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1958_22
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blue given that a blue chip was drawn, all divided by the probability that the urn is predominantly blue. Most participants overestimated the requested probability. Data shows that subjects tend not to pay attention to sample size when making probability predictions. For example, although it has statistically been proven by the law of large numbers that larger samples have less variability, people tend to claim that large and small samples have the same amount of variability. Studies like the urn experiment above provide evidence that the false-consensus effect is not entirely rational, and that egocentric viewpoints tend to be predominant.
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1958_23
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Real-world implications
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1958_24
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Collaboration
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1958_25
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Egocentric bias can lead to the devaluation of peer contributions and the amplification of one's own work when in a collaborative setting. For example, when group members have been asked to report what percentage of the output they created, the total summed to greater than 100%. Usually, individuals are more easily able to recall their personal contributions and thus believe them to greater or more important. This applies to both positive and negative inputs: in a study of married couples, each spouse rated themselves as more responsible for helpful (cleaning) and detractive activities (causing arguments). Research has shown that feelings of sibling caregivers and their siblings depend on the contact between siblings and their feelings of closeness. Each of these two groups believed that their siblings contributed less to the needs of their family than themselves, and were more resistant to increasing these types of contributions. The closer that siblings were to each other,
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1958_26
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measured through observation and self reports, the smaller the extent of egocentric bias they felt in reporting each sibling's contribution.
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1958_27
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Mental health
An overly exaggerated or extremely low demonstration of egocentric bias could be an indicator of mental illness. Those with anxiety tend to view themselves as the center of all events around them, regardless of their nature or how unrelated they are to oneself. On the other hand, people suffering from depression may have a lower tendency towards egocentricity, as evidenced by the fact that they tend to more realistically rate their contributions to group work, while non-depressed participants often overreport their additions.
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1958_28
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Voting
The egocentric bias has also been shown to contribute to a citizen's decision to vote in elections. Firstly, people tend to view their personal choice between voting and abstinence as a reflection of those who support the same candidates and issues. Secondly, although each individual vote has very little power in large-scale elections, those who vote overestimate the significance of their ballot. Moreover, citizens demonstrate egocentric bias, in conjunction with the false-consensus effect, in their predictions of election outcomes. A study examining the 2008 American presidential election found that the more strongly people favor a certain candidate, the higher they estimate that candidate's likelihood of winning the election. For instance, those who strongly preferred Barack Obama predicted that he had a 65% chance of becoming the president, while those who preferred another candidate approximated that he only had a 40% chance of victory.
Notes
References
Further reading
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1958_29
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Cognitive biases
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1959_0
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A pan-Slavic language is a zonal auxiliary language for communication among the Slavic peoples.
There are approximately 400 million speakers of the Slavic languages. In order to communicate with each other, speakers of different Slavic languages often resort to international lingua francas, primarily English, or Russian in East Slavic zonal cases. But since Slavic languages are closely related lexically and grammatically and are comparatively easier to learn when another Slavic language is already known, there have been numerous attempts to construct a more neutral auxiliary language that could act as a common language for slavophones. The earliest pan-Slavic linguistic efforts preceded academic knowledge and reconstruction of Proto-Slavic, which was likely spoken between 2nd century BCE and 6th century CE, from which all Slavic languages developed in following centuries.
History
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1959_1
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The history of zonal Slavic languages is closely connected with Pan-Slavism, an ideology that endeavors cultural and political unification of all Slavs, based on the conception that all Slavic people are part of a single Slavic nation. Along with this belief came also the need for an umbrella Slavic language. The strongest candidate for that position among modern languages is Russian, the language of the largest (and, during most of the 19th century, the only) Slavic state, and mother tongue of more than half of Slavs. This option enjoys most of its popularity in Russia itself, but has also been favoured by Pan-Slavists abroad, for example the Slovak Ľudovít Štúr. Others have proposed that Old Church Slavonic would be a better and more neutral solution. In previous centuries, Old Church Slavonic had served as an administrative language across a large part of the Slavic world, and it is still used on a large scale in Eastern Orthodox liturgy, where it plays a role similar to Latin in
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1959_2
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the West. Old Church Slavonic has the additional advantage of being similar to the common ancestor of the Slavic languages, Proto-Slavic. However, it has several practical disadvantages as well: its grammar is complex, and its vocabulary is characterized by many words that have been lost from the modern languages, as well as an absence of words for modern concepts. Hence, early pan-Slavic language projects aimed at modernizing Old Church Slavonic and adapting it to the needs of everyday communication.
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1959_3
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Early projects
The first pan-Slavic grammar, Gramatíčno izkâzanje ob rúskom jezíku by the Croatian priest Juraj Križanić, was written in 1665. He referred to the language as Ruski jezik ("Russian language"), but in reality it was mostly based on a mixture of the Russian edition of Church Slavonic and his own Southern Chakavian dialect of Croatian. Križanić used it not only for this grammar, but also in other works, including the treatise Politika (1663–1666). According to an analysis of the Dutch Slavist Tom Ekman, 59% of the words used in Politika are of common Slavic descent, 10% come from Russian and Church Slavonic, 9% from Croatian and 2.5% from Polish.
Križanić was not the first who attempted writing in a language understandable to all Slavs. In 1583 another Croatian priest, Šime Budinić, had translated the Summa Doctrinae Christanae by Petrus Canisius into Slovignsky, in which he used both the Latin and Cyrillic alphabets.
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1959_4
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After Križanić, numerous other efforts have been made to create an umbrella language for the speakers of Slavic languages. A notable example is Universalis Lingua Slavica by the Slovak attorney Ján Herkeľ (1786–1853), published in Latin in 1826. Unlike Križanić' project, this project was closer to the West Slavic languages.
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1959_5
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During the second half of the 19th century Pan-Slavic language projects were mostly the domain of Slovenes and Croats. In this era of awakening national consciousness, the Russians were the only Slavs who had their own state; other Slavic peoples inhabited large, mostly non-Slavic states, and clear borders between the various nations were mostly lacking. Among the numerous efforts at creating written standards for the South Slavic languages there were also efforts at establishing a common South Slavic language, Illyrian, that might also serve as a literary language for all Slavs in the future. Of special importance is the work of Matija Majar (1809–1892), a Slovenian Austroslavist who later converted to Pan-Slavism. In 1865 he published Uzajemni Pravopis Slavjanski ("Mutual Slavic Orthography"). In this work, he postulated that the best way for Slavs to communicate with other Slavs was by taking their own language as a starting point and then modifying it in steps. First, he proposed
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1959_6
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changing the orthography of each individual language into a generic ("mutual") Pan-Slavic orthography, subsequently he described a grammar that was based on comparing five major Slavic languages of his days: Old Church Slavonic, Russian, Polish, Czech and Serbian. Apart from a book about the language itself, Majar also used it for a biography of Cyril and Methodius and for a magazine he published in the years 1873–1875, Slavjan. A fragment in the language can still be seen on the altar of Majar's church in Görtschach. Other Pan-Slavic language projects were published in the same period by the Croatian Matija Ban, the Slovenes and , as well as the Macedonian Bulgarian Grigor Parlichev – all based on the idea of combining Old Church Slavonic with elements from the modern South Slavic languages.
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1959_7
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All authors mentioned above were motivated by the belief that all Slavic languages were dialects of one single Slavic language rather than separate languages. They deplored the fact that these dialects had diverged beyond mutual comprehensibility, and the Pan-Slavic language they envisioned was intended to reverse this process. Their long-term objective was that this language would replace the individual Slavic languages. Majar, for example, compared the Pan-Slavic language with standardized languages like Ancient Greek and several modern languages:
Consequently, these authors did not consider their projects constructed languages at all. In most cases they provided grammatical comparisons between the Slavic languages, sometimes but not always offering solutions they labelled as "Pan-Slavic". What their projects have in common that they neither have a rigidly prescriptive grammar, nor a separate vocabulary.
The twentieth century
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1959_8
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In the early 20th century it had become clear that the divergence of the Slavic languages was irreversible and the concept of a Pan-Slavic literary language was no longer realistic. The Pan-Slavic dream had lost most of its power, and Pan-Slavists had to satisfy themselves with the formation of two multinational Slavic states, Czechoslovakia and Yugoslavia. However, the need for a common language of communication for Slavs was still felt, and due to the influence of constructed languages like Esperanto, efforts were made to create a language that was no longer supposed to replace the individual Slavic languages, but to serve as an additional second language for pan-Slavic communication.
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1959_9
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In the same period, the nexus of pan-Slavic activity shifted to the North, especially to the Czech lands. In 1907 the Czech dialectologist Ignác Hošek (1852–1919) published a grammar of Neuslavisch, a proposal for a common literary language for all Slavs within the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy. Five years later another Czech, Josef Konečný, published Slavina, a "Slavic Esperanto", which however had very little in common with Esperanto, but instead was mostly based on Czech. Whereas these two projects were naturalistic, the same cannot be said about two other projects by Czech authors, Slovanština by Edmund Kolkop and Slavski jezik by Bohumil Holý. Both projects, published in 1912 and 1920 respectively, show a clear tendency towards simplification, for example by eliminating grammatical gender and cases, and schematicism.
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1959_10
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During the 1950s the Czech poet and former Esperantist (1920–2000), also known under his pseudonym Jiří Karen, worked for several years with a team of prominent interlinguists on an elaborate project, Mežduslavjanski jezik ("Interslavic language"). Among other things, they wrote a grammar, an Esperanto–Interslavic word list, a dictionary, a course and a textbook. Although none of those were ever published, the project gained some attention of linguists from various countries. Probably due to the political reality of those days, this language was primarily based on Russian.
The digital age
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1959_11
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Although Pan-Slavism has not played a role of any significance since the collapse of the Soviet Union and Yugoslavia, globalization and new media like the Internet have led to a renewed interest in a language that would be understandable for all Slavs alike. After the fall of the USSR, the role of the Russian language as a lingua franca in Eastern Europe and the Balkans diminished, also because many inhabitants of other countries in the region perceived it as the language of their former oppressor. Older projects were largely forgotten, but as it became relatively easy for authors to publish their work, several new projects emerged, mostly in Slavic émigrée circles. Thus, during the first years of the 21st century projects appeared under names like Slovo, Glagolica, Proslava and Ruslavsk. Most of them were incomplete and abandoned by their authors after a while.
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1959_12
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The only project that acquired some fame in the same period was Slovio of the Slovak Mark Hučko. Unlike most previous projects it was not a naturalistic, but a schematic language, its grammar being based almost entirely on Esperanto. In addition, it was a fully functional language, and it became the first pan-Slavic language with a small user community. Slovio was not only intended to serve as an auxiliary language for Slavs, but also for use on a global scale like Esperanto. For that reason it gained little acceptance among Slavs: a high degree of simplification, characteristic for most international auxiliary languages, makes it easier to learn for non-Slavs, but widens the distance with the natural Slavic languages and gives the language an overly artificial character, which by many is considered a disadvantage. Hučko maintained a proprietary hold on Slovio, and since 2011 the language is no longer being developed and is effectively defunct.
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1959_13
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Partly in response to the problems of Slovio, a more naturalistic and community-based project was started in 2006 under the name Slovianski by a group of people from different countries. Initially, it was being developed in three grammar versions: a naturalistic version by Jan van Steenbergen, a more simplified, pidgin-like version by Ondrej Rečnik and a schematic version by Gabriel Svoboda, but in 2009 it was decided that only the naturalistic version would be continued under the name Slovianski. Slovianski was mostly used in Internet traffic and in a news letter, Slovianska Gazeta. In 2012, its user community numbered several hundreds of people.
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1959_14
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An effort to bring Slovianski and Slovio together resulted in Slovioski in 2009. Its original purpose was to provide Slovio with a more naturalistic grammar, but gradually it developed into a separate language project. Like Slovianski, it was a collaborative project that existed in two variants: a "full" and a simplified version. Another project that saw the light in the same period was Novoslověnsky ("Neoslavonic") by the Czech Vojtěch Merunka, based on Old Church Slavonic grammar but using part of Slovianski's vocabulary.
In 2011, Slovianski, Slovioski and Novoslověnsky were merged under the name Interslavic (Medžuslovjanski). In 2017 en 2018 Interslavic conferences took place in the Czech Republic, and in 2019 the language was featured in Václav Marhoul's movie The Painted Bird. By July 2021, its user community on Facebook had grown to over 15,000 people.
Individual projects
Early Modern
Šime Budinić
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1959_15
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As early as 1583, the Venetian-Croatian priest writer Šime Budinić from Zadar translated Petrus Canisius' Summa doctrinae christinae into a language he called Slovignsky or Slouignsky iazik ("Slavic language"), using both the Latin and the Cyrillic alphabets. Budinić did not actually give a description of this language, but according to some authors it was a mixture of Serbo-Croatian, Church Slavonic, Czech, and Polish. However, Nicolina Trunte argues that Church Slavonic, Polish or Czech were not used in the work at all, and that the language Budinić used was merely Shtokavian-Ijekavian with a number of hyper-Ijekavisms and Chakavisms.
Sample:
Koie iz Vlasskoga, illi Latinskoga iazika, v Slouignsky Iazik protumačio iest pop Ssimvn Bvdineo Zadranin.
"Translated from the Italian or Latin language into the Slavic Language by father Šimun Budinić from Zadar."
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1959_16
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Juraj Križanić
In Siberia in 1666, the Croat Juraj Križanić wrote Gramatíčno izkâzanje ob rúskom jezíku (Граматично исказанје об руском језику "Grammatical overview of the Russian Language"). In this work he described in fact not the Russian language but a Common Slavonic language based on different Slavic languages, mostly on Russian and Chakavian Croatian. The author used it not only for this grammar, but also in other works, including the treatise Politika (1663–1666). According to an analysis of the Dutch Slavist Tom Ekman, 59% of the words used in Politika are of common Slavic descent, 10% come from Russian and Church Slavonic, 9% from Croatian and 2.5% from Polish.
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1959_17
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Sample (Romanized, original in Cyrillic):
Iazika sowerszenost iest samo potrebno orudie k mudrosti, i iedwa ne stanowito iee zname. Czim kiu narod imaet izradney iazik, tim prigodnee i witwornee razprawlyaet remestwa i wsakije umitelyi i promisli. Obilie besedi i legota izgowora mnogo pomagaet na mudrich sowetow izobretenie i na wsakich mirnich i ratnich del leznee obwerszenie.
Modern
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1959_18
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Ján Herkeľ
Another early example of a zonal language for Slavs was Universalis Lingua Slavica ("Universal Slavic language" or "All-Slavic language"). It was created and published by the Slovak attorney Ján Herkeľ (1786–1853) in his work Elementa universalis linguae Slavicae in 1826. Unlike languages like Esperanto, it had no well-defined grammar and no vocabulary of its own. Like many other pan-Slavists in the 19th century, Herkeľ considered the Slavic languages dialects of a single Slavic language, and his book is mostly a comparative grammar of these dialects, in which he sometimes offered grammatical solutions explicitly characterized by him as "Universal Slavic".
Although Herkeľ found Cyrillic more suitable for the Slavic languages, he nevertheless chose the Latin alphabet for his project, with the addition of a few Cyrillic letters: ч and ш for č and š (remarkably, for ž he preferred ƶ, although he explicitly did not exclude Cyrillic ж either), as well as x for h/ch.
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1959_19
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Near the end of his book, Herkeľ gave a few examples of his Stylus Universalis, applied to the "Pannonian" (Slovak) dialect:
Za starego vieku byla jedna kralica, koja mala tri prelepije dievice: milicu, krasicu a mudricu; vse tri byle bogate, okrem bogatstva milica byla pokorna, krasica uctiva, a mudrica umena.
"In olden times there was a queen who had three very beautiful girls: Kindness, Beauty, and Wisdom; all three were rich, in addition to being rich Kindness was humble, Beauty was polite, and Wisdom was wise."
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1959_20
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SlavinaSlavina was created by Josef Konečný in 1912 in Prague and published in the same year in a booklet titled Mluvnička slovanského esperanta "Slavina". According to the author, its main purpose was to serve as a communication tool in trade and industry. The subtitle of the language, "a Slavic Esperanto" (or its Esperanto translation "Slava Esperanto"), is sometimes erroneously cited as the name of the language, but in reality the language had very little in common with Esperanto. Instead, it was a clear example of a naturalistic language, with three grammatical genders, seven noun cases and five verbal tenses. Although Konečný claimed his language was based on all Slavic languages, it bore a striking similarity to his native Czech, both orthographically, phonologically, lexically and morphologically. Particularly unusual for a pan-Slavic language project was the distinction between long and short consonants.
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1959_21
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The first sentence from the song Hey, Slavs:Hej, Slované, naši lepo slovanó rěč máme, dokud naše věrné srece pro náš národ dáme."Hey, Slavs, we will have our beautiful Slavic language, as long as we give our faithful heart for our people."
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1959_22
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SlovanštinaSlovanština (Czech for "Slavic language") is the oldest example of a schematic language for pan-Slavic use. It was published in 1912 by the Czech linguist and esperantist Edmund Kolkop (1877-1915) in his booklet Pokus o dorozumívací jazyk slovanský. Kolkop had no political, pan-Slavic ambitions but felt frustrated by the fact that Slavs had to resort to German for their communication and believed that they would be helped with a simple, artificially created Slavic language, for which he took Esperanto as an example. The language had no grammatical gender and no cases, all nouns and adjectives ended in a consonant, plurals were formed with -a for nouns and -i for adjectives, and verbs were conjugated only for tense. Slavic word roots were derived regularly from Church Slavonic, and international vocabulary was used when a Slavic word was hard to find. The language was written in the Latin alphabet with a few unusual additions: ſ for š, з for ž, ч for č, y for j, j for ť, ϑ
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1959_23
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for ď and ι for ň.
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1959_24
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The Gospel of Matthew, 3:1-2:Ve tamji dιa priideo Yan Krestar, kazaya na puſj ve zem Yudesk; i rekaya: Pokayaιiy nehaj vi чiιi, bo pribliзio sa carstviy nebesk."In those days John the Baptist came, preaching in the wilderness of Judea; and saying: Repent, for the kingdom of heaven has come near."
NeposlavaNeposlava was an unpublished project, created by the Russian writer, publicist and music critic Vsevolod Yevgrafovich Cheshikhin (Всеволод Евграфович Чешихин) in Nizhny Novgorod, Russia. It was based on a system created by him in 1913 to construct zonal languages based on Esperanto affixes which are used with national roots and called it Nepo. According to that principle, he created Neposlava ("Slavic Nepo"), a Nepo-language based on Russian, Polish, Czech and Serbian lexicon, in 1915 or 1916. It is unknown how elaborated this language project really was. He also used this system to construct other "new Esperantoes" based on Latin-Romance and Germanic languages.
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1959_25
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A fragment from the Lord's Prayer:Vatero nia, kotoryja estas in la njebov, heiligia estu nomo via."Our father, who art in heaven, hallowed be thy name."
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1959_26
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Mežduslavjanski jezikMežduslavjanski jezik ("Interslavic language") was an elaborate project worked on during the years 1954-1958 in Czechoslovakia by a group of interlinguists, led by the poet Ladislav Podmele a.k.a. Jiří Karen (1920-2000) and the pedagogue Jaroslav Podobský (1895-1962), both of whom were prominent members of the Occidental movement. Their idea was that four zonal languages (an inter-Germanic, an inter-Romance, an inter-Slavic and an inter-Indic language) together would enable two thirds of the world's population to communicate with each other. The language they created used grammatical and lexical features of various Slavic languages, primarily Russian and Czech, and may be viewed as a naturalistic planned language. They wrote a grammar (Kratka grammatika mežduslavjanskego jezika), an Esperanto–Interslavic word list, a dictionary, a course, a textbook and a few longer texts, practically none of which were ever published. Nevertheless, the project gained some
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1959_27
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attention of linguists from various countries.
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1959_28
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An excerpt from the manuscript Revolucija v istoriji interlingvistiki: Do tego casu bila aktivnost za meždunarodni jezik osnovana na principach utopizma, jež ždal si jedinego jezika za ves mir bez vzgleda na fakt, cto taki jezik ne može bit v nikakim pripadu rezultatem realnego razvoja jezikov živich, cto on bude vsegda tolika vidumana, spekulativna konstrukcija."To date, activity for an international language has been based on principles of utopianism, which endeavoured one language for the whole world without regard to the fact that such a language can in no way result from real development of living languages, that it wil always be an invented, speculative construction."
Slovio
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1959_29
|
One of the first projects in the digital era was Slovio, a project created in 1999 and published in 2001 by the Slovak Mark Hučko. Unlike previous projects, Slovio was not only intended to serve as a pan-Slavic language, but also to compete with languages like Esperanto and Ido as a global international auxiliary language. Most of its vocabulary was based on Slavic roots, but its grammar was almost entirely based on Esperanto, with an emphasis on simplicity. Verb conjugations were regular apart from the four verbs es ("be"), mozx ("can"), hce ("want"), dolzx ("must"). Adjectives typically ended in -ju, the nouns formed their plural in -s or -is, and the only case was the accusative in -f or -uf (plural: -fs or -ifs). Slovio could be written in Latin or Cyrillic, but was typically written in Latin, with digraphs in x replacing the haček (e.g. zx for ž).
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1959_30
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Slovio was the first Slavic-based constructed language with a substantial dictionary and a small user community, at its peak consisting of 10-15 users (mostly diaspora Slavs) and a number of interested bystanders. In spite of heavy marketing on the part of its creator, Slovio gained little support; it was heavily criticized for its artificial, un-Slavic character and the radical Slavic-nationalist views expressed by its users. Perhaps due to Hučko's insistence on owning the language and his hostile attitude towards proposed changes (similar to the situation with Volapük), people interested in a pan-Slavic language moved on to other projects. It became defunct by about 2011.
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1959_31
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A passage on the origin of the Europeans:To es bezsporju historju fakt zxe sovremju Europanis (negda imenitju Indo-Europanis) es potomkis om Dunavju Slavis (negda imenitju Dunavju Lesju Ludis). Odnakuo to es bezsporju fakt zxe vse Europju jazikas originijut iz odnakju jazika, jazika om Dunavju Slavis."It's an undisputed historical fact that the current day Europeans (sometimes called Indo-Europeans) are all descendants of the Danubian Slavs (sometimes called the Danubian Forest People). Equally, it is an undisputed fact that all European languages originate from the same common language, the language of the Danubian Slavs."
Slovianski
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1959_32
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To address the problems of Slovio, a community-based project called Slovianski was begun in 2006. Its main purpose was to create a simple, naturalistic language that would be understandable to Slavs without prior learning. This was approached with a voting system to choose words for the lexicon and a grammar consisting of material existing in all or most Slavic languages, without any artificial additions. Slovianski was developed in different versions. The version of its principal author, Jan van Steenbergen, had three genders (masculine, feminine, neuter), six cases and full conjugation of verbs. A high level of simplification was achieved by means of simple, unambiguous endings and irregularity being kept to a minimum.
Slovianski was mostly used in Internet traffic and in a news letter, Slovianska Gazeta. In 2012, the language was reported to have several hundreds of speakers.
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1959_33
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The Lord's Prayer in Slovianski:Naš otec, ktori jesi v nebah, da svečene je tvoje imeno, da prijde tvoje krolevstvo, da bude tvoja volia, kak v nebah tak i na zemie. Hleb naš každodenni daj nam tutden', i izvinij nam naše grehi, tak kak mi izvinime naših grešnikov, i ne vedij nas v pokušenie, ali spasij nas od zlogo.
"Our Father in heaven, hallowed be your name. Your kingdom come, your will be done, on earth as it is in heaven. Give us this day our daily bread, and forgive us our debts, as we also have forgiven our debtors. And lead us not into temptation, but deliver us from evil."
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1959_34
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Slovioski
In 2009, Slovioski (a portmanteau of Slovio and Slovianski) was launched with the idea of bringing together both language projects. Its initial purpose was merely to provide Slovio with a more Slavic grammar (for example, by substituting the adjective ending -ju with -ij and the plural ending -is with -i), but gradually, it developed into a separate language project, widening its distance to Slovio and abandoning the Slovio dictionary in 2010. After Slovianski was reworked into Interslavic, Slovioski was discontinued.
Neoslavonic
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1959_35
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Novoslovienskij ("Neoslavonic") was published in a 128-page book by the Czech pedagogue and programmer Vojtěch Merunka as a study of what Old Church Slavonic might look like today if it had not stopped developing in the Middle Ages. As a result, Neoslavonic had a complex grammar characterized by various archaisms, for example: four types of past tense, dual, seven cases and the Cyrillic letter ѣ, but on the other hand, it contained few exceptions and a relatively small number of repetitive rules. Neoslavonic could be written in four alphabets, Latin, Cyrillic, Greek and Glagolitic.
Example:Uvažimi gospodi! Tu jest projekt jezyka novoslovienskego. Prošu Vas, da byste jego čitali i poslali Vašim prijateljam, jako li oni hočut to vidieti."Dear Sirs! Here is the Neoslavonic language project. I ask you to read it and send it to your friends if they want to see it."
Contemporary pan-Slavic
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1959_36
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In 2011, Slovianski was renamed Medžuslovjanski ("Interslavic"), and its grammar and dictionary were revised to include all options of Neoslavonic and several older projects. A close collaboration was started between them, resulting in a common dictionary, a common news portal and a common wiki, and during the years to follow, Medžuslovjanski and Novoslovienskij (soon renamed Novoslověnsky) gradually grew closer to each other. As a result, most differences between both projects vanished in a natural way. After the first Conference on the Interslavic Language in 2017, Merunka and Van Steenbergen eliminated the last few remaining differences, and in the same year they published a unified grammar and orthography together, soon to be followed by a multilingual online dictionary covering English and most modern Slavic languages. Medžuslovjansky jezyk'' has gained some attention from the media, and by 2021 its user community had grown to over 15,000 people.
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1959_37
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See also
Pan-Slavism
Proto-Slavic, the common ancestor of all Slavic languages
Army Slavic
Slavonic-Serbian
Iazychie
References
External links
Vikisbornik - a collection of texts in Interslavic
List of constructed Slavic languages
Interslavic - Medžuslovjansky
Interslavic information portal
Interslavic dictionary
Neoslavonic
Interslavic on-line newspaper
Interslavic Wiki
Neoslavonic Memorandum
Interlinguistics
Zonal constructed languages
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1960_0
|
There were significant slave revolts in Brazil in 1798, 1807, 1814 and the Malê Revolt of 1835. The institution of slavery was essential to the export agriculture and mining industries in colonial Brazil, its major sources of revenue. A marked decrease in the Indian population due to disease necessitated the importation of slaves early in the colonial history of Brazil with African slaves already being enslaved in greater amounts than Indian slaves on sugar plantations in the Bahia region by the end of the 1500s. A gold and diamond boom in the interior of Brazil in the mid-eighteenth century precipitated a significant increase in the importation of African slaves.
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1960_1
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The conditions of slavery in Brazil varied by region and form of labor. For instance, in sugar plantations in the Bahia region, African slaves were treated and fed poorly, and worked as hard as possible because the profit gained from this method outweighed the profit lost from a slave with a short life span. In the mountainous mining region of Minas Gerais, while the work was arduous, slaves were valued more and allowed some autonomy.
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Slave revolts were rare events. The most common form of slave resistance was instead the formation of fugitive settlements known as Quilombos, or macobos. Usually inhabited by those of varying African descents, the physical layout and social aspects of these communities represented a fusion of African and Brazilian practices. Existing most prevalently in the Bahia and Minas Gerais regions, as well as in the remote frontier region Alagoas where the largest and most famous quilombo, Palmeres, existed, just as slave conditions varied in these regions, the reason for the prevalence of fugitive slaves in these regions also varied. They were most often not self-sufficient, depending on theft and raiding from other slaves, free blacks, and whites for survival.
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Religion, Society, and Slavery
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The goal of converting all Indians to Catholic faith and practices was used by the Portuguese crown to justify the colonization of Brazil. The Jesuits, arriving in Brazil in the mid-sixteenth century, were tasked with these conversions and continued to be`the most prevalent and economically powerful denomination in Brazil until they were expelled in the 1700s. Indians were not viewed in the eyes of the Jesuits and the Portuguese Crown as slaves by nature but rather should only become "captives" to be used for slavery through a "just war". However, due to the demands of the landowning class who depended on slave labor and whom was more powerful compared to in Spanish-America, this view was oftentimes not adhered to in colonial policy. Jesuit Priest Padre Antonio Vieira's sermons reflect these views, suggesting that enslaving Indians who were not captured in this manner was a sin and that they should be paid a wage. African slaves were viewed as inherently different to Indians as
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evidenced by Vieira, who stated to an audience of African slaves, "...it is by God's particular providence that you live at present as slaves and captives, so that... you will very easily reach eternal freedom."
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The social hierarchy, similarly, was racially based. Portuguese immigrants, and native born whites stood at the top of this hierarchy and held the most wealth and power. Both Indians and blacks were the poorest in society but with a decline in the Indian population due to disease as well as their movement into the frontier, African slaves and free blacks constituted the majority of the bottom tier. Mixed populations fulfilled social and economic roles in between. Especially prevalent and important in the skilled labor force were mixed white and black people. Of course, there was also always exceptions to this stratification.
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Quilombos in Resistance and Revolt
There is limited evidence regarding whether the inhabitants of fugitive communities intended to attack the institution of slavery itself. One scholar Stuart Schwartz suggests, based on surviving evidence from multiple quilombos that “...in general the goals of the fugitive communities seem to have been the more immediate and practical ones of survival beyond the control of white society.” This is evidenced in part by the fact that they stole not only from whites but also from other slaves and free blacks.
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Although almost all the slave rebellions had been designed and executed through the quilombo community, the more preeminent threats they presented in the view of colonial officials included that they "endangered towns, disrupted production, and cut lines of communication of travel" as well as attracted those who were currently enslaved, thus threatening the institution of slavery itself. Colonial officials viewed these as serious threats given Brazil's economic dependence on slaves and took measures to mobilized Indians and free blacks to destroy these settlements, re-enslaving or killing its inhabitants. Indians, however, at the same time were often "the best potential allies" to fugitive slaves.
Revolts
1798
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The Revolt of the Alfaiates in 1798, also called the Bahian Conspiracy and Revolt of the Tailors (after the trade of many of the leaders) and recently also called Revolt of Buzios, was a slave rebellion in the then Captaincy of Bahia, in the State of Brazil. Unlike the Inconfidência Mineira of 1789, it was a separatist movement with a popular base and extensive black participation. Both were largely inspired by the French Revolution. The leaders who were prosecuted were mostly free mulattos, but a second group of wealthier whites who encouraged the revolt were not prosecuted.
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The objectives of the rebelling baianos were, according to Clóvis Moura, "much more radical," and the proposal to liberate the slaves was one of the main goals. Its leaders and members included "freed blacks, black slaves, pardo slaves, freed pardos, artisans, tailors; those who were from the most oppressed or discriminated classes of Bahia colonial society". With many slaves living in Bahia, the probability of revolts and rebellions ran high. The elites of the area were frightened that if rebellion or revolts did happen, they would be similar to the Haitian Revolution. Because of the significant participation of Bahia's lower classes, the revolt has also been called “The First Brazilian Social Revolution”.
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1807
In 1807, slaves were planning a revolt that would take place on May 28, during Corpus Christi celebrations. Six days before the revolt would take place they were betrayed by a slave loyal to his master. The master went to the governor and he was skeptical about the situation. However, he sent his spies out into the community and he learned that a subversive plan was real and growing stronger as the 28th approached. A day before the rebellion took place the governor had mounted specific patrols in the city. With its exits and entrances under surveillance, and rural officers on the roads, the house that was the center of the planning was surrounded and searched.
After being searched the alleged leaders and captains were taken prisoner. Many weapons were confiscated from the house, such as: four hundred arrows, a bundle of rods to be used as bows, piles of rope, knives, and one shotgun.
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Rural officers caught three of the ringleaders who had fled earlier that afternoon, and military patrols on rounds caught a few more identified as agents or enticers.
The goal of the uprising is believed to have been to capture ships in the harbor and make a massive flight back to Africa.
1814
The rebellion of 1814 overshadowed the previous ones in numbers of participants and violence. Starting on February 28, slave fishermen began to burn down part of the harbor, killing the foreman and most of his family. The rebels proceeded to head to the village of Itapoan.
Resistance was met when they were trying to leave to go the next village. Troops from Salvador then encountered a bloody battle with the rebels, which left the rebels with fifty fewer men.
Four of the captured slaves were hanged in public and twelve were deported to Portuguese colonies in Africa.
1835
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The Muslim Slave revolt in 1835 began January 24, 1835 by rebellion organizers, Malês, or Muslim Africans. The revolt took place in the streets of Salvador and lasted for three hours. During that time seventy people were killed and a report of more than five hundred were sentenced to death, in prison, whipped or deported. Reis argues that if you bring these numbers into today's times, with Salvador being 1.5 million, over twelve thousand people would be sentenced to some form of punishment. Within these hearings, Africans spoke out about their rebellion as well as about their cultural, social, religious and domestic lives. The testimonies from court and the oppressors’ descriptions of these Africans that were enslaved brought out “priceless testimonies” of African culture with the Americas.
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Families
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In 1778, José da Lisboa wrote, “Because of the obvious benefits accruing from male labor over female, there are always three times as many males as females among the slave population, which perpetuates the pattern of their failure to propagate as well as their failure to increase in number from generation to generation.” Native born slaves populations was slightly higher women to men, 100:92, where as the Africans that were not born in Brazil were a little less 100:125, women to men. Also what was interesting was how the African men “vied” for the African woman and the formations of African families was extremely dissatisfactory and limiting even among free Blacks. In terms of the relationships in Bahia there were not a lot of married couples, “As one might expect, slaves had scant opportunities for affectionate relationships either episodic or long lasting. More than 27 percent claimed to be bachelors, and that number could be raised to 98 percent if we considered those whose
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marital status is not known to have been single.”
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See also
Islam in Brazil
Notes
References
Johnson, Lyman L., and Mark Burkholder. Colonial Latin America. Oxford University Press, 2008.
Kent, R.K. Palmares: An African State in Brazil. The Journal of African History, Vol. 6, No. 2, 1965. pp. 161–175.
Mills, Kenneth, et al. Colonial Latin America: a Documentary History. SR Books, 2004.
Reis, João José. Slave Rebellion in Brazil: The Muslim Uprising of 1835 in Bahia. Johns Hopkins Paperbacks, 1995. pp. 41–43.
Reis, João José. Slave Resistance in Brazil: Bahia, 1807-1835. Luso-Brazilian Review, Vol. 25, No. 1, Summer 1988. pp. 111–114.
Schwartz, Stuart B. "Rethinking Palmares: Slave Resistance in Colonial Brazil." Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1992.
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The Last House on the Left is a 2009 revenge horror-thriller film directed by Dennis Iliadis and written by Carl Ellsworth and Adam Alleca. It is a remake of the 1972 film of the same name, and stars Tony Goldwyn, Monica Potter, Garret Dillahunt, Spencer Treat Clark, Martha MacIsaac, and Sara Paxton. The film follows the parents (Goldwyn and Potter) of Mari Collingwood (Paxton), who attempt to get revenge on a group of strangers, led by a man named Krug (Dillahunt), that have taken shelter at their home during a thunderstorm.
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The film rights were picked up by Rogue Pictures in 2006, with the remake being the first film produced by Wes Craven's new production studio Midnight Pictures. Craven, who wrote and directed the 1972 original, was interested to see what kind of film could be produced on a large budget, as the limited funds in 1972 forced him to eliminate scenes he had wanted to film to tell a complete story. Alleca's original script included elements of the supernatural, which prompted the studio to reject it and bring in Ellsworth to perform a rewrite. One of the elements director Iliadis wanted to avoid with this film, given its graphic nature, was turning it into torture porn — a subgenre of horror popularized by the Saw franchise. For Craven and Iliadis, The Last House on the Left primarily illustrates how even the most normal of families can be driven to evil acts if pushed too far.
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Released on March 13, 2009, The Last House on the Left was met with mixed reviews from critics. Audience opinion ranked the film at a "B" level, from a scale of "A to F"; the film would ultimately gross $45,286,228 worldwide.
Plot
Emma and John Collingwood, and their daughter, competitive swimmer Mari, head out on vacation to their lake house. Shortly thereafter, Mari borrows the family car and drives into town to spend some time with her friend Paige. While Paige works the cash register at a local store, she and Mari meet Justin, a teenager passing through town who invites them both back to his roadside motel room to smoke marijuana. While the three are hanging out in the motel room, Justin's family members return: his father, Krug, his uncle, Francis, and Krug's girlfriend, Sadie.
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Krug becomes angry at Justin for bringing unknown people to their motel room, and shows him a local newspaper that has Krug and Sadie's pictures on the front page, and which explains how Sadie and Francis broke Krug out of police custody and killed the two officers that were transporting him. Believing it would be too risky to let Paige and Mari go, the gang kidnaps them and uses their car to leave town. While Krug searches for the highway, Mari convinces him to take a road that leads to her parents' lake house; Mari then attempts to jump out of the vehicle, but the ensuing fight among the passengers causes Krug to crash into a tree. Frustrated by Mari's attempt to escape, Sadie and Francis proceed to beat Mari and Paige as they crawl from the wreckage. Krug attempts to teach Justin to "be a man" by forcing him to touch Mari's breasts. Paige begins insulting him to get him to stop; in response, Krug and Francis stab Paige repeatedly, and Mari watches her friend bleed to death. Krug
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then rapes Mari, during which he pulls off Mari's necklace and throws it away. When he is done, Mari musters enough strength to escape the group and make it to the lake so that she can swim to safety. Krug shoots her in the back as she swims, leaving her body floating in the lake.
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A storm forces Krug, Francis, Sadie, and Justin to seek refuge at a nearby house. Justin is the only one to deduce that the inhabitants, John and Emma, are Mari's parents, and intentionally leaves Mari's necklace on the counter to alert them about their daughter. When John and Emma find Mari barely alive on their porch, and the necklace on the counter, they realize that Mari's tormentors are the people in their guest house.
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As they try to find the key to their boat so that they can take Mari to the hospital, Francis happens upon Mari, Emma attacks Francis and John kills him. When going after Krug and Sadie, they find Justin holding Krug's gun; Justin gives the gun to John so that he can kill Krug. Sadie awakens and interrupts John, allowing Krug to escape from the couple: After finding Francis dead, Krug realizes that they are Mari's parents. After Emma shoots Sadie in the head, John chases Krug. Justin is stabbed by Krug, but with a combined effort from Emma and John, Krug is knocked unconscious. John, Emma, Mari, and Justin then leave in the boat for the hospital.
Later, John returns to the cabin, where he has paralyzed Krug from the neck down. John places Krug's head in a microwave. As John walks away, Krug's head explodes, ultimately killing him.
Cast
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Tony Goldwyn as Dr. John Collingwood
Monica Potter as Emma Collingwood
Garret Dillahunt as Krug
Aaron Paul as Francis
Spencer Treat Clark as Justin
Riki Lindhome as Sadie
Sara Paxton as Mari Collingwood
Martha MacIsaac as Paige
Michael Bowen as Officer Morton
Production
Development
In August 2006, Rogue Pictures finalized a deal to remake The Last House on the Left with original writer and director Wes Craven as a producer. The company intended to preserve the storyline of the original film. In September 2006, it was announced that Craven had formed a production company, Midnight Pictures, under the umbrella of Rogue Pictures, and the remake for The Last House on the Left was selected as the company's first project. One of the reasons Craven agreed to remake The Last House on the Left was because of the money involved. In 1972, he did not have the budget to film every piece of the story he wanted to tell.
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With the 2009 remake, a larger budget allowed the filmmakers to pace themselves more during filming, taking more care while shooting, and expand the scope of the story more. One of the ways to accomplish this was for the producers to find a "rising young director to bring a new perspective for the story". According to the producers, who were impressed with Hardcore—which explored the world of teenage prostitution—director Dennis Iliadis was the person they were looking for. Co-producer Cody Zwieg stated, "Hardcore wasn't a genre or a horror film but showed completely believable characters in horrific, realistic situations. Many directors could handle the surface elements, the blood and shock moments of Last House, but Dennis proved that he could do it all without exploiting his characters and their situations." According to Iliadis, the director was quick to accept the responsibility of remaking The Last House on the Left, having already been a fan of Craven's and seen all of his
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films.
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Writing
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An early draft for the remake had moved the setting to northern California, and altered the third act to include elements of the supernatural. When that script was rejected, Carl Ellsworth was brought in to touch up the script written by Adam Alleca. Ellsworth had previously worked with Craven on Red Eye, but had never seen the original film. After reading the script and watching the 1972 film, the latter he found difficult to watch because of its extreme nature, Ellsworth decided that the first thing they needed to do was to establish someone whose survival you wanted the audience to root for. The writer wanted to know how the "typical family" would react to such a heinous act being perpetrated on their daughter, and what they were truly capable of. Craven points out that most of the early script problems were based around deciding what elements to include. They were never sure how much of the Krug family needed to be seen, what elements from the original film should be included, or
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even if Mari should live or die.
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One of the changes that Ellsworth made was keeping Mari alive, as the character is found dead in the original film. The writer believes keeping Mari alive when her parents find her adds to the suspense, because there is now a "ticking clock" for the parents to get their daughter to the hospital. Another change to the character was making her a swimmer. Director Iliadis wanted to give Mari a "big character trait" that could be used as a coping mechanism for the character, as well as become an important component to her escaping Krug. As Iliadis explains, "Well the idea was to find something where she channels all her energy and that was a big character trait because her brother is dead. It's like she's carrying him on her back. She needs to perform for two people now. She has to compensate for him so all her energy is in the water. The only area where she feels slightly free is when she's in the water swimming like crazy, so it's interesting having that as a character trait, and then
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having that as a key element for her trying to escape."
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The writer changed the fate of another character, Krug's son Justin attempting to give the audience a better "sense of hope". Craven points out that early on he suggested that Krug have a son who commits suicide, but found it interesting to see "this strange Romeo and Juliet thing happening" between Krug's son and Mari. He also stated that he likes the fact that John Collingwood is a doctor who actually gets to use his skills in the film, unlike in the original where the character is merely identified as being a doctor. Craven comments, "[it is] an extraordinary moment" when John is forced to improvise a way to restore a collapsed lung; "It made it real." Ellsworth wanted to create a level of interest in the characters that would "engage [the audience]", as opposed to simply leaving the family in "even worse shape [by] the end of the movie". He asserts that the film does not have a happy ending, but that there is some hope left at the end. Director Dennis Iliadis further explains
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that the point is to show the family from a different light. Initially the director feared that they were "wussing out" with the ending; he eventually decided that what you really see is a family that has physically survived this encounter, but are "dead in many ways". Iliadis expressed that he did not want to go the way of "torture porn", which is what he sees most horror films moving toward, but instead show a sense of "urgency" with the parents' actions.
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Casting
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When casting for the film, Iliadis wanted to find actors who would not portray these characters in a stereotypical way. As Craven explains, they wanted someone who would take these characters in a direction that most actors would not—they wanted originality. Craven states, "You need an actor who can bring a complete sense of commitment to that character without making it silly and not be afraid to go in there to the point where someone might say, 'Oh, you got bad in you?' You have to be brave enough and mature enough to know we've all got it, and you're not afraid of putting it out there and if you've got a problem with seeing that, tough." For instance, Iliadis wanted to avoid casting some superficially sexy actress in the role of Mari, because he did not want the rape sequence to appear enjoyable to the viewers in any possible way. Iliadis notes that when Sara Paxton came in her audition was "good", but it was this sense of intelligence and intensity that Paxton brought with her.
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The actress also had the "innocent face" the director was looking for, someone who had this "wholesomely American look" that would not allow anyone to enjoy watching her go through these intense events.
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Iliadis auditioned dozens of actors before he hired Garret Dillahunt for the role of Krug, the leader of the family that kidnaps Mari. According to Iliadis, the actors coming in kept trying to portray Krug as the "typical bad guy", and that was not what the director wanted. In Iliadis's opinion, "the most sadistic criminal will smile"; when Dillahunt came in he brought a slyness to the character, and created "ambiguity and subtleties" to the character that Iliadis liked. Dillahunt attempted to humanize Krug by approaching the character more as a man who feels some love for his son, but is bitter about how his life has turned out and is fearful that he is losing his position as the leader. He further clarifies that Krug fails to take responsibility for his own actions, instead blaming others, and prefers to deliver his own "twisted justice" to those he feels have wronged him.
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Dillahunt took inspiration from Andrew Cunanan, the man who killed Gianni Versace, when he recalled the brutality in which Cunanan murdered a man just for his car. Dillahunt recalls how an FBI profiler noted that this type of rage is typically directed toward someone the perpetrator knows, yet Cunanan managed to pull some element from his own life and place it on this random person who attempted to stand his ground against the would-be carjacker. To Dillahunt, that was how he wanted to approach Krug. To him, Mari actually shows that she is not afraid of Krug, which causes him to go "crazy". That being said, the actor felt like the scene where his character rapes Mari was one of the hardest things emotionally to film. He notes that part of him was happy that Sara Paxton was cast as Mari, because they had worked together in the past, so they knew each other. On the other hand, he felt uncomfortable acting out such a scene with a person he considered to be a friend. Paxton echoed his
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sentiments to Craven, who stated the actress expressed to him a greater feeling of trust that the person who would have to do these "horrible" things to her was someone she knew, and as a result made them at least partially more bearable to act.
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At the time Riki Lindhome was called in to audition for the role of Sadie, December 2007, she had not heard of Craven's original film. On the day of her audition, Lindhome was informed that she had missed her scheduled appointment and that she would need to return come January. Lindhome took the time to watch the original movie and read an article in Vanity Fair about the film, giving her some familiarity with the story and her role when she went to audition. Lindhome says she finds her character "creepy for no apparent reason", because the film does not attempt to justify why the three antagonists do what they do. The actress characterizes Sadie as being "equally as bad as [the men]", being just as vicious as the others. Lindhome admits that early in production it was easier for her to detach herself from the violent character she was portraying, but as filming continued and the cast grew closer she says that it became more difficult and "upsetting" to perform some of the scenes.
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According to Lindhome, as a response to seeing how some of the scenes were affecting the women, the producers sent Paxton, Lindhome, and Martha MacIsaac to a spa for a weekend.
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Before filming started, some of the actors had to undergo various training exercises for their roles. Dillahunt, Lindhome, and Aaron Paul—the latter portrays Francis—had to take part in gun training, while Sara Paxton had to get up each morning for swimming lessons so that she looked like an experienced swimmer. Iliadis also spent several weeks with the actors in rehearsal. It was Iliadis's hope that space to rehearse their roles, and then time during filming to develop their characters individually, would help them to trust Iliadis as the director more.
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Filming
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Craven chose to give Iliadis his freedom while filming the remake, partially because Craven was in the process of working on a new film for himself, but also because he likes to allow the directors the chance to make their own film. For the 2009 remake, Iliadis wanted to keep a consistency among the scenes of his film, as compared to the 1972 original. Iliadis stated that he felt the intercutting of comedic scenes with the rape scene in the 1972 film had the tendency to take one out of the moment. Iliadis wanted to "cut those diversions out", as a way of "[throwing the audience] into this scene with no place to cut away to". For Iliadis, taking this approach helped to create more drama for the event. The producers brought in a medical technician to provide insight, based on his job experience witnessing the people's deaths, and lend realism to the actors' portrayals. Lindhome states that the technician would explain how someone would react given a particular event, like getting shot
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or stabbed. Iliadis also felt that his work on Hardcore helped to train him for this film. As the director points out, Hardcore contained "very difficult scenes", like a sixteen-year-old girl having an "existential breakdown during an orgy", and Iliadis sees those scenes as training for him to learn how to make sure the actors are still being respected, as well as making sure that the scene is focused on the characters instead of simply going for "titillation".
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For the ending of the film, Iliadis and the rest of the creative team chose to include the song "Dirge", by psychedelic rock band Death in Vegas. Iliadis was hoping to find something that was both "ironic" and "innocent" at the same time, given the events in the film that would precede its usage. To the director, the choice helped to illuminate the fact that nothing will be the same for this family again. Craven comments on the choice to have John Collingwood return to finish off Krug at the end. Craven explains, "I also found it interesting that the Dr., whose oath 'does no harm', intentionally [kills Krug] and that it kinda shows that when seeking revenge you can become something evil yourself if you don't stop once what's been necessary is done. So I also found it intriguing that we're just seeing these wonderful, perfect people but the father comes back and goes out of his way to do this."
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Release
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The Last House on the Left was released on March 13, 2009, to 2,402 theaters. The MPAA ratings board ordered multiple cuts to the film to achieve a R-rating. The biggest setback by the board involved the rape scene. In the original cut of the film, the scene was at least one minute longer, but the board forced the scene to be trimmed if the filmmakers wanted an R-rating. There were other minor aspects trimmed as well, like an extended stabbing sequence with Paige. What shocked Craven was when the MPAA told them that this was a "special" film that did not "need" the extension on those scenes. Craven believed that the MPAA viewed the film more as an artistic horror film, which he sees as both a blessing and a curse. In Craven's experience, once the MPAA becomes focused on certain elements they dislike in horror films that they otherwise like, they become determined to see it removed before release. The DVD and Blu-ray copies of the film, which were released on August 18, 2009, contain
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both a rated and unrated cut. The DVD sales have brought in approximately $20 million in revenue.
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Reception
Box office
On its opening day, The Last House on the Left grossed $5,630,345, on 2,800 screens across 2,402 theaters, putting it slightly ahead of Watchmen, the previous weekend's top film, with approximately $5,304,344. From March 13 - 15, The Last House on the Left took in an additional $5,318,215 and $3,170,125, respectively, to round out its opening weekend with $14,118,685. By comparison, the 1972 original earned an estimated $3.1 million, in unadjusted dollars, during its entire box office run. Adjusting for inflation, that would be approximately $16,468,225 in 2009. As of August 18, 2009 the film has grossed $45,286,226 worldwide.
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Critical response
, The Last House on the Left holds a 42% approval rating on Rotten Tomatoes, based on 165 reviews with an average rating of 4.93/10. The site's critics' consensus reads: "Excessive and gory, this remake lacks the intellectual punch of the 1972 original." By comparison, on Metacritic, which assigns a normalized rating out of 100 to reviews from mainstream critics, the film has received an average score of 42 based on 27 reviews. CinemaScore polls reported that the average grade cinemagoers gave the film was "B" on an A+ to F scale, with exit polling showing that 57% of the audience was female, 60% was under 25, and with Hispanics and Caucasians making up 36% and 35%, respectively.
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The San Francisco Chronicles Peter Hartlaub felt the remake departed from the traditional template used by more recent remakes—"include twice as many kills, [find] boring young actors from TV shows, rewrite the script so you lose everything interesting about the original, [and] make up an excuse to add cell phones"—which ultimately made it far more effective. Hartlaub cited the script, which he felt devoted as much time to character development as "carnage", and the "good acting", particularly Tony Goldwyn, as reasons why this remake succeeds. Kyle Smith, of the New York Post, agreed that the film succeeded where other remakes had failed. For Smith, it was the replacement of the "quick-cutting, loud noises and camera tricks" clichés with "long takes, genuinely disturbing violence and stretches with no dialogue to pin you to the story", which made this film more effective. Smith also commended Dillahunt's acting, as well as Iliadis's "casual, matter-of-fact approach that multiplies the
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Subsets and Splits
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