister for Health, and Member of Parliament for Nhyiaeso serving from 1997 to 2017.Anane was born on 12 March 1954. He hails from Santasi in the Ashanti Region. He received his high school education in Asanteman Senior High School. In 1983, Anane received an MB CHB from Kwame Nkrumah University of Science and Technology (KNUST) in Kumasi.Anane was the doctor of Hebron Clinic, Bantama before he became a Member of Parliament in 1997.Anane is a member of the New Patriotic Party. He contested in the 2012 Ghanaian general elections on the ticket of the New Patriotic Party and won. He obtained 36,067 votes out of the 47, 535 valid votes cast, representing 75.9% of the total votes cast in the 2012 election, exemplifying his popularity in his constituency. Anane served in multiple cabinet-level positions under John Agyekum Kufuor, being Minister for Health and Minister for Roads and Highways respectively from 2001 to 2006.Anane was elected as the member of parliament for the Nhyiaeso constituency of the Ashanti Region of Ghana in the 2004 Ghanaian general elections. He won on the ticket of the New Patriotic Party. His constituency was a part of the 36 parliamentary seats out of 39 seats won by the New Patriotic Party in that election for the Ashanti Region. The New Patriotic Party won a majority total of 128 parliamentary seats out of 230 seats. He was elected with 36,307 votes out of 46,626 total valid votes cast. This was equivalent to 77.9% of total valid votes cast. He was elected over Eric Baah-Nuako of the National Democratic Congress and Kwame Appiah Boateng of the Convention People's Party. These obtained 8,908 and 1,411 votes respectively of total valid votes cast. These were equivalent to 19.1% and 3% respectively of total valid votes cast.In 2008, he won the general elections on the ticket of the New Patriotic Party for the same constituency. His constituency was part of the 34 parliamentary seats out of 39 seats won by the New Patriotic Party in that election for the Ashanti Region. The New Patriotic Party won a minority total of 109 parliamentary seats out of 230 seats. He was elected with 36,067 votes out of 47,535 total valid votes cast. This was equivalent to 75.87% of total valid votes cast. He was elected over Joseph Bernard Boadu of the National Democratic Congress, Kwame Appiah Boateng of the Convention People’s Party, Kwaku Bonsu of the Reformed Patriotic Democrats and Kwame Owusu an independent candidate. These obtained 9,426, 1,055, 197 and 790 votes respectively of the total valid votes cast. These were equivalent to 19.83%, 2.22%, 0.41% and 1.66% respectively of the total votes cast.In 2012, he won the general elections on the ticket of the New Patriotic Party for the same constituency. He was elected with 45,389 votes out of 56,558 total valid votes cast. This was equivalent to 76.21% of total valid votes cast. He was elected over Nana Afua Anima of the National Democratic Congress, Yaw Sekyere of the Progressive People's Party, Emmanuel Dapaah of the Convention People's Party and Peter Boakye-Yiadom of the National Democratic Party. These obtained 12,304, 666, 807 and 392 votes respectively of the total valid votes cast. These were equivalent to 20.66%, 1.12%, 1.35% and 0.66% respectively of the total votes cast.Anane is a Roman Catholic. He is married with four children. | [
"Member of the 4th Parliament of the 4th Republic of Ghana",
"Member of the 2nd Parliament of the 4th Republic of Ghana",
"Member of the 3rd Parliament of the 4th Republic of Ghana",
"Member of the 6th Parliament of the 4th Republic of Ghana",
"Minister for Health of Ghana"
] |
|
Which position did Richard Winfred Anane hold in 04-Nov-200904-November-2009? | November 04, 2009 | {
"text": [
"Member of the 5th Parliament of the 4th Republic of Ghana"
]
} | L2_Q2150918_P39_4 | Richard Winfred Anane holds the position of Member of the 3rd Parliament of the 4th Republic of Ghana from Jan, 2001 to Jan, 2005.
Richard Winfred Anane holds the position of Member of the 2nd Parliament of the 4th Republic of Ghana from Jan, 1997 to Jan, 2001.
Richard Winfred Anane holds the position of Member of the 4th Parliament of the 4th Republic of Ghana from Jan, 2005 to Jan, 2009.
Richard Winfred Anane holds the position of Member of the 6th Parliament of the 4th Republic of Ghana from Jan, 2013 to Jan, 2017.
Richard Winfred Anane holds the position of Minister for Health of Ghana from Jan, 2001 to Jan, 2003.
Richard Winfred Anane holds the position of Member of the 5th Parliament of the 4th Republic of Ghana from Jan, 2009 to Jan, 2013. | Richard Winfred AnaneRichard Winfred Anane (born March 12, 1954) is a physician and former Ghanaian politician who served as Minister for Roads and Highways, Minister for Health, and Member of Parliament for Nhyiaeso serving from 1997 to 2017.Anane was born on 12 March 1954. He hails from Santasi in the Ashanti Region. He received his high school education in Asanteman Senior High School. In 1983, Anane received an MB CHB from Kwame Nkrumah University of Science and Technology (KNUST) in Kumasi.Anane was the doctor of Hebron Clinic, Bantama before he became a Member of Parliament in 1997.Anane is a member of the New Patriotic Party. He contested in the 2012 Ghanaian general elections on the ticket of the New Patriotic Party and won. He obtained 36,067 votes out of the 47, 535 valid votes cast, representing 75.9% of the total votes cast in the 2012 election, exemplifying his popularity in his constituency. Anane served in multiple cabinet-level positions under John Agyekum Kufuor, being Minister for Health and Minister for Roads and Highways respectively from 2001 to 2006.Anane was elected as the member of parliament for the Nhyiaeso constituency of the Ashanti Region of Ghana in the 2004 Ghanaian general elections. He won on the ticket of the New Patriotic Party. His constituency was a part of the 36 parliamentary seats out of 39 seats won by the New Patriotic Party in that election for the Ashanti Region. The New Patriotic Party won a majority total of 128 parliamentary seats out of 230 seats. He was elected with 36,307 votes out of 46,626 total valid votes cast. This was equivalent to 77.9% of total valid votes cast. He was elected over Eric Baah-Nuako of the National Democratic Congress and Kwame Appiah Boateng of the Convention People's Party. These obtained 8,908 and 1,411 votes respectively of total valid votes cast. These were equivalent to 19.1% and 3% respectively of total valid votes cast.In 2008, he won the general elections on the ticket of the New Patriotic Party for the same constituency. His constituency was part of the 34 parliamentary seats out of 39 seats won by the New Patriotic Party in that election for the Ashanti Region. The New Patriotic Party won a minority total of 109 parliamentary seats out of 230 seats. He was elected with 36,067 votes out of 47,535 total valid votes cast. This was equivalent to 75.87% of total valid votes cast. He was elected over Joseph Bernard Boadu of the National Democratic Congress, Kwame Appiah Boateng of the Convention People’s Party, Kwaku Bonsu of the Reformed Patriotic Democrats and Kwame Owusu an independent candidate. These obtained 9,426, 1,055, 197 and 790 votes respectively of the total valid votes cast. These were equivalent to 19.83%, 2.22%, 0.41% and 1.66% respectively of the total votes cast.In 2012, he won the general elections on the ticket of the New Patriotic Party for the same constituency. He was elected with 45,389 votes out of 56,558 total valid votes cast. This was equivalent to 76.21% of total valid votes cast. He was elected over Nana Afua Anima of the National Democratic Congress, Yaw Sekyere of the Progressive People's Party, Emmanuel Dapaah of the Convention People's Party and Peter Boakye-Yiadom of the National Democratic Party. These obtained 12,304, 666, 807 and 392 votes respectively of the total valid votes cast. These were equivalent to 20.66%, 1.12%, 1.35% and 0.66% respectively of the total votes cast.Anane is a Roman Catholic. He is married with four children. | [
"Member of the 4th Parliament of the 4th Republic of Ghana",
"Member of the 2nd Parliament of the 4th Republic of Ghana",
"Member of the 3rd Parliament of the 4th Republic of Ghana",
"Member of the 6th Parliament of the 4th Republic of Ghana",
"Minister for Health of Ghana"
] |
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Who was the head of Romania in Jul, 1975? | July 17, 1975 | {
"text": [
"Manea Mănescu"
]
} | L2_Q218_P6_33 | Nicolae Iorga is the head of the government of Romania from Apr, 1931 to Jun, 1932.
Ion Ghica is the head of the government of Romania from Dec, 1870 to Mar, 1871.
Take Ionescu is the head of the government of Romania from Dec, 1921 to Jan, 1922.
Petre S. Aurelian is the head of the government of Romania from Dec, 1896 to Apr, 1897.
Mihai Tudose is the head of the government of Romania from Jun, 2017 to Jan, 2018.
Dimitrie Ghica is the head of the government of Romania from Nov, 1868 to Jan, 1870.
Dimitrie Brătianu is the head of the government of Romania from Apr, 1881 to Jun, 1881.
Nicolae Crețulescu is the head of the government of Romania from Jun, 1865 to Feb, 1866.
Barbu Catargiu is the head of the government of Romania from Feb, 1862 to Jun, 1862.
Constantin Sănătescu is the head of the government of Romania from Aug, 1944 to Dec, 1944.
Radu Vasile is the head of the government of Romania from Apr, 1998 to Dec, 1999.
Theodor Rosetti is the head of the government of Romania from Mar, 1888 to Mar, 1889.
Gheorghe Gheorghiu-Dej is the head of the government of Romania from Jun, 1952 to Oct, 1955.
Mugur Isărescu is the head of the government of Romania from Dec, 1999 to Dec, 2000.
Lascăr Catargi is the head of the government of Romania from Dec, 1891 to Oct, 1895.
Viorica Dăncilă is the head of the government of Romania from Jan, 2018 to Nov, 2019.
Nicolae Ciucă is the head of the government of Romania from Nov, 2021 to Dec, 2022.
Gheorghe Argeșanu is the head of the government of Romania from Sep, 1939 to Sep, 1939.
Nicolae Golescu is the head of the government of Romania from May, 1868 to Nov, 1868.
Petre Roman is the head of the government of Romania from Dec, 1989 to Oct, 1991.
Constantin Dăscălescu is the head of the government of Romania from May, 1982 to Dec, 1989.
Octavian Goga is the head of the government of Romania from Dec, 1937 to Feb, 1938.
Ion C. Brătianu is the head of the government of Romania from Jun, 1881 to Mar, 1888.
Petru Groza is the head of the government of Romania from Mar, 1945 to Jun, 1952.
Emil Boc is the head of the government of Romania from Dec, 2008 to Feb, 2012.
Alexandru G. Golescu is the head of the government of Romania from Feb, 1870 to Apr, 1870.
Constantin Argetoianu is the head of the government of Romania from Sep, 1939 to Nov, 1939.
Nicolae Văcăroiu is the head of the government of Romania from Nov, 1992 to Dec, 1996.
Gheorghe Tătărescu is the head of the government of Romania from Jan, 1934 to Dec, 1937.
Ludovic Orban is the head of the government of Romania from Nov, 2019 to Dec, 2020.
Ilie Verdeț is the head of the government of Romania from Mar, 1979 to May, 1982.
Ion Emanuel Florescu is the head of the government of Romania from Mar, 1891 to Dec, 1891.
Sorin Grindeanu is the head of the government of Romania from Jan, 2017 to Jun, 2017.
Victor Ponta is the head of the government of Romania from May, 2012 to Nov, 2015.
Călin Popescu-Tăriceanu is the head of the government of Romania from Dec, 2004 to Dec, 2008.
Nicolae Rădescu is the head of the government of Romania from Dec, 1944 to Feb, 1945.
Adrian Năstase is the head of the government of Romania from Dec, 2000 to Dec, 2004.
Mihail Kogălniceanu is the head of the government of Romania from Oct, 1863 to Jan, 1865.
Ion Gigurtu is the head of the government of Romania from Jul, 1940 to Sep, 1940.
Mihai Răzvan Ungureanu is the head of the government of Romania from Feb, 2012 to May, 2012.
Florin Cîțu is the head of the government of Romania from Dec, 2020 to Nov, 2021.
Manolache Costache Epureanu is the head of the government of Romania from May, 1876 to Aug, 1876.
Manea Mănescu is the head of the government of Romania from Feb, 1974 to Mar, 1979.
Ion G. Duca is the head of the government of Romania from Nov, 1933 to Dec, 1933.
Ion Gheorghe Maurer is the head of the government of Romania from Mar, 1961 to Feb, 1974.
Dacian Cioloș is the head of the government of Romania from Nov, 2015 to Jan, 2017.
Dimitrie Sturdza is the head of the government of Romania from Apr, 1897 to Apr, 1899.
Chivu Stoica is the head of the government of Romania from Oct, 1955 to Mar, 1961.
Armand Călinescu is the head of the government of Romania from Mar, 1939 to Sep, 1939.
Theodor Stolojan is the head of the government of Romania from Oct, 1991 to Nov, 1992.
Miron Cristea is the head of the government of Romania from Feb, 1938 to Mar, 1939.
Victor Ciorbea is the head of the government of Romania from Dec, 1996 to Apr, 1998.
Ștefan Golescu is the head of the government of Romania from Nov, 1867 to May, 1868.
Constantin Bosianu is the head of the government of Romania from Jan, 1865 to Jun, 1865. | RomaniaRomania ( ; ) is a country in Central and Eastern Europe which borders Bulgaria to the south, Ukraine to the north, Hungary to the west, Serbia to the southwest, Moldova to the east and the Black Sea to the southeast. It has a predominantly temperate-continental climate, and an area of , with a population of around 19 million. Romania is the twelfth-largest country in Europe, and the sixth-most populous member state of the European Union. Its capital and largest city is Bucharest; other major urban areas include Cluj-Napoca, Timișoara, Iași, Constanța, Craiova, Brașov, and Galați.The Danube, Europe's second-longest river, rises in Germany's Black Forest and flows in a southeasterly direction for , before emptying into Romania's Danube Delta. The Carpathian Mountains, which cross Romania from the north to the southwest, include Moldoveanu Peak, at an altitude of .Romania was formed in 1859 through a personal union of the Danubian Principalities of Moldavia and Wallachia. The new state, officially named Romania since 1866, gained independence from the Ottoman Empire in 1877. During World War I, after declaring its neutrality in 1914, Romania fought together with the Allied Powers from 1916. In the aftermath of the war, Bukovina, Bessarabia, Transylvania and parts of Banat, Crișana, and Maramureș became part of the Kingdom of Romania. In June–August 1940, as a consequence of the Molotov–Ribbentrop Pact and Second Vienna Award, Romania was compelled to cede Bessarabia and Northern Bukovina to the Soviet Union, and Northern Transylvania to Hungary. In November 1940, Romania signed the Tripartite Pact and, consequently, in June 1941 entered World War II on the Axis side, fighting against the Soviet Union until August 1944, when it joined the Allies and recovered Northern Transylvania. Following the war and occupation by the Red Army, Romania became a socialist republic and a member of the Warsaw Pact. After the 1989 Revolution, Romania began a transition towards democracy and a market economy. Romania is a developing country, with a high-income economy, ranking 49th in the Human Development Index. It has the world's 45th largest economy by nominal GDP, and following rapid economic growth in the early 2000s, the country has an economy based predominantly on services and is a producer and net exporter of machines and electric energy through companies like Automobile Dacia and OMV Petrom. Romania has been a member of the United Nations since 1955, NATO since 2004, and the European Union since 2007. The majority of Romania's population are ethnic Romanian and Eastern Orthodox Christians, speaking Romanian, a Romance language."Romania" derives from Latin "romanus", meaning "Roman" or "of Rome". The first known use of the appellation was attested to in the 16th century by Italian humanists travelling in Transylvania, Moldavia, and Wallachia. The oldest known surviving document written in Romanian, a 1521 letter known as the "Letter of Neacșu from Câmpulung", is notable for including the first documented occurrence of the country's name: Wallachia is mentioned as .Two spelling forms: and were used interchangeably until sociolinguistic developments in the late 17th century led to semantic differentiation of the two forms: came to mean "bondsman", while retained the original ethnolinguistic meaning. After the abolition of serfdom in 1746, the word "rumân" gradually fell out of use and the spelling stabilised to the form . Tudor Vladimirescu, a revolutionary leader of the early 19th century, used the term to refer exclusively to the principality of Wallachia.The use of the name "Romania" to refer to the common homeland of all Romanians—its modern-day meaning—was first documented in the early 19th century.In English, the name of the country was formerly spelt "Rumania" or "Roumania". "Romania" became the predominant spelling around 1975. "Romania" is also the official English-language spelling used by the Romanian government. A handful of other languages (including Italian, Hungarian, Portuguese, and Norwegian) have also switched to "o" like English, but most languages continue to prefer forms with "u", e.g. French , German and Swedish , Spanish (the archaic form is still in use in Spain), Polish , Russian (), and Japanese ().Human remains found in Peștera cu Oase ("Cave with Bones"), radiocarbon date from circa 40,000 years ago, and represent the oldest known "Homo sapiens" in Europe. Neolithic agriculture spread after the arrival of a mixed group of people from Thessaly in the 6th millennium BC. Excavations near a salt spring at Lunca yielded the earliest evidence for salt exploitation in Europe; here salt production began between 5th millennium BC and 4th BC. The first permanent settlements developed into "proto-cities", which were larger than . The Cucuteni–Trypillia culture—the best known archaeological culture of Old Europe—flourished in Muntenia, southeastern Transylvania and northeastern Moldavia in the 3rd millennium BC.The first fortified settlements appeared around 1800 BC, showing the militant character of Bronze Age societies.Greek colonies established on the Black Sea coast in the 7th century BC became important centres of commerce with the local tribes. Among the native peoples, Herodotus listed the Getae of the Lower Danube region, the Agathyrsi of Transylvania and the Syginnae of the plains along the river Tisza at the beginning of the 5th century BC. Centuries later, Strabo associated the Getae with the Dacians who dominated the lands along the southern Carpathian Mountains in the 1st century BC. Burebista was the first Dacian ruler to unite the local tribes. He also conquered the Greek colonies in Dobruja and the neighbouring peoples as far as the Middle Danube and the Balkan Mountains between around 55 and 44 BC. After Burebista was murdered in 44 BC, his kingdom collapsed.The Romans reached Dacia during Burebista's reign and conquered Dobruja in 46 AD. Dacia was again united under Decebalus around 85 AD. He resisted the Romans for decades, but the Roman army defeated his troops in 106 AD. Emperor Trajan transformed Banat, Oltenia and the greater part of Transylvania into a new province called Roman Dacia, but Dacian, Germanic and Sarmatian tribes continued to dominate the lands along the Roman frontiers. The Romans pursued an organised colonisation policy, and the provincials enjoyed a long period of peace and prosperity in the 2nd century. Scholars accepting the Daco-Roman continuity theory—one of the main theories about the origin of the Romanians—say that the cohabitation of the native Dacians and the Roman colonists in Roman Dacia was the first phase of the Romanians' ethnogenesis.The Carpians, Goths and other neighbouring tribes made regular raids against Dacia from the 210s. The Romans could not resist, and Emperor Aurelian ordered the evacuation of the province Dacia Trajana in 271. Scholars supporting the continuity theory are convinced that most Latin-speaking commoners stayed behind when the army and civil administration was withdrawn. The Romans did not abandon their fortresses along the northern banks of the Lower Danube for decades, and Dobruja (known as Scythia Minor) remained an integral part of the Roman Empire until the early 7th century.The Goths were expanding towards the Lower Danube from the 230s, forcing the native peoples to flee to the Roman Empire or to accept their suzerainty. The Goths' rule ended abruptly when the Huns invaded their territory in 376, causing new waves of migrations. The Huns forced the remnants of the local population into submission, but their empire collapsed in 454. The Gepids took possession of the former Dacia province. The nomadic Avars defeated the Gepids and established a powerful empire around 570. The Bulgars, who also came from the Eurasian steppes, occupied the Lower Danube region in 680.Place names that are of Slavic origin abound in Romania, indicating that a significant Slavic-speaking population used to live in the territory. The first Slavic groups settled in Moldavia and Wallachia in the 6th century, in Transylvania around 600. After the Avar Khaganate collapsed in the 790s, Bulgaria became the dominant power of the region, occupying lands as far as the river Tisa. The Council of Preslav declared Old Church Slavonic the language of liturgy in the First Bulgarian Tsardom in 893. The Romanians also adopted Old Church Slavonic as their liturgical language.The Magyars (or Hungarians) took control of the steppes north of the Lower Danube in the 830s, but the Bulgarians and the Pechenegs jointly forced them to abandon this region for the lowlands along the Middle Danube around 894. Centuries later, the "Gesta Hungarorum" wrote of the invading Magyars' wars against three dukes—Glad, Menumorut and the Vlach Gelou—for Banat, Crișana and Transylvania. The "Gesta" also listed many peoples—Slavs, Bulgarians, Vlachs, Khazars, and Székelys—inhabiting the same regions. The reliability of the "Gesta" is debated. Some scholars regard it as a basically accurate account, others describe it as a literary work filled with invented details. The Pechenegs seized the lowlands abandoned by the Hungarians to the east of the Carpathians.Byzantine missionaries proselytised in the lands east of the Tisa from the 940s and Byzantine troops occupied Dobruja in the 970s. The first king of Hungary, Stephen I, who supported Western European missionaries, defeated the local chieftains and established Roman Catholic bishoprics (office of a bishop) in Transylvania and Banat in the early 11th century. Significant Pecheneg groups fled to the Byzantine Empire in the 1040s; the Oghuz Turks followed them, and the nomadic Cumans became the dominant power of the steppes in the 1060s. Cooperation between the Cumans and the Vlachs against the Byzantine Empire is well documented from the end of the 11th century. Scholars who reject the Daco-Roman continuity theory say that the first Vlach groups left their Balkan homeland for the mountain pastures of the eastern and southern Carpathians in the 11th century, establishing the Romanians' presence in the lands to the north of the Lower Danube.Exposed to nomadic incursions, Transylvania developed into an important border province of the Kingdom of Hungary. The Székelys—a community of free warriors—settled in central Transylvania around 1100 and moved to the easternmost regions around 1200. Colonists from the Holy Roman Empire—the Transylvanian Saxons' ancestors—came to the province in the 1150s. A high-ranking royal official, styled voivode, ruled the Transylvanian counties from the 1170s, but the Székely and Saxon seats (or districts) were not subject to the voivodes' authority. Royal charters wrote of the "Vlachs' land" in southern Transylvania in the early 13th century, indicating the existence of autonomous Romanian communities. Papal correspondence mentions the activities of Orthodox prelates among the Romanians in Muntenia in the 1230s. Also in the 13th century, during one of its greatest periods of expansion, the Republic of Genoa started establishing many colonies and commercial and military ports on the Black Sea, in the current territory of Romania. The largest Genoese colonies in present-day Romania were Calafat (still known as such), Constanța (Costanza), Galați (Caladda), Giurgiu (San Giorgio), Licostomo and Vicina (unknown modern location). These would last until the 15th century.The Mongols destroyed large territories during their invasion of Eastern and Central Europe in 1241 and 1242. The Mongols' Golden Horde emerged as the dominant power of Eastern Europe, but Béla IV of Hungary's land grant to the Knights Hospitallers in Oltenia and Muntenia shows that the local Vlach rulers were subject to the king's authority in 1247. Basarab I of Wallachia united the Romanian polities between the southern Carpathians and the Lower Danube in the 1310s. He defeated the Hungarian royal army in the Battle of Posada and secured the independence of Wallachia in 1330. The second Romanian principality, Moldavia, achieved full autonomy during the reign of Bogdan I around 1360. A local dynasty ruled the Despotate of Dobruja in the second half of the 14th century, but the Ottoman Empire took possession of the territory after 1388.Princes Mircea I and Vlad III of Wallachia, and Stephen III of Moldavia defended their countries' independence against the Ottomans. Most Wallachian and Moldavian princes paid a regular tribute to the Ottoman sultans from 1417 and 1456, respectively. A military commander of Romanian origin, John Hunyadi, organised the defence of the Kingdom of Hungary until his death in 1456. Increasing taxes outraged the Transylvanian peasants, and they rose up in an open rebellion in 1437, but the Hungarian nobles and the heads of the Saxon and Székely communities jointly suppressed their revolt. The formal alliance of the Hungarian, Saxon, and Székely leaders, known as the Union of the Three Nations, became an important element of the self-government of Transylvania. The Orthodox Romanian "knezes" ("chiefs") were excluded from the Union.The Kingdom of Hungary collapsed, and the Ottomans occupied parts of Banat and Crișana in 1541. Transylvania and Maramureș, along with the rest of Banat and Crișana developed into a new state under Ottoman suzerainty, the Principality of Transylvania. Reformation spread and four denominations—Calvinism, Lutheranism, Unitarianism, and Roman Catholicism—were officially acknowledged in 1568. The Romanians' Orthodox faith remained only tolerated, although they made up more than one-third of the population, according to 17th-century estimations.The princes of Transylvania, Wallachia, and Moldavia joined the Holy League against the Ottoman Empire in 1594. The Wallachian prince, Michael the Brave, united the three principalities under his rule in May 1600. The neighboring powers forced him to abdicate in September, but he became a symbol of the unification of the Romanian lands in the 19th century. Although the rulers of the three principalities continued to pay tribute to the Ottomans, the most talented princes—Gabriel Bethlen of Transylvania, Matei Basarab of Wallachia, and Vasile Lupu of Moldavia—strengthened their autonomy.The united armies of the Holy League expelled the Ottoman troops from Central Europe between 1684 and 1699, and the Principality of Transylvania was integrated into the Habsburg Monarchy. The Habsburgs supported the Catholic clergy and persuaded the Orthodox Romanian prelates to accept the union with the Roman Catholic Church in 1699. The Church Union strengthened the Romanian intellectuals' devotion to their Roman heritage. The Orthodox Church was restored in Transylvania only after Orthodox monks stirred up revolts in 1744 and 1759. The organization of the Transylvanian Military Frontier caused further disturbances, especially among the Székelys in 1764.Princes Dimitrie Cantemir of Moldavia and Constantin Brâncoveanu of Wallachia concluded alliances with the Habsburg Monarchy and Russia against the Ottomans, but they were dethroned in 1711 and 1714, respectively. The sultans lost confidence in the native princes and appointed Orthodox merchants from the Phanar district of Istanbul to rule Moldova and Wallachia. The Phanariot princes pursued oppressive fiscal policies and dissolved the army. The neighboring powers took advantage of the situation: the Habsburg Monarchy annexed the northwestern part of Moldavia, or Bukovina, in 1775, and the Russian Empire seized the eastern half of Moldavia, or Bessarabia, in 1812.A census revealed that the Romanians were more numerous than any other ethnic group in Transylvania in 1733, but legislation continued to use contemptuous adjectives (such as "tolerated" and "admitted") when referring to them. The Uniate bishop, Inocențiu Micu-Klein who demanded recognition of the Romanians as the fourth privileged nation was forced into exile. Uniate and Orthodox clerics and laymen jointly signed a plea for the Transylvanian Romanians' emancipation in 1791, but the monarch and the local authorities refused to grant their requests.The Treaty of Küçük Kaynarca authorised the Russian ambassador in Istanbul to defend the autonomy of Moldavia and Wallachia (known as the Danubian Principalities) in 1774. Taking advantage of the Greek War of Independence, a Wallachian lesser nobleman, Tudor Vladimirescu, stirred up a revolt against the Ottomans in January 1821, but he was murdered in June by Phanariot Greeks. After a new Russo-Turkish War, the Treaty of Adrianople strengthened the autonomy of the Danubian Principalities in 1829, although it also acknowledged the sultan's right to confirm the election of the princes.Mihail Kogălniceanu, Nicolae Bălcescu and other leaders of the 1848 revolutions in Moldavia and Wallachia demanded the emancipation of the peasants and the union of the two principalities, but Russian and Ottoman troops crushed their revolt. The Wallachian revolutionists were the first to adopt the blue, yellow and red tricolour as the national flag. In Transylvania, most Romanians supported the imperial government against the Hungarian revolutionaries after the Diet passed a law concerning the union of Transylvania and Hungary. Bishop Andrei Șaguna proposed the unification of the Romanians of the Habsburg Monarchy in a separate duchy, but the central government refused to change the internal borders.The Treaty of Paris put the Danubian Principalities under the collective guardianship of the Great Powers in 1856. After special assemblies convoked in Moldavia and Wallachia urged the unification of the two principalities, the Great Powers did not prevent the election of Alexandru Ioan Cuza as their collective "domnitor" (or ruling prince) in January 1859. The united principalities officially adopted the name Romania on 21 February 1862. Cuza's government carried out a series of reforms, including the secularisation of the property of monasteries and agrarian reform, but a coalition of conservative and radical politicians forced him to abdicate in February 1866.Cuza's successor, a German prince, Karl of Hohenzollern-Sigmaringen (or Carol I), was elected in May. The parliament adopted the first constitution of Romania in the same year. The Great Powers acknowledged Romania's full independence at the Congress of Berlin and Carol I was crowned king in 1881. The Congress also granted the Danube Delta and Dobruja to Romania. Although Romanian scholars strove for the unification of all Romanians into a Greater Romania, the government did not openly support their irredentist projects.The Transylvanian Romanians and Saxons wanted to maintain the separate status of Transylvania in the Habsburg Monarchy, but the Austro-Hungarian Compromise brought about the union of the province with Hungary in 1867. Ethnic Romanian politicians sharply opposed the Hungarian government's attempts to transform Hungary into a national state, especially the laws prescribing the obligatory teaching of Hungarian. Leaders of the Romanian National Party proposed the federalisation of Austria-Hungary and the Romanian intellectuals established a cultural association to promote the use of Romanian.Fearing Russian expansionism, Romania secretly joined the Triple Alliance of Germany, Austria-Hungary, and Italy in 1883, but public opinion remained hostile to Austria-Hungary. Romania seized Southern Dobruja from Bulgaria in the Second Balkan War in 1913. German and Austrian-Hungarian diplomacy supported Bulgaria during the war, bringing about a rapprochement between Romania and the Triple Entente of France, Russia and the United Kingdom. The country remained neutral when World War I broke out in 1914, but Prime Minister Ion I. C. Brătianu started negotiations with the Entente Powers. After they promised Austrian-Hungarian territories with a majority of ethnic Romanian population to Romania in the Treaty of Bucharest, Romania entered the war against the Central Powers in 1916. The German and Austrian-Hungarian troops defeated the Romanian army and occupied three-quarters of the country by early 1917. After the October Revolution turned Russia from an ally into an enemy, Romania was forced to sign a harsh peace treaty with the Central Powers in May 1918, but the collapse of Russia also enabled the union of Bessarabia with Romania. King Ferdinand again mobilised the Romanian army on behalf of the Entente Powers a day before Germany capitulated on 11 November 1918.Austria-Hungary quickly disintegrated after the war. The General Congress of Bukovina proclaimed the union of the province with Romania on 28 November 1918, and the Grand National Assembly proclaimed the union of Transylvania, Banat, Crișana and Maramureș with the kingdom on 1 December. Peace treaties with Austria, Bulgaria and Hungary delineated the new borders in 1919 and 1920, but the Soviet Union did not acknowledge the loss of Bessarabia. Romania achieved its greatest territorial extent, expanding from the pre-war . A new electoral system granted voting rights to all adult male citizens, and a series of radical agrarian reforms transformed the country into a "nation of small landowners" between 1918 and 1921. Gender equality as a principle was enacted, but women could not vote or be candidates. Calypso Botez established the National Council of Romanian Women to promote feminist ideas. Romania was a multiethnic country, with ethnic minorities making up about 30% of the population, but the new constitution declared it a unitary national state in 1923. Although minorities could establish their own schools, Romanian language, history and geography could only be taught in Romanian.Agriculture remained the principal sector of economy, but several branches of industry—especially the production of coal, oil, metals, synthetic rubber, explosives and cosmetics—developed during the interwar period. With oil production of 5.8 million tons in 1930, Romania ranked sixth in the world. Two parties, the National Liberal Party and the National Peasants' Party, dominated political life, but the Great Depression in Romania brought about significant changes in the 1930s. The democratic parties were squeezed between conflicts with the fascist and anti-Semitic Iron Guard and the authoritarian tendencies of King Carol II. The King promulgated a new constitution and dissolved the political parties in 1938, replacing the parliamentary system with a royal dictatorship.The 1938 Munich Agreement convinced King Carol II that France and the United Kingdom could not defend Romanian interests. German preparations for a new war required the regular supply of Romanian oil and agricultural products. The two countries concluded a treaty concerning the coordination of their economic policies in 1939, but the King could not persuade Adolf Hitler to guarantee Romania's frontiers. Romania was forced to cede Bessarabia and Northern Bukovina to the Soviet Union on 26 June 1940, Northern Transylvania to Hungary on 30 August, and Southern Dobruja to Bulgaria in September. After the territorial losses, the King was forced to abdicate in favour of his minor son, Michael I, on 6 September, and Romania was transformed into a national-legionary state under the leadership of General Ion Antonescu. Antonescu signed the Tripartite Pact of Germany, Italy and Japan on 23 November. The Iron Guard staged a coup against Antonescu, but he crushed the riot with German support and introduced a military dictatorship in early 1941.Romania entered World War II soon after the German invasion of the Soviet Union in June 1941. The country regained Bessarabia and Northern Bukovina, and the Germans placed Transnistria (the territory between the rivers Dniester and Dnieper) under Romanian administration. Romanian and German troops massacred at least 160,000 local Jews in these territories; more than 105,000 Jews and about 11,000 Gypsies died during their deportation from Bessarabia to Transnistria. Most of the Jewish population of Moldavia, Wallachia, Banat and Southern Transylvania survived, but their fundamental rights were limited. After the German occupation of Hungary in March 1944, about 132,000 Jews – mainly Hungarian-speaking – were deported to extermination camps from Northern Transylvania with the Hungarian authorities' support.After the Soviet victory in the Battle of Stalingrad in 1943, Iuliu Maniu, a leader of the opposition to Antonescu, entered into secret negotiations with British diplomats who made it clear that Romania had to seek reconciliation with the Soviet Union. To facilitate the coordination of their activities against Antonescu's regime, the National Liberal and National Peasants' parties established the National Democratic Bloc, which also included the Social Democratic and Communist parties. After a successful Soviet offensive, the young King Michael I ordered Antonescu's arrest and appointed politicians from the National Democratic Bloc to form a new government on 23 August 1944. Romania switched sides during the war, and nearly 250,000 Romanian troops joined the Red Army's military campaign against Hungary and Germany, but Joseph Stalin regarded the country as an occupied territory within the Soviet sphere of influence. Stalin's deputy instructed the King to make the Communists' candidate, Petru Groza, the prime minister in March 1945. The Romanian administration in Northern Transylvania was soon restored, and Groza's government carried out an agrarian reform. In February 1947, the Paris Peace Treaties confirmed the return of Northern Transylvania to Romania, but they also legalised the presence of units of the Red Army in the country.During the Soviet occupation of Romania, the Communist-dominated government called for new elections in 1946, which they fraudulently won, with a fabricated 70% majority of the vote. Thus, they rapidly established themselves as the dominant political force. Gheorghe Gheorghiu-Dej, a Communist party leader imprisoned in 1933, escaped in 1944 to become Romania's first Communist leader. In February 1947, he and others forced King Michael I to abdicate and leave the country and proclaimed Romania a people's republic. Romania remained under the direct military occupation and economic control of the USSR until the late 1950s. During this period, Romania's vast natural resources were drained continuously by mixed Soviet-Romanian companies (SovRoms) set up for unilateral exploitative purposes.In 1948, the state began to nationalise private firms and to collectivise agriculture. Until the early 1960s, the government severely curtailed political liberties and vigorously suppressed any dissent with the help of the Securitate—the Romanian secret police. During this period the regime launched several campaigns of purges during which numerous "enemies of the state" and "parasite elements" were targeted for different forms of punishment including: deportation, internal exile, internment in forced labour camps and prisons—sometimes for life—as well as extrajudicial killing. Nevertheless, anti-Communist resistance was one of the most long-lasting in the Eastern Bloc. A 2006 Commission estimated the number of direct victims of the Communist repression at two million people.In 1965, Nicolae Ceaușescu came to power and started to conduct the country's foreign policy more independently from the Soviet Union. Thus, Communist Romania was the only Warsaw Pact country which refused to participate in the Soviet-led 1968 invasion of Czechoslovakia. Ceaușescu even publicly condemned the action as "a big mistake, [and] a serious danger to peace in Europe and to the fate of Communism in the world".) It was the only Communist state to maintain diplomatic relations with Israel after 1967's Six-Day War and established diplomatic relations with West Germany the same year. At the same time, close ties with the Arab countries and the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) allowed Romania to play a key role in the Israel–Egypt and Israel–PLO peace talks.As Romania's foreign debt increased sharply between 1977 and 1981 (from US$3 billion to $10 billion), the influence of international financial organisations—such as the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the World Bank—grew, gradually conflicting with Ceaușescu's autocratic rule. He eventually initiated a policy of total reimbursement of the foreign debt by imposing austerity steps that impoverished the population and exhausted the economy. The process succeeded in repaying all of Romania's foreign government debt in 1989. At the same time, Ceaușescu greatly extended the authority of the Securitate secret police and imposed a severe cult of personality, which led to a dramatic decrease in the dictator's popularity and culminated in his overthrow and eventual execution, together with his wife, in the violent Romanian Revolution of December 1989 in which thousands were killed or injured. The charges for which they were executed were, among others, genocide by starvation.After the 1989 revolution, the National Salvation Front (NSF), led by Ion Iliescu, took partial multi-party democratic and free market measures. In April 1990, a sit-in protest contesting the results of that year's legislative elections and accusing the NSF, including Iliescu, of being made up of former Communists and members of the Securitate grew rapidly to become what was called the Golaniad. Peaceful demonstrations degenerated into violence, prompting the intervention of coal miners summoned by Iliescu. This episode has been documented widely by both local and foreign media, and is remembered as the June 1990 Mineriad.The subsequent disintegration of the Front produced several political parties, including most notably the Social Democratic Party (PDSR then PSD) and the Democratic Party (PD and subsequently PDL). The former governed Romania from 1990 until 1996 through several coalitions and governments, with Ion Iliescu as head of state. Since then, there have been several other democratic changes of government: in 1996 Emil Constantinescu was elected president, in 2000 Iliescu returned to power, while Traian Băsescu was elected in 2004 and narrowly re-elected in 2009.In 2009, the country was bailed out by the International Monetary Fund as an aftershock of the Great Recession in Europe.In November 2014, Sibiu () former FDGR/DFDR mayor Klaus Iohannis was elected president, unexpectedly defeating former Prime Minister Victor Ponta, who had been previously leading in the opinion polls. This surprise victory was attributed by many analysts to the implication of the Romanian diaspora in the voting process, with almost 50% casting ballots for Klaus Iohannis in the first round, compared to only 16% for Ponta. In 2019, Iohannis was re-elected president in a landslide victory over former Prime Minister Viorica Dăncilă.The post–1989 period is also characterised by the fact that most of the former industrial and economic enterprises which were built and operated during the Communist period were closed, mainly as a result of the policies of privatisation of the post–1989 regimes.Corruption has also been a major issue in contemporary Romanian politics. In November 2015, massive anti-corruption protests which developed in the wake of the Colectiv nightclub fire led to the resignation of Romania's Prime Minister Victor Ponta. During 2017–2018, in response to measures which were perceived to weaken the fight against corruption, some of the biggest protests since 1989 took place in Romania, with over 500,000 people protesting across the country.Nevertheless, there have been efforts to tackle corruption. A National Anticorruption Directorate was formed in the country in 2002. In Transparency International's 2019 Corruption Perceptions Index, Romania's public sector corruption score deteriorated to 44 out of 100, reversing gains made in previous years.After the end of the Cold War, Romania developed closer ties with Western Europe and the United States, eventually joining NATO in 2004, and hosting the 2008 summit in Bucharest.The country applied in June 1993 for membership in the European Union and became an Associated State of the EU in 1995, an Acceding Country in 2004, and a full member on 1 January 2007.During the 2000s, Romania enjoyed one of the highest economic growth rates in Europe and has been referred at times as "the Tiger of Eastern Europe". This has been accompanied by a significant improvement in living standards as the country successfully reduced domestic poverty and established a functional democratic state. However, Romania's development suffered a major setback during the late-2000s' recession leading to a large gross domestic product contraction and a budget deficit in 2009. This led to Romania borrowing from the International Monetary Fund. Worsening economic conditions led to unrest and triggered a political crisis in 2012.Romania still faces problems related to infrastructure, medical services, education, and corruption. Near the end of 2013, "The Economist" reported Romania again enjoying "booming" economic growth at 4.1% that year, with wages rising fast and a lower unemployment than in Britain. Economic growth accelerated in the midst of government liberalisations in opening up new sectors to competition and investment—most notably, energy and telecoms. In 2016 the Human Development Index ranked Romania as a nation of "Very High Human Development".Following the experience of economic instability throughout the 1990s, and the implementation of a free travel agreement with the EU, a great number of Romanians emigrated to Western Europe and North America, with particularly large communities in Italy, Germany and Spain. In 2016, the Romanian diaspora was estimated to be over 3.6 million people, the fifth-highest emigrant population in the world.Romania is the largest country in Southeastern Europe and the twelfth-largest in Europe, having an area of . It lies between latitudes 43° and 49° N and longitudes 20° and 30° E. The terrain is distributed roughly equally between mountains, hills, and plains. The Carpathian Mountains dominate the centre of Romania, with 14 mountain ranges reaching above —the highest is Moldoveanu Peak at . They are surrounded by the Moldavian and Transylvanian plateaus, the Carpathian Basin and the Wallachian plains.Romania is home to six terrestrial ecoregions: Balkan mixed forests, Central European mixed forests, East European forest steppe, Pannonian mixed forests, Carpathian montane conifer forests, and Pontic steppe. Natural and semi-natural ecosystems cover about 47% of the country's land area. There are almost (about 5% of the total area) of protected areas in Romania covering 13 national parks and three biosphere reserves. The Danube river forms a large part of the border with Serbia and Bulgaria, and flows into the Black Sea, forming the Danube Delta, which is the second-largest and best-preserved delta in Europe, and a biosphere reserve and a biodiversity World Heritage Site. At , the Danube Delta is the largest continuous marshland in Europe, and supports 1,688 different plant species alone.Romania has one of the largest areas of undisturbed forest in Europe, covering almost 27% of its territory. The country had a 2019 Forest Landscape Integrity Index mean score of 5.95/10, ranking it 90th globally out of 172 countries. Some 3,700 plant species have been identified in the country, from which to date 23 have been declared natural monuments, 74 extinct, 39 endangered, 171 vulnerable, and 1,253 rare.The fauna of Romania consists of 33,792 species of animals, 33,085 invertebrate and 707 vertebrate, with almost 400 unique species of mammals, birds, reptiles, and amphibians, including about 50% of Europe's (excluding Russia) brown bears and 20% of its wolves.Owing to its distance from open sea and its position on the southeastern portion of the European continent, Romania has a climate that is temperate and continental, with four distinct seasons. The average annual temperature is in the south and in the north. In summer, average maximum temperatures in Bucharest rise to , and temperatures over are fairly common in the lower-lying areas of the country. In winter, the average maximum temperature is below . Precipitation is average, with over per year only on the highest western mountains, while around Bucharest it drops to approximately .There are some regional differences: in western sections, such as Banat, the climate is milder and has some Mediterranean influences; the eastern part of the country has a more pronounced continental climate. In Dobruja, the Black Sea also exerts an influence over the region's climate.The Constitution of Romania is based on the constitution of France's Fifth Republic and was approved in a national referendum on 8 December 1991 and amended in October 2003 to bring it into conformity with EU legislation. The country is governed on the basis of a multi-party democratic system and the separation of powers between the legislative, executive and judicial branches. It is a semi-presidential republic where executive functions are held by both the government and the president. The latter is elected by popular vote for a maximum of two terms of five years and appoints the prime minister who in turn appoints the Council of Ministers. The legislative branch of the government, collectively known as the Parliament (residing at the Palace of the Parliament), consists of two chambers (Senate and Chamber of Deputies) whose members are elected every four years by simple plurality.The justice system is independent of the other branches of government and is made up of a hierarchical system of courts with the High Court of Cassation and Justice being the supreme court of Romania. There are also courts of appeal, county courts and local courts. The Romanian judicial system is strongly influenced by the French model, is based on civil law and is inquisitorial in nature. The Constitutional Court ("Curtea Constituțională") is responsible for judging the compliance of laws and other state regulations with the constitution, which is the fundamental law of the country and can only be amended through a public referendum. Romania's 2007 entry into the EU has been a significant influence on its domestic policy, and including judicial reforms, increased judicial cooperation with other member states, and measures to combat corruption.Since December 1989, Romania has pursued a policy of strengthening relations with the West in general, more specifically with the United States and the European Union, albeit with limited relations involving the Russian Federation. It joined the NATO on 29 March 2004, the European Union (EU) on 1 January 2007, while it joined the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank in 1972, and is a founding member of the World Trade Organization.In the past, recent governments have stated that one of their goals is to strengthen ties with and helping other countries (in particular Moldova, Ukraine, and Georgia) with the process of integration with the rest of the West. Romania has also made clear since the late 1990s that it supports NATO and EU membership for the democratic former Soviet republics in Eastern Europe and the Caucasus. Romania also declared its public support for Turkey, and Croatia joining the European Union.Romania opted on 1 January 2007, to accede to the Schengen Area, and its bid to join was approved by the European Parliament in June 2011, but was rejected by the EU Council in September 2011. As of August 2019, its acceptance into the Schengen Area is hampered because the European Council has misgivings about Romania's adherence to the rule of law, a fundamental principle of EU membership.In December 2005, President Traian Băsescu and United States Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice signed an agreement that would allow a U.S. military presence at several Romanian facilities primarily in the eastern part of the country. In May 2009, Hillary Clinton, US Secretary of State, declared that "Romania is one of the most trustworthy and respectable partners of the USA."Relations with Moldova are a special case given that the two countries share the same language and a common history. A movement for unification of Romania and Moldova appeared in the early 1990s after both countries achieved emancipation from communist rule but lost ground in the mid-1990s when a new Moldovan government pursued an agenda towards preserving a Moldovan republic independent of Romania. After the 2009 protests in Moldova and the subsequent removal of Communists from power, relations between the two countries have improved considerably.The Romanian Armed Forces consist of land, air, and naval forces led by a Commander-in-chief under the supervision of the Ministry of National Defence, and by the president as the Supreme Commander during wartime. The Armed Forces consist of approximately 15,000 civilians and 75,000 military personnel—45,800 for land, 13,250 for air, 6,800 for naval forces, and 8,800 in other fields. Total defence spending in 2007 accounted for 2.05% of total national GDP, or approximately US$2.9 billion, with a total of $11 billion spent between 2006 and 2011 for modernization and acquisition of new equipment.The Air Force operates modernised Soviet MiG-21 Lancer fighters. The Air Force purchased seven new C-27J Spartan tactical airlifters, while the Naval Forces acquired two modernised Type 22 frigates from the British Royal Navy.Romania contributed troops to the international coalition in Afghanistan beginning in 2002, with a peak deployment of 1,600 troops in 2010 (which was the 4th largest contribution according to the US). Its combat mission in the country concluded in 2014. Romanian troops participated in the occupation of Iraq, reaching a peak of 730 soldiers before being slowly drawn down to 350 soldiers. Romania terminated its mission in Iraq and withdrew its last troops on 24 July 2009, among the last countries to do so. The frigate the "Regele Ferdinand" participated in the 2011 military intervention in Libya.In December 2011, the Romanian Senate unanimously adopted the draft law ratifying the Romania-United States agreement signed in September of the same year that would allow the establishment and operation of a US land-based ballistic missile defence system in Romania as part of NATO's efforts to build a continental missile shield.Romania is divided into 41 counties ("județe", pronounced judetse) and the municipality of Bucharest. Each county is administered by a county council, responsible for local affairs, as well as a prefect responsible for the administration of national affairs at the county level. The prefect is appointed by the central government but cannot be a member of any political party. Each county is subdivided further into cities and communes, which have their own mayor and local council. There are a total of 320 cities and 2,861 communes in Romania. A total of 103 of the larger cities have municipality status, which gives them greater administrative power over local affairs. The municipality of Bucharest is a special case, as it enjoys a status on par to that of a county. It is further divided into six sectors and has a prefect, a general mayor ("primar"), and a general city council.The NUTS-3 (Nomenclature of Territorial Units for Statistics) level divisions of the European Union reflect Romania's administrative-territorial structure and correspond to the 41 counties plus Bucharest. The cities and communes correspond to the NUTS-5 level divisions, but there are no current NUTS-4 level divisions. The NUTS-1 (four macroregions) and NUTS-2 (eight development regions) divisions exist but have no administrative capacity and are used instead for coordinating regional development projects and statistical purposes.In 2019, Romania has a GDP (PPP) of around $547 billion and a GDP per capita (PPP) of $28,189. According to the World Bank, Romania is a high-income economy. According to Eurostat, Romania's GDP per capita (PPS) was 70% of the EU average (100%) in 2019, an increase from 44% in 2007 (the year of Romania's accession to the EU), making Romania one of the fastest growing economies in the EU.After 1989 the country experienced a decade of economic instability and decline, led in part by an obsolete industrial base and a lack of structural reform. From 2000 onward, however, the Romanian economy was transformed into one of relative macroeconomic stability, characterised by high growth, low unemployment and declining inflation. In 2006, according to the Romanian Statistics Office, GDP growth in real terms was recorded at 7.7%, one of the highest rates in Europe. However, a recession following the global financial crisis of 2008–2009 forced the government to borrow externally, including an IMF €20 billion bailout program. According to The World Bank, GDP per capita in purchasing power parity grew from $13,687 in 2007 to $28,206 in 2018. Romania's net average monthly wage increased to 666 euro as of 2020, and an inflation rate of −1.1% in 2016. Unemployment in Romania was at 4.3% in August 2018, which is low compared to other EU countries.Industrial output growth reached 6.5% year-on-year in February 2013, the highest in the Europe. The largest local companies include car maker Automobile Dacia, Petrom, Rompetrol, Ford Romania, Electrica, Romgaz, RCS & RDS and Banca Transilvania. As of 2020, there are around 6000 exports per month. Romania's main exports are: cars, software, clothing and textiles, industrial machinery, electrical and electronic equipment, metallurgic products, raw materials, military equipment, pharmaceuticals, fine chemicals, and agricultural products (fruits, vegetables, and flowers). Trade is mostly centred on the member states of the European Union, with Germany and Italy being the country's single largest trading partners. The account balance in 2012 was estimated to be 4.52% of GDP.After a series of privatizations and reforms in the late 1990s and 2000s, government intervention in the Romanian economy is somewhat less than in other European economies. In 2005, the government replaced Romania's progressive tax system with a flat tax of 16% for both personal income and corporate profit, among the lowest rates in the European Union. The economy is based predominantly on services, which account for 56.2% of the country's total GDP as of 2017, with industry and agriculture accounting for 30% and 4.4% respectively.Approximately 25.8% of the Romanian workforce is employed in agriculture, one of the highest rates in Europe.Romania has attracted increasing amounts of foreign investment following the end of Communism, with the stock of foreign direct investment (FDI) in Romania rising to €83.8 billion in June 2019. Romania's FDI outward stock (an external or foreign business either investing in or purchasing the stock of a local economy) amounted to $745 million in December 2018, the lowest value among the 28 EU member states.According to a 2019 World Bank report, Romania ranks 52nd out of 190 economies in the ease of doing business, one place higher than neighbouring Hungary and one place lower than Italy. The report praised the consistent enforcement of contracts and access to credit in the country, while noting difficulties in access to electricity and dealing with construction permits.Since 1867 the official currency has been the Romanian "leu" ("lion") and following a denomination in 2005. After joining the EU in 2007, Romania is expected to adopt the Euro in 2024.In January 2020, Romania's external debt was reported to be US$122 billion according to CEIC data.According to the Romania's National Institute of Statistics (INSSE), Romania's total road network was estimated in 2015 at . The World Bank estimates the railway network at of track, the fourth-largest railroad network in Europe. Romania's rail transport experienced a dramatic decline after 1989 and was estimated at 99 million passenger journeys in 2004, but has experienced a recent (2013) revival due to infrastructure improvements and partial privatisation of lines, accounting for 45% of all passenger and freight movements in the country. Bucharest Metro, the only underground railway system, was opened in 1979 and measures with an average ridership in 2007 of 600,000 passengers during the workweek in the country. There are sixteen international commercial airports in service today. Over 12.8 million passengers flew through Bucharest's Henri Coandă International Airport in 2017.Romania is a net exporter of electrical energy and is 52nd worldwide in terms of consumption of electric energy. Around a third of the produced energy comes from renewable sources, mostly as hydroelectric power. In 2015, the main sources were coal (28%), hydroelectric (30%), nuclear (18%), and hydrocarbons (14%). It has one of the largest refining capacities in Eastern Europe, even though oil and natural gas production has been decreasing for more than a decade. With one of the largest reserves of crude oil and shale gas in Europe it is among the most energy-independent countries in the European Union, and is looking to expand its nuclear power plant at Cernavodă further.There were almost 18.3 million connections to the Internet in June 2014. According to Bloomberg, in 2013 Romania ranked fifth in the world, and according to "The Independent", it ranks number one in Europe at Internet speeds, with Timișoara ranked among the highest in the world.Tourism is a significant contributor to the Romanian economy, generating around 5% of GDP. The number of tourists has been rising steadily, reaching 9.33 million foreign tourists in 2016, according to the Worldbank. Tourism in Romania attracted €400 million in investments in 2005. More than 60% of the foreign visitors in 2007 were from other EU countries. The popular summer attractions of Mamaia and other Black Sea Resorts attracted 1.3 million tourists in 2009.Most popular skiing resorts are along the Valea Prahovei and in Poiana Brașov. Castles, fortifications, or strongholds as well as preserved medieval Transylvanian cities or towns such as Cluj-Napoca, Sibiu, Brașov, Bistrița, Mediaș, Cisnădie, or Sighișoara also attract a large number of tourists. Bran Castle, near Brașov, is one of the most famous attractions in Romania, drawing hundreds of thousands of tourists every year as it is often advertised as being Dracula's Castle.Rural tourism, focusing on folklore and traditions, has become an important alternative, and is targeted to promote such sites as Bran and its Dracula's Castle, the painted churches of northern Moldavia, and the wooden churches of Maramureș, or the villages with fortified churches in Transylvania. Other attractions include the Danube Delta or the Sculptural Ensemble of Constantin Brâncuși at Târgu Jiu.In 2014, Romania had 32,500 companies active in the hotel and restaurant industry, with a total turnover of €2.6 billion. More than 1.9 million foreign tourists visited Romania in 2014, 12% more than in 2013. According to the country's National Statistics Institute, some 77% came from Europe (particularly from Germany, Italy, and France), 12% from Asia, and less than 7% from North America.Historically, Romanian researchers and inventors have made notable contributions to several fields. In the history of flight, Traian Vuia built the first airplane to take off under its own power and Aurel Vlaicu built and flew some of the earliest successful aircraft, while Henri Coandă discovered the Coandă effect of fluidics. Victor Babeș discovered more than 50 types of bacteria; biologist Nicolae Paulescu discovered insulin, while Emil Palade received the Nobel Prize for his contributions to cell biology. Lazăr Edeleanu was the first chemist to synthesise amphetamine, and he also invented the procedure of separating valuable petroleum components with selective solvents.During the 1990s and 2000s, the development of research was hampered by several factors, including: corruption, low funding, and a considerable brain drain. In recent years, Romania has ranked the lowest or second-lowest in the European Union by research and development spending as a percentage of GDP, standing at roughly 0.5% in 2016 and 2017, substantially below the EU average of just over 2%. The country joined the European Space Agency (ESA) in 2011, and CERN in 2016. In 2018, however, Romania lost its voting rights in the ESA due to a failure to pay €56.8 million in membership contributions to the agency.In the early 2010s, the situation for science in Romania was characterised as "rapidly improving" albeit from a low base. In January 2011, Parliament passed a law that enforces "strict quality control on universities and introduces tough rules for funding evaluation and peer review".The nuclear physics facility of the European Union's proposed Extreme Light Infrastructure (ELI) laser will be built in Romania. In early 2012, Romania launched its first satellite from the Centre Spatial Guyanais in French Guyana. Starting in December 2014, Romania became a co-owner of the International Space Station.According to the 2011 Romanian census, Romania's population was 20,121,641. Like other countries in the region, its population is expected to decline gradually as a result of sub-replacement fertility rates and negative net migration rate. In October 2011, Romanians made up 88.9% of the population. The largest ethnic minorities are the Hungarians, 6.1% of the population, and the Roma, 3.0% of the population. The Roma minority is usually underestimated in census data and may represent up to 10% of the population. Hungarians constitute a majority in the counties of Harghita and Covasna. Other minorities include Ukrainians, Germans, Turks, Lipovans, Aromanians, Tatars, and Serbs. In 1930, there were 745,421 Germans living in Romania, but only about 36,000 remained in the country to this day. , there were also approximately 133,000 immigrants living in Romania, primarily from Moldova and China.The total fertility rate (TFR) in 2018 was estimated at 1.36 children born per woman, which is below the replacement rate of 2.1, and one of the lowest in the world, it remains considerably below the high of 5.82 children born per woman in 1912. In 2014, 31.2% of births were to unmarried women.The birth rate (9.49‰, 2012) is much lower than the mortality rate (11.84‰, 2012), resulting in a shrinking (−0.26% per year, 2012) and aging population (median age: 41.6 years, 2018), one of the oldest populations in the world, with approximately 16.8% of total population aged 65 years and over. The life expectancy in 2015 was estimated at 74.92 years (71.46 years male, 78.59 years female).The number of Romanians and individuals with ancestors born in Romania living abroad is estimated at around 12 million. After the Romanian Revolution of 1989, a significant number of Romanians emigrated to other European countries, North America or Australia. For example, in 1990, 96,919 Romanians permanently settled abroad.The official language is Romanian, a Romance language (the most widely spoken of the Eastern Romance branch), which presents a consistent degree of similarity to Aromanian, Megleno-Romanian, and Istro-Romanian, but shares many features equally with the rest of the Western Romance languages, specifically Italian, French, Spanish, Portuguese, and Catalan. The Romanian alphabet contains the same 26 letters of the standard Latin alphabet, as well as five additional ones (namely "ă","â","î","ț", and "ș"), totaling 31.Romanian is spoken as a first language by approximately 90% of the entire population, while Hungarian and Vlax Romani are spoken by 6.2% and 1.2% of the population, respectively. There are also approximately 50,000 native speakers of Ukrainian (concentrated in some compact regions, near the border where they form local majorities), 25,000 native speakers of German, and 32,000 native speakers of Turkish living in Romania.According to the Constitution, local councils ensure linguistic rights to all minorities. In localities with ethnic minorities of over 20%, that minority's language can be used in the public administration, justice system, and education. Foreign citizens and stateless persons who live in Romania have access to justice and education in their own language. English and French are the main foreign languages taught in schools. In 2010, the Organisation internationale de la Francophonie identified 4,756,100 French speakers in the country. According to the 2012 Eurobarometer, English is spoken by 31% of Romanians, French is spoken by 17%, and Italian and German, each by 7%.Romania is a secular state and has no state religion. An overwhelming majority of the population identify themselves as Christians. At the country's 2011 census, 81.0% of respondents identified as Orthodox Christians belonging to the Romanian Orthodox Church. Other denominations include Protestantism (6.2%), Roman Catholicism (4.3%), and Greek Catholicism (0.8%). From the remaining population, 195,569 people belong to other Christian denominations or have another religion, which includes 64,337 Muslims (mostly of Turkish and Tatar ethnicity) and 3,519 Jewish (Jews once constituted 4% of the Romanian population—728,115 persons in the 1930 census). Moreover, 39,660 people have no religion or are atheist, whilst the religion of the rest is unknown.The Romanian Orthodox Church is an autocephalous Eastern Orthodox Church in full communion with other Orthodox churches, with a Patriarch as its leader. It is the fourth-largest Orthodox Church in the world, and unlike other Orthodox churches, it functions within a Latin culture and uses a Romance liturgical language. Its canonical jurisdiction covers the territories of Romania and Moldova. Romania has the world's third-largest Eastern Orthodox population.Although 54.0% of the population lived in urban areas in 2011, this percentage has been declining since 1996. Counties with over ⅔ urban population are Hunedoara, Brașov and Constanța, while those with less than a third are Dâmbovița (30.06%) and Giurgiu and Teleorman. Bucharest is the capital and the largest city in Romania, with a population of over 1.8 million in 2011. Its larger urban zone has a population of almost 2.2 million, which are planned to be included into a metropolitan area up to 20 times the area of the city proper. Another 19 cities have a population of over 100,000, with Cluj-Napoca and Timișoara of slightly more than 300,000 inhabitants, Iași, Constanța, Craiova, and Brașov with over 250,000 inhabitants, and Galați and Ploiești with over 200,000 inhabitants. Metropolitan areas have been constituted for most of these cities.Since the Romanian Revolution of 1989, the Romanian educational system has been in a continuous process of reform that has received mixed criticism. In 2004, some 4.4 million individuals were enrolled in school. Of these, 650,000 were in kindergarten (three-six years), 3.11 million in primary and secondary level, and 650,000 in tertiary level (universities). In 2018, the adult literacy rate was 98.8%. Kindergarten is optional between three and five years. Since 2020, compulsory schooling starts at age 5 with the last year of kindergarten (grupa mare) and is compulsory until twelfth grade. Primary and secondary education is divided into 12 or 13 grades. There is also a semi-legal, informal private tutoring system used mostly during secondary school, which prospered during the Communist regime.Alexandru Ioan Cuza University of Iași, Babeș-Bolyai University of Cluj-Napoca, University of Bucharest, and West University of Timișoara have been included in the QS World University Rankings' top 800.Romania ranks fifth in the all-time medal count at the International Mathematical Olympiad with 316 total medals, dating back to 1959. Ciprian Manolescu managed to write a perfect paper (42 points) for a gold medal more times than anybody else in the history of the competition, in 1995, 1996 and 1997. Romania has achieved the highest team score in the competition, after China, Russia, the United States and Hungary. Romania also ranks sixth in the all-time medal count at the International Olympiad in Informatics with 107 total medals, dating back to 1989.Romania has a universal health care system; total health expenditures by the government are roughly 5% of GDP. It covers medical examinations, any surgical operations, and any post-operative medical care, and provides free or subsidised medicine for a range of diseases. The state is obliged to fund public hospitals and clinics. The most common causes of death are cardiovascular diseases and cancer. Transmissible diseases are quite common by European standards. In 2010, Romania had 428 state and 25 private hospitals, with 6.2 hospital beds per 1,000 people, and over 200,000 medical staff, including over 52,000 doctors. , the emigration rate of doctors was 9%, higher than the European average of 2.5%.The topic of the origin of Romanian culture began to be discussed by the end of the 18th century among the Transylvanian School scholars. Several writers rose to prominence in the 19th century, including: George Coșbuc, Ioan Slavici, Mihail Kogălniceanu, Vasile Alecsandri, Nicolae Bălcescu, Ion Luca Caragiale, Ion Creangă, and Mihai Eminescu, the later being considered the greatest and most influential Romanian poet, particularly for the poem "Luceafărul".In the 20th century, a number of Romanian artists and writers achieved international acclaim, including: Tristan Tzara, Marcel Janco, Mircea Eliade, Nicolae Grigorescu, Marin Preda, Liviu Rebreanu, Eugène Ionesco, Emil Cioran, and Constantin Brâncuși. Brâncuși has a sculptural ensemble in Târgu Jiu, while his sculpture "Bird in Space", was auctioned in 2005 for $27.5 million. Romanian-born Holocaust survivor Elie Wiesel received the Nobel Peace Prize in 1986, while Banat Swabian writer Herta Müller received the 2009 Nobel Prize in Literature.Prominent Romanian painters include: Nicolae Grigorescu, Ștefan Luchian, Ion Andreescu Nicolae Tonitza, and Theodor Aman. Notable Romanian classical composers of the 19th and 20th centuries include: Ciprian Porumbescu, Anton Pann, Eduard Caudella, Mihail Jora, Dinu Lipatti, and especially George Enescu. The annual George Enescu Festival is held in Bucharest in honour of the 20th-century composer.Contemporary musicians like Angela Gheorghiu, Gheorghe Zamfir, Inna, Alexandra Stan, and many others have achieved various levels of international acclaim. At the Eurovision Song Contest Romanian singers achieved third place in 2005 and 2010.In cinema, several movies of the Romanian New Wave have achieved international acclaim. At the Cannes Film Festival, "The Death of Mr. Lazarescu" by Cristi Puiu won the "Prix Un Certain Regard" in 2005, while "4 Months, 3 Weeks and 2 Days" by Cristian Mungiu won the festival's top prize, the "Palme d'Or", in 2007. At the Berlin International Film Festival, "Child's Pose" by Călin Peter Netzer won the Golden Bear in 2013.The list of World Heritage Sites includes six cultural sites located within Romania, including eight painted churches of northern Moldavia, eight wooden churches of Maramureș, seven villages with fortified churches in Transylvania, the Horezu Monastery, and the Historic Centre of Sighișoara. The city of Sibiu, with its Brukenthal National Museum, was selected as the 2007 European Capital of Culture and the 2019 European Region of Gastronomy. Multiple castles exist in Romania, including the popular tourist attractions of Peleș Castle, Corvin Castle, and Bran Castle or "Dracula's Castle".There are 12 non-working public holidays, including the Great Union Day, celebrated on 1 December in commemoration of the 1918 union of Transylvania with Romania. Winter holidays include the Christmas and New Year festivities during which various unique folklore dances and games are common: "plugușorul", "sorcova", "ursul", and "capra". The traditional Romanian dress that otherwise has largely fallen out of use during the 20th century, is a popular ceremonial vestment worn on these festivities, especially in rural areas. There are sacrifices of live pigs during Christmas and lambs during Easter that has required a special exemption from EU law after 2007. In the Easter, traditions such as painting the eggs are very common. On 1 March features "mărțișor" gifting, which is a tradition that females are gifted with a type of talisman that is given for good luck.Romanian cuisine has been influenced by Austrian and German cuisine (especially in the historical regions that had been formerly administered by the Habsburg Monarchy), but also shares some similarities with other cuisines in the Balkan region such as the Greek, Bulgarian, or Serbian cuisine. "Ciorbă" includes a wide range of sour soups, while "mititei", "mămăligă" (similar to polenta), and "sarmale" are featured commonly in main courses.Pork, chicken, and beef are the preferred types of meat, but lamb and fish are also quite popular. Certain traditional recipes are made in direct connection with the holidays: "chiftele", "tobă" and "tochitura" at Christmas; "drob", "pască" and "cozonac" at Easter and other Romanian holidays. "Țuică" is a strong plum brandy reaching a 70% alcohol content which is the country's traditional alcoholic beverage, taking as much as 75% of the national crop (Romania is one of the largest plum producers in the world). Traditional alcoholic beverages also include wine, "rachiu", "palincă" and "vișinată", but beer consumption has increased dramatically over recent years.Football is the most popular sport in Romania with over 219,000 registered players . The market for professional football in Romania is roughly €740 million according to UEFA.The governing body is the Romanian Football Federation, which belongs to UEFA. The Romania national football team played its first match in 1922 and is one of only four national teams to have taken part in the first three FIFA World Cups, the other three being Brazil, France, and Belgium. Overall, it has played in seven World Cups and had its most successful period during the 1990s, when it finished 6th at the 1994 FIFA World Cup, eventually being ranked 3rd by FIFA in 1997.The core player of this golden generation was Gheorghe Hagi, who was nicknamed "Maradona of the Carpathians". Other successful players include the European Golden Shoe winners: Dudu Georgescu, Dorin Mateuț and Rodion Cămătaru, Nicolae Dobrin, Ilie Balaci, Florea Dumitrache, Mihai Mocanu, Michael Klein, Mircea Rednic, Cornel Dinu, Mircea Lucescu, Costică Ștefănescu, Liță Dumitru, Lajos Sătmăreanu, Ștefan Sameș, Ladislau Bölöni, Anghel Iordănescu, Miodrag Belodedici, Helmuth Duckadam, Marius Lăcătuș, Victor Pițurcă and many others, and most recently Gheorghe Popescu, Florin Răducioiu, Dorinel Munteanu, Dan Petrescu, Adrian Mutu, Cristian Chivu, or Cosmin Contra. Romania's home ground is the Arena Națională in Bucharest.The most successful club is Steaua București, who were the first Eastern European team to win the Champions League in 1986, and were runners-up in 1989. They were also Europa League semi-finalists in 2006. Dinamo București reached the Champions League semi-final in 1984 and the Cup Winners' Cup semi-final in 1990. Other important Romanian football clubs are Rapid București, UTA Arad, Universitatea Craiova, Petrolul Ploiești, CFR Cluj, Astra Giurgiu, and Viitorul Constanța.Tennis is the second most popular sport. Romania reached the Davis Cup finals three times in 1969, 1971 and 1972. In singles, Ilie Năstase was the first year-end World Number 1 in the ATP Rankings in 1973, winning several Grand Slam titles. Also Virginia Ruzici won the French Open in 1978, and was runner-up in 1980, Simona Halep won the French Open in 2018 and Wimbledon in 2019 after losing her first three Grand Slam finals. She has ended 2017 and 2018 as WTA's World Number 1. And in doubles Horia Tecău won three Grand Slams and the ATP Finals final. He was World Number 2 in 2015.The second most popular team sport is handball. The men's team won the handball world championship in 1961, 1964, 1970, 1974 making them the third most successful nation ever in the tournament. The women's team won the world championship in 1962 and have enjoyed more success than their male counterparts in recent years. In the club competition Romanian teams have won the EHF Champions League a total of three times, Steaua București won in 1968 as well as 1977 and Dinamo București won in 1965. The most notable players include Ștefan Birtalan, Vasile Stîngă (all-time top scorer in the national team) and Gheorghe Gruia who was named the best player ever in 1992. In present-day Cristina Neagu is the most notable player and has a record four IHF World Player of the Year awards. In women's handball, powerhouse CSM București lifted the EHF Champions League trophy in 2016.Popular individual sports include combat sports, martial arts, and swimming. In professional boxing, Romania has produced many world champions across the weight divisions internationally recognised by governing bodies. World champions include Lucian Bute, Leonard Dorin Doroftei, Adrian Diaconu, and Michael Loewe. Another popular combat sport is professional kickboxing, which has produced prominent practitioners including Daniel Ghiță, and Benjamin Adegbuyi.Romania's 306 all-time Summer Olympics medals would rank 12th most among all countries, while its 89 gold medals would be 14th most. The 1984 Summer Olympics was their most successful run, where they won 53 medals in total, 20 of them gold, ultimately placing 2nd to the hosts United States in the medal rankings. Amongst countries who have never hosted the event themselves, they are second in the total number of medals earned.Gymnastics is the country's major medal-producing sport, with Olympic and sport icon Nadia Comăneci becoming the first gymnast ever to score a perfect ten in an Olympic event at the 1976 Summer Olympics. Other Romanian athletes who collected five gold medals like Comăneci are rowers Elisabeta Lipa (1984–2004) and Georgeta Damian (2000–2008). The Romanian competitors have won gold medals in other Olympic sports: athletics, canoeing, wrestling, shooting, fencing, swimming, weightlifting, boxing, and judo. | [
"Ion Ghica",
"Ion C. Brătianu",
"Lascăr Catargi",
"Petru Groza",
"Nicolae Ciucă",
"Ion Gigurtu",
"Gheorghe Gheorghiu-Dej",
"Barbu Catargiu",
"Nicolae Golescu",
"Theodor Stolojan",
"Ion G. Duca",
"Emil Boc",
"Mihai Tudose",
"Ștefan Golescu",
"Victor Ciorbea",
"Constantin Sănătescu",
"Victor Ponta",
"Dacian Cioloș",
"Mugur Isărescu",
"Petre Roman",
"Ludovic Orban",
"Constantin Argetoianu",
"Nicolae Iorga",
"Florin Cîțu",
"Radu Vasile",
"Constantin Bosianu",
"Take Ionescu",
"Manolache Costache Epureanu",
"Miron Cristea",
"Dimitrie Ghica",
"Gheorghe Argeșanu",
"Constantin Dăscălescu",
"Theodor Rosetti",
"Armand Călinescu",
"Octavian Goga",
"Chivu Stoica",
"Nicolae Văcăroiu",
"Dimitrie Sturdza",
"Viorica Dăncilă",
"Alexandru G. Golescu",
"Ion Emanuel Florescu",
"Dimitrie Brătianu",
"Gheorghe Tătărescu",
"Ion Gheorghe Maurer",
"Mihail Kogălniceanu",
"Călin Popescu-Tăriceanu",
"Petre S. Aurelian",
"Sorin Grindeanu",
"Adrian Năstase",
"Mihai Răzvan Ungureanu",
"Ilie Verdeț",
"Nicolae Crețulescu",
"Nicolae Rădescu"
] |
|
Who was the head of Romania in 1975-07-17? | July 17, 1975 | {
"text": [
"Manea Mănescu"
]
} | L2_Q218_P6_33 | Nicolae Iorga is the head of the government of Romania from Apr, 1931 to Jun, 1932.
Ion Ghica is the head of the government of Romania from Dec, 1870 to Mar, 1871.
Take Ionescu is the head of the government of Romania from Dec, 1921 to Jan, 1922.
Petre S. Aurelian is the head of the government of Romania from Dec, 1896 to Apr, 1897.
Mihai Tudose is the head of the government of Romania from Jun, 2017 to Jan, 2018.
Dimitrie Ghica is the head of the government of Romania from Nov, 1868 to Jan, 1870.
Dimitrie Brătianu is the head of the government of Romania from Apr, 1881 to Jun, 1881.
Nicolae Crețulescu is the head of the government of Romania from Jun, 1865 to Feb, 1866.
Barbu Catargiu is the head of the government of Romania from Feb, 1862 to Jun, 1862.
Constantin Sănătescu is the head of the government of Romania from Aug, 1944 to Dec, 1944.
Radu Vasile is the head of the government of Romania from Apr, 1998 to Dec, 1999.
Theodor Rosetti is the head of the government of Romania from Mar, 1888 to Mar, 1889.
Gheorghe Gheorghiu-Dej is the head of the government of Romania from Jun, 1952 to Oct, 1955.
Mugur Isărescu is the head of the government of Romania from Dec, 1999 to Dec, 2000.
Lascăr Catargi is the head of the government of Romania from Dec, 1891 to Oct, 1895.
Viorica Dăncilă is the head of the government of Romania from Jan, 2018 to Nov, 2019.
Nicolae Ciucă is the head of the government of Romania from Nov, 2021 to Dec, 2022.
Gheorghe Argeșanu is the head of the government of Romania from Sep, 1939 to Sep, 1939.
Nicolae Golescu is the head of the government of Romania from May, 1868 to Nov, 1868.
Petre Roman is the head of the government of Romania from Dec, 1989 to Oct, 1991.
Constantin Dăscălescu is the head of the government of Romania from May, 1982 to Dec, 1989.
Octavian Goga is the head of the government of Romania from Dec, 1937 to Feb, 1938.
Ion C. Brătianu is the head of the government of Romania from Jun, 1881 to Mar, 1888.
Petru Groza is the head of the government of Romania from Mar, 1945 to Jun, 1952.
Emil Boc is the head of the government of Romania from Dec, 2008 to Feb, 2012.
Alexandru G. Golescu is the head of the government of Romania from Feb, 1870 to Apr, 1870.
Constantin Argetoianu is the head of the government of Romania from Sep, 1939 to Nov, 1939.
Nicolae Văcăroiu is the head of the government of Romania from Nov, 1992 to Dec, 1996.
Gheorghe Tătărescu is the head of the government of Romania from Jan, 1934 to Dec, 1937.
Ludovic Orban is the head of the government of Romania from Nov, 2019 to Dec, 2020.
Ilie Verdeț is the head of the government of Romania from Mar, 1979 to May, 1982.
Ion Emanuel Florescu is the head of the government of Romania from Mar, 1891 to Dec, 1891.
Sorin Grindeanu is the head of the government of Romania from Jan, 2017 to Jun, 2017.
Victor Ponta is the head of the government of Romania from May, 2012 to Nov, 2015.
Călin Popescu-Tăriceanu is the head of the government of Romania from Dec, 2004 to Dec, 2008.
Nicolae Rădescu is the head of the government of Romania from Dec, 1944 to Feb, 1945.
Adrian Năstase is the head of the government of Romania from Dec, 2000 to Dec, 2004.
Mihail Kogălniceanu is the head of the government of Romania from Oct, 1863 to Jan, 1865.
Ion Gigurtu is the head of the government of Romania from Jul, 1940 to Sep, 1940.
Mihai Răzvan Ungureanu is the head of the government of Romania from Feb, 2012 to May, 2012.
Florin Cîțu is the head of the government of Romania from Dec, 2020 to Nov, 2021.
Manolache Costache Epureanu is the head of the government of Romania from May, 1876 to Aug, 1876.
Manea Mănescu is the head of the government of Romania from Feb, 1974 to Mar, 1979.
Ion G. Duca is the head of the government of Romania from Nov, 1933 to Dec, 1933.
Ion Gheorghe Maurer is the head of the government of Romania from Mar, 1961 to Feb, 1974.
Dacian Cioloș is the head of the government of Romania from Nov, 2015 to Jan, 2017.
Dimitrie Sturdza is the head of the government of Romania from Apr, 1897 to Apr, 1899.
Chivu Stoica is the head of the government of Romania from Oct, 1955 to Mar, 1961.
Armand Călinescu is the head of the government of Romania from Mar, 1939 to Sep, 1939.
Theodor Stolojan is the head of the government of Romania from Oct, 1991 to Nov, 1992.
Miron Cristea is the head of the government of Romania from Feb, 1938 to Mar, 1939.
Victor Ciorbea is the head of the government of Romania from Dec, 1996 to Apr, 1998.
Ștefan Golescu is the head of the government of Romania from Nov, 1867 to May, 1868.
Constantin Bosianu is the head of the government of Romania from Jan, 1865 to Jun, 1865. | RomaniaRomania ( ; ) is a country in Central and Eastern Europe which borders Bulgaria to the south, Ukraine to the north, Hungary to the west, Serbia to the southwest, Moldova to the east and the Black Sea to the southeast. It has a predominantly temperate-continental climate, and an area of , with a population of around 19 million. Romania is the twelfth-largest country in Europe, and the sixth-most populous member state of the European Union. Its capital and largest city is Bucharest; other major urban areas include Cluj-Napoca, Timișoara, Iași, Constanța, Craiova, Brașov, and Galați.The Danube, Europe's second-longest river, rises in Germany's Black Forest and flows in a southeasterly direction for , before emptying into Romania's Danube Delta. The Carpathian Mountains, which cross Romania from the north to the southwest, include Moldoveanu Peak, at an altitude of .Romania was formed in 1859 through a personal union of the Danubian Principalities of Moldavia and Wallachia. The new state, officially named Romania since 1866, gained independence from the Ottoman Empire in 1877. During World War I, after declaring its neutrality in 1914, Romania fought together with the Allied Powers from 1916. In the aftermath of the war, Bukovina, Bessarabia, Transylvania and parts of Banat, Crișana, and Maramureș became part of the Kingdom of Romania. In June–August 1940, as a consequence of the Molotov–Ribbentrop Pact and Second Vienna Award, Romania was compelled to cede Bessarabia and Northern Bukovina to the Soviet Union, and Northern Transylvania to Hungary. In November 1940, Romania signed the Tripartite Pact and, consequently, in June 1941 entered World War II on the Axis side, fighting against the Soviet Union until August 1944, when it joined the Allies and recovered Northern Transylvania. Following the war and occupation by the Red Army, Romania became a socialist republic and a member of the Warsaw Pact. After the 1989 Revolution, Romania began a transition towards democracy and a market economy. Romania is a developing country, with a high-income economy, ranking 49th in the Human Development Index. It has the world's 45th largest economy by nominal GDP, and following rapid economic growth in the early 2000s, the country has an economy based predominantly on services and is a producer and net exporter of machines and electric energy through companies like Automobile Dacia and OMV Petrom. Romania has been a member of the United Nations since 1955, NATO since 2004, and the European Union since 2007. The majority of Romania's population are ethnic Romanian and Eastern Orthodox Christians, speaking Romanian, a Romance language."Romania" derives from Latin "romanus", meaning "Roman" or "of Rome". The first known use of the appellation was attested to in the 16th century by Italian humanists travelling in Transylvania, Moldavia, and Wallachia. The oldest known surviving document written in Romanian, a 1521 letter known as the "Letter of Neacșu from Câmpulung", is notable for including the first documented occurrence of the country's name: Wallachia is mentioned as .Two spelling forms: and were used interchangeably until sociolinguistic developments in the late 17th century led to semantic differentiation of the two forms: came to mean "bondsman", while retained the original ethnolinguistic meaning. After the abolition of serfdom in 1746, the word "rumân" gradually fell out of use and the spelling stabilised to the form . Tudor Vladimirescu, a revolutionary leader of the early 19th century, used the term to refer exclusively to the principality of Wallachia.The use of the name "Romania" to refer to the common homeland of all Romanians—its modern-day meaning—was first documented in the early 19th century.In English, the name of the country was formerly spelt "Rumania" or "Roumania". "Romania" became the predominant spelling around 1975. "Romania" is also the official English-language spelling used by the Romanian government. A handful of other languages (including Italian, Hungarian, Portuguese, and Norwegian) have also switched to "o" like English, but most languages continue to prefer forms with "u", e.g. French , German and Swedish , Spanish (the archaic form is still in use in Spain), Polish , Russian (), and Japanese ().Human remains found in Peștera cu Oase ("Cave with Bones"), radiocarbon date from circa 40,000 years ago, and represent the oldest known "Homo sapiens" in Europe. Neolithic agriculture spread after the arrival of a mixed group of people from Thessaly in the 6th millennium BC. Excavations near a salt spring at Lunca yielded the earliest evidence for salt exploitation in Europe; here salt production began between 5th millennium BC and 4th BC. The first permanent settlements developed into "proto-cities", which were larger than . The Cucuteni–Trypillia culture—the best known archaeological culture of Old Europe—flourished in Muntenia, southeastern Transylvania and northeastern Moldavia in the 3rd millennium BC.The first fortified settlements appeared around 1800 BC, showing the militant character of Bronze Age societies.Greek colonies established on the Black Sea coast in the 7th century BC became important centres of commerce with the local tribes. Among the native peoples, Herodotus listed the Getae of the Lower Danube region, the Agathyrsi of Transylvania and the Syginnae of the plains along the river Tisza at the beginning of the 5th century BC. Centuries later, Strabo associated the Getae with the Dacians who dominated the lands along the southern Carpathian Mountains in the 1st century BC. Burebista was the first Dacian ruler to unite the local tribes. He also conquered the Greek colonies in Dobruja and the neighbouring peoples as far as the Middle Danube and the Balkan Mountains between around 55 and 44 BC. After Burebista was murdered in 44 BC, his kingdom collapsed.The Romans reached Dacia during Burebista's reign and conquered Dobruja in 46 AD. Dacia was again united under Decebalus around 85 AD. He resisted the Romans for decades, but the Roman army defeated his troops in 106 AD. Emperor Trajan transformed Banat, Oltenia and the greater part of Transylvania into a new province called Roman Dacia, but Dacian, Germanic and Sarmatian tribes continued to dominate the lands along the Roman frontiers. The Romans pursued an organised colonisation policy, and the provincials enjoyed a long period of peace and prosperity in the 2nd century. Scholars accepting the Daco-Roman continuity theory—one of the main theories about the origin of the Romanians—say that the cohabitation of the native Dacians and the Roman colonists in Roman Dacia was the first phase of the Romanians' ethnogenesis.The Carpians, Goths and other neighbouring tribes made regular raids against Dacia from the 210s. The Romans could not resist, and Emperor Aurelian ordered the evacuation of the province Dacia Trajana in 271. Scholars supporting the continuity theory are convinced that most Latin-speaking commoners stayed behind when the army and civil administration was withdrawn. The Romans did not abandon their fortresses along the northern banks of the Lower Danube for decades, and Dobruja (known as Scythia Minor) remained an integral part of the Roman Empire until the early 7th century.The Goths were expanding towards the Lower Danube from the 230s, forcing the native peoples to flee to the Roman Empire or to accept their suzerainty. The Goths' rule ended abruptly when the Huns invaded their territory in 376, causing new waves of migrations. The Huns forced the remnants of the local population into submission, but their empire collapsed in 454. The Gepids took possession of the former Dacia province. The nomadic Avars defeated the Gepids and established a powerful empire around 570. The Bulgars, who also came from the Eurasian steppes, occupied the Lower Danube region in 680.Place names that are of Slavic origin abound in Romania, indicating that a significant Slavic-speaking population used to live in the territory. The first Slavic groups settled in Moldavia and Wallachia in the 6th century, in Transylvania around 600. After the Avar Khaganate collapsed in the 790s, Bulgaria became the dominant power of the region, occupying lands as far as the river Tisa. The Council of Preslav declared Old Church Slavonic the language of liturgy in the First Bulgarian Tsardom in 893. The Romanians also adopted Old Church Slavonic as their liturgical language.The Magyars (or Hungarians) took control of the steppes north of the Lower Danube in the 830s, but the Bulgarians and the Pechenegs jointly forced them to abandon this region for the lowlands along the Middle Danube around 894. Centuries later, the "Gesta Hungarorum" wrote of the invading Magyars' wars against three dukes—Glad, Menumorut and the Vlach Gelou—for Banat, Crișana and Transylvania. The "Gesta" also listed many peoples—Slavs, Bulgarians, Vlachs, Khazars, and Székelys—inhabiting the same regions. The reliability of the "Gesta" is debated. Some scholars regard it as a basically accurate account, others describe it as a literary work filled with invented details. The Pechenegs seized the lowlands abandoned by the Hungarians to the east of the Carpathians.Byzantine missionaries proselytised in the lands east of the Tisa from the 940s and Byzantine troops occupied Dobruja in the 970s. The first king of Hungary, Stephen I, who supported Western European missionaries, defeated the local chieftains and established Roman Catholic bishoprics (office of a bishop) in Transylvania and Banat in the early 11th century. Significant Pecheneg groups fled to the Byzantine Empire in the 1040s; the Oghuz Turks followed them, and the nomadic Cumans became the dominant power of the steppes in the 1060s. Cooperation between the Cumans and the Vlachs against the Byzantine Empire is well documented from the end of the 11th century. Scholars who reject the Daco-Roman continuity theory say that the first Vlach groups left their Balkan homeland for the mountain pastures of the eastern and southern Carpathians in the 11th century, establishing the Romanians' presence in the lands to the north of the Lower Danube.Exposed to nomadic incursions, Transylvania developed into an important border province of the Kingdom of Hungary. The Székelys—a community of free warriors—settled in central Transylvania around 1100 and moved to the easternmost regions around 1200. Colonists from the Holy Roman Empire—the Transylvanian Saxons' ancestors—came to the province in the 1150s. A high-ranking royal official, styled voivode, ruled the Transylvanian counties from the 1170s, but the Székely and Saxon seats (or districts) were not subject to the voivodes' authority. Royal charters wrote of the "Vlachs' land" in southern Transylvania in the early 13th century, indicating the existence of autonomous Romanian communities. Papal correspondence mentions the activities of Orthodox prelates among the Romanians in Muntenia in the 1230s. Also in the 13th century, during one of its greatest periods of expansion, the Republic of Genoa started establishing many colonies and commercial and military ports on the Black Sea, in the current territory of Romania. The largest Genoese colonies in present-day Romania were Calafat (still known as such), Constanța (Costanza), Galați (Caladda), Giurgiu (San Giorgio), Licostomo and Vicina (unknown modern location). These would last until the 15th century.The Mongols destroyed large territories during their invasion of Eastern and Central Europe in 1241 and 1242. The Mongols' Golden Horde emerged as the dominant power of Eastern Europe, but Béla IV of Hungary's land grant to the Knights Hospitallers in Oltenia and Muntenia shows that the local Vlach rulers were subject to the king's authority in 1247. Basarab I of Wallachia united the Romanian polities between the southern Carpathians and the Lower Danube in the 1310s. He defeated the Hungarian royal army in the Battle of Posada and secured the independence of Wallachia in 1330. The second Romanian principality, Moldavia, achieved full autonomy during the reign of Bogdan I around 1360. A local dynasty ruled the Despotate of Dobruja in the second half of the 14th century, but the Ottoman Empire took possession of the territory after 1388.Princes Mircea I and Vlad III of Wallachia, and Stephen III of Moldavia defended their countries' independence against the Ottomans. Most Wallachian and Moldavian princes paid a regular tribute to the Ottoman sultans from 1417 and 1456, respectively. A military commander of Romanian origin, John Hunyadi, organised the defence of the Kingdom of Hungary until his death in 1456. Increasing taxes outraged the Transylvanian peasants, and they rose up in an open rebellion in 1437, but the Hungarian nobles and the heads of the Saxon and Székely communities jointly suppressed their revolt. The formal alliance of the Hungarian, Saxon, and Székely leaders, known as the Union of the Three Nations, became an important element of the self-government of Transylvania. The Orthodox Romanian "knezes" ("chiefs") were excluded from the Union.The Kingdom of Hungary collapsed, and the Ottomans occupied parts of Banat and Crișana in 1541. Transylvania and Maramureș, along with the rest of Banat and Crișana developed into a new state under Ottoman suzerainty, the Principality of Transylvania. Reformation spread and four denominations—Calvinism, Lutheranism, Unitarianism, and Roman Catholicism—were officially acknowledged in 1568. The Romanians' Orthodox faith remained only tolerated, although they made up more than one-third of the population, according to 17th-century estimations.The princes of Transylvania, Wallachia, and Moldavia joined the Holy League against the Ottoman Empire in 1594. The Wallachian prince, Michael the Brave, united the three principalities under his rule in May 1600. The neighboring powers forced him to abdicate in September, but he became a symbol of the unification of the Romanian lands in the 19th century. Although the rulers of the three principalities continued to pay tribute to the Ottomans, the most talented princes—Gabriel Bethlen of Transylvania, Matei Basarab of Wallachia, and Vasile Lupu of Moldavia—strengthened their autonomy.The united armies of the Holy League expelled the Ottoman troops from Central Europe between 1684 and 1699, and the Principality of Transylvania was integrated into the Habsburg Monarchy. The Habsburgs supported the Catholic clergy and persuaded the Orthodox Romanian prelates to accept the union with the Roman Catholic Church in 1699. The Church Union strengthened the Romanian intellectuals' devotion to their Roman heritage. The Orthodox Church was restored in Transylvania only after Orthodox monks stirred up revolts in 1744 and 1759. The organization of the Transylvanian Military Frontier caused further disturbances, especially among the Székelys in 1764.Princes Dimitrie Cantemir of Moldavia and Constantin Brâncoveanu of Wallachia concluded alliances with the Habsburg Monarchy and Russia against the Ottomans, but they were dethroned in 1711 and 1714, respectively. The sultans lost confidence in the native princes and appointed Orthodox merchants from the Phanar district of Istanbul to rule Moldova and Wallachia. The Phanariot princes pursued oppressive fiscal policies and dissolved the army. The neighboring powers took advantage of the situation: the Habsburg Monarchy annexed the northwestern part of Moldavia, or Bukovina, in 1775, and the Russian Empire seized the eastern half of Moldavia, or Bessarabia, in 1812.A census revealed that the Romanians were more numerous than any other ethnic group in Transylvania in 1733, but legislation continued to use contemptuous adjectives (such as "tolerated" and "admitted") when referring to them. The Uniate bishop, Inocențiu Micu-Klein who demanded recognition of the Romanians as the fourth privileged nation was forced into exile. Uniate and Orthodox clerics and laymen jointly signed a plea for the Transylvanian Romanians' emancipation in 1791, but the monarch and the local authorities refused to grant their requests.The Treaty of Küçük Kaynarca authorised the Russian ambassador in Istanbul to defend the autonomy of Moldavia and Wallachia (known as the Danubian Principalities) in 1774. Taking advantage of the Greek War of Independence, a Wallachian lesser nobleman, Tudor Vladimirescu, stirred up a revolt against the Ottomans in January 1821, but he was murdered in June by Phanariot Greeks. After a new Russo-Turkish War, the Treaty of Adrianople strengthened the autonomy of the Danubian Principalities in 1829, although it also acknowledged the sultan's right to confirm the election of the princes.Mihail Kogălniceanu, Nicolae Bălcescu and other leaders of the 1848 revolutions in Moldavia and Wallachia demanded the emancipation of the peasants and the union of the two principalities, but Russian and Ottoman troops crushed their revolt. The Wallachian revolutionists were the first to adopt the blue, yellow and red tricolour as the national flag. In Transylvania, most Romanians supported the imperial government against the Hungarian revolutionaries after the Diet passed a law concerning the union of Transylvania and Hungary. Bishop Andrei Șaguna proposed the unification of the Romanians of the Habsburg Monarchy in a separate duchy, but the central government refused to change the internal borders.The Treaty of Paris put the Danubian Principalities under the collective guardianship of the Great Powers in 1856. After special assemblies convoked in Moldavia and Wallachia urged the unification of the two principalities, the Great Powers did not prevent the election of Alexandru Ioan Cuza as their collective "domnitor" (or ruling prince) in January 1859. The united principalities officially adopted the name Romania on 21 February 1862. Cuza's government carried out a series of reforms, including the secularisation of the property of monasteries and agrarian reform, but a coalition of conservative and radical politicians forced him to abdicate in February 1866.Cuza's successor, a German prince, Karl of Hohenzollern-Sigmaringen (or Carol I), was elected in May. The parliament adopted the first constitution of Romania in the same year. The Great Powers acknowledged Romania's full independence at the Congress of Berlin and Carol I was crowned king in 1881. The Congress also granted the Danube Delta and Dobruja to Romania. Although Romanian scholars strove for the unification of all Romanians into a Greater Romania, the government did not openly support their irredentist projects.The Transylvanian Romanians and Saxons wanted to maintain the separate status of Transylvania in the Habsburg Monarchy, but the Austro-Hungarian Compromise brought about the union of the province with Hungary in 1867. Ethnic Romanian politicians sharply opposed the Hungarian government's attempts to transform Hungary into a national state, especially the laws prescribing the obligatory teaching of Hungarian. Leaders of the Romanian National Party proposed the federalisation of Austria-Hungary and the Romanian intellectuals established a cultural association to promote the use of Romanian.Fearing Russian expansionism, Romania secretly joined the Triple Alliance of Germany, Austria-Hungary, and Italy in 1883, but public opinion remained hostile to Austria-Hungary. Romania seized Southern Dobruja from Bulgaria in the Second Balkan War in 1913. German and Austrian-Hungarian diplomacy supported Bulgaria during the war, bringing about a rapprochement between Romania and the Triple Entente of France, Russia and the United Kingdom. The country remained neutral when World War I broke out in 1914, but Prime Minister Ion I. C. Brătianu started negotiations with the Entente Powers. After they promised Austrian-Hungarian territories with a majority of ethnic Romanian population to Romania in the Treaty of Bucharest, Romania entered the war against the Central Powers in 1916. The German and Austrian-Hungarian troops defeated the Romanian army and occupied three-quarters of the country by early 1917. After the October Revolution turned Russia from an ally into an enemy, Romania was forced to sign a harsh peace treaty with the Central Powers in May 1918, but the collapse of Russia also enabled the union of Bessarabia with Romania. King Ferdinand again mobilised the Romanian army on behalf of the Entente Powers a day before Germany capitulated on 11 November 1918.Austria-Hungary quickly disintegrated after the war. The General Congress of Bukovina proclaimed the union of the province with Romania on 28 November 1918, and the Grand National Assembly proclaimed the union of Transylvania, Banat, Crișana and Maramureș with the kingdom on 1 December. Peace treaties with Austria, Bulgaria and Hungary delineated the new borders in 1919 and 1920, but the Soviet Union did not acknowledge the loss of Bessarabia. Romania achieved its greatest territorial extent, expanding from the pre-war . A new electoral system granted voting rights to all adult male citizens, and a series of radical agrarian reforms transformed the country into a "nation of small landowners" between 1918 and 1921. Gender equality as a principle was enacted, but women could not vote or be candidates. Calypso Botez established the National Council of Romanian Women to promote feminist ideas. Romania was a multiethnic country, with ethnic minorities making up about 30% of the population, but the new constitution declared it a unitary national state in 1923. Although minorities could establish their own schools, Romanian language, history and geography could only be taught in Romanian.Agriculture remained the principal sector of economy, but several branches of industry—especially the production of coal, oil, metals, synthetic rubber, explosives and cosmetics—developed during the interwar period. With oil production of 5.8 million tons in 1930, Romania ranked sixth in the world. Two parties, the National Liberal Party and the National Peasants' Party, dominated political life, but the Great Depression in Romania brought about significant changes in the 1930s. The democratic parties were squeezed between conflicts with the fascist and anti-Semitic Iron Guard and the authoritarian tendencies of King Carol II. The King promulgated a new constitution and dissolved the political parties in 1938, replacing the parliamentary system with a royal dictatorship.The 1938 Munich Agreement convinced King Carol II that France and the United Kingdom could not defend Romanian interests. German preparations for a new war required the regular supply of Romanian oil and agricultural products. The two countries concluded a treaty concerning the coordination of their economic policies in 1939, but the King could not persuade Adolf Hitler to guarantee Romania's frontiers. Romania was forced to cede Bessarabia and Northern Bukovina to the Soviet Union on 26 June 1940, Northern Transylvania to Hungary on 30 August, and Southern Dobruja to Bulgaria in September. After the territorial losses, the King was forced to abdicate in favour of his minor son, Michael I, on 6 September, and Romania was transformed into a national-legionary state under the leadership of General Ion Antonescu. Antonescu signed the Tripartite Pact of Germany, Italy and Japan on 23 November. The Iron Guard staged a coup against Antonescu, but he crushed the riot with German support and introduced a military dictatorship in early 1941.Romania entered World War II soon after the German invasion of the Soviet Union in June 1941. The country regained Bessarabia and Northern Bukovina, and the Germans placed Transnistria (the territory between the rivers Dniester and Dnieper) under Romanian administration. Romanian and German troops massacred at least 160,000 local Jews in these territories; more than 105,000 Jews and about 11,000 Gypsies died during their deportation from Bessarabia to Transnistria. Most of the Jewish population of Moldavia, Wallachia, Banat and Southern Transylvania survived, but their fundamental rights were limited. After the German occupation of Hungary in March 1944, about 132,000 Jews – mainly Hungarian-speaking – were deported to extermination camps from Northern Transylvania with the Hungarian authorities' support.After the Soviet victory in the Battle of Stalingrad in 1943, Iuliu Maniu, a leader of the opposition to Antonescu, entered into secret negotiations with British diplomats who made it clear that Romania had to seek reconciliation with the Soviet Union. To facilitate the coordination of their activities against Antonescu's regime, the National Liberal and National Peasants' parties established the National Democratic Bloc, which also included the Social Democratic and Communist parties. After a successful Soviet offensive, the young King Michael I ordered Antonescu's arrest and appointed politicians from the National Democratic Bloc to form a new government on 23 August 1944. Romania switched sides during the war, and nearly 250,000 Romanian troops joined the Red Army's military campaign against Hungary and Germany, but Joseph Stalin regarded the country as an occupied territory within the Soviet sphere of influence. Stalin's deputy instructed the King to make the Communists' candidate, Petru Groza, the prime minister in March 1945. The Romanian administration in Northern Transylvania was soon restored, and Groza's government carried out an agrarian reform. In February 1947, the Paris Peace Treaties confirmed the return of Northern Transylvania to Romania, but they also legalised the presence of units of the Red Army in the country.During the Soviet occupation of Romania, the Communist-dominated government called for new elections in 1946, which they fraudulently won, with a fabricated 70% majority of the vote. Thus, they rapidly established themselves as the dominant political force. Gheorghe Gheorghiu-Dej, a Communist party leader imprisoned in 1933, escaped in 1944 to become Romania's first Communist leader. In February 1947, he and others forced King Michael I to abdicate and leave the country and proclaimed Romania a people's republic. Romania remained under the direct military occupation and economic control of the USSR until the late 1950s. During this period, Romania's vast natural resources were drained continuously by mixed Soviet-Romanian companies (SovRoms) set up for unilateral exploitative purposes.In 1948, the state began to nationalise private firms and to collectivise agriculture. Until the early 1960s, the government severely curtailed political liberties and vigorously suppressed any dissent with the help of the Securitate—the Romanian secret police. During this period the regime launched several campaigns of purges during which numerous "enemies of the state" and "parasite elements" were targeted for different forms of punishment including: deportation, internal exile, internment in forced labour camps and prisons—sometimes for life—as well as extrajudicial killing. Nevertheless, anti-Communist resistance was one of the most long-lasting in the Eastern Bloc. A 2006 Commission estimated the number of direct victims of the Communist repression at two million people.In 1965, Nicolae Ceaușescu came to power and started to conduct the country's foreign policy more independently from the Soviet Union. Thus, Communist Romania was the only Warsaw Pact country which refused to participate in the Soviet-led 1968 invasion of Czechoslovakia. Ceaușescu even publicly condemned the action as "a big mistake, [and] a serious danger to peace in Europe and to the fate of Communism in the world".) It was the only Communist state to maintain diplomatic relations with Israel after 1967's Six-Day War and established diplomatic relations with West Germany the same year. At the same time, close ties with the Arab countries and the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) allowed Romania to play a key role in the Israel–Egypt and Israel–PLO peace talks.As Romania's foreign debt increased sharply between 1977 and 1981 (from US$3 billion to $10 billion), the influence of international financial organisations—such as the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the World Bank—grew, gradually conflicting with Ceaușescu's autocratic rule. He eventually initiated a policy of total reimbursement of the foreign debt by imposing austerity steps that impoverished the population and exhausted the economy. The process succeeded in repaying all of Romania's foreign government debt in 1989. At the same time, Ceaușescu greatly extended the authority of the Securitate secret police and imposed a severe cult of personality, which led to a dramatic decrease in the dictator's popularity and culminated in his overthrow and eventual execution, together with his wife, in the violent Romanian Revolution of December 1989 in which thousands were killed or injured. The charges for which they were executed were, among others, genocide by starvation.After the 1989 revolution, the National Salvation Front (NSF), led by Ion Iliescu, took partial multi-party democratic and free market measures. In April 1990, a sit-in protest contesting the results of that year's legislative elections and accusing the NSF, including Iliescu, of being made up of former Communists and members of the Securitate grew rapidly to become what was called the Golaniad. Peaceful demonstrations degenerated into violence, prompting the intervention of coal miners summoned by Iliescu. This episode has been documented widely by both local and foreign media, and is remembered as the June 1990 Mineriad.The subsequent disintegration of the Front produced several political parties, including most notably the Social Democratic Party (PDSR then PSD) and the Democratic Party (PD and subsequently PDL). The former governed Romania from 1990 until 1996 through several coalitions and governments, with Ion Iliescu as head of state. Since then, there have been several other democratic changes of government: in 1996 Emil Constantinescu was elected president, in 2000 Iliescu returned to power, while Traian Băsescu was elected in 2004 and narrowly re-elected in 2009.In 2009, the country was bailed out by the International Monetary Fund as an aftershock of the Great Recession in Europe.In November 2014, Sibiu () former FDGR/DFDR mayor Klaus Iohannis was elected president, unexpectedly defeating former Prime Minister Victor Ponta, who had been previously leading in the opinion polls. This surprise victory was attributed by many analysts to the implication of the Romanian diaspora in the voting process, with almost 50% casting ballots for Klaus Iohannis in the first round, compared to only 16% for Ponta. In 2019, Iohannis was re-elected president in a landslide victory over former Prime Minister Viorica Dăncilă.The post–1989 period is also characterised by the fact that most of the former industrial and economic enterprises which were built and operated during the Communist period were closed, mainly as a result of the policies of privatisation of the post–1989 regimes.Corruption has also been a major issue in contemporary Romanian politics. In November 2015, massive anti-corruption protests which developed in the wake of the Colectiv nightclub fire led to the resignation of Romania's Prime Minister Victor Ponta. During 2017–2018, in response to measures which were perceived to weaken the fight against corruption, some of the biggest protests since 1989 took place in Romania, with over 500,000 people protesting across the country.Nevertheless, there have been efforts to tackle corruption. A National Anticorruption Directorate was formed in the country in 2002. In Transparency International's 2019 Corruption Perceptions Index, Romania's public sector corruption score deteriorated to 44 out of 100, reversing gains made in previous years.After the end of the Cold War, Romania developed closer ties with Western Europe and the United States, eventually joining NATO in 2004, and hosting the 2008 summit in Bucharest.The country applied in June 1993 for membership in the European Union and became an Associated State of the EU in 1995, an Acceding Country in 2004, and a full member on 1 January 2007.During the 2000s, Romania enjoyed one of the highest economic growth rates in Europe and has been referred at times as "the Tiger of Eastern Europe". This has been accompanied by a significant improvement in living standards as the country successfully reduced domestic poverty and established a functional democratic state. However, Romania's development suffered a major setback during the late-2000s' recession leading to a large gross domestic product contraction and a budget deficit in 2009. This led to Romania borrowing from the International Monetary Fund. Worsening economic conditions led to unrest and triggered a political crisis in 2012.Romania still faces problems related to infrastructure, medical services, education, and corruption. Near the end of 2013, "The Economist" reported Romania again enjoying "booming" economic growth at 4.1% that year, with wages rising fast and a lower unemployment than in Britain. Economic growth accelerated in the midst of government liberalisations in opening up new sectors to competition and investment—most notably, energy and telecoms. In 2016 the Human Development Index ranked Romania as a nation of "Very High Human Development".Following the experience of economic instability throughout the 1990s, and the implementation of a free travel agreement with the EU, a great number of Romanians emigrated to Western Europe and North America, with particularly large communities in Italy, Germany and Spain. In 2016, the Romanian diaspora was estimated to be over 3.6 million people, the fifth-highest emigrant population in the world.Romania is the largest country in Southeastern Europe and the twelfth-largest in Europe, having an area of . It lies between latitudes 43° and 49° N and longitudes 20° and 30° E. The terrain is distributed roughly equally between mountains, hills, and plains. The Carpathian Mountains dominate the centre of Romania, with 14 mountain ranges reaching above —the highest is Moldoveanu Peak at . They are surrounded by the Moldavian and Transylvanian plateaus, the Carpathian Basin and the Wallachian plains.Romania is home to six terrestrial ecoregions: Balkan mixed forests, Central European mixed forests, East European forest steppe, Pannonian mixed forests, Carpathian montane conifer forests, and Pontic steppe. Natural and semi-natural ecosystems cover about 47% of the country's land area. There are almost (about 5% of the total area) of protected areas in Romania covering 13 national parks and three biosphere reserves. The Danube river forms a large part of the border with Serbia and Bulgaria, and flows into the Black Sea, forming the Danube Delta, which is the second-largest and best-preserved delta in Europe, and a biosphere reserve and a biodiversity World Heritage Site. At , the Danube Delta is the largest continuous marshland in Europe, and supports 1,688 different plant species alone.Romania has one of the largest areas of undisturbed forest in Europe, covering almost 27% of its territory. The country had a 2019 Forest Landscape Integrity Index mean score of 5.95/10, ranking it 90th globally out of 172 countries. Some 3,700 plant species have been identified in the country, from which to date 23 have been declared natural monuments, 74 extinct, 39 endangered, 171 vulnerable, and 1,253 rare.The fauna of Romania consists of 33,792 species of animals, 33,085 invertebrate and 707 vertebrate, with almost 400 unique species of mammals, birds, reptiles, and amphibians, including about 50% of Europe's (excluding Russia) brown bears and 20% of its wolves.Owing to its distance from open sea and its position on the southeastern portion of the European continent, Romania has a climate that is temperate and continental, with four distinct seasons. The average annual temperature is in the south and in the north. In summer, average maximum temperatures in Bucharest rise to , and temperatures over are fairly common in the lower-lying areas of the country. In winter, the average maximum temperature is below . Precipitation is average, with over per year only on the highest western mountains, while around Bucharest it drops to approximately .There are some regional differences: in western sections, such as Banat, the climate is milder and has some Mediterranean influences; the eastern part of the country has a more pronounced continental climate. In Dobruja, the Black Sea also exerts an influence over the region's climate.The Constitution of Romania is based on the constitution of France's Fifth Republic and was approved in a national referendum on 8 December 1991 and amended in October 2003 to bring it into conformity with EU legislation. The country is governed on the basis of a multi-party democratic system and the separation of powers between the legislative, executive and judicial branches. It is a semi-presidential republic where executive functions are held by both the government and the president. The latter is elected by popular vote for a maximum of two terms of five years and appoints the prime minister who in turn appoints the Council of Ministers. The legislative branch of the government, collectively known as the Parliament (residing at the Palace of the Parliament), consists of two chambers (Senate and Chamber of Deputies) whose members are elected every four years by simple plurality.The justice system is independent of the other branches of government and is made up of a hierarchical system of courts with the High Court of Cassation and Justice being the supreme court of Romania. There are also courts of appeal, county courts and local courts. The Romanian judicial system is strongly influenced by the French model, is based on civil law and is inquisitorial in nature. The Constitutional Court ("Curtea Constituțională") is responsible for judging the compliance of laws and other state regulations with the constitution, which is the fundamental law of the country and can only be amended through a public referendum. Romania's 2007 entry into the EU has been a significant influence on its domestic policy, and including judicial reforms, increased judicial cooperation with other member states, and measures to combat corruption.Since December 1989, Romania has pursued a policy of strengthening relations with the West in general, more specifically with the United States and the European Union, albeit with limited relations involving the Russian Federation. It joined the NATO on 29 March 2004, the European Union (EU) on 1 January 2007, while it joined the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank in 1972, and is a founding member of the World Trade Organization.In the past, recent governments have stated that one of their goals is to strengthen ties with and helping other countries (in particular Moldova, Ukraine, and Georgia) with the process of integration with the rest of the West. Romania has also made clear since the late 1990s that it supports NATO and EU membership for the democratic former Soviet republics in Eastern Europe and the Caucasus. Romania also declared its public support for Turkey, and Croatia joining the European Union.Romania opted on 1 January 2007, to accede to the Schengen Area, and its bid to join was approved by the European Parliament in June 2011, but was rejected by the EU Council in September 2011. As of August 2019, its acceptance into the Schengen Area is hampered because the European Council has misgivings about Romania's adherence to the rule of law, a fundamental principle of EU membership.In December 2005, President Traian Băsescu and United States Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice signed an agreement that would allow a U.S. military presence at several Romanian facilities primarily in the eastern part of the country. In May 2009, Hillary Clinton, US Secretary of State, declared that "Romania is one of the most trustworthy and respectable partners of the USA."Relations with Moldova are a special case given that the two countries share the same language and a common history. A movement for unification of Romania and Moldova appeared in the early 1990s after both countries achieved emancipation from communist rule but lost ground in the mid-1990s when a new Moldovan government pursued an agenda towards preserving a Moldovan republic independent of Romania. After the 2009 protests in Moldova and the subsequent removal of Communists from power, relations between the two countries have improved considerably.The Romanian Armed Forces consist of land, air, and naval forces led by a Commander-in-chief under the supervision of the Ministry of National Defence, and by the president as the Supreme Commander during wartime. The Armed Forces consist of approximately 15,000 civilians and 75,000 military personnel—45,800 for land, 13,250 for air, 6,800 for naval forces, and 8,800 in other fields. Total defence spending in 2007 accounted for 2.05% of total national GDP, or approximately US$2.9 billion, with a total of $11 billion spent between 2006 and 2011 for modernization and acquisition of new equipment.The Air Force operates modernised Soviet MiG-21 Lancer fighters. The Air Force purchased seven new C-27J Spartan tactical airlifters, while the Naval Forces acquired two modernised Type 22 frigates from the British Royal Navy.Romania contributed troops to the international coalition in Afghanistan beginning in 2002, with a peak deployment of 1,600 troops in 2010 (which was the 4th largest contribution according to the US). Its combat mission in the country concluded in 2014. Romanian troops participated in the occupation of Iraq, reaching a peak of 730 soldiers before being slowly drawn down to 350 soldiers. Romania terminated its mission in Iraq and withdrew its last troops on 24 July 2009, among the last countries to do so. The frigate the "Regele Ferdinand" participated in the 2011 military intervention in Libya.In December 2011, the Romanian Senate unanimously adopted the draft law ratifying the Romania-United States agreement signed in September of the same year that would allow the establishment and operation of a US land-based ballistic missile defence system in Romania as part of NATO's efforts to build a continental missile shield.Romania is divided into 41 counties ("județe", pronounced judetse) and the municipality of Bucharest. Each county is administered by a county council, responsible for local affairs, as well as a prefect responsible for the administration of national affairs at the county level. The prefect is appointed by the central government but cannot be a member of any political party. Each county is subdivided further into cities and communes, which have their own mayor and local council. There are a total of 320 cities and 2,861 communes in Romania. A total of 103 of the larger cities have municipality status, which gives them greater administrative power over local affairs. The municipality of Bucharest is a special case, as it enjoys a status on par to that of a county. It is further divided into six sectors and has a prefect, a general mayor ("primar"), and a general city council.The NUTS-3 (Nomenclature of Territorial Units for Statistics) level divisions of the European Union reflect Romania's administrative-territorial structure and correspond to the 41 counties plus Bucharest. The cities and communes correspond to the NUTS-5 level divisions, but there are no current NUTS-4 level divisions. The NUTS-1 (four macroregions) and NUTS-2 (eight development regions) divisions exist but have no administrative capacity and are used instead for coordinating regional development projects and statistical purposes.In 2019, Romania has a GDP (PPP) of around $547 billion and a GDP per capita (PPP) of $28,189. According to the World Bank, Romania is a high-income economy. According to Eurostat, Romania's GDP per capita (PPS) was 70% of the EU average (100%) in 2019, an increase from 44% in 2007 (the year of Romania's accession to the EU), making Romania one of the fastest growing economies in the EU.After 1989 the country experienced a decade of economic instability and decline, led in part by an obsolete industrial base and a lack of structural reform. From 2000 onward, however, the Romanian economy was transformed into one of relative macroeconomic stability, characterised by high growth, low unemployment and declining inflation. In 2006, according to the Romanian Statistics Office, GDP growth in real terms was recorded at 7.7%, one of the highest rates in Europe. However, a recession following the global financial crisis of 2008–2009 forced the government to borrow externally, including an IMF €20 billion bailout program. According to The World Bank, GDP per capita in purchasing power parity grew from $13,687 in 2007 to $28,206 in 2018. Romania's net average monthly wage increased to 666 euro as of 2020, and an inflation rate of −1.1% in 2016. Unemployment in Romania was at 4.3% in August 2018, which is low compared to other EU countries.Industrial output growth reached 6.5% year-on-year in February 2013, the highest in the Europe. The largest local companies include car maker Automobile Dacia, Petrom, Rompetrol, Ford Romania, Electrica, Romgaz, RCS & RDS and Banca Transilvania. As of 2020, there are around 6000 exports per month. Romania's main exports are: cars, software, clothing and textiles, industrial machinery, electrical and electronic equipment, metallurgic products, raw materials, military equipment, pharmaceuticals, fine chemicals, and agricultural products (fruits, vegetables, and flowers). Trade is mostly centred on the member states of the European Union, with Germany and Italy being the country's single largest trading partners. The account balance in 2012 was estimated to be 4.52% of GDP.After a series of privatizations and reforms in the late 1990s and 2000s, government intervention in the Romanian economy is somewhat less than in other European economies. In 2005, the government replaced Romania's progressive tax system with a flat tax of 16% for both personal income and corporate profit, among the lowest rates in the European Union. The economy is based predominantly on services, which account for 56.2% of the country's total GDP as of 2017, with industry and agriculture accounting for 30% and 4.4% respectively.Approximately 25.8% of the Romanian workforce is employed in agriculture, one of the highest rates in Europe.Romania has attracted increasing amounts of foreign investment following the end of Communism, with the stock of foreign direct investment (FDI) in Romania rising to €83.8 billion in June 2019. Romania's FDI outward stock (an external or foreign business either investing in or purchasing the stock of a local economy) amounted to $745 million in December 2018, the lowest value among the 28 EU member states.According to a 2019 World Bank report, Romania ranks 52nd out of 190 economies in the ease of doing business, one place higher than neighbouring Hungary and one place lower than Italy. The report praised the consistent enforcement of contracts and access to credit in the country, while noting difficulties in access to electricity and dealing with construction permits.Since 1867 the official currency has been the Romanian "leu" ("lion") and following a denomination in 2005. After joining the EU in 2007, Romania is expected to adopt the Euro in 2024.In January 2020, Romania's external debt was reported to be US$122 billion according to CEIC data.According to the Romania's National Institute of Statistics (INSSE), Romania's total road network was estimated in 2015 at . The World Bank estimates the railway network at of track, the fourth-largest railroad network in Europe. Romania's rail transport experienced a dramatic decline after 1989 and was estimated at 99 million passenger journeys in 2004, but has experienced a recent (2013) revival due to infrastructure improvements and partial privatisation of lines, accounting for 45% of all passenger and freight movements in the country. Bucharest Metro, the only underground railway system, was opened in 1979 and measures with an average ridership in 2007 of 600,000 passengers during the workweek in the country. There are sixteen international commercial airports in service today. Over 12.8 million passengers flew through Bucharest's Henri Coandă International Airport in 2017.Romania is a net exporter of electrical energy and is 52nd worldwide in terms of consumption of electric energy. Around a third of the produced energy comes from renewable sources, mostly as hydroelectric power. In 2015, the main sources were coal (28%), hydroelectric (30%), nuclear (18%), and hydrocarbons (14%). It has one of the largest refining capacities in Eastern Europe, even though oil and natural gas production has been decreasing for more than a decade. With one of the largest reserves of crude oil and shale gas in Europe it is among the most energy-independent countries in the European Union, and is looking to expand its nuclear power plant at Cernavodă further.There were almost 18.3 million connections to the Internet in June 2014. According to Bloomberg, in 2013 Romania ranked fifth in the world, and according to "The Independent", it ranks number one in Europe at Internet speeds, with Timișoara ranked among the highest in the world.Tourism is a significant contributor to the Romanian economy, generating around 5% of GDP. The number of tourists has been rising steadily, reaching 9.33 million foreign tourists in 2016, according to the Worldbank. Tourism in Romania attracted €400 million in investments in 2005. More than 60% of the foreign visitors in 2007 were from other EU countries. The popular summer attractions of Mamaia and other Black Sea Resorts attracted 1.3 million tourists in 2009.Most popular skiing resorts are along the Valea Prahovei and in Poiana Brașov. Castles, fortifications, or strongholds as well as preserved medieval Transylvanian cities or towns such as Cluj-Napoca, Sibiu, Brașov, Bistrița, Mediaș, Cisnădie, or Sighișoara also attract a large number of tourists. Bran Castle, near Brașov, is one of the most famous attractions in Romania, drawing hundreds of thousands of tourists every year as it is often advertised as being Dracula's Castle.Rural tourism, focusing on folklore and traditions, has become an important alternative, and is targeted to promote such sites as Bran and its Dracula's Castle, the painted churches of northern Moldavia, and the wooden churches of Maramureș, or the villages with fortified churches in Transylvania. Other attractions include the Danube Delta or the Sculptural Ensemble of Constantin Brâncuși at Târgu Jiu.In 2014, Romania had 32,500 companies active in the hotel and restaurant industry, with a total turnover of €2.6 billion. More than 1.9 million foreign tourists visited Romania in 2014, 12% more than in 2013. According to the country's National Statistics Institute, some 77% came from Europe (particularly from Germany, Italy, and France), 12% from Asia, and less than 7% from North America.Historically, Romanian researchers and inventors have made notable contributions to several fields. In the history of flight, Traian Vuia built the first airplane to take off under its own power and Aurel Vlaicu built and flew some of the earliest successful aircraft, while Henri Coandă discovered the Coandă effect of fluidics. Victor Babeș discovered more than 50 types of bacteria; biologist Nicolae Paulescu discovered insulin, while Emil Palade received the Nobel Prize for his contributions to cell biology. Lazăr Edeleanu was the first chemist to synthesise amphetamine, and he also invented the procedure of separating valuable petroleum components with selective solvents.During the 1990s and 2000s, the development of research was hampered by several factors, including: corruption, low funding, and a considerable brain drain. In recent years, Romania has ranked the lowest or second-lowest in the European Union by research and development spending as a percentage of GDP, standing at roughly 0.5% in 2016 and 2017, substantially below the EU average of just over 2%. The country joined the European Space Agency (ESA) in 2011, and CERN in 2016. In 2018, however, Romania lost its voting rights in the ESA due to a failure to pay €56.8 million in membership contributions to the agency.In the early 2010s, the situation for science in Romania was characterised as "rapidly improving" albeit from a low base. In January 2011, Parliament passed a law that enforces "strict quality control on universities and introduces tough rules for funding evaluation and peer review".The nuclear physics facility of the European Union's proposed Extreme Light Infrastructure (ELI) laser will be built in Romania. In early 2012, Romania launched its first satellite from the Centre Spatial Guyanais in French Guyana. Starting in December 2014, Romania became a co-owner of the International Space Station.According to the 2011 Romanian census, Romania's population was 20,121,641. Like other countries in the region, its population is expected to decline gradually as a result of sub-replacement fertility rates and negative net migration rate. In October 2011, Romanians made up 88.9% of the population. The largest ethnic minorities are the Hungarians, 6.1% of the population, and the Roma, 3.0% of the population. The Roma minority is usually underestimated in census data and may represent up to 10% of the population. Hungarians constitute a majority in the counties of Harghita and Covasna. Other minorities include Ukrainians, Germans, Turks, Lipovans, Aromanians, Tatars, and Serbs. In 1930, there were 745,421 Germans living in Romania, but only about 36,000 remained in the country to this day. , there were also approximately 133,000 immigrants living in Romania, primarily from Moldova and China.The total fertility rate (TFR) in 2018 was estimated at 1.36 children born per woman, which is below the replacement rate of 2.1, and one of the lowest in the world, it remains considerably below the high of 5.82 children born per woman in 1912. In 2014, 31.2% of births were to unmarried women.The birth rate (9.49‰, 2012) is much lower than the mortality rate (11.84‰, 2012), resulting in a shrinking (−0.26% per year, 2012) and aging population (median age: 41.6 years, 2018), one of the oldest populations in the world, with approximately 16.8% of total population aged 65 years and over. The life expectancy in 2015 was estimated at 74.92 years (71.46 years male, 78.59 years female).The number of Romanians and individuals with ancestors born in Romania living abroad is estimated at around 12 million. After the Romanian Revolution of 1989, a significant number of Romanians emigrated to other European countries, North America or Australia. For example, in 1990, 96,919 Romanians permanently settled abroad.The official language is Romanian, a Romance language (the most widely spoken of the Eastern Romance branch), which presents a consistent degree of similarity to Aromanian, Megleno-Romanian, and Istro-Romanian, but shares many features equally with the rest of the Western Romance languages, specifically Italian, French, Spanish, Portuguese, and Catalan. The Romanian alphabet contains the same 26 letters of the standard Latin alphabet, as well as five additional ones (namely "ă","â","î","ț", and "ș"), totaling 31.Romanian is spoken as a first language by approximately 90% of the entire population, while Hungarian and Vlax Romani are spoken by 6.2% and 1.2% of the population, respectively. There are also approximately 50,000 native speakers of Ukrainian (concentrated in some compact regions, near the border where they form local majorities), 25,000 native speakers of German, and 32,000 native speakers of Turkish living in Romania.According to the Constitution, local councils ensure linguistic rights to all minorities. In localities with ethnic minorities of over 20%, that minority's language can be used in the public administration, justice system, and education. Foreign citizens and stateless persons who live in Romania have access to justice and education in their own language. English and French are the main foreign languages taught in schools. In 2010, the Organisation internationale de la Francophonie identified 4,756,100 French speakers in the country. According to the 2012 Eurobarometer, English is spoken by 31% of Romanians, French is spoken by 17%, and Italian and German, each by 7%.Romania is a secular state and has no state religion. An overwhelming majority of the population identify themselves as Christians. At the country's 2011 census, 81.0% of respondents identified as Orthodox Christians belonging to the Romanian Orthodox Church. Other denominations include Protestantism (6.2%), Roman Catholicism (4.3%), and Greek Catholicism (0.8%). From the remaining population, 195,569 people belong to other Christian denominations or have another religion, which includes 64,337 Muslims (mostly of Turkish and Tatar ethnicity) and 3,519 Jewish (Jews once constituted 4% of the Romanian population—728,115 persons in the 1930 census). Moreover, 39,660 people have no religion or are atheist, whilst the religion of the rest is unknown.The Romanian Orthodox Church is an autocephalous Eastern Orthodox Church in full communion with other Orthodox churches, with a Patriarch as its leader. It is the fourth-largest Orthodox Church in the world, and unlike other Orthodox churches, it functions within a Latin culture and uses a Romance liturgical language. Its canonical jurisdiction covers the territories of Romania and Moldova. Romania has the world's third-largest Eastern Orthodox population.Although 54.0% of the population lived in urban areas in 2011, this percentage has been declining since 1996. Counties with over ⅔ urban population are Hunedoara, Brașov and Constanța, while those with less than a third are Dâmbovița (30.06%) and Giurgiu and Teleorman. Bucharest is the capital and the largest city in Romania, with a population of over 1.8 million in 2011. Its larger urban zone has a population of almost 2.2 million, which are planned to be included into a metropolitan area up to 20 times the area of the city proper. Another 19 cities have a population of over 100,000, with Cluj-Napoca and Timișoara of slightly more than 300,000 inhabitants, Iași, Constanța, Craiova, and Brașov with over 250,000 inhabitants, and Galați and Ploiești with over 200,000 inhabitants. Metropolitan areas have been constituted for most of these cities.Since the Romanian Revolution of 1989, the Romanian educational system has been in a continuous process of reform that has received mixed criticism. In 2004, some 4.4 million individuals were enrolled in school. Of these, 650,000 were in kindergarten (three-six years), 3.11 million in primary and secondary level, and 650,000 in tertiary level (universities). In 2018, the adult literacy rate was 98.8%. Kindergarten is optional between three and five years. Since 2020, compulsory schooling starts at age 5 with the last year of kindergarten (grupa mare) and is compulsory until twelfth grade. Primary and secondary education is divided into 12 or 13 grades. There is also a semi-legal, informal private tutoring system used mostly during secondary school, which prospered during the Communist regime.Alexandru Ioan Cuza University of Iași, Babeș-Bolyai University of Cluj-Napoca, University of Bucharest, and West University of Timișoara have been included in the QS World University Rankings' top 800.Romania ranks fifth in the all-time medal count at the International Mathematical Olympiad with 316 total medals, dating back to 1959. Ciprian Manolescu managed to write a perfect paper (42 points) for a gold medal more times than anybody else in the history of the competition, in 1995, 1996 and 1997. Romania has achieved the highest team score in the competition, after China, Russia, the United States and Hungary. Romania also ranks sixth in the all-time medal count at the International Olympiad in Informatics with 107 total medals, dating back to 1989.Romania has a universal health care system; total health expenditures by the government are roughly 5% of GDP. It covers medical examinations, any surgical operations, and any post-operative medical care, and provides free or subsidised medicine for a range of diseases. The state is obliged to fund public hospitals and clinics. The most common causes of death are cardiovascular diseases and cancer. Transmissible diseases are quite common by European standards. In 2010, Romania had 428 state and 25 private hospitals, with 6.2 hospital beds per 1,000 people, and over 200,000 medical staff, including over 52,000 doctors. , the emigration rate of doctors was 9%, higher than the European average of 2.5%.The topic of the origin of Romanian culture began to be discussed by the end of the 18th century among the Transylvanian School scholars. Several writers rose to prominence in the 19th century, including: George Coșbuc, Ioan Slavici, Mihail Kogălniceanu, Vasile Alecsandri, Nicolae Bălcescu, Ion Luca Caragiale, Ion Creangă, and Mihai Eminescu, the later being considered the greatest and most influential Romanian poet, particularly for the poem "Luceafărul".In the 20th century, a number of Romanian artists and writers achieved international acclaim, including: Tristan Tzara, Marcel Janco, Mircea Eliade, Nicolae Grigorescu, Marin Preda, Liviu Rebreanu, Eugène Ionesco, Emil Cioran, and Constantin Brâncuși. Brâncuși has a sculptural ensemble in Târgu Jiu, while his sculpture "Bird in Space", was auctioned in 2005 for $27.5 million. Romanian-born Holocaust survivor Elie Wiesel received the Nobel Peace Prize in 1986, while Banat Swabian writer Herta Müller received the 2009 Nobel Prize in Literature.Prominent Romanian painters include: Nicolae Grigorescu, Ștefan Luchian, Ion Andreescu Nicolae Tonitza, and Theodor Aman. Notable Romanian classical composers of the 19th and 20th centuries include: Ciprian Porumbescu, Anton Pann, Eduard Caudella, Mihail Jora, Dinu Lipatti, and especially George Enescu. The annual George Enescu Festival is held in Bucharest in honour of the 20th-century composer.Contemporary musicians like Angela Gheorghiu, Gheorghe Zamfir, Inna, Alexandra Stan, and many others have achieved various levels of international acclaim. At the Eurovision Song Contest Romanian singers achieved third place in 2005 and 2010.In cinema, several movies of the Romanian New Wave have achieved international acclaim. At the Cannes Film Festival, "The Death of Mr. Lazarescu" by Cristi Puiu won the "Prix Un Certain Regard" in 2005, while "4 Months, 3 Weeks and 2 Days" by Cristian Mungiu won the festival's top prize, the "Palme d'Or", in 2007. At the Berlin International Film Festival, "Child's Pose" by Călin Peter Netzer won the Golden Bear in 2013.The list of World Heritage Sites includes six cultural sites located within Romania, including eight painted churches of northern Moldavia, eight wooden churches of Maramureș, seven villages with fortified churches in Transylvania, the Horezu Monastery, and the Historic Centre of Sighișoara. The city of Sibiu, with its Brukenthal National Museum, was selected as the 2007 European Capital of Culture and the 2019 European Region of Gastronomy. Multiple castles exist in Romania, including the popular tourist attractions of Peleș Castle, Corvin Castle, and Bran Castle or "Dracula's Castle".There are 12 non-working public holidays, including the Great Union Day, celebrated on 1 December in commemoration of the 1918 union of Transylvania with Romania. Winter holidays include the Christmas and New Year festivities during which various unique folklore dances and games are common: "plugușorul", "sorcova", "ursul", and "capra". The traditional Romanian dress that otherwise has largely fallen out of use during the 20th century, is a popular ceremonial vestment worn on these festivities, especially in rural areas. There are sacrifices of live pigs during Christmas and lambs during Easter that has required a special exemption from EU law after 2007. In the Easter, traditions such as painting the eggs are very common. On 1 March features "mărțișor" gifting, which is a tradition that females are gifted with a type of talisman that is given for good luck.Romanian cuisine has been influenced by Austrian and German cuisine (especially in the historical regions that had been formerly administered by the Habsburg Monarchy), but also shares some similarities with other cuisines in the Balkan region such as the Greek, Bulgarian, or Serbian cuisine. "Ciorbă" includes a wide range of sour soups, while "mititei", "mămăligă" (similar to polenta), and "sarmale" are featured commonly in main courses.Pork, chicken, and beef are the preferred types of meat, but lamb and fish are also quite popular. Certain traditional recipes are made in direct connection with the holidays: "chiftele", "tobă" and "tochitura" at Christmas; "drob", "pască" and "cozonac" at Easter and other Romanian holidays. "Țuică" is a strong plum brandy reaching a 70% alcohol content which is the country's traditional alcoholic beverage, taking as much as 75% of the national crop (Romania is one of the largest plum producers in the world). Traditional alcoholic beverages also include wine, "rachiu", "palincă" and "vișinată", but beer consumption has increased dramatically over recent years.Football is the most popular sport in Romania with over 219,000 registered players . The market for professional football in Romania is roughly €740 million according to UEFA.The governing body is the Romanian Football Federation, which belongs to UEFA. The Romania national football team played its first match in 1922 and is one of only four national teams to have taken part in the first three FIFA World Cups, the other three being Brazil, France, and Belgium. Overall, it has played in seven World Cups and had its most successful period during the 1990s, when it finished 6th at the 1994 FIFA World Cup, eventually being ranked 3rd by FIFA in 1997.The core player of this golden generation was Gheorghe Hagi, who was nicknamed "Maradona of the Carpathians". Other successful players include the European Golden Shoe winners: Dudu Georgescu, Dorin Mateuț and Rodion Cămătaru, Nicolae Dobrin, Ilie Balaci, Florea Dumitrache, Mihai Mocanu, Michael Klein, Mircea Rednic, Cornel Dinu, Mircea Lucescu, Costică Ștefănescu, Liță Dumitru, Lajos Sătmăreanu, Ștefan Sameș, Ladislau Bölöni, Anghel Iordănescu, Miodrag Belodedici, Helmuth Duckadam, Marius Lăcătuș, Victor Pițurcă and many others, and most recently Gheorghe Popescu, Florin Răducioiu, Dorinel Munteanu, Dan Petrescu, Adrian Mutu, Cristian Chivu, or Cosmin Contra. Romania's home ground is the Arena Națională in Bucharest.The most successful club is Steaua București, who were the first Eastern European team to win the Champions League in 1986, and were runners-up in 1989. They were also Europa League semi-finalists in 2006. Dinamo București reached the Champions League semi-final in 1984 and the Cup Winners' Cup semi-final in 1990. Other important Romanian football clubs are Rapid București, UTA Arad, Universitatea Craiova, Petrolul Ploiești, CFR Cluj, Astra Giurgiu, and Viitorul Constanța.Tennis is the second most popular sport. Romania reached the Davis Cup finals three times in 1969, 1971 and 1972. In singles, Ilie Năstase was the first year-end World Number 1 in the ATP Rankings in 1973, winning several Grand Slam titles. Also Virginia Ruzici won the French Open in 1978, and was runner-up in 1980, Simona Halep won the French Open in 2018 and Wimbledon in 2019 after losing her first three Grand Slam finals. She has ended 2017 and 2018 as WTA's World Number 1. And in doubles Horia Tecău won three Grand Slams and the ATP Finals final. He was World Number 2 in 2015.The second most popular team sport is handball. The men's team won the handball world championship in 1961, 1964, 1970, 1974 making them the third most successful nation ever in the tournament. The women's team won the world championship in 1962 and have enjoyed more success than their male counterparts in recent years. In the club competition Romanian teams have won the EHF Champions League a total of three times, Steaua București won in 1968 as well as 1977 and Dinamo București won in 1965. The most notable players include Ștefan Birtalan, Vasile Stîngă (all-time top scorer in the national team) and Gheorghe Gruia who was named the best player ever in 1992. In present-day Cristina Neagu is the most notable player and has a record four IHF World Player of the Year awards. In women's handball, powerhouse CSM București lifted the EHF Champions League trophy in 2016.Popular individual sports include combat sports, martial arts, and swimming. In professional boxing, Romania has produced many world champions across the weight divisions internationally recognised by governing bodies. World champions include Lucian Bute, Leonard Dorin Doroftei, Adrian Diaconu, and Michael Loewe. Another popular combat sport is professional kickboxing, which has produced prominent practitioners including Daniel Ghiță, and Benjamin Adegbuyi.Romania's 306 all-time Summer Olympics medals would rank 12th most among all countries, while its 89 gold medals would be 14th most. The 1984 Summer Olympics was their most successful run, where they won 53 medals in total, 20 of them gold, ultimately placing 2nd to the hosts United States in the medal rankings. Amongst countries who have never hosted the event themselves, they are second in the total number of medals earned.Gymnastics is the country's major medal-producing sport, with Olympic and sport icon Nadia Comăneci becoming the first gymnast ever to score a perfect ten in an Olympic event at the 1976 Summer Olympics. Other Romanian athletes who collected five gold medals like Comăneci are rowers Elisabeta Lipa (1984–2004) and Georgeta Damian (2000–2008). The Romanian competitors have won gold medals in other Olympic sports: athletics, canoeing, wrestling, shooting, fencing, swimming, weightlifting, boxing, and judo. | [
"Ion Ghica",
"Ion C. Brătianu",
"Lascăr Catargi",
"Petru Groza",
"Nicolae Ciucă",
"Ion Gigurtu",
"Gheorghe Gheorghiu-Dej",
"Barbu Catargiu",
"Nicolae Golescu",
"Theodor Stolojan",
"Ion G. Duca",
"Emil Boc",
"Mihai Tudose",
"Ștefan Golescu",
"Victor Ciorbea",
"Constantin Sănătescu",
"Victor Ponta",
"Dacian Cioloș",
"Mugur Isărescu",
"Petre Roman",
"Ludovic Orban",
"Constantin Argetoianu",
"Nicolae Iorga",
"Florin Cîțu",
"Radu Vasile",
"Constantin Bosianu",
"Take Ionescu",
"Manolache Costache Epureanu",
"Miron Cristea",
"Dimitrie Ghica",
"Gheorghe Argeșanu",
"Constantin Dăscălescu",
"Theodor Rosetti",
"Armand Călinescu",
"Octavian Goga",
"Chivu Stoica",
"Nicolae Văcăroiu",
"Dimitrie Sturdza",
"Viorica Dăncilă",
"Alexandru G. Golescu",
"Ion Emanuel Florescu",
"Dimitrie Brătianu",
"Gheorghe Tătărescu",
"Ion Gheorghe Maurer",
"Mihail Kogălniceanu",
"Călin Popescu-Tăriceanu",
"Petre S. Aurelian",
"Sorin Grindeanu",
"Adrian Năstase",
"Mihai Răzvan Ungureanu",
"Ilie Verdeț",
"Nicolae Crețulescu",
"Nicolae Rădescu"
] |
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