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[
"fast development",
"increasing popularity",
"increasing diversity",
"a larger number"
] | The phrase" burgeoning variety" （Line 7, Paragraph 4）most probably means _ . | Few ideas in education are more controversial than vouchers-letting parents choose to educate their children wherever they wish at the taxpayer's expense. The principle is compellingly simple. The state pays; parents choose; schools compete; standards rise; everybody gains. Simple, perhaps, but it has aroused predictable-and often fatal-opposition from the educational establishment. Letting parents choose where to educate their children is a silly idea; professionals know best. Co-operation, not competition, is the way to improve education for all. Vouchers would increase inequality because children who are hardest to teach would be left behind.
But these arguments are now succumbing to sheer weight of evidence. Voucher schemes are running in several different countries without ill-effects for social cohesion; those that use a lottery to hand out vouchers offer proof that recipients get a better education than those that do not. In several American states, the voucher pupils did better even though the state spent less than it would have done had the children been educated in normal state schools. American voucher schemes typically offer private schools around half of what the state would spend if the pupils stayed in public schools.
These results are important because they strip out other influences. Home, neighbourhood and natural ability all affect results more than which school a child attends. If the pupils who received vouchers differ from those who don't-perhaps simply by coming from the sort of go-getting family that elbows its way to the front of every queue-any effect might simply be the result of any number of other factors. But assigning the vouchers randomly guarded against this risk. Opponents still argue that those who exercise choice will be the most able and committed, and by clustering themselves together in better schools they will abandon the weak and voiceless to languish in rotten ones. Some cite the example of Chile, where a universal voucher scheme that allows schools to charge top-up fees seems to have improved the education of the best-off most.
The strongest evidence against this criticism comes from Sweden, where parents are freer than those in almost any other country to spend as they wish the money the government allocates to educating their children. Sweeping education reforms in 1992 not only relaxed enrolment rules in the state sector, allowing students to attend schools outside their own municipality, but also let them take their state funding to private schools, including religious ones and those operating for profit. The only real restrictions imposed on private schools were that they must run their admissions on a first-come-first-served basis and promise not to charge top-up fees. The result has been burgeoning variety and a rapid expansion of the private sector. At the time of the reforms only around 1% of Swedish students were educated privately; now 10% are, and growth in private schooling continues unabated.
More evidence that choice can raise standards for all comes from Caroline Hoxby, an economist at Harvard University, who has shown that when American public schools must compete for their students with schools that accept vouchers, their performance improves. Swedish researchers say the same. It seems that those who work in state schools are just like everybody else: they do better when confronted by a bit of competition. | 560.txt | 2 |
[
"Swedish parents can only send their kids to schools within their own city",
"the education reform in Sweden is mainly to set up voucher schemes",
"the Harvard economist disagrees with Swedish researchers on vouchers",
"competition is an incentive to spur public schools to improve their teaching"
] | We learn from the last paragraph that _ . | Few ideas in education are more controversial than vouchers-letting parents choose to educate their children wherever they wish at the taxpayer's expense. The principle is compellingly simple. The state pays; parents choose; schools compete; standards rise; everybody gains. Simple, perhaps, but it has aroused predictable-and often fatal-opposition from the educational establishment. Letting parents choose where to educate their children is a silly idea; professionals know best. Co-operation, not competition, is the way to improve education for all. Vouchers would increase inequality because children who are hardest to teach would be left behind.
But these arguments are now succumbing to sheer weight of evidence. Voucher schemes are running in several different countries without ill-effects for social cohesion; those that use a lottery to hand out vouchers offer proof that recipients get a better education than those that do not. In several American states, the voucher pupils did better even though the state spent less than it would have done had the children been educated in normal state schools. American voucher schemes typically offer private schools around half of what the state would spend if the pupils stayed in public schools.
These results are important because they strip out other influences. Home, neighbourhood and natural ability all affect results more than which school a child attends. If the pupils who received vouchers differ from those who don't-perhaps simply by coming from the sort of go-getting family that elbows its way to the front of every queue-any effect might simply be the result of any number of other factors. But assigning the vouchers randomly guarded against this risk. Opponents still argue that those who exercise choice will be the most able and committed, and by clustering themselves together in better schools they will abandon the weak and voiceless to languish in rotten ones. Some cite the example of Chile, where a universal voucher scheme that allows schools to charge top-up fees seems to have improved the education of the best-off most.
The strongest evidence against this criticism comes from Sweden, where parents are freer than those in almost any other country to spend as they wish the money the government allocates to educating their children. Sweeping education reforms in 1992 not only relaxed enrolment rules in the state sector, allowing students to attend schools outside their own municipality, but also let them take their state funding to private schools, including religious ones and those operating for profit. The only real restrictions imposed on private schools were that they must run their admissions on a first-come-first-served basis and promise not to charge top-up fees. The result has been burgeoning variety and a rapid expansion of the private sector. At the time of the reforms only around 1% of Swedish students were educated privately; now 10% are, and growth in private schooling continues unabated.
More evidence that choice can raise standards for all comes from Caroline Hoxby, an economist at Harvard University, who has shown that when American public schools must compete for their students with schools that accept vouchers, their performance improves. Swedish researchers say the same. It seems that those who work in state schools are just like everybody else: they do better when confronted by a bit of competition. | 560.txt | 3 |
[
"Farming practices",
"The work of artisans",
"The character of rural neighborhoods",
"Types of furniture that were popular"
] | What aspect of rural colonial North America does the passage mainly discuss? | From their inception, most rural neighborhoods in colonial North America included at least one carpenter, joiner, sawyer, and cooper in woodworking; a weaver and a tailor for clothing production; a tanner, currier, and cordwainer (shoemaker) for fabricating leather objects; and a blacksmith for metalwork. Where stone was the local building material, a mason was sure to appear on the list of people who paid taxes. With only an apprentice as an assistant, the rural artisan provided the neighborhood with common goods from furniture to shoes to farm equipment in exchange for cash or for "goods in kind" from the customer's field, pasture, or dairy. Sometimes artisans transformed material provided by the customer; wove cloth of yarn spun at the farm from the wool of the family sheep; made chairs or tables from wood cut in the customer's own woodlot; produced shoes or leather breeches from cow, deer, or sheepskin tanned on the farm.
Like their farming neighbors, rural artisans were part of an economy scene, by one historian, as "an orchestra conducted by nature." Some tasks could not be done in the winter, other had to be put off during harvest time, and still others waited on raw materials that were only produced seasonally. As the days grew shorter, shop hours kept pace, since few artisans could afford enough artificial light to continue work when the Sun went down. To the best of their ability, colonial artisans tried to keep their shops as efficient as possible and to regularize their schedules and methods of production for the best return on their investment in time, tools, and materials. While it is pleasant to imagine a woodworker, for example, carefully matching lumber, joining a chest together without resort to nails or glue, and applying all thought and energy to carving beautiful designs on the finished piece, the time required was not justified unless the customer was willing to pay extra for the quality - and few in rural areas were. Artisans, therefore, often found it necessary to employ as many shortcuts and economics as possible while still producing satisfactory products. | 355.txt | 1 |
[
"investigation",
"location",
"beginning",
"records"
] | The word "inception" in line 1 is closest in meaning to | From their inception, most rural neighborhoods in colonial North America included at least one carpenter, joiner, sawyer, and cooper in woodworking; a weaver and a tailor for clothing production; a tanner, currier, and cordwainer (shoemaker) for fabricating leather objects; and a blacksmith for metalwork. Where stone was the local building material, a mason was sure to appear on the list of people who paid taxes. With only an apprentice as an assistant, the rural artisan provided the neighborhood with common goods from furniture to shoes to farm equipment in exchange for cash or for "goods in kind" from the customer's field, pasture, or dairy. Sometimes artisans transformed material provided by the customer; wove cloth of yarn spun at the farm from the wool of the family sheep; made chairs or tables from wood cut in the customer's own woodlot; produced shoes or leather breeches from cow, deer, or sheepskin tanned on the farm.
Like their farming neighbors, rural artisans were part of an economy scene, by one historian, as "an orchestra conducted by nature." Some tasks could not be done in the winter, other had to be put off during harvest time, and still others waited on raw materials that were only produced seasonally. As the days grew shorter, shop hours kept pace, since few artisans could afford enough artificial light to continue work when the Sun went down. To the best of their ability, colonial artisans tried to keep their shops as efficient as possible and to regularize their schedules and methods of production for the best return on their investment in time, tools, and materials. While it is pleasant to imagine a woodworker, for example, carefully matching lumber, joining a chest together without resort to nails or glue, and applying all thought and energy to carving beautiful designs on the finished piece, the time required was not justified unless the customer was willing to pay extra for the quality - and few in rural areas were. Artisans, therefore, often found it necessary to employ as many shortcuts and economics as possible while still producing satisfactory products. | 355.txt | 2 |
[
"constructing",
"altering",
"selecting",
"demonstrating"
] | The word "fabricating" in line 3 is closest in meaning to | From their inception, most rural neighborhoods in colonial North America included at least one carpenter, joiner, sawyer, and cooper in woodworking; a weaver and a tailor for clothing production; a tanner, currier, and cordwainer (shoemaker) for fabricating leather objects; and a blacksmith for metalwork. Where stone was the local building material, a mason was sure to appear on the list of people who paid taxes. With only an apprentice as an assistant, the rural artisan provided the neighborhood with common goods from furniture to shoes to farm equipment in exchange for cash or for "goods in kind" from the customer's field, pasture, or dairy. Sometimes artisans transformed material provided by the customer; wove cloth of yarn spun at the farm from the wool of the family sheep; made chairs or tables from wood cut in the customer's own woodlot; produced shoes or leather breeches from cow, deer, or sheepskin tanned on the farm.
Like their farming neighbors, rural artisans were part of an economy scene, by one historian, as "an orchestra conducted by nature." Some tasks could not be done in the winter, other had to be put off during harvest time, and still others waited on raw materials that were only produced seasonally. As the days grew shorter, shop hours kept pace, since few artisans could afford enough artificial light to continue work when the Sun went down. To the best of their ability, colonial artisans tried to keep their shops as efficient as possible and to regularize their schedules and methods of production for the best return on their investment in time, tools, and materials. While it is pleasant to imagine a woodworker, for example, carefully matching lumber, joining a chest together without resort to nails or glue, and applying all thought and energy to carving beautiful designs on the finished piece, the time required was not justified unless the customer was willing to pay extra for the quality - and few in rural areas were. Artisans, therefore, often found it necessary to employ as many shortcuts and economics as possible while still producing satisfactory products. | 355.txt | 0 |
[
"especially helpful to woodworkers",
"popular in rural areas",
"continuous in winter",
"expensive"
] | It can be inferred from the passage that the use of artificial light in colonial times was | From their inception, most rural neighborhoods in colonial North America included at least one carpenter, joiner, sawyer, and cooper in woodworking; a weaver and a tailor for clothing production; a tanner, currier, and cordwainer (shoemaker) for fabricating leather objects; and a blacksmith for metalwork. Where stone was the local building material, a mason was sure to appear on the list of people who paid taxes. With only an apprentice as an assistant, the rural artisan provided the neighborhood with common goods from furniture to shoes to farm equipment in exchange for cash or for "goods in kind" from the customer's field, pasture, or dairy. Sometimes artisans transformed material provided by the customer; wove cloth of yarn spun at the farm from the wool of the family sheep; made chairs or tables from wood cut in the customer's own woodlot; produced shoes or leather breeches from cow, deer, or sheepskin tanned on the farm.
Like their farming neighbors, rural artisans were part of an economy scene, by one historian, as "an orchestra conducted by nature." Some tasks could not be done in the winter, other had to be put off during harvest time, and still others waited on raw materials that were only produced seasonally. As the days grew shorter, shop hours kept pace, since few artisans could afford enough artificial light to continue work when the Sun went down. To the best of their ability, colonial artisans tried to keep their shops as efficient as possible and to regularize their schedules and methods of production for the best return on their investment in time, tools, and materials. While it is pleasant to imagine a woodworker, for example, carefully matching lumber, joining a chest together without resort to nails or glue, and applying all thought and energy to carving beautiful designs on the finished piece, the time required was not justified unless the customer was willing to pay extra for the quality - and few in rural areas were. Artisans, therefore, often found it necessary to employ as many shortcuts and economics as possible while still producing satisfactory products. | 355.txt | 3 |
[
"to enable them to produce high quality products",
"to enable them to duplicate an item many times",
"to impress their customers",
"to keep expenses low"
] | Why did colonial artisans want to "regularize their schedules and methods" (line 18)? | From their inception, most rural neighborhoods in colonial North America included at least one carpenter, joiner, sawyer, and cooper in woodworking; a weaver and a tailor for clothing production; a tanner, currier, and cordwainer (shoemaker) for fabricating leather objects; and a blacksmith for metalwork. Where stone was the local building material, a mason was sure to appear on the list of people who paid taxes. With only an apprentice as an assistant, the rural artisan provided the neighborhood with common goods from furniture to shoes to farm equipment in exchange for cash or for "goods in kind" from the customer's field, pasture, or dairy. Sometimes artisans transformed material provided by the customer; wove cloth of yarn spun at the farm from the wool of the family sheep; made chairs or tables from wood cut in the customer's own woodlot; produced shoes or leather breeches from cow, deer, or sheepskin tanned on the farm.
Like their farming neighbors, rural artisans were part of an economy scene, by one historian, as "an orchestra conducted by nature." Some tasks could not be done in the winter, other had to be put off during harvest time, and still others waited on raw materials that were only produced seasonally. As the days grew shorter, shop hours kept pace, since few artisans could afford enough artificial light to continue work when the Sun went down. To the best of their ability, colonial artisans tried to keep their shops as efficient as possible and to regularize their schedules and methods of production for the best return on their investment in time, tools, and materials. While it is pleasant to imagine a woodworker, for example, carefully matching lumber, joining a chest together without resort to nails or glue, and applying all thought and energy to carving beautiful designs on the finished piece, the time required was not justified unless the customer was willing to pay extra for the quality - and few in rural areas were. Artisans, therefore, often found it necessary to employ as many shortcuts and economics as possible while still producing satisfactory products. | 355.txt | 3 |
[
"protecting with",
"moving toward",
"manufacturing",
"using"
] | The phrase "resort to" in line 21 is closest in meaning to | From their inception, most rural neighborhoods in colonial North America included at least one carpenter, joiner, sawyer, and cooper in woodworking; a weaver and a tailor for clothing production; a tanner, currier, and cordwainer (shoemaker) for fabricating leather objects; and a blacksmith for metalwork. Where stone was the local building material, a mason was sure to appear on the list of people who paid taxes. With only an apprentice as an assistant, the rural artisan provided the neighborhood with common goods from furniture to shoes to farm equipment in exchange for cash or for "goods in kind" from the customer's field, pasture, or dairy. Sometimes artisans transformed material provided by the customer; wove cloth of yarn spun at the farm from the wool of the family sheep; made chairs or tables from wood cut in the customer's own woodlot; produced shoes or leather breeches from cow, deer, or sheepskin tanned on the farm.
Like their farming neighbors, rural artisans were part of an economy scene, by one historian, as "an orchestra conducted by nature." Some tasks could not be done in the winter, other had to be put off during harvest time, and still others waited on raw materials that were only produced seasonally. As the days grew shorter, shop hours kept pace, since few artisans could afford enough artificial light to continue work when the Sun went down. To the best of their ability, colonial artisans tried to keep their shops as efficient as possible and to regularize their schedules and methods of production for the best return on their investment in time, tools, and materials. While it is pleasant to imagine a woodworker, for example, carefully matching lumber, joining a chest together without resort to nails or glue, and applying all thought and energy to carving beautiful designs on the finished piece, the time required was not justified unless the customer was willing to pay extra for the quality - and few in rural areas were. Artisans, therefore, often found it necessary to employ as many shortcuts and economics as possible while still producing satisfactory products. | 355.txt | 3 |
[
"woodworkers",
"finished pieces",
"customers",
"chests"
] | The word "few' in lines 23 refers to | From their inception, most rural neighborhoods in colonial North America included at least one carpenter, joiner, sawyer, and cooper in woodworking; a weaver and a tailor for clothing production; a tanner, currier, and cordwainer (shoemaker) for fabricating leather objects; and a blacksmith for metalwork. Where stone was the local building material, a mason was sure to appear on the list of people who paid taxes. With only an apprentice as an assistant, the rural artisan provided the neighborhood with common goods from furniture to shoes to farm equipment in exchange for cash or for "goods in kind" from the customer's field, pasture, or dairy. Sometimes artisans transformed material provided by the customer; wove cloth of yarn spun at the farm from the wool of the family sheep; made chairs or tables from wood cut in the customer's own woodlot; produced shoes or leather breeches from cow, deer, or sheepskin tanned on the farm.
Like their farming neighbors, rural artisans were part of an economy scene, by one historian, as "an orchestra conducted by nature." Some tasks could not be done in the winter, other had to be put off during harvest time, and still others waited on raw materials that were only produced seasonally. As the days grew shorter, shop hours kept pace, since few artisans could afford enough artificial light to continue work when the Sun went down. To the best of their ability, colonial artisans tried to keep their shops as efficient as possible and to regularize their schedules and methods of production for the best return on their investment in time, tools, and materials. While it is pleasant to imagine a woodworker, for example, carefully matching lumber, joining a chest together without resort to nails or glue, and applying all thought and energy to carving beautiful designs on the finished piece, the time required was not justified unless the customer was willing to pay extra for the quality - and few in rural areas were. Artisans, therefore, often found it necessary to employ as many shortcuts and economics as possible while still producing satisfactory products. | 355.txt | 2 |
[
"simple",
"delicate",
"beautifully decorated",
"exceptionally long-lasting"
] | It can be inferred that the artisans referred to in the passage usually produced products that were | From their inception, most rural neighborhoods in colonial North America included at least one carpenter, joiner, sawyer, and cooper in woodworking; a weaver and a tailor for clothing production; a tanner, currier, and cordwainer (shoemaker) for fabricating leather objects; and a blacksmith for metalwork. Where stone was the local building material, a mason was sure to appear on the list of people who paid taxes. With only an apprentice as an assistant, the rural artisan provided the neighborhood with common goods from furniture to shoes to farm equipment in exchange for cash or for "goods in kind" from the customer's field, pasture, or dairy. Sometimes artisans transformed material provided by the customer; wove cloth of yarn spun at the farm from the wool of the family sheep; made chairs or tables from wood cut in the customer's own woodlot; produced shoes or leather breeches from cow, deer, or sheepskin tanned on the farm.
Like their farming neighbors, rural artisans were part of an economy scene, by one historian, as "an orchestra conducted by nature." Some tasks could not be done in the winter, other had to be put off during harvest time, and still others waited on raw materials that were only produced seasonally. As the days grew shorter, shop hours kept pace, since few artisans could afford enough artificial light to continue work when the Sun went down. To the best of their ability, colonial artisans tried to keep their shops as efficient as possible and to regularize their schedules and methods of production for the best return on their investment in time, tools, and materials. While it is pleasant to imagine a woodworker, for example, carefully matching lumber, joining a chest together without resort to nails or glue, and applying all thought and energy to carving beautiful designs on the finished piece, the time required was not justified unless the customer was willing to pay extra for the quality - and few in rural areas were. Artisans, therefore, often found it necessary to employ as many shortcuts and economics as possible while still producing satisfactory products. | 355.txt | 0 |
[
"conducted their research at approximately the same time",
"sought to manipulate the sex ratios of some of the animals they studied",
"sought an explanation of why certain sex ratios exist and remain stable",
"studied game theory, thereby providing important groundwork for the later development of strategy theory"
] | The author suggests that the work of Fisher and Hamilton was similar in that both scientists | The evolution of sex ratios has produced, in most plants and animals with separate sexes, approximately equal numbers of males and females. Why should this be so? Two main kinds of answers have been offered. One is couched in terms of advantage to population. It is argued that the sex ratio will evolve so as to maximize the number of meetings between individuals of the opposite sex. This is essentially a "group selection" argument. The other, and in my view correct, type of answer was first put forward by Fisher in 1930. This "genetic" argument starts from the assumption that genes can influence the relative numbers of male and female offspring produced by an individual carrying the genes. That sex ratio will be favored which maximizes the number of descendants an individual will have and hence the number of gene copies transmitted. Suppose that the population consisted mostly of females: then an individual who produced sons only would have more grandchildren. In contrast, if the population consisted mostly of males, it would pay to have daughters. If, however, the population consisted of equal numbers of males and females, sons and daughters would be equally valuable. Thus a one-to-one sex ratio is the only stable ratio; it is an "evolutionarily stable strategy." Although Fisher wrote before the mathematical theory of games had been developed, his theory incorporates the essential feature of a game-that the best strategy to adopt depends on what others are doing.
Since Fisher's time, it has been realized that genes can sometimes influence the chromosome or gamete in which they find themselves so that the gamete will be more likely to participate in fertilization. If such a gene occurs on a sex-determining (X or Y) chromosome, then highly aberrant sex ratios can occur. But more immediately relevant to game theory are the sex ratios in certain parasitic wasp species that have a large excess of females. In these species, fertilized eggs develop into females and unfertilized eggs into males. A female stores sperm and can determine the sex of each egg she lays by fertilizing it or leaving it unfertilized. By Fisher's argument, it should still pay a female to produce equal numbers of sons and daughters. Hamilton, noting that the eggs develop within their host-the larva of another insect-and that the newly emerged adult wasps mate immediately and disperse, offered a remarkably cogent analysis. Since only one female usually lays eggs in a given larva, it would pay her to produce one male only, because this one male could fertilize all his sisters on emergence. Like Fisher, Hamilton looked for an evolutionarily stable strategy, but he went a step further in recognizing that he was looking for a strategy. | 1971.txt | 2 |
[
"fallacious and unprofessional",
"definitive and thorough",
"inaccurate but popular, compared with Hamilton's work",
"admirable, but not as up-to-date as Hamiton's work"
] | It can be inferred from the passage that the author considers Fisher's work to be | The evolution of sex ratios has produced, in most plants and animals with separate sexes, approximately equal numbers of males and females. Why should this be so? Two main kinds of answers have been offered. One is couched in terms of advantage to population. It is argued that the sex ratio will evolve so as to maximize the number of meetings between individuals of the opposite sex. This is essentially a "group selection" argument. The other, and in my view correct, type of answer was first put forward by Fisher in 1930. This "genetic" argument starts from the assumption that genes can influence the relative numbers of male and female offspring produced by an individual carrying the genes. That sex ratio will be favored which maximizes the number of descendants an individual will have and hence the number of gene copies transmitted. Suppose that the population consisted mostly of females: then an individual who produced sons only would have more grandchildren. In contrast, if the population consisted mostly of males, it would pay to have daughters. If, however, the population consisted of equal numbers of males and females, sons and daughters would be equally valuable. Thus a one-to-one sex ratio is the only stable ratio; it is an "evolutionarily stable strategy." Although Fisher wrote before the mathematical theory of games had been developed, his theory incorporates the essential feature of a game-that the best strategy to adopt depends on what others are doing.
Since Fisher's time, it has been realized that genes can sometimes influence the chromosome or gamete in which they find themselves so that the gamete will be more likely to participate in fertilization. If such a gene occurs on a sex-determining (X or Y) chromosome, then highly aberrant sex ratios can occur. But more immediately relevant to game theory are the sex ratios in certain parasitic wasp species that have a large excess of females. In these species, fertilized eggs develop into females and unfertilized eggs into males. A female stores sperm and can determine the sex of each egg she lays by fertilizing it or leaving it unfertilized. By Fisher's argument, it should still pay a female to produce equal numbers of sons and daughters. Hamilton, noting that the eggs develop within their host-the larva of another insect-and that the newly emerged adult wasps mate immediately and disperse, offered a remarkably cogent analysis. Since only one female usually lays eggs in a given larva, it would pay her to produce one male only, because this one male could fertilize all his sisters on emergence. Like Fisher, Hamilton looked for an evolutionarily stable strategy, but he went a step further in recognizing that he was looking for a strategy. | 1971.txt | 3 |
[
"complicated",
"accurate",
"popular",
"comprehensive"
] | It can be inferred that the author discusses the genetic theory in greater detail than the group selection theory primarily because he believes that the genetic theory is more | The evolution of sex ratios has produced, in most plants and animals with separate sexes, approximately equal numbers of males and females. Why should this be so? Two main kinds of answers have been offered. One is couched in terms of advantage to population. It is argued that the sex ratio will evolve so as to maximize the number of meetings between individuals of the opposite sex. This is essentially a "group selection" argument. The other, and in my view correct, type of answer was first put forward by Fisher in 1930. This "genetic" argument starts from the assumption that genes can influence the relative numbers of male and female offspring produced by an individual carrying the genes. That sex ratio will be favored which maximizes the number of descendants an individual will have and hence the number of gene copies transmitted. Suppose that the population consisted mostly of females: then an individual who produced sons only would have more grandchildren. In contrast, if the population consisted mostly of males, it would pay to have daughters. If, however, the population consisted of equal numbers of males and females, sons and daughters would be equally valuable. Thus a one-to-one sex ratio is the only stable ratio; it is an "evolutionarily stable strategy." Although Fisher wrote before the mathematical theory of games had been developed, his theory incorporates the essential feature of a game-that the best strategy to adopt depends on what others are doing.
Since Fisher's time, it has been realized that genes can sometimes influence the chromosome or gamete in which they find themselves so that the gamete will be more likely to participate in fertilization. If such a gene occurs on a sex-determining (X or Y) chromosome, then highly aberrant sex ratios can occur. But more immediately relevant to game theory are the sex ratios in certain parasitic wasp species that have a large excess of females. In these species, fertilized eggs develop into females and unfertilized eggs into males. A female stores sperm and can determine the sex of each egg she lays by fertilizing it or leaving it unfertilized. By Fisher's argument, it should still pay a female to produce equal numbers of sons and daughters. Hamilton, noting that the eggs develop within their host-the larva of another insect-and that the newly emerged adult wasps mate immediately and disperse, offered a remarkably cogent analysis. Since only one female usually lays eggs in a given larva, it would pay her to produce one male only, because this one male could fertilize all his sisters on emergence. Like Fisher, Hamilton looked for an evolutionarily stable strategy, but he went a step further in recognizing that he was looking for a strategy. | 1971.txt | 1 |
[
"the ability to adjust one's behavior in light of the behavior of others",
"one's awareness that there is safety in numbers",
"the degree of stability one can create in one's immediate environment",
"the accuracy with which one can predict future events"
] | According to the passage, successful game strategy depends on | The evolution of sex ratios has produced, in most plants and animals with separate sexes, approximately equal numbers of males and females. Why should this be so? Two main kinds of answers have been offered. One is couched in terms of advantage to population. It is argued that the sex ratio will evolve so as to maximize the number of meetings between individuals of the opposite sex. This is essentially a "group selection" argument. The other, and in my view correct, type of answer was first put forward by Fisher in 1930. This "genetic" argument starts from the assumption that genes can influence the relative numbers of male and female offspring produced by an individual carrying the genes. That sex ratio will be favored which maximizes the number of descendants an individual will have and hence the number of gene copies transmitted. Suppose that the population consisted mostly of females: then an individual who produced sons only would have more grandchildren. In contrast, if the population consisted mostly of males, it would pay to have daughters. If, however, the population consisted of equal numbers of males and females, sons and daughters would be equally valuable. Thus a one-to-one sex ratio is the only stable ratio; it is an "evolutionarily stable strategy." Although Fisher wrote before the mathematical theory of games had been developed, his theory incorporates the essential feature of a game-that the best strategy to adopt depends on what others are doing.
Since Fisher's time, it has been realized that genes can sometimes influence the chromosome or gamete in which they find themselves so that the gamete will be more likely to participate in fertilization. If such a gene occurs on a sex-determining (X or Y) chromosome, then highly aberrant sex ratios can occur. But more immediately relevant to game theory are the sex ratios in certain parasitic wasp species that have a large excess of females. In these species, fertilized eggs develop into females and unfertilized eggs into males. A female stores sperm and can determine the sex of each egg she lays by fertilizing it or leaving it unfertilized. By Fisher's argument, it should still pay a female to produce equal numbers of sons and daughters. Hamilton, noting that the eggs develop within their host-the larva of another insect-and that the newly emerged adult wasps mate immediately and disperse, offered a remarkably cogent analysis. Since only one female usually lays eggs in a given larva, it would pay her to produce one male only, because this one male could fertilize all his sisters on emergence. Like Fisher, Hamilton looked for an evolutionarily stable strategy, but he went a step further in recognizing that he was looking for a strategy. | 1971.txt | 0 |
[
"developed by scientists with an interest in genetics",
"adopted by Hamilton in his research",
"helpful in explaining how genes can sometimes influence gametes",
"useful in explaining some biological phenomena"
] | It can be inferred from the passage that the mathematical theory of games has been | The evolution of sex ratios has produced, in most plants and animals with separate sexes, approximately equal numbers of males and females. Why should this be so? Two main kinds of answers have been offered. One is couched in terms of advantage to population. It is argued that the sex ratio will evolve so as to maximize the number of meetings between individuals of the opposite sex. This is essentially a "group selection" argument. The other, and in my view correct, type of answer was first put forward by Fisher in 1930. This "genetic" argument starts from the assumption that genes can influence the relative numbers of male and female offspring produced by an individual carrying the genes. That sex ratio will be favored which maximizes the number of descendants an individual will have and hence the number of gene copies transmitted. Suppose that the population consisted mostly of females: then an individual who produced sons only would have more grandchildren. In contrast, if the population consisted mostly of males, it would pay to have daughters. If, however, the population consisted of equal numbers of males and females, sons and daughters would be equally valuable. Thus a one-to-one sex ratio is the only stable ratio; it is an "evolutionarily stable strategy." Although Fisher wrote before the mathematical theory of games had been developed, his theory incorporates the essential feature of a game-that the best strategy to adopt depends on what others are doing.
Since Fisher's time, it has been realized that genes can sometimes influence the chromosome or gamete in which they find themselves so that the gamete will be more likely to participate in fertilization. If such a gene occurs on a sex-determining (X or Y) chromosome, then highly aberrant sex ratios can occur. But more immediately relevant to game theory are the sex ratios in certain parasitic wasp species that have a large excess of females. In these species, fertilized eggs develop into females and unfertilized eggs into males. A female stores sperm and can determine the sex of each egg she lays by fertilizing it or leaving it unfertilized. By Fisher's argument, it should still pay a female to produce equal numbers of sons and daughters. Hamilton, noting that the eggs develop within their host-the larva of another insect-and that the newly emerged adult wasps mate immediately and disperse, offered a remarkably cogent analysis. Since only one female usually lays eggs in a given larva, it would pay her to produce one male only, because this one male could fertilize all his sisters on emergence. Like Fisher, Hamilton looked for an evolutionarily stable strategy, but he went a step further in recognizing that he was looking for a strategy. | 1971.txt | 3 |
[
"Adult female wasps are capable of storing sperm.",
"Female wasps lay their eggs in the larvae of other insects.",
"The adult female wasp can be fertilized by a male that was hatched in the same larva as herself.",
"So few male wasps are produced that extinction is almost certain."
] | Which of the following is NOT true of the species of parasitic wasps discussed in the passage? | The evolution of sex ratios has produced, in most plants and animals with separate sexes, approximately equal numbers of males and females. Why should this be so? Two main kinds of answers have been offered. One is couched in terms of advantage to population. It is argued that the sex ratio will evolve so as to maximize the number of meetings between individuals of the opposite sex. This is essentially a "group selection" argument. The other, and in my view correct, type of answer was first put forward by Fisher in 1930. This "genetic" argument starts from the assumption that genes can influence the relative numbers of male and female offspring produced by an individual carrying the genes. That sex ratio will be favored which maximizes the number of descendants an individual will have and hence the number of gene copies transmitted. Suppose that the population consisted mostly of females: then an individual who produced sons only would have more grandchildren. In contrast, if the population consisted mostly of males, it would pay to have daughters. If, however, the population consisted of equal numbers of males and females, sons and daughters would be equally valuable. Thus a one-to-one sex ratio is the only stable ratio; it is an "evolutionarily stable strategy." Although Fisher wrote before the mathematical theory of games had been developed, his theory incorporates the essential feature of a game-that the best strategy to adopt depends on what others are doing.
Since Fisher's time, it has been realized that genes can sometimes influence the chromosome or gamete in which they find themselves so that the gamete will be more likely to participate in fertilization. If such a gene occurs on a sex-determining (X or Y) chromosome, then highly aberrant sex ratios can occur. But more immediately relevant to game theory are the sex ratios in certain parasitic wasp species that have a large excess of females. In these species, fertilized eggs develop into females and unfertilized eggs into males. A female stores sperm and can determine the sex of each egg she lays by fertilizing it or leaving it unfertilized. By Fisher's argument, it should still pay a female to produce equal numbers of sons and daughters. Hamilton, noting that the eggs develop within their host-the larva of another insect-and that the newly emerged adult wasps mate immediately and disperse, offered a remarkably cogent analysis. Since only one female usually lays eggs in a given larva, it would pay her to produce one male only, because this one male could fertilize all his sisters on emergence. Like Fisher, Hamilton looked for an evolutionarily stable strategy, but he went a step further in recognizing that he was looking for a strategy. | 1971.txt | 3 |
[
"Competition helps to set up self - respect.",
"Opinions about competition are different among people.",
"Competition is harmful to personal quality development.",
"Failures are necessary experiences in competition"
] | What does this passage mainly talk about? | In modern society there is a great deal of argument about competition. Some value it highly, believing that it is responsible for social progress and prosperity, others say that competition is bad; that it sets one person against another; that it leads to unfriendly relationship between people.
I have taught many children who held the belief that their self - worth relied on how well they performed at tennis and other skills. For them, playing well and winning are often life - and - death affairs. In their single - minded pursuit of success, the development of many other human qualities is sadly forgotten.
However, while some seem to be lost in the desire to succeed, others take an opposite attitude. In a culture which values only the winner and pays no attention to the ordinary players, they strongly blame competition. Among the most vocal are youngsters who have suffered under competitive pressures from their parents or society. Teaching these young people, I often observe in them a desire to fail. They seem to se ek failure by not trying to win or achieve success. By not trying, they always have an excuse: "I may have lost, but it doesn't matter because I really didn't try." What is not usually admitted by themselves is the belief that if they had really tried and lost, that would mean a lot. Such a loss would be a measure of their worth. Clearly, this belief is the same as that of the true competitors who try to prove themselves. Both are based on the mistaken belief that one's self - respect relies on how well one performs in comparison with others. Both are afraid of not being valued. Only as this basic and often troublesome fear begins to dissolve can we discover a new meaning in competition. | 3160.txt | 1 |
[
"It pushes society forward.",
"It builds up a sense of duty.",
"It improves personal abilities.",
"It encourages individual efforts."
] | Why do some people favor competition according to the passage? | In modern society there is a great deal of argument about competition. Some value it highly, believing that it is responsible for social progress and prosperity, others say that competition is bad; that it sets one person against another; that it leads to unfriendly relationship between people.
I have taught many children who held the belief that their self - worth relied on how well they performed at tennis and other skills. For them, playing well and winning are often life - and - death affairs. In their single - minded pursuit of success, the development of many other human qualities is sadly forgotten.
However, while some seem to be lost in the desire to succeed, others take an opposite attitude. In a culture which values only the winner and pays no attention to the ordinary players, they strongly blame competition. Among the most vocal are youngsters who have suffered under competitive pressures from their parents or society. Teaching these young people, I often observe in them a desire to fail. They seem to se ek failure by not trying to win or achieve success. By not trying, they always have an excuse: "I may have lost, but it doesn't matter because I really didn't try." What is not usually admitted by themselves is the belief that if they had really tried and lost, that would mean a lot. Such a loss would be a measure of their worth. Clearly, this belief is the same as that of the true competitors who try to prove themselves. Both are based on the mistaken belief that one's self - respect relies on how well one performs in comparison with others. Both are afraid of not being valued. Only as this basic and often troublesome fear begins to dissolve can we discover a new meaning in competition. | 3160.txt | 0 |
[
"One's worth lies in his performance compared with others.",
"One's success in competition needs great efforts.",
"One's achievement is determined by his particular skills.",
"One's success is based on how hard he has tried."
] | What is the similar belief of the true competitors and those with a desire to fail ? | In modern society there is a great deal of argument about competition. Some value it highly, believing that it is responsible for social progress and prosperity, others say that competition is bad; that it sets one person against another; that it leads to unfriendly relationship between people.
I have taught many children who held the belief that their self - worth relied on how well they performed at tennis and other skills. For them, playing well and winning are often life - and - death affairs. In their single - minded pursuit of success, the development of many other human qualities is sadly forgotten.
However, while some seem to be lost in the desire to succeed, others take an opposite attitude. In a culture which values only the winner and pays no attention to the ordinary players, they strongly blame competition. Among the most vocal are youngsters who have suffered under competitive pressures from their parents or society. Teaching these young people, I often observe in them a desire to fail. They seem to se ek failure by not trying to win or achieve success. By not trying, they always have an excuse: "I may have lost, but it doesn't matter because I really didn't try." What is not usually admitted by themselves is the belief that if they had really tried and lost, that would mean a lot. Such a loss would be a measure of their worth. Clearly, this belief is the same as that of the true competitors who try to prove themselves. Both are based on the mistaken belief that one's self - respect relies on how well one performs in comparison with others. Both are afraid of not being valued. Only as this basic and often troublesome fear begins to dissolve can we discover a new meaning in competition. | 3160.txt | 0 |
[
"Every effort should be paid back.",
"Competition should be encouraged.",
"Winning should be a life - and - death matter.",
"Fear of failure should be removed in competition."
] | Which point of view may the author agree to? | In modern society there is a great deal of argument about competition. Some value it highly, believing that it is responsible for social progress and prosperity, others say that competition is bad; that it sets one person against another; that it leads to unfriendly relationship between people.
I have taught many children who held the belief that their self - worth relied on how well they performed at tennis and other skills. For them, playing well and winning are often life - and - death affairs. In their single - minded pursuit of success, the development of many other human qualities is sadly forgotten.
However, while some seem to be lost in the desire to succeed, others take an opposite attitude. In a culture which values only the winner and pays no attention to the ordinary players, they strongly blame competition. Among the most vocal are youngsters who have suffered under competitive pressures from their parents or society. Teaching these young people, I often observe in them a desire to fail. They seem to se ek failure by not trying to win or achieve success. By not trying, they always have an excuse: "I may have lost, but it doesn't matter because I really didn't try." What is not usually admitted by themselves is the belief that if they had really tried and lost, that would mean a lot. Such a loss would be a measure of their worth. Clearly, this belief is the same as that of the true competitors who try to prove themselves. Both are based on the mistaken belief that one's self - respect relies on how well one performs in comparison with others. Both are afraid of not being valued. Only as this basic and often troublesome fear begins to dissolve can we discover a new meaning in competition. | 3160.txt | 3 |
[
"They show little interest in entertainment.",
"They are not confident about their ability.",
"They enjoy an easy life due to high technology.",
"They may not have bright prospects for success."
] | What does the author of the passage think of Millennials? | I have closely watched my generation, known as The Millennials, for 29 years now. Joel Stein wrote an extensive piece on Millennials and he remains rather optimistic about our potential.
I hesitate to share his optimism because of paradox (）we seem to exhibit, namely, that there are more avenues for us to entertain ourselves than ever before, yet we are more bored than ever before.
Entertainment has never been more varied. We have more cable channels, television shows, and movies than ever before. Internet providers allow instant viewing of almost any movie or television program ever created. Social drinking and partying are also widely available for Millennials. Every generation develops these habits at a certain age, but Millennials seem to be extending this phase of life as they postpone marriage.
Some of this is undoubtedly due to The Great Recession. Milleimials are having a difficult time finding jobs; only 47 percent of 16-to-24-year-olds are employed, the smallest share since government started recording data in 1948.
But do Millennials respond to these economic troubles by doing whatever it takes to make ends meet? Hardly. In fact, of the four generations Pew Research has data for, the Milennial generation does not cite work ethic（） as distinctive of itself. Millennials want to save the world, but they sit and wait for that world-changing opportunity to be handed to them. Instead of working 2-3 jobs, launching a business, or doing what it takes to succeed, they retreat. Millennials may be the first generation to have a lower standard of living than their parents, but with this response to adversity , perhaps deservingly so.
Much ink has been spilled in management books discussing how to get the most out of these youths in the workplace. Largely, they come to the same conclusion: Millennials are entitled, over-confident, and expect too much too quickly. We should not be surprised. Today's young adults were raised by parents who made sure to boost their self-esteem at every turn, telling them they could achieve whatever they set their minds to, and handing out prizes for the sixth place. | 2180.txt | 3 |
[
"They can hardly do anything about it.",
"It is not as good as their parents'.",
"There is little in it to get excited about.",
"It is full of opportunities for success."
] | How do Millennials feel about their life? | I have closely watched my generation, known as The Millennials, for 29 years now. Joel Stein wrote an extensive piece on Millennials and he remains rather optimistic about our potential.
I hesitate to share his optimism because of paradox (）we seem to exhibit, namely, that there are more avenues for us to entertain ourselves than ever before, yet we are more bored than ever before.
Entertainment has never been more varied. We have more cable channels, television shows, and movies than ever before. Internet providers allow instant viewing of almost any movie or television program ever created. Social drinking and partying are also widely available for Millennials. Every generation develops these habits at a certain age, but Millennials seem to be extending this phase of life as they postpone marriage.
Some of this is undoubtedly due to The Great Recession. Milleimials are having a difficult time finding jobs; only 47 percent of 16-to-24-year-olds are employed, the smallest share since government started recording data in 1948.
But do Millennials respond to these economic troubles by doing whatever it takes to make ends meet? Hardly. In fact, of the four generations Pew Research has data for, the Milennial generation does not cite work ethic（） as distinctive of itself. Millennials want to save the world, but they sit and wait for that world-changing opportunity to be handed to them. Instead of working 2-3 jobs, launching a business, or doing what it takes to succeed, they retreat. Millennials may be the first generation to have a lower standard of living than their parents, but with this response to adversity , perhaps deservingly so.
Much ink has been spilled in management books discussing how to get the most out of these youths in the workplace. Largely, they come to the same conclusion: Millennials are entitled, over-confident, and expect too much too quickly. We should not be surprised. Today's young adults were raised by parents who made sure to boost their self-esteem at every turn, telling them they could achieve whatever they set their minds to, and handing out prizes for the sixth place. | 2180.txt | 1 |
[
"They spend less time socializing.",
"They do not value hard work.",
"They are indifferent to others.-",
"They are more independent."
] | In what way are Millennials different from previous generations according to Pew Research? | I have closely watched my generation, known as The Millennials, for 29 years now. Joel Stein wrote an extensive piece on Millennials and he remains rather optimistic about our potential.
I hesitate to share his optimism because of paradox (）we seem to exhibit, namely, that there are more avenues for us to entertain ourselves than ever before, yet we are more bored than ever before.
Entertainment has never been more varied. We have more cable channels, television shows, and movies than ever before. Internet providers allow instant viewing of almost any movie or television program ever created. Social drinking and partying are also widely available for Millennials. Every generation develops these habits at a certain age, but Millennials seem to be extending this phase of life as they postpone marriage.
Some of this is undoubtedly due to The Great Recession. Milleimials are having a difficult time finding jobs; only 47 percent of 16-to-24-year-olds are employed, the smallest share since government started recording data in 1948.
But do Millennials respond to these economic troubles by doing whatever it takes to make ends meet? Hardly. In fact, of the four generations Pew Research has data for, the Milennial generation does not cite work ethic（） as distinctive of itself. Millennials want to save the world, but they sit and wait for that world-changing opportunity to be handed to them. Instead of working 2-3 jobs, launching a business, or doing what it takes to succeed, they retreat. Millennials may be the first generation to have a lower standard of living than their parents, but with this response to adversity , perhaps deservingly so.
Much ink has been spilled in management books discussing how to get the most out of these youths in the workplace. Largely, they come to the same conclusion: Millennials are entitled, over-confident, and expect too much too quickly. We should not be surprised. Today's young adults were raised by parents who made sure to boost their self-esteem at every turn, telling them they could achieve whatever they set their minds to, and handing out prizes for the sixth place. | 2180.txt | 2 |
[
"Remain optimistic in face of adversity.",
"Make full use of new opportunities.",
"Start a business as early as possible.",
"Take action to change their situation."
] | What should Millennials do according to the author? | I have closely watched my generation, known as The Millennials, for 29 years now. Joel Stein wrote an extensive piece on Millennials and he remains rather optimistic about our potential.
I hesitate to share his optimism because of paradox (）we seem to exhibit, namely, that there are more avenues for us to entertain ourselves than ever before, yet we are more bored than ever before.
Entertainment has never been more varied. We have more cable channels, television shows, and movies than ever before. Internet providers allow instant viewing of almost any movie or television program ever created. Social drinking and partying are also widely available for Millennials. Every generation develops these habits at a certain age, but Millennials seem to be extending this phase of life as they postpone marriage.
Some of this is undoubtedly due to The Great Recession. Milleimials are having a difficult time finding jobs; only 47 percent of 16-to-24-year-olds are employed, the smallest share since government started recording data in 1948.
But do Millennials respond to these economic troubles by doing whatever it takes to make ends meet? Hardly. In fact, of the four generations Pew Research has data for, the Milennial generation does not cite work ethic（） as distinctive of itself. Millennials want to save the world, but they sit and wait for that world-changing opportunity to be handed to them. Instead of working 2-3 jobs, launching a business, or doing what it takes to succeed, they retreat. Millennials may be the first generation to have a lower standard of living than their parents, but with this response to adversity , perhaps deservingly so.
Much ink has been spilled in management books discussing how to get the most out of these youths in the workplace. Largely, they come to the same conclusion: Millennials are entitled, over-confident, and expect too much too quickly. We should not be surprised. Today's young adults were raised by parents who made sure to boost their self-esteem at every turn, telling them they could achieve whatever they set their minds to, and handing out prizes for the sixth place. | 2180.txt | 3 |
[
"They have been spoiled by their parents.",
"They are misguided by management books.",
"They can always get whatever they expect.",
"They think they are young and energetic."
] | Why are Millennials over-confident about themselves? | I have closely watched my generation, known as The Millennials, for 29 years now. Joel Stein wrote an extensive piece on Millennials and he remains rather optimistic about our potential.
I hesitate to share his optimism because of paradox (）we seem to exhibit, namely, that there are more avenues for us to entertain ourselves than ever before, yet we are more bored than ever before.
Entertainment has never been more varied. We have more cable channels, television shows, and movies than ever before. Internet providers allow instant viewing of almost any movie or television program ever created. Social drinking and partying are also widely available for Millennials. Every generation develops these habits at a certain age, but Millennials seem to be extending this phase of life as they postpone marriage.
Some of this is undoubtedly due to The Great Recession. Milleimials are having a difficult time finding jobs; only 47 percent of 16-to-24-year-olds are employed, the smallest share since government started recording data in 1948.
But do Millennials respond to these economic troubles by doing whatever it takes to make ends meet? Hardly. In fact, of the four generations Pew Research has data for, the Milennial generation does not cite work ethic（） as distinctive of itself. Millennials want to save the world, but they sit and wait for that world-changing opportunity to be handed to them. Instead of working 2-3 jobs, launching a business, or doing what it takes to succeed, they retreat. Millennials may be the first generation to have a lower standard of living than their parents, but with this response to adversity , perhaps deservingly so.
Much ink has been spilled in management books discussing how to get the most out of these youths in the workplace. Largely, they come to the same conclusion: Millennials are entitled, over-confident, and expect too much too quickly. We should not be surprised. Today's young adults were raised by parents who made sure to boost their self-esteem at every turn, telling them they could achieve whatever they set their minds to, and handing out prizes for the sixth place. | 2180.txt | 0 |
[
"The planned development of Seattle's public park system",
"The organization of the Seattle city government",
"The history of the Olmsted Brothers architectural firm",
"The design and building of the University of Washington campus"
] | What does the passage mainly discuss? | In 1903 the members of the governing board of the University of Washington, in Seattle, engaged a firm of landscape architects, specialists in the design of outdoor environment - Olmsted Brothers of Brookline, Massachusetts - to advise them on an appropriate layout for the university grounds. The plan impressed the university officials, and in time many of its recommendations were implemented. City officials in Seattle, the largest city in the northwestern United States, were also impressed, for they employed the same organization to study Seattle's public park needs. John Olmsted did the investigation and subsequent report on Seattle's parks. He and his brothers believed that parks should be adapted to the local topography, utilize the area's trees and shrubs, and be available to the entire community. They especially emphasized the need for natural, serene settings where hurried urban dwellers could periodically escape from the city. The essence of the Olmsted park plan was to develop a continuous driveway, twenty miles long, that would tie together a whole series of parks, playgrounds, and parkways. There would be local parks and squares, too, but all of this was meant to supplement the major driveway, which was to remain the unifying factor for the entire system.
In November of 1903 the city council of Seattle adopted the Olmsted Report, and it automatically became the master plan for the city's park system. Prior to this report, Seattle's park development was very limited and funding meager. All this changed after the report. Between 1907 and 1913, city voters approved special funding measures amounting to $4,000,000. With such unparalleled sums at their disposal, with the Olmsted guidelines to follow, and with the added incentive of wanting to have the city at its best for the Alaska-Yukon-Pacific Exposition of 1909, the Parks Board bought aggressively. By 1913 Seattle had 25 parks amounting to 1,400 acres, as well as 400 acres in playgrounds, pathways, boulevards, and triangles. More lands would be added in the future, but for all practical purposes it was the great land surge of 1907-1913 that established Seattle's park system. | 4272.txt | 0 |
[
"trained",
"hired",
"described",
"evaluated"
] | The word "engaged" in line 2 is closest in meaning to | In 1903 the members of the governing board of the University of Washington, in Seattle, engaged a firm of landscape architects, specialists in the design of outdoor environment - Olmsted Brothers of Brookline, Massachusetts - to advise them on an appropriate layout for the university grounds. The plan impressed the university officials, and in time many of its recommendations were implemented. City officials in Seattle, the largest city in the northwestern United States, were also impressed, for they employed the same organization to study Seattle's public park needs. John Olmsted did the investigation and subsequent report on Seattle's parks. He and his brothers believed that parks should be adapted to the local topography, utilize the area's trees and shrubs, and be available to the entire community. They especially emphasized the need for natural, serene settings where hurried urban dwellers could periodically escape from the city. The essence of the Olmsted park plan was to develop a continuous driveway, twenty miles long, that would tie together a whole series of parks, playgrounds, and parkways. There would be local parks and squares, too, but all of this was meant to supplement the major driveway, which was to remain the unifying factor for the entire system.
In November of 1903 the city council of Seattle adopted the Olmsted Report, and it automatically became the master plan for the city's park system. Prior to this report, Seattle's park development was very limited and funding meager. All this changed after the report. Between 1907 and 1913, city voters approved special funding measures amounting to $4,000,000. With such unparalleled sums at their disposal, with the Olmsted guidelines to follow, and with the added incentive of wanting to have the city at its best for the Alaska-Yukon-Pacific Exposition of 1909, the Parks Board bought aggressively. By 1913 Seattle had 25 parks amounting to 1,400 acres, as well as 400 acres in playgrounds, pathways, boulevards, and triangles. More lands would be added in the future, but for all practical purposes it was the great land surge of 1907-1913 that established Seattle's park system. | 4272.txt | 1 |
[
"complicated",
"alternate",
"later",
"detailed"
] | The word "subsequent" in line 8 is closest in meaning to | In 1903 the members of the governing board of the University of Washington, in Seattle, engaged a firm of landscape architects, specialists in the design of outdoor environment - Olmsted Brothers of Brookline, Massachusetts - to advise them on an appropriate layout for the university grounds. The plan impressed the university officials, and in time many of its recommendations were implemented. City officials in Seattle, the largest city in the northwestern United States, were also impressed, for they employed the same organization to study Seattle's public park needs. John Olmsted did the investigation and subsequent report on Seattle's parks. He and his brothers believed that parks should be adapted to the local topography, utilize the area's trees and shrubs, and be available to the entire community. They especially emphasized the need for natural, serene settings where hurried urban dwellers could periodically escape from the city. The essence of the Olmsted park plan was to develop a continuous driveway, twenty miles long, that would tie together a whole series of parks, playgrounds, and parkways. There would be local parks and squares, too, but all of this was meant to supplement the major driveway, which was to remain the unifying factor for the entire system.
In November of 1903 the city council of Seattle adopted the Olmsted Report, and it automatically became the master plan for the city's park system. Prior to this report, Seattle's park development was very limited and funding meager. All this changed after the report. Between 1907 and 1913, city voters approved special funding measures amounting to $4,000,000. With such unparalleled sums at their disposal, with the Olmsted guidelines to follow, and with the added incentive of wanting to have the city at its best for the Alaska-Yukon-Pacific Exposition of 1909, the Parks Board bought aggressively. By 1913 Seattle had 25 parks amounting to 1,400 acres, as well as 400 acres in playgrounds, pathways, boulevards, and triangles. More lands would be added in the future, but for all practical purposes it was the great land surge of 1907-1913 that established Seattle's park system. | 4272.txt | 2 |
[
"They should be planted with trees that grow locally.",
"They should provide a quiet, restful environment.",
"They should be protected by limiting the number of visitors from the community.",
"They should be designed to conform to the topography of the area."
] | Which of the following statements about parks does NOT reflect the views of the Olmsted Brothers firm? | In 1903 the members of the governing board of the University of Washington, in Seattle, engaged a firm of landscape architects, specialists in the design of outdoor environment - Olmsted Brothers of Brookline, Massachusetts - to advise them on an appropriate layout for the university grounds. The plan impressed the university officials, and in time many of its recommendations were implemented. City officials in Seattle, the largest city in the northwestern United States, were also impressed, for they employed the same organization to study Seattle's public park needs. John Olmsted did the investigation and subsequent report on Seattle's parks. He and his brothers believed that parks should be adapted to the local topography, utilize the area's trees and shrubs, and be available to the entire community. They especially emphasized the need for natural, serene settings where hurried urban dwellers could periodically escape from the city. The essence of the Olmsted park plan was to develop a continuous driveway, twenty miles long, that would tie together a whole series of parks, playgrounds, and parkways. There would be local parks and squares, too, but all of this was meant to supplement the major driveway, which was to remain the unifying factor for the entire system.
In November of 1903 the city council of Seattle adopted the Olmsted Report, and it automatically became the master plan for the city's park system. Prior to this report, Seattle's park development was very limited and funding meager. All this changed after the report. Between 1907 and 1913, city voters approved special funding measures amounting to $4,000,000. With such unparalleled sums at their disposal, with the Olmsted guidelines to follow, and with the added incentive of wanting to have the city at its best for the Alaska-Yukon-Pacific Exposition of 1909, the Parks Board bought aggressively. By 1913 Seattle had 25 parks amounting to 1,400 acres, as well as 400 acres in playgrounds, pathways, boulevards, and triangles. More lands would be added in the future, but for all practical purposes it was the great land surge of 1907-1913 that established Seattle's park system. | 4272.txt | 2 |
[
"To emphasize the difficulties facing adoption of the plan",
"To illustrate the comprehensive nature of the plan",
"To demonstrate an omission in the plan",
"To describe Seattle's landscape prior to implementation of the plan"
] | Why does the author mention "local parks and squares" in lines 14 when talking about the Olmsted plan? | In 1903 the members of the governing board of the University of Washington, in Seattle, engaged a firm of landscape architects, specialists in the design of outdoor environment - Olmsted Brothers of Brookline, Massachusetts - to advise them on an appropriate layout for the university grounds. The plan impressed the university officials, and in time many of its recommendations were implemented. City officials in Seattle, the largest city in the northwestern United States, were also impressed, for they employed the same organization to study Seattle's public park needs. John Olmsted did the investigation and subsequent report on Seattle's parks. He and his brothers believed that parks should be adapted to the local topography, utilize the area's trees and shrubs, and be available to the entire community. They especially emphasized the need for natural, serene settings where hurried urban dwellers could periodically escape from the city. The essence of the Olmsted park plan was to develop a continuous driveway, twenty miles long, that would tie together a whole series of parks, playgrounds, and parkways. There would be local parks and squares, too, but all of this was meant to supplement the major driveway, which was to remain the unifying factor for the entire system.
In November of 1903 the city council of Seattle adopted the Olmsted Report, and it automatically became the master plan for the city's park system. Prior to this report, Seattle's park development was very limited and funding meager. All this changed after the report. Between 1907 and 1913, city voters approved special funding measures amounting to $4,000,000. With such unparalleled sums at their disposal, with the Olmsted guidelines to follow, and with the added incentive of wanting to have the city at its best for the Alaska-Yukon-Pacific Exposition of 1909, the Parks Board bought aggressively. By 1913 Seattle had 25 parks amounting to 1,400 acres, as well as 400 acres in playgrounds, pathways, boulevards, and triangles. More lands would be added in the future, but for all practical purposes it was the great land surge of 1907-1913 that established Seattle's park system. | 4272.txt | 1 |
[
"They were hostile to the report's conclusions.",
"They ignored the Olmsted's findings.",
"They supported the Olmsted's plans.",
"They favored the city council's seeking advice from another firm."
] | Which of the following can be inferred from the passage about how citizens of Seattle received the Olmsted Report? | In 1903 the members of the governing board of the University of Washington, in Seattle, engaged a firm of landscape architects, specialists in the design of outdoor environment - Olmsted Brothers of Brookline, Massachusetts - to advise them on an appropriate layout for the university grounds. The plan impressed the university officials, and in time many of its recommendations were implemented. City officials in Seattle, the largest city in the northwestern United States, were also impressed, for they employed the same organization to study Seattle's public park needs. John Olmsted did the investigation and subsequent report on Seattle's parks. He and his brothers believed that parks should be adapted to the local topography, utilize the area's trees and shrubs, and be available to the entire community. They especially emphasized the need for natural, serene settings where hurried urban dwellers could periodically escape from the city. The essence of the Olmsted park plan was to develop a continuous driveway, twenty miles long, that would tie together a whole series of parks, playgrounds, and parkways. There would be local parks and squares, too, but all of this was meant to supplement the major driveway, which was to remain the unifying factor for the entire system.
In November of 1903 the city council of Seattle adopted the Olmsted Report, and it automatically became the master plan for the city's park system. Prior to this report, Seattle's park development was very limited and funding meager. All this changed after the report. Between 1907 and 1913, city voters approved special funding measures amounting to $4,000,000. With such unparalleled sums at their disposal, with the Olmsted guidelines to follow, and with the added incentive of wanting to have the city at its best for the Alaska-Yukon-Pacific Exposition of 1909, the Parks Board bought aggressively. By 1913 Seattle had 25 parks amounting to 1,400 acres, as well as 400 acres in playgrounds, pathways, boulevards, and triangles. More lands would be added in the future, but for all practical purposes it was the great land surge of 1907-1913 that established Seattle's park system. | 4272.txt | 2 |
[
"1903",
"1907",
"1909",
"1913"
] | According to the passage , when was the Olmsted Report officially accepted as the master plan for the Seattle public park system? | In 1903 the members of the governing board of the University of Washington, in Seattle, engaged a firm of landscape architects, specialists in the design of outdoor environment - Olmsted Brothers of Brookline, Massachusetts - to advise them on an appropriate layout for the university grounds. The plan impressed the university officials, and in time many of its recommendations were implemented. City officials in Seattle, the largest city in the northwestern United States, were also impressed, for they employed the same organization to study Seattle's public park needs. John Olmsted did the investigation and subsequent report on Seattle's parks. He and his brothers believed that parks should be adapted to the local topography, utilize the area's trees and shrubs, and be available to the entire community. They especially emphasized the need for natural, serene settings where hurried urban dwellers could periodically escape from the city. The essence of the Olmsted park plan was to develop a continuous driveway, twenty miles long, that would tie together a whole series of parks, playgrounds, and parkways. There would be local parks and squares, too, but all of this was meant to supplement the major driveway, which was to remain the unifying factor for the entire system.
In November of 1903 the city council of Seattle adopted the Olmsted Report, and it automatically became the master plan for the city's park system. Prior to this report, Seattle's park development was very limited and funding meager. All this changed after the report. Between 1907 and 1913, city voters approved special funding measures amounting to $4,000,000. With such unparalleled sums at their disposal, with the Olmsted guidelines to follow, and with the added incentive of wanting to have the city at its best for the Alaska-Yukon-Pacific Exposition of 1909, the Parks Board bought aggressively. By 1913 Seattle had 25 parks amounting to 1,400 acres, as well as 400 acres in playgrounds, pathways, boulevards, and triangles. More lands would be added in the future, but for all practical purposes it was the great land surge of 1907-1913 that established Seattle's park system. | 4272.txt | 0 |
[
"problems",
"amounts",
"services",
"debts"
] | The word "sums" in line 20 is closest in meaning to | In 1903 the members of the governing board of the University of Washington, in Seattle, engaged a firm of landscape architects, specialists in the design of outdoor environment - Olmsted Brothers of Brookline, Massachusetts - to advise them on an appropriate layout for the university grounds. The plan impressed the university officials, and in time many of its recommendations were implemented. City officials in Seattle, the largest city in the northwestern United States, were also impressed, for they employed the same organization to study Seattle's public park needs. John Olmsted did the investigation and subsequent report on Seattle's parks. He and his brothers believed that parks should be adapted to the local topography, utilize the area's trees and shrubs, and be available to the entire community. They especially emphasized the need for natural, serene settings where hurried urban dwellers could periodically escape from the city. The essence of the Olmsted park plan was to develop a continuous driveway, twenty miles long, that would tie together a whole series of parks, playgrounds, and parkways. There would be local parks and squares, too, but all of this was meant to supplement the major driveway, which was to remain the unifying factor for the entire system.
In November of 1903 the city council of Seattle adopted the Olmsted Report, and it automatically became the master plan for the city's park system. Prior to this report, Seattle's park development was very limited and funding meager. All this changed after the report. Between 1907 and 1913, city voters approved special funding measures amounting to $4,000,000. With such unparalleled sums at their disposal, with the Olmsted guidelines to follow, and with the added incentive of wanting to have the city at its best for the Alaska-Yukon-Pacific Exposition of 1909, the Parks Board bought aggressively. By 1913 Seattle had 25 parks amounting to 1,400 acres, as well as 400 acres in playgrounds, pathways, boulevards, and triangles. More lands would be added in the future, but for all practical purposes it was the great land surge of 1907-1913 that established Seattle's park system. | 4272.txt | 1 |
[
"The University of Washington",
"Brookline, Massachusetts",
"The mayor of Seattle",
"The Seattle Parks Board"
] | According to the passage , which of the following was most directly influenced by the Alaska-Yukon- Pacific Exposition? | In 1903 the members of the governing board of the University of Washington, in Seattle, engaged a firm of landscape architects, specialists in the design of outdoor environment - Olmsted Brothers of Brookline, Massachusetts - to advise them on an appropriate layout for the university grounds. The plan impressed the university officials, and in time many of its recommendations were implemented. City officials in Seattle, the largest city in the northwestern United States, were also impressed, for they employed the same organization to study Seattle's public park needs. John Olmsted did the investigation and subsequent report on Seattle's parks. He and his brothers believed that parks should be adapted to the local topography, utilize the area's trees and shrubs, and be available to the entire community. They especially emphasized the need for natural, serene settings where hurried urban dwellers could periodically escape from the city. The essence of the Olmsted park plan was to develop a continuous driveway, twenty miles long, that would tie together a whole series of parks, playgrounds, and parkways. There would be local parks and squares, too, but all of this was meant to supplement the major driveway, which was to remain the unifying factor for the entire system.
In November of 1903 the city council of Seattle adopted the Olmsted Report, and it automatically became the master plan for the city's park system. Prior to this report, Seattle's park development was very limited and funding meager. All this changed after the report. Between 1907 and 1913, city voters approved special funding measures amounting to $4,000,000. With such unparalleled sums at their disposal, with the Olmsted guidelines to follow, and with the added incentive of wanting to have the city at its best for the Alaska-Yukon-Pacific Exposition of 1909, the Parks Board bought aggressively. By 1913 Seattle had 25 parks amounting to 1,400 acres, as well as 400 acres in playgrounds, pathways, boulevards, and triangles. More lands would be added in the future, but for all practical purposes it was the great land surge of 1907-1913 that established Seattle's park system. | 4272.txt | 3 |
[
"gaining excessive profits",
"failing to fulfill her duty",
"refusing to make compromises",
"leaving the board in tough times"
] | According to Paragraph 1, Ms. Simmons was criticized for _ . | Ruth Simmons joined Goldman Sachs's board as an outside director in January 2000: a year later she became president of Brown University. For the rest of the decade she apparently managed both roles without attracting much criticism. But by the end of 2009 Ms. Simmons was under fire for having sat on Goldman's compensation committee; how could she have let those enormous bonus payouts pass unremarked? By February the next year Ms. Simmons had left the board. The position was just taking up too much time, she said.
Outside directors are supposed to serve as helpful, yet less biased, advisers on a firm's board. Having made their wealth and their reputations elsewhere, they presumably have enough independence to disagree with the chief executive's proposals. If the sky, and the share price, is falling, outside directors should be able to give advice based on having weathered their own crises.
The researchers from Ohio University used a database that covered more than 10,000 firms and more than 64,000 different directors between 1989 and 2004. Then they simply checked which directors stayed from one proxy statement to the next. The most likely reason for departing a board was age, so the researchers concentrated on those "surprise" disappearances by directors under the age of 70. They found that after a surprise departure, the probability that the company will subsequently have to restate earnings increased by nearly 20%. The likelihood of being named in a federal class-action lawsuit also increases, and the stock is likely to perform worse. The effect tended to be larger for larger firms. Although a correlation between them leaving and subsequent bad performance at the firm is suggestive, it does not mean that such directors are always jumping off a sinking ship. Often they "trade up." Leaving riskier, smaller firms for larger and more stable firms.
But the researchers believe that outside directors have an easier time of avoiding a blow to their reputations if they leave a firm before bad news breaks, even if a review of history shows they were on the board at the time any wrongdoing occurred. Firms who want to keep their outside directors through tough times may have to create incentives. Otherwise outside directors will follow the example of Ms. Simmons, once again very popular on campus. | 3882.txt | 1 |
[
"generous investors",
"unbiased executives",
"share price forecasters",
"independent advisers"
] | We learn from Paragraph 2 that outside directors are supposed to be _ . | Ruth Simmons joined Goldman Sachs's board as an outside director in January 2000: a year later she became president of Brown University. For the rest of the decade she apparently managed both roles without attracting much criticism. But by the end of 2009 Ms. Simmons was under fire for having sat on Goldman's compensation committee; how could she have let those enormous bonus payouts pass unremarked? By February the next year Ms. Simmons had left the board. The position was just taking up too much time, she said.
Outside directors are supposed to serve as helpful, yet less biased, advisers on a firm's board. Having made their wealth and their reputations elsewhere, they presumably have enough independence to disagree with the chief executive's proposals. If the sky, and the share price, is falling, outside directors should be able to give advice based on having weathered their own crises.
The researchers from Ohio University used a database that covered more than 10,000 firms and more than 64,000 different directors between 1989 and 2004. Then they simply checked which directors stayed from one proxy statement to the next. The most likely reason for departing a board was age, so the researchers concentrated on those "surprise" disappearances by directors under the age of 70. They found that after a surprise departure, the probability that the company will subsequently have to restate earnings increased by nearly 20%. The likelihood of being named in a federal class-action lawsuit also increases, and the stock is likely to perform worse. The effect tended to be larger for larger firms. Although a correlation between them leaving and subsequent bad performance at the firm is suggestive, it does not mean that such directors are always jumping off a sinking ship. Often they "trade up." Leaving riskier, smaller firms for larger and more stable firms.
But the researchers believe that outside directors have an easier time of avoiding a blow to their reputations if they leave a firm before bad news breaks, even if a review of history shows they were on the board at the time any wrongdoing occurred. Firms who want to keep their outside directors through tough times may have to create incentives. Otherwise outside directors will follow the example of Ms. Simmons, once again very popular on campus. | 3882.txt | 3 |
[
"become more stable",
"report increased earnings",
"do less well in the stock market",
"perform worse in lawsuits"
] | According to the researchers from Ohio University after an outside director's surprise departure, the firm is likely to _ . | Ruth Simmons joined Goldman Sachs's board as an outside director in January 2000: a year later she became president of Brown University. For the rest of the decade she apparently managed both roles without attracting much criticism. But by the end of 2009 Ms. Simmons was under fire for having sat on Goldman's compensation committee; how could she have let those enormous bonus payouts pass unremarked? By February the next year Ms. Simmons had left the board. The position was just taking up too much time, she said.
Outside directors are supposed to serve as helpful, yet less biased, advisers on a firm's board. Having made their wealth and their reputations elsewhere, they presumably have enough independence to disagree with the chief executive's proposals. If the sky, and the share price, is falling, outside directors should be able to give advice based on having weathered their own crises.
The researchers from Ohio University used a database that covered more than 10,000 firms and more than 64,000 different directors between 1989 and 2004. Then they simply checked which directors stayed from one proxy statement to the next. The most likely reason for departing a board was age, so the researchers concentrated on those "surprise" disappearances by directors under the age of 70. They found that after a surprise departure, the probability that the company will subsequently have to restate earnings increased by nearly 20%. The likelihood of being named in a federal class-action lawsuit also increases, and the stock is likely to perform worse. The effect tended to be larger for larger firms. Although a correlation between them leaving and subsequent bad performance at the firm is suggestive, it does not mean that such directors are always jumping off a sinking ship. Often they "trade up." Leaving riskier, smaller firms for larger and more stable firms.
But the researchers believe that outside directors have an easier time of avoiding a blow to their reputations if they leave a firm before bad news breaks, even if a review of history shows they were on the board at the time any wrongdoing occurred. Firms who want to keep their outside directors through tough times may have to create incentives. Otherwise outside directors will follow the example of Ms. Simmons, once again very popular on campus. | 3882.txt | 2 |
[
"may stay for the attractive offers from the firm",
"have often had records of wrongdoings in the firm",
"are accustomed to stress-free work in the firm",
"will decline incentives from the firm"
] | It can be inferred from the last paragraph that outside directors _ . | Ruth Simmons joined Goldman Sachs's board as an outside director in January 2000: a year later she became president of Brown University. For the rest of the decade she apparently managed both roles without attracting much criticism. But by the end of 2009 Ms. Simmons was under fire for having sat on Goldman's compensation committee; how could she have let those enormous bonus payouts pass unremarked? By February the next year Ms. Simmons had left the board. The position was just taking up too much time, she said.
Outside directors are supposed to serve as helpful, yet less biased, advisers on a firm's board. Having made their wealth and their reputations elsewhere, they presumably have enough independence to disagree with the chief executive's proposals. If the sky, and the share price, is falling, outside directors should be able to give advice based on having weathered their own crises.
The researchers from Ohio University used a database that covered more than 10,000 firms and more than 64,000 different directors between 1989 and 2004. Then they simply checked which directors stayed from one proxy statement to the next. The most likely reason for departing a board was age, so the researchers concentrated on those "surprise" disappearances by directors under the age of 70. They found that after a surprise departure, the probability that the company will subsequently have to restate earnings increased by nearly 20%. The likelihood of being named in a federal class-action lawsuit also increases, and the stock is likely to perform worse. The effect tended to be larger for larger firms. Although a correlation between them leaving and subsequent bad performance at the firm is suggestive, it does not mean that such directors are always jumping off a sinking ship. Often they "trade up." Leaving riskier, smaller firms for larger and more stable firms.
But the researchers believe that outside directors have an easier time of avoiding a blow to their reputations if they leave a firm before bad news breaks, even if a review of history shows they were on the board at the time any wrongdoing occurred. Firms who want to keep their outside directors through tough times may have to create incentives. Otherwise outside directors will follow the example of Ms. Simmons, once again very popular on campus. | 3882.txt | 0 |
[
"permissive",
"positive",
"scornful",
"critical"
] | The author's attitude toward the role of outside directors is _ . | Ruth Simmons joined Goldman Sachs's board as an outside director in January 2000: a year later she became president of Brown University. For the rest of the decade she apparently managed both roles without attracting much criticism. But by the end of 2009 Ms. Simmons was under fire for having sat on Goldman's compensation committee; how could she have let those enormous bonus payouts pass unremarked? By February the next year Ms. Simmons had left the board. The position was just taking up too much time, she said.
Outside directors are supposed to serve as helpful, yet less biased, advisers on a firm's board. Having made their wealth and their reputations elsewhere, they presumably have enough independence to disagree with the chief executive's proposals. If the sky, and the share price, is falling, outside directors should be able to give advice based on having weathered their own crises.
The researchers from Ohio University used a database that covered more than 10,000 firms and more than 64,000 different directors between 1989 and 2004. Then they simply checked which directors stayed from one proxy statement to the next. The most likely reason for departing a board was age, so the researchers concentrated on those "surprise" disappearances by directors under the age of 70. They found that after a surprise departure, the probability that the company will subsequently have to restate earnings increased by nearly 20%. The likelihood of being named in a federal class-action lawsuit also increases, and the stock is likely to perform worse. The effect tended to be larger for larger firms. Although a correlation between them leaving and subsequent bad performance at the firm is suggestive, it does not mean that such directors are always jumping off a sinking ship. Often they "trade up." Leaving riskier, smaller firms for larger and more stable firms.
But the researchers believe that outside directors have an easier time of avoiding a blow to their reputations if they leave a firm before bad news breaks, even if a review of history shows they were on the board at the time any wrongdoing occurred. Firms who want to keep their outside directors through tough times may have to create incentives. Otherwise outside directors will follow the example of Ms. Simmons, once again very popular on campus. | 3882.txt | 1 |
[
"take advantage of the division of labor",
"introduce the division of labor into England",
"understand the effects of the division of labor",
"explain the causes of the division of labor"
] | According to the passage, Adam Smith was the first person to_ . | Adam Smith, writing in the 1770s, was the first person to see the importance of the division of labor and to explain part of its'advantages. He gives as an example the process by which pins were made in England.
"One man draws out the wire, another strengthens it, a third cuts it, a fourth points it, a fifth grinds it at the top to prepare it to receive the head. To put it on is a separate operation, to polish the pins is another. It is even a trade by itself to put them into the paper. And the important business of making pins is, in this manner, divided into about eighteen distinct operations, which in some factories are all performed by different people, though in others the same man will sometimes perform two or three of them. "
Ten men, Smith said, in this way, turned out twelve pounds of pins a day or about 4800 pins apiece. But if all of them had worked separately and independently without division of labor, they certainly could not each of them have made twenty pins in a day and perhaps not even one.
There can be no doubt that division of labor, provided that it is not taken too far, is an efficient way of organizing work. Fewer people can make more pins. Adam Smith saw this but he also took it for granted that division of labor is in itself responsible for economic growth and development and that it accounts for the difference between expanding economies and those that stand still. But division of labor adds nothing new; it only enables people to produce more of what they already have. | 1447.txt | 2 |
[
"enabled each worker to make pins more quickly and more cheaply",
"increased the possible output per worker",
"increased the number of people employed in factories",
"improved the quality of pins produced"
] | Adam Smith saw that the division of labor_ . | Adam Smith, writing in the 1770s, was the first person to see the importance of the division of labor and to explain part of its'advantages. He gives as an example the process by which pins were made in England.
"One man draws out the wire, another strengthens it, a third cuts it, a fourth points it, a fifth grinds it at the top to prepare it to receive the head. To put it on is a separate operation, to polish the pins is another. It is even a trade by itself to put them into the paper. And the important business of making pins is, in this manner, divided into about eighteen distinct operations, which in some factories are all performed by different people, though in others the same man will sometimes perform two or three of them. "
Ten men, Smith said, in this way, turned out twelve pounds of pins a day or about 4800 pins apiece. But if all of them had worked separately and independently without division of labor, they certainly could not each of them have made twenty pins in a day and perhaps not even one.
There can be no doubt that division of labor, provided that it is not taken too far, is an efficient way of organizing work. Fewer people can make more pins. Adam Smith saw this but he also took it for granted that division of labor is in itself responsible for economic growth and development and that it accounts for the difference between expanding economies and those that stand still. But division of labor adds nothing new; it only enables people to produce more of what they already have. | 1447.txt | 1 |
[
"show the advantages of the division of labor",
"show the advantages of the old craft system",
"emphasize how powerful the individual worker was",
"emphasize the importance of increased production"
] | Adam Smith mentioned the number 4800 in order to_ . | Adam Smith, writing in the 1770s, was the first person to see the importance of the division of labor and to explain part of its'advantages. He gives as an example the process by which pins were made in England.
"One man draws out the wire, another strengthens it, a third cuts it, a fourth points it, a fifth grinds it at the top to prepare it to receive the head. To put it on is a separate operation, to polish the pins is another. It is even a trade by itself to put them into the paper. And the important business of making pins is, in this manner, divided into about eighteen distinct operations, which in some factories are all performed by different people, though in others the same man will sometimes perform two or three of them. "
Ten men, Smith said, in this way, turned out twelve pounds of pins a day or about 4800 pins apiece. But if all of them had worked separately and independently without division of labor, they certainly could not each of them have made twenty pins in a day and perhaps not even one.
There can be no doubt that division of labor, provided that it is not taken too far, is an efficient way of organizing work. Fewer people can make more pins. Adam Smith saw this but he also took it for granted that division of labor is in itself responsible for economic growth and development and that it accounts for the difference between expanding economies and those that stand still. But division of labor adds nothing new; it only enables people to produce more of what they already have. | 1447.txt | 0 |
[
"was an efficient way of organizing work",
"was an important development in methods of production",
"inevitably led to economic development",
"increased the production of existing goods"
] | According to the writer, Adam Smith's mistake was in believing that division of labor | Adam Smith, writing in the 1770s, was the first person to see the importance of the division of labor and to explain part of its'advantages. He gives as an example the process by which pins were made in England.
"One man draws out the wire, another strengthens it, a third cuts it, a fourth points it, a fifth grinds it at the top to prepare it to receive the head. To put it on is a separate operation, to polish the pins is another. It is even a trade by itself to put them into the paper. And the important business of making pins is, in this manner, divided into about eighteen distinct operations, which in some factories are all performed by different people, though in others the same man will sometimes perform two or three of them. "
Ten men, Smith said, in this way, turned out twelve pounds of pins a day or about 4800 pins apiece. But if all of them had worked separately and independently without division of labor, they certainly could not each of them have made twenty pins in a day and perhaps not even one.
There can be no doubt that division of labor, provided that it is not taken too far, is an efficient way of organizing work. Fewer people can make more pins. Adam Smith saw this but he also took it for granted that division of labor is in itself responsible for economic growth and development and that it accounts for the difference between expanding economies and those that stand still. But division of labor adds nothing new; it only enables people to produce more of what they already have. | 1447.txt | 2 |
[
"it is taken too far",
"it is taken for granted",
"it is made use of on a regular base",
"it is widely used"
] | The division of labor may become inefficient in organizing work if | Adam Smith, writing in the 1770s, was the first person to see the importance of the division of labor and to explain part of its'advantages. He gives as an example the process by which pins were made in England.
"One man draws out the wire, another strengthens it, a third cuts it, a fourth points it, a fifth grinds it at the top to prepare it to receive the head. To put it on is a separate operation, to polish the pins is another. It is even a trade by itself to put them into the paper. And the important business of making pins is, in this manner, divided into about eighteen distinct operations, which in some factories are all performed by different people, though in others the same man will sometimes perform two or three of them. "
Ten men, Smith said, in this way, turned out twelve pounds of pins a day or about 4800 pins apiece. But if all of them had worked separately and independently without division of labor, they certainly could not each of them have made twenty pins in a day and perhaps not even one.
There can be no doubt that division of labor, provided that it is not taken too far, is an efficient way of organizing work. Fewer people can make more pins. Adam Smith saw this but he also took it for granted that division of labor is in itself responsible for economic growth and development and that it accounts for the difference between expanding economies and those that stand still. But division of labor adds nothing new; it only enables people to produce more of what they already have. | 1447.txt | 0 |
[
"delighted that he was lucky",
"afraid the dog would bite someone",
"afraid the conductor would see him and be angry",
"excited that Lampo would soon meet his family"
] | The first time Lampo took the train, Elvio was _ . | One day an ordinary dog appeared in the ticket office at Campiglia, a busy railroad station on Italy's main line. A ticket agent named Elvio greeted the strange dog in a friendly way, so the dog decided to stay. From that day on, the dog became Elvio's shadow and was named Lampo.
Lampo kept Elvio company inside the ticket office. When the weather was warm, he would enjoy himself in the sun on the train platform.
When it was time for Elvio to return home on the train at night, Lampo ran after the train for a long way and then sadly gave up and went back to the station.
One night as Elvio was riding home on the train, he noticed that Lampo was lying at his feet. Afraid that the conductor would see the dog on the train and shout at him, Elvio pushed Lampo under a seat. Luckily, the conductor did not notice the dog. Lampo came home with Elvio and met his family. then, after a short visit, Lampo boarded the last train and went back to the station. Lampo quickly learned all of the train schedules.He would ride home from work with Elvio every night and then ride back to the station alone. Every morning, Lampo arrived at Elvio's house in time to walk his young daughter, Mivna, to school. The faithful dog would then takeanother train to Campiglia to spend time with his master, then travel againto accompany Mivna home from school at 11∶30.
Soon, Lampo began to take the trains all over Italy. Lampo became famous among the men who worked on the railroad, as his journeys became more frequent, complicated and mysterious. No one could explain why he traveled or how he always found the right train back to Campiglia. People decided that Lampo was a unique dog.
Some of the railroad officials were against Lampo's illegal travels. They were afraid he would bite a passenger or cause some other problems. Finally, the stationmaster threastened to call the dogcatcher if Elvio didn't get rid of the dog.
Elvio decided to put Lampo on a train going as far away as possible. Months went by and Lampo did not come back. Mivna missed him very much and prayed for his return. Finally one day, a sad, very thin, tired Lampo returned to Elvio's office.Everyone, even the stationmaster, was sorry about what had happened. From then on, Lampo was allowed to ride the trains whenever he wanted. After seven years, Lampo grew old, and he began to need Elvio's help to board the train.
One day Lampo was seen lying dead on the tracks. A year later, a life-sized statue of Lampo was set up at Campiglia station. | 2655.txt | 2 |
[
"he could read the train schedules",
"he was famous in the country",
"Elvio secretly helped him",
"he was a very special dog"
] | Lampo's traveling all over Italy caused people to believe that _ . | One day an ordinary dog appeared in the ticket office at Campiglia, a busy railroad station on Italy's main line. A ticket agent named Elvio greeted the strange dog in a friendly way, so the dog decided to stay. From that day on, the dog became Elvio's shadow and was named Lampo.
Lampo kept Elvio company inside the ticket office. When the weather was warm, he would enjoy himself in the sun on the train platform.
When it was time for Elvio to return home on the train at night, Lampo ran after the train for a long way and then sadly gave up and went back to the station.
One night as Elvio was riding home on the train, he noticed that Lampo was lying at his feet. Afraid that the conductor would see the dog on the train and shout at him, Elvio pushed Lampo under a seat. Luckily, the conductor did not notice the dog. Lampo came home with Elvio and met his family. then, after a short visit, Lampo boarded the last train and went back to the station. Lampo quickly learned all of the train schedules.He would ride home from work with Elvio every night and then ride back to the station alone. Every morning, Lampo arrived at Elvio's house in time to walk his young daughter, Mivna, to school. The faithful dog would then takeanother train to Campiglia to spend time with his master, then travel againto accompany Mivna home from school at 11∶30.
Soon, Lampo began to take the trains all over Italy. Lampo became famous among the men who worked on the railroad, as his journeys became more frequent, complicated and mysterious. No one could explain why he traveled or how he always found the right train back to Campiglia. People decided that Lampo was a unique dog.
Some of the railroad officials were against Lampo's illegal travels. They were afraid he would bite a passenger or cause some other problems. Finally, the stationmaster threastened to call the dogcatcher if Elvio didn't get rid of the dog.
Elvio decided to put Lampo on a train going as far away as possible. Months went by and Lampo did not come back. Mivna missed him very much and prayed for his return. Finally one day, a sad, very thin, tired Lampo returned to Elvio's office.Everyone, even the stationmaster, was sorry about what had happened. From then on, Lampo was allowed to ride the trains whenever he wanted. After seven years, Lampo grew old, and he began to need Elvio's help to board the train.
One day Lampo was seen lying dead on the tracks. A year later, a life-sized statue of Lampo was set up at Campiglia station. | 2655.txt | 3 |
[
"Elvio would be fired",
"Lampo would be put on the train tracks",
"the stationmaster would send him away",
"a dogcatcher would be called"
] | The stationmaster threastened that if Elvio didn't get rid of the dog, _ . | One day an ordinary dog appeared in the ticket office at Campiglia, a busy railroad station on Italy's main line. A ticket agent named Elvio greeted the strange dog in a friendly way, so the dog decided to stay. From that day on, the dog became Elvio's shadow and was named Lampo.
Lampo kept Elvio company inside the ticket office. When the weather was warm, he would enjoy himself in the sun on the train platform.
When it was time for Elvio to return home on the train at night, Lampo ran after the train for a long way and then sadly gave up and went back to the station.
One night as Elvio was riding home on the train, he noticed that Lampo was lying at his feet. Afraid that the conductor would see the dog on the train and shout at him, Elvio pushed Lampo under a seat. Luckily, the conductor did not notice the dog. Lampo came home with Elvio and met his family. then, after a short visit, Lampo boarded the last train and went back to the station. Lampo quickly learned all of the train schedules.He would ride home from work with Elvio every night and then ride back to the station alone. Every morning, Lampo arrived at Elvio's house in time to walk his young daughter, Mivna, to school. The faithful dog would then takeanother train to Campiglia to spend time with his master, then travel againto accompany Mivna home from school at 11∶30.
Soon, Lampo began to take the trains all over Italy. Lampo became famous among the men who worked on the railroad, as his journeys became more frequent, complicated and mysterious. No one could explain why he traveled or how he always found the right train back to Campiglia. People decided that Lampo was a unique dog.
Some of the railroad officials were against Lampo's illegal travels. They were afraid he would bite a passenger or cause some other problems. Finally, the stationmaster threastened to call the dogcatcher if Elvio didn't get rid of the dog.
Elvio decided to put Lampo on a train going as far away as possible. Months went by and Lampo did not come back. Mivna missed him very much and prayed for his return. Finally one day, a sad, very thin, tired Lampo returned to Elvio's office.Everyone, even the stationmaster, was sorry about what had happened. From then on, Lampo was allowed to ride the trains whenever he wanted. After seven years, Lampo grew old, and he began to need Elvio's help to board the train.
One day Lampo was seen lying dead on the tracks. A year later, a life-sized statue of Lampo was set up at Campiglia station. | 2655.txt | 3 |
[
"The dog was once sent away by Elvio.",
"The dog finally won the stationmaster's heart.",
"The dog was faithful to his master.",
"The dog died when he was seven years old."
] | Which of the following is NOT mentioned in the story? | One day an ordinary dog appeared in the ticket office at Campiglia, a busy railroad station on Italy's main line. A ticket agent named Elvio greeted the strange dog in a friendly way, so the dog decided to stay. From that day on, the dog became Elvio's shadow and was named Lampo.
Lampo kept Elvio company inside the ticket office. When the weather was warm, he would enjoy himself in the sun on the train platform.
When it was time for Elvio to return home on the train at night, Lampo ran after the train for a long way and then sadly gave up and went back to the station.
One night as Elvio was riding home on the train, he noticed that Lampo was lying at his feet. Afraid that the conductor would see the dog on the train and shout at him, Elvio pushed Lampo under a seat. Luckily, the conductor did not notice the dog. Lampo came home with Elvio and met his family. then, after a short visit, Lampo boarded the last train and went back to the station. Lampo quickly learned all of the train schedules.He would ride home from work with Elvio every night and then ride back to the station alone. Every morning, Lampo arrived at Elvio's house in time to walk his young daughter, Mivna, to school. The faithful dog would then takeanother train to Campiglia to spend time with his master, then travel againto accompany Mivna home from school at 11∶30.
Soon, Lampo began to take the trains all over Italy. Lampo became famous among the men who worked on the railroad, as his journeys became more frequent, complicated and mysterious. No one could explain why he traveled or how he always found the right train back to Campiglia. People decided that Lampo was a unique dog.
Some of the railroad officials were against Lampo's illegal travels. They were afraid he would bite a passenger or cause some other problems. Finally, the stationmaster threastened to call the dogcatcher if Elvio didn't get rid of the dog.
Elvio decided to put Lampo on a train going as far away as possible. Months went by and Lampo did not come back. Mivna missed him very much and prayed for his return. Finally one day, a sad, very thin, tired Lampo returned to Elvio's office.Everyone, even the stationmaster, was sorry about what had happened. From then on, Lampo was allowed to ride the trains whenever he wanted. After seven years, Lampo grew old, and he began to need Elvio's help to board the train.
One day Lampo was seen lying dead on the tracks. A year later, a life-sized statue of Lampo was set up at Campiglia station. | 2655.txt | 3 |
[
"the stationmaster felt sorry about what had happened",
"he had been a friend to travelers",
"it would bring good luck to the town",
"Elvio offered money to set up the statue"
] | The author suggests that a statue of Lampo was set up because _ . | One day an ordinary dog appeared in the ticket office at Campiglia, a busy railroad station on Italy's main line. A ticket agent named Elvio greeted the strange dog in a friendly way, so the dog decided to stay. From that day on, the dog became Elvio's shadow and was named Lampo.
Lampo kept Elvio company inside the ticket office. When the weather was warm, he would enjoy himself in the sun on the train platform.
When it was time for Elvio to return home on the train at night, Lampo ran after the train for a long way and then sadly gave up and went back to the station.
One night as Elvio was riding home on the train, he noticed that Lampo was lying at his feet. Afraid that the conductor would see the dog on the train and shout at him, Elvio pushed Lampo under a seat. Luckily, the conductor did not notice the dog. Lampo came home with Elvio and met his family. then, after a short visit, Lampo boarded the last train and went back to the station. Lampo quickly learned all of the train schedules.He would ride home from work with Elvio every night and then ride back to the station alone. Every morning, Lampo arrived at Elvio's house in time to walk his young daughter, Mivna, to school. The faithful dog would then takeanother train to Campiglia to spend time with his master, then travel againto accompany Mivna home from school at 11∶30.
Soon, Lampo began to take the trains all over Italy. Lampo became famous among the men who worked on the railroad, as his journeys became more frequent, complicated and mysterious. No one could explain why he traveled or how he always found the right train back to Campiglia. People decided that Lampo was a unique dog.
Some of the railroad officials were against Lampo's illegal travels. They were afraid he would bite a passenger or cause some other problems. Finally, the stationmaster threastened to call the dogcatcher if Elvio didn't get rid of the dog.
Elvio decided to put Lampo on a train going as far away as possible. Months went by and Lampo did not come back. Mivna missed him very much and prayed for his return. Finally one day, a sad, very thin, tired Lampo returned to Elvio's office.Everyone, even the stationmaster, was sorry about what had happened. From then on, Lampo was allowed to ride the trains whenever he wanted. After seven years, Lampo grew old, and he began to need Elvio's help to board the train.
One day Lampo was seen lying dead on the tracks. A year later, a life-sized statue of Lampo was set up at Campiglia station. | 2655.txt | 1 |
[
"high school advisers from Houston",
"college students majoring in agriculture",
"high school students from different places",
"researchers at the College of Agriculture and Life Sciences"
] | The research program is chiefly designed for. | Instead of hitting the beach, fourteen high school students traded swimming suits for lab coats last summer and turned their attention to scientific experiments.
The High School Research Program offers high school students guidance with researchers in Texas A&M's College of Agriculture and Life Sciences.Jennifer Funkhouser, academic adviser for the Department of Rangeland Ecology and Management, dirests this four-week summer program designed to increase understanding of research and its career potential。
Several considerations go into selecting students, including grades, school involvement and interest in science and agriculture. And many students come from poorer school districts, Funkhouser says. "This is their chance to learn techniques and do experiments they never would have a chance to do in high school.
Warner Ervin of Houston is interested in animal science and learned how to tell male from female mosquitoes.His adviser, Craig Coates, studies the genes of mosquitoes that allow them to fight against malaria and yellow fever. Coates thought this experience would be fun and helpful to the high school students.
The agricultural research at A&M differs from stereotypes. It's "molecularscience on the cutting edge," Funkhouser says. The program broadened students' knowledge. Victor Garcia of Rio Grande City hopes to become a biology teacher and says he learned a lot about chemistry from the program.
At the end of the program, the students presented papers on their research.They're also paid $600 for their work-another way this program differs from others, which often charge a fee.
Fourteen students got paid to learn that science is fun, that agriculture is a lot more than milking and plowing and that research can open many doors. | 3285.txt | 2 |
[
"had little chance to go to college",
"could often take part in the program",
"found the program useful to their future",
"showed much interest in their high school experiments"
] | It can be inferred from the text that the students in poorer areas. | Instead of hitting the beach, fourteen high school students traded swimming suits for lab coats last summer and turned their attention to scientific experiments.
The High School Research Program offers high school students guidance with researchers in Texas A&M's College of Agriculture and Life Sciences.Jennifer Funkhouser, academic adviser for the Department of Rangeland Ecology and Management, dirests this four-week summer program designed to increase understanding of research and its career potential。
Several considerations go into selecting students, including grades, school involvement and interest in science and agriculture. And many students come from poorer school districts, Funkhouser says. "This is their chance to learn techniques and do experiments they never would have a chance to do in high school.
Warner Ervin of Houston is interested in animal science and learned how to tell male from female mosquitoes.His adviser, Craig Coates, studies the genes of mosquitoes that allow them to fight against malaria and yellow fever. Coates thought this experience would be fun and helpful to the high school students.
The agricultural research at A&M differs from stereotypes. It's "molecularscience on the cutting edge," Funkhouser says. The program broadened students' knowledge. Victor Garcia of Rio Grande City hopes to become a biology teacher and says he learned a lot about chemistry from the program.
At the end of the program, the students presented papers on their research.They're also paid $600 for their work-another way this program differs from others, which often charge a fee.
Fourteen students got paid to learn that science is fun, that agriculture is a lot more than milking and plowing and that research can open many doors. | 3285.txt | 2 |
[
"entered that college",
"wrote research reports",
"paid for their research",
"found way to make money"
] | When the program was over, the students. | Instead of hitting the beach, fourteen high school students traded swimming suits for lab coats last summer and turned their attention to scientific experiments.
The High School Research Program offers high school students guidance with researchers in Texas A&M's College of Agriculture and Life Sciences.Jennifer Funkhouser, academic adviser for the Department of Rangeland Ecology and Management, dirests this four-week summer program designed to increase understanding of research and its career potential。
Several considerations go into selecting students, including grades, school involvement and interest in science and agriculture. And many students come from poorer school districts, Funkhouser says. "This is their chance to learn techniques and do experiments they never would have a chance to do in high school.
Warner Ervin of Houston is interested in animal science and learned how to tell male from female mosquitoes.His adviser, Craig Coates, studies the genes of mosquitoes that allow them to fight against malaria and yellow fever. Coates thought this experience would be fun and helpful to the high school students.
The agricultural research at A&M differs from stereotypes. It's "molecularscience on the cutting edge," Funkhouser says. The program broadened students' knowledge. Victor Garcia of Rio Grande City hopes to become a biology teacher and says he learned a lot about chemistry from the program.
At the end of the program, the students presented papers on their research.They're also paid $600 for their work-another way this program differs from others, which often charge a fee.
Fourteen students got paid to learn that science is fun, that agriculture is a lot more than milking and plowing and that research can open many doors. | 3285.txt | 1 |
[
"A Program for Agricultural Science Students",
"A Program for Animal Science Students",
"A Program for Medical Science Lovers",
"A Program for Future Science Lovers"
] | What would be the best title for the text? | Instead of hitting the beach, fourteen high school students traded swimming suits for lab coats last summer and turned their attention to scientific experiments.
The High School Research Program offers high school students guidance with researchers in Texas A&M's College of Agriculture and Life Sciences.Jennifer Funkhouser, academic adviser for the Department of Rangeland Ecology and Management, dirests this four-week summer program designed to increase understanding of research and its career potential。
Several considerations go into selecting students, including grades, school involvement and interest in science and agriculture. And many students come from poorer school districts, Funkhouser says. "This is their chance to learn techniques and do experiments they never would have a chance to do in high school.
Warner Ervin of Houston is interested in animal science and learned how to tell male from female mosquitoes.His adviser, Craig Coates, studies the genes of mosquitoes that allow them to fight against malaria and yellow fever. Coates thought this experience would be fun and helpful to the high school students.
The agricultural research at A&M differs from stereotypes. It's "molecularscience on the cutting edge," Funkhouser says. The program broadened students' knowledge. Victor Garcia of Rio Grande City hopes to become a biology teacher and says he learned a lot about chemistry from the program.
At the end of the program, the students presented papers on their research.They're also paid $600 for their work-another way this program differs from others, which often charge a fee.
Fourteen students got paid to learn that science is fun, that agriculture is a lot more than milking and plowing and that research can open many doors. | 3285.txt | 3 |
[
"Unbiased.",
"Indifferent.",
"Critical.",
"Appreciative."
] | What's the author's viewpoint about the models and their hairstyles and clothes? | Fashions change year after year so lots of people can make piles of money. If folks are convinced that they need a different look each season, that this year's sweater's length and shoes style are important, they can be persuaded to buy. The fashion industry would have you ignore your shortcomings and just make you feel beautiful and happy. In fact it is not only a phenomenon we can find in people's dressing.
Fashion controls our lives. Fashion controls what we wear, what we eat, what we drink, the way we cut our hair, the makeup We buy and use, the color of the cars we drive. Fashion even controls our ideas.
You don't believe me? How many. Of your friends are vegetarians? Why are they vegetarians? Because it is fashionable!
Where does fashion come from? Often the reasons are quite logical. Scientists and historians study the fashions of the past and discover the secrets of each fashion.
When girls see an attractive guy, their blood pressure rises and their lips become redder. That's why guys think that girls wearing lipstick are beautiful.
Why do guys shave their heads? In the past soldiers shaved their heads to kill the insects that lived in their hair. Now guys shave their heads so that they look strong and masculine, like soldiers.
People spend a lot of time and money on fashion. But are they wasting their money? Changes in fashion help to develop new technologies. Changes in style create work for people all over the world. Many people work in the fashion industry, particularly in the fashion capitals of London, New York, Paris and Milan.
And finally, fashion makes you feel good, doesn't it? When you are dressed in the latest style, dancing to the most fashionable music, after watching the latest hit film, you feel great, don't you? | 1348.txt | 2 |
[
"comfortable and durable.",
"new and fresh.",
"expensive and fashionable.",
"simple and unique"
] | It is indicated by the author that clothes should be | Fashions change year after year so lots of people can make piles of money. If folks are convinced that they need a different look each season, that this year's sweater's length and shoes style are important, they can be persuaded to buy. The fashion industry would have you ignore your shortcomings and just make you feel beautiful and happy. In fact it is not only a phenomenon we can find in people's dressing.
Fashion controls our lives. Fashion controls what we wear, what we eat, what we drink, the way we cut our hair, the makeup We buy and use, the color of the cars we drive. Fashion even controls our ideas.
You don't believe me? How many. Of your friends are vegetarians? Why are they vegetarians? Because it is fashionable!
Where does fashion come from? Often the reasons are quite logical. Scientists and historians study the fashions of the past and discover the secrets of each fashion.
When girls see an attractive guy, their blood pressure rises and their lips become redder. That's why guys think that girls wearing lipstick are beautiful.
Why do guys shave their heads? In the past soldiers shaved their heads to kill the insects that lived in their hair. Now guys shave their heads so that they look strong and masculine, like soldiers.
People spend a lot of time and money on fashion. But are they wasting their money? Changes in fashion help to develop new technologies. Changes in style create work for people all over the world. Many people work in the fashion industry, particularly in the fashion capitals of London, New York, Paris and Milan.
And finally, fashion makes you feel good, doesn't it? When you are dressed in the latest style, dancing to the most fashionable music, after watching the latest hit film, you feel great, don't you? | 1348.txt | 0 |
[
"selling the products at high prices.",
"creating a need in you.",
"helping you get rid of your shortcomings.",
"making you look more beautiful."
] | The fashion industry makes profits by | Fashions change year after year so lots of people can make piles of money. If folks are convinced that they need a different look each season, that this year's sweater's length and shoes style are important, they can be persuaded to buy. The fashion industry would have you ignore your shortcomings and just make you feel beautiful and happy. In fact it is not only a phenomenon we can find in people's dressing.
Fashion controls our lives. Fashion controls what we wear, what we eat, what we drink, the way we cut our hair, the makeup We buy and use, the color of the cars we drive. Fashion even controls our ideas.
You don't believe me? How many. Of your friends are vegetarians? Why are they vegetarians? Because it is fashionable!
Where does fashion come from? Often the reasons are quite logical. Scientists and historians study the fashions of the past and discover the secrets of each fashion.
When girls see an attractive guy, their blood pressure rises and their lips become redder. That's why guys think that girls wearing lipstick are beautiful.
Why do guys shave their heads? In the past soldiers shaved their heads to kill the insects that lived in their hair. Now guys shave their heads so that they look strong and masculine, like soldiers.
People spend a lot of time and money on fashion. But are they wasting their money? Changes in fashion help to develop new technologies. Changes in style create work for people all over the world. Many people work in the fashion industry, particularly in the fashion capitals of London, New York, Paris and Milan.
And finally, fashion makes you feel good, doesn't it? When you are dressed in the latest style, dancing to the most fashionable music, after watching the latest hit film, you feel great, don't you? | 1348.txt | 1 |
[
"incredible.",
"amazing.",
"reasonable.",
"creative."
] | The author thinks what has been found about fashions by the scientists and the. historians is | Fashions change year after year so lots of people can make piles of money. If folks are convinced that they need a different look each season, that this year's sweater's length and shoes style are important, they can be persuaded to buy. The fashion industry would have you ignore your shortcomings and just make you feel beautiful and happy. In fact it is not only a phenomenon we can find in people's dressing.
Fashion controls our lives. Fashion controls what we wear, what we eat, what we drink, the way we cut our hair, the makeup We buy and use, the color of the cars we drive. Fashion even controls our ideas.
You don't believe me? How many. Of your friends are vegetarians? Why are they vegetarians? Because it is fashionable!
Where does fashion come from? Often the reasons are quite logical. Scientists and historians study the fashions of the past and discover the secrets of each fashion.
When girls see an attractive guy, their blood pressure rises and their lips become redder. That's why guys think that girls wearing lipstick are beautiful.
Why do guys shave their heads? In the past soldiers shaved their heads to kill the insects that lived in their hair. Now guys shave their heads so that they look strong and masculine, like soldiers.
People spend a lot of time and money on fashion. But are they wasting their money? Changes in fashion help to develop new technologies. Changes in style create work for people all over the world. Many people work in the fashion industry, particularly in the fashion capitals of London, New York, Paris and Milan.
And finally, fashion makes you feel good, doesn't it? When you are dressed in the latest style, dancing to the most fashionable music, after watching the latest hit film, you feel great, don't you? | 1348.txt | 2 |
[
"it can help promote technological development.",
"it enables people to remain up-to-date.",
"it can create more job opportunities for people.",
"it can make people achieve a great feeling."
] | The passage mentions the advantages of fashion EXCEPT that | Fashions change year after year so lots of people can make piles of money. If folks are convinced that they need a different look each season, that this year's sweater's length and shoes style are important, they can be persuaded to buy. The fashion industry would have you ignore your shortcomings and just make you feel beautiful and happy. In fact it is not only a phenomenon we can find in people's dressing.
Fashion controls our lives. Fashion controls what we wear, what we eat, what we drink, the way we cut our hair, the makeup We buy and use, the color of the cars we drive. Fashion even controls our ideas.
You don't believe me? How many. Of your friends are vegetarians? Why are they vegetarians? Because it is fashionable!
Where does fashion come from? Often the reasons are quite logical. Scientists and historians study the fashions of the past and discover the secrets of each fashion.
When girls see an attractive guy, their blood pressure rises and their lips become redder. That's why guys think that girls wearing lipstick are beautiful.
Why do guys shave their heads? In the past soldiers shaved their heads to kill the insects that lived in their hair. Now guys shave their heads so that they look strong and masculine, like soldiers.
People spend a lot of time and money on fashion. But are they wasting their money? Changes in fashion help to develop new technologies. Changes in style create work for people all over the world. Many people work in the fashion industry, particularly in the fashion capitals of London, New York, Paris and Milan.
And finally, fashion makes you feel good, doesn't it? When you are dressed in the latest style, dancing to the most fashionable music, after watching the latest hit film, you feel great, don't you? | 1348.txt | 1 |
[
"strong will",
"academic ability",
"full potentialities",
"confidence in school work"
] | The purpose of the SAT is to test students'. | As a professor at a large American university, there is a phrase that I hear often from students:"I'm only a 1050."The unlucky students are speaking of the score on the Seholastic Aptitude Test (SAT), which is used to determine whether they will be admitted to the college or university of their choice, or even have a chance to get a higher education at all. The SAT score, whether it is 800, 1 100 or 1550, has becomes the focus at this time of their life.
It is obvious that if students value highly their test scores, then a great amount of their self-respect is put in the number. Students who perform poorly on the exam are left feeling that it is all over. The low test score, they think, will make it impossible for them to get into a good college. And without a degree from a prestigious university, they fear that many of life's doors will remain forever closed.
According to a study done in the 1990s, the SAT is only a reliable indicator of a student's future performance in most cases. Interestingly, it becomes much more accurate when it is set together with other indicatorn--like a student's high school grades. Even if standardieed tests like the SAT could show a steudnt's academic profieiency,they will never be able to test things like confidence, efforts and willpower, and are unable to give us the full picture of a student's potentialities.This is not to suggest that we should stop using SAT scores in our college admission process. The SAT is an excellent test in many ways, and the score is still a useful means of testing students. However, it should be only one of many methods used. | 3361.txt | 1 |
[
"seores in the SAT",
"achievements in mathematic",
"job opportunities",
"money spent on education"
] | Students' self-respect is influeneed by their. | As a professor at a large American university, there is a phrase that I hear often from students:"I'm only a 1050."The unlucky students are speaking of the score on the Seholastic Aptitude Test (SAT), which is used to determine whether they will be admitted to the college or university of their choice, or even have a chance to get a higher education at all. The SAT score, whether it is 800, 1 100 or 1550, has becomes the focus at this time of their life.
It is obvious that if students value highly their test scores, then a great amount of their self-respect is put in the number. Students who perform poorly on the exam are left feeling that it is all over. The low test score, they think, will make it impossible for them to get into a good college. And without a degree from a prestigious university, they fear that many of life's doors will remain forever closed.
According to a study done in the 1990s, the SAT is only a reliable indicator of a student's future performance in most cases. Interestingly, it becomes much more accurate when it is set together with other indicatorn--like a student's high school grades. Even if standardieed tests like the SAT could show a steudnt's academic profieiency,they will never be able to test things like confidence, efforts and willpower, and are unable to give us the full picture of a student's potentialities.This is not to suggest that we should stop using SAT scores in our college admission process. The SAT is an excellent test in many ways, and the score is still a useful means of testing students. However, it should be only one of many methods used. | 3361.txt | 0 |
[
"a famous university",
"a technical universtiy",
"a traditional university",
"an expensive university"
] | "A prestigious university"is most probably | As a professor at a large American university, there is a phrase that I hear often from students:"I'm only a 1050."The unlucky students are speaking of the score on the Seholastic Aptitude Test (SAT), which is used to determine whether they will be admitted to the college or university of their choice, or even have a chance to get a higher education at all. The SAT score, whether it is 800, 1 100 or 1550, has becomes the focus at this time of their life.
It is obvious that if students value highly their test scores, then a great amount of their self-respect is put in the number. Students who perform poorly on the exam are left feeling that it is all over. The low test score, they think, will make it impossible for them to get into a good college. And without a degree from a prestigious university, they fear that many of life's doors will remain forever closed.
According to a study done in the 1990s, the SAT is only a reliable indicator of a student's future performance in most cases. Interestingly, it becomes much more accurate when it is set together with other indicatorn--like a student's high school grades. Even if standardieed tests like the SAT could show a steudnt's academic profieiency,they will never be able to test things like confidence, efforts and willpower, and are unable to give us the full picture of a student's potentialities.This is not to suggest that we should stop using SAT scores in our college admission process. The SAT is an excellent test in many ways, and the score is still a useful means of testing students. However, it should be only one of many methods used. | 3361.txt | 0 |
[
"how to prepare for the SAT",
"stress caused by the SAT",
"American higher education",
"the SAT and its effects"
] | This passage is mainly about. | As a professor at a large American university, there is a phrase that I hear often from students:"I'm only a 1050."The unlucky students are speaking of the score on the Seholastic Aptitude Test (SAT), which is used to determine whether they will be admitted to the college or university of their choice, or even have a chance to get a higher education at all. The SAT score, whether it is 800, 1 100 or 1550, has becomes the focus at this time of their life.
It is obvious that if students value highly their test scores, then a great amount of their self-respect is put in the number. Students who perform poorly on the exam are left feeling that it is all over. The low test score, they think, will make it impossible for them to get into a good college. And without a degree from a prestigious university, they fear that many of life's doors will remain forever closed.
According to a study done in the 1990s, the SAT is only a reliable indicator of a student's future performance in most cases. Interestingly, it becomes much more accurate when it is set together with other indicatorn--like a student's high school grades. Even if standardieed tests like the SAT could show a steudnt's academic profieiency,they will never be able to test things like confidence, efforts and willpower, and are unable to give us the full picture of a student's potentialities.This is not to suggest that we should stop using SAT scores in our college admission process. The SAT is an excellent test in many ways, and the score is still a useful means of testing students. However, it should be only one of many methods used. | 3361.txt | 3 |
[
"to introduce two main forms of teaching",
"to persuade you to try out new ideas",
"to stress the importance of discussion",
"to make you believe that seminar is more helpful"
] | The purpose of the passage is _ . | There are two main forms of teaching in Nottingham University: seminar (）and lecture. They are very different from the sort of teaching most often used in schools and colleges.
In seminars you will be taught with discussion focusing on a text or topic set in advance in a friendly and informal atmosphere. The purpose is to provide an opportunity to try out new ideas and to think through difficulties with fellow-learners. Students develop friendships through groups, as well as learning more about other people's ideas. You can also know your tutors as an individual rather than a face at the end of the room.
Lectures are the most formal. There may be over a hundred in the audience and the lecture will last about fifty minutes. The value of the lecture is that it can present to a large number of people information which is not readily available in books, that it can give you an opportunity to hear a specialist develop a coherent(）argument, and that it can show visual material to a wide audience.
You typical week's work will feel strange after school or college since there are fewer timetabled teaching hours. Each week in the first year you may attend about six lectures and four to six seminars or tutorials(）. For the rest of the time you are working on your own, doing the necessary reading in preparation for tutorials or writing seminar papers. When writing an essay or carrying out project work, you can often discuss with your tutor about the title and topic. | 3655.txt | 0 |
[
"to make friends through groups",
"to learn more about other people's ideas",
"to offer a chance to discuss with a specialist",
"to present to students information not found in books"
] | One of the values of the lecture is _ . | There are two main forms of teaching in Nottingham University: seminar (）and lecture. They are very different from the sort of teaching most often used in schools and colleges.
In seminars you will be taught with discussion focusing on a text or topic set in advance in a friendly and informal atmosphere. The purpose is to provide an opportunity to try out new ideas and to think through difficulties with fellow-learners. Students develop friendships through groups, as well as learning more about other people's ideas. You can also know your tutors as an individual rather than a face at the end of the room.
Lectures are the most formal. There may be over a hundred in the audience and the lecture will last about fifty minutes. The value of the lecture is that it can present to a large number of people information which is not readily available in books, that it can give you an opportunity to hear a specialist develop a coherent(）argument, and that it can show visual material to a wide audience.
You typical week's work will feel strange after school or college since there are fewer timetabled teaching hours. Each week in the first year you may attend about six lectures and four to six seminars or tutorials(）. For the rest of the time you are working on your own, doing the necessary reading in preparation for tutorials or writing seminar papers. When writing an essay or carrying out project work, you can often discuss with your tutor about the title and topic. | 3655.txt | 3 |
[
"you may have no project work after class",
"you may give lectures and seminars",
"you may have fewer timetabled teaching hours",
"you may write seminar papers with fellow-learners"
] | Your typical week's work in the university will feel strange because _ . | There are two main forms of teaching in Nottingham University: seminar (）and lecture. They are very different from the sort of teaching most often used in schools and colleges.
In seminars you will be taught with discussion focusing on a text or topic set in advance in a friendly and informal atmosphere. The purpose is to provide an opportunity to try out new ideas and to think through difficulties with fellow-learners. Students develop friendships through groups, as well as learning more about other people's ideas. You can also know your tutors as an individual rather than a face at the end of the room.
Lectures are the most formal. There may be over a hundred in the audience and the lecture will last about fifty minutes. The value of the lecture is that it can present to a large number of people information which is not readily available in books, that it can give you an opportunity to hear a specialist develop a coherent(）argument, and that it can show visual material to a wide audience.
You typical week's work will feel strange after school or college since there are fewer timetabled teaching hours. Each week in the first year you may attend about six lectures and four to six seminars or tutorials(）. For the rest of the time you are working on your own, doing the necessary reading in preparation for tutorials or writing seminar papers. When writing an essay or carrying out project work, you can often discuss with your tutor about the title and topic. | 3655.txt | 2 |
[
"scminar is better than lecture",
"lecture is better than seminar",
"seminar is more formal than lecture",
"lecture is more formal than seminar"
] | We can learn from the passage that _ . | There are two main forms of teaching in Nottingham University: seminar (）and lecture. They are very different from the sort of teaching most often used in schools and colleges.
In seminars you will be taught with discussion focusing on a text or topic set in advance in a friendly and informal atmosphere. The purpose is to provide an opportunity to try out new ideas and to think through difficulties with fellow-learners. Students develop friendships through groups, as well as learning more about other people's ideas. You can also know your tutors as an individual rather than a face at the end of the room.
Lectures are the most formal. There may be over a hundred in the audience and the lecture will last about fifty minutes. The value of the lecture is that it can present to a large number of people information which is not readily available in books, that it can give you an opportunity to hear a specialist develop a coherent(）argument, and that it can show visual material to a wide audience.
You typical week's work will feel strange after school or college since there are fewer timetabled teaching hours. Each week in the first year you may attend about six lectures and four to six seminars or tutorials(）. For the rest of the time you are working on your own, doing the necessary reading in preparation for tutorials or writing seminar papers. When writing an essay or carrying out project work, you can often discuss with your tutor about the title and topic. | 3655.txt | 3 |
[
"we think about our eyes",
"we cannot see clearly",
"we wear glasses",
"we have to do much reading"
] | We don‘t know that our eyes are of great importance until _ . | When we can see well, we do not think about oureyes very often. It is only when we cannot seeperfectly that we come to see how important oureyes are.
People who are nearsighted can only see thingsthat are very close to their eyes. Many people who doa lot of close work, such as writing, reading andsewing, become nearsighted. Then they have to wear glasses in order to see distant thingsclearly.
People who are farsighted suffer from just the opposite problem. They can seethings that are far away, but they have difficulty reading a book unless they hold it at arm‘slength. If they want to do much reading, they must get glasses too.
Other people do not see clearly because their eyes are not exactly the right shape. This, too,can be corrected by glasses. Some people‘s eyes become cloudy because of cataracts.Long ago these people often became blind. Now, however, it is possible to operate on thecataracts and remove them.
When night falls, colours become fainter to the eye and finally disappear. After your eyeshave grown used to the dark, you can see better if you use the sides of your eyes rather thanthe centers. Sometimes, after dark, you see a small thing to one side of you, which seems todisappear if you turn you head in its direction. This is because when you turn your head, youare looking at the thing too directly. Men on guard duty sometimes think they see somethingmoving to one side of them. When they turn to look straight at it, they cannot see it any more,and they believe they were mistaken. However, this mistake happens because the center of theeye, which is very sensitive in daylight, is not as sensitive as the sides of the eyesafter dark. | 2516.txt | 1 |
[
"tailor",
"doctor",
"guard",
"painter"
] | According to the passage, a _ is more likely to be nearsighted. | When we can see well, we do not think about oureyes very often. It is only when we cannot seeperfectly that we come to see how important oureyes are.
People who are nearsighted can only see thingsthat are very close to their eyes. Many people who doa lot of close work, such as writing, reading andsewing, become nearsighted. Then they have to wear glasses in order to see distant thingsclearly.
People who are farsighted suffer from just the opposite problem. They can seethings that are far away, but they have difficulty reading a book unless they hold it at arm‘slength. If they want to do much reading, they must get glasses too.
Other people do not see clearly because their eyes are not exactly the right shape. This, too,can be corrected by glasses. Some people‘s eyes become cloudy because of cataracts.Long ago these people often became blind. Now, however, it is possible to operate on thecataracts and remove them.
When night falls, colours become fainter to the eye and finally disappear. After your eyeshave grown used to the dark, you can see better if you use the sides of your eyes rather thanthe centers. Sometimes, after dark, you see a small thing to one side of you, which seems todisappear if you turn you head in its direction. This is because when you turn your head, youare looking at the thing too directly. Men on guard duty sometimes think they see somethingmoving to one side of them. When they turn to look straight at it, they cannot see it any more,and they believe they were mistaken. However, this mistake happens because the center of theeye, which is very sensitive in daylight, is not as sensitive as the sides of the eyesafter dark. | 2516.txt | 0 |
[
"will become blind",
"cannot be cured ",
"may be cured",
"must move to other places"
] | Those who suffer from cataracts _ . | When we can see well, we do not think about oureyes very often. It is only when we cannot seeperfectly that we come to see how important oureyes are.
People who are nearsighted can only see thingsthat are very close to their eyes. Many people who doa lot of close work, such as writing, reading andsewing, become nearsighted. Then they have to wear glasses in order to see distant thingsclearly.
People who are farsighted suffer from just the opposite problem. They can seethings that are far away, but they have difficulty reading a book unless they hold it at arm‘slength. If they want to do much reading, they must get glasses too.
Other people do not see clearly because their eyes are not exactly the right shape. This, too,can be corrected by glasses. Some people‘s eyes become cloudy because of cataracts.Long ago these people often became blind. Now, however, it is possible to operate on thecataracts and remove them.
When night falls, colours become fainter to the eye and finally disappear. After your eyeshave grown used to the dark, you can see better if you use the sides of your eyes rather thanthe centers. Sometimes, after dark, you see a small thing to one side of you, which seems todisappear if you turn you head in its direction. This is because when you turn your head, youare looking at the thing too directly. Men on guard duty sometimes think they see somethingmoving to one side of them. When they turn to look straight at it, they cannot see it any more,and they believe they were mistaken. However, this mistake happens because the center of theeye, which is very sensitive in daylight, is not as sensitive as the sides of the eyesafter dark. | 2516.txt | 2 |
[
"cannot do a lot of close work without glasses",
"can only see things that are very close to their eyes",
"have difficulty reading a book if they hold it at arm‘s length",
"have the same problem as the nearsighted people"
] | People who are farsighted _ . | When we can see well, we do not think about oureyes very often. It is only when we cannot seeperfectly that we come to see how important oureyes are.
People who are nearsighted can only see thingsthat are very close to their eyes. Many people who doa lot of close work, such as writing, reading andsewing, become nearsighted. Then they have to wear glasses in order to see distant thingsclearly.
People who are farsighted suffer from just the opposite problem. They can seethings that are far away, but they have difficulty reading a book unless they hold it at arm‘slength. If they want to do much reading, they must get glasses too.
Other people do not see clearly because their eyes are not exactly the right shape. This, too,can be corrected by glasses. Some people‘s eyes become cloudy because of cataracts.Long ago these people often became blind. Now, however, it is possible to operate on thecataracts and remove them.
When night falls, colours become fainter to the eye and finally disappear. After your eyeshave grown used to the dark, you can see better if you use the sides of your eyes rather thanthe centers. Sometimes, after dark, you see a small thing to one side of you, which seems todisappear if you turn you head in its direction. This is because when you turn your head, youare looking at the thing too directly. Men on guard duty sometimes think they see somethingmoving to one side of them. When they turn to look straight at it, they cannot see it any more,and they believe they were mistaken. However, this mistake happens because the center of theeye, which is very sensitive in daylight, is not as sensitive as the sides of the eyesafter dark. | 2516.txt | 0 |
[
"with wide open eyes",
"with half- shut or narrowed eyes",
"straight at it",
"in a slightly different direction"
] | to see a small thing at night, it is better to look _ . | When we can see well, we do not think about oureyes very often. It is only when we cannot seeperfectly that we come to see how important oureyes are.
People who are nearsighted can only see thingsthat are very close to their eyes. Many people who doa lot of close work, such as writing, reading andsewing, become nearsighted. Then they have to wear glasses in order to see distant thingsclearly.
People who are farsighted suffer from just the opposite problem. They can seethings that are far away, but they have difficulty reading a book unless they hold it at arm‘slength. If they want to do much reading, they must get glasses too.
Other people do not see clearly because their eyes are not exactly the right shape. This, too,can be corrected by glasses. Some people‘s eyes become cloudy because of cataracts.Long ago these people often became blind. Now, however, it is possible to operate on thecataracts and remove them.
When night falls, colours become fainter to the eye and finally disappear. After your eyeshave grown used to the dark, you can see better if you use the sides of your eyes rather thanthe centers. Sometimes, after dark, you see a small thing to one side of you, which seems todisappear if you turn you head in its direction. This is because when you turn your head, youare looking at the thing too directly. Men on guard duty sometimes think they see somethingmoving to one side of them. When they turn to look straight at it, they cannot see it any more,and they believe they were mistaken. However, this mistake happens because the center of theeye, which is very sensitive in daylight, is not as sensitive as the sides of the eyesafter dark. | 2516.txt | 3 |
[
"They may be completely solved at sometime in the future.",
"They are unimportant and easily dealt with.",
"They will not be solved until a new building material has been discovered.",
"They have been dealt with in specific detail in books describing the future."
] | What is the author's opinion of housing problems in the first paragraph? | What does the future hold for the problem of housing? A good deal depends, of course, on the meaning of " future" . If one is thinking in terms of science fiction and the space age, it is at least possible to assume that man will have solved such trivial and earthly problems as housing. Writers of science fiction, from H.G. Wells onwards, have had little to say on the subject. They have conveyed the suggestion that men will live in great comfort, with every conceivable apparatus to make life smooth, healthy and easy, if not happy. But they have not said what his house will be made of. Perhaps some new building material, as yet unimagined, will have been discovered or invented at least. One may be certain that bricks and mortar will long have gone out of fashion.
But the problems of the next generation or two can more readily be imagined. Scientists have already pointed out that unless something is done either to restrict the world's rapid growth in population or to discover and develop new sources of food (or both), millions of people will be dying of starvation or at the best suffering from underfeeding before this century is out. But nobody has yet worked out any plan for housing these growing populations. Admittedly the worst situations will occur in the hottest parts of the world, where housing can be light structure or in backward areas where standards are traditionally low. But even the minimum shelter requires materials of some kind and in the teeming, bulging towns the low-standard " housing" of flattened petrol cans and dirty canvas is far more wasteful of ground space than can be tolerated.
Since the war, Hong Kong has suffered the kind of crisis which is likely to arise in many other places during the next generation. Literally millions of refugees arrived to swell the already growing population and emergency steps had to be taken rapidly to prevent squalor )and disease and the spread crime. The city is tackling the situation energetically and enormous blocks of tenements are rising at an astonishing aped. But Hong Kong is only one small part of what will certainly become a vast problem and not merely a housing problem, because when population grows at this rate there are accompanying problems of education, transport, hospital services, drainage, water supply and so on. Not every area may give the same resources as Hong Kong to draw upon and the search for quicker and cheaper methods of construction must never cease. | 3915.txt | 0 |
[
"bricks and mortar will be replaced by some other building material.",
"a new building material will have been invented.",
"bricks and mortar will not be used by people who want their house to be fashionable.",
"a new way of using bricks and mortar will have been discovered."
] | The writer is sure that in the distant future _ . | What does the future hold for the problem of housing? A good deal depends, of course, on the meaning of " future" . If one is thinking in terms of science fiction and the space age, it is at least possible to assume that man will have solved such trivial and earthly problems as housing. Writers of science fiction, from H.G. Wells onwards, have had little to say on the subject. They have conveyed the suggestion that men will live in great comfort, with every conceivable apparatus to make life smooth, healthy and easy, if not happy. But they have not said what his house will be made of. Perhaps some new building material, as yet unimagined, will have been discovered or invented at least. One may be certain that bricks and mortar will long have gone out of fashion.
But the problems of the next generation or two can more readily be imagined. Scientists have already pointed out that unless something is done either to restrict the world's rapid growth in population or to discover and develop new sources of food (or both), millions of people will be dying of starvation or at the best suffering from underfeeding before this century is out. But nobody has yet worked out any plan for housing these growing populations. Admittedly the worst situations will occur in the hottest parts of the world, where housing can be light structure or in backward areas where standards are traditionally low. But even the minimum shelter requires materials of some kind and in the teeming, bulging towns the low-standard " housing" of flattened petrol cans and dirty canvas is far more wasteful of ground space than can be tolerated.
Since the war, Hong Kong has suffered the kind of crisis which is likely to arise in many other places during the next generation. Literally millions of refugees arrived to swell the already growing population and emergency steps had to be taken rapidly to prevent squalor )and disease and the spread crime. The city is tackling the situation energetically and enormous blocks of tenements are rising at an astonishing aped. But Hong Kong is only one small part of what will certainly become a vast problem and not merely a housing problem, because when population grows at this rate there are accompanying problems of education, transport, hospital services, drainage, water supply and so on. Not every area may give the same resources as Hong Kong to draw upon and the search for quicker and cheaper methods of construction must never cease. | 3915.txt | 0 |
[
"is difficult to foresee.",
"will be how to feed the ever growing population.",
"will be how to provide enough houses in the hottest parts of the world.",
"is the question of finding enough ground space."
] | The writer believes that the biggest problem likely to confront the world before the end of the century _ . | What does the future hold for the problem of housing? A good deal depends, of course, on the meaning of " future" . If one is thinking in terms of science fiction and the space age, it is at least possible to assume that man will have solved such trivial and earthly problems as housing. Writers of science fiction, from H.G. Wells onwards, have had little to say on the subject. They have conveyed the suggestion that men will live in great comfort, with every conceivable apparatus to make life smooth, healthy and easy, if not happy. But they have not said what his house will be made of. Perhaps some new building material, as yet unimagined, will have been discovered or invented at least. One may be certain that bricks and mortar will long have gone out of fashion.
But the problems of the next generation or two can more readily be imagined. Scientists have already pointed out that unless something is done either to restrict the world's rapid growth in population or to discover and develop new sources of food (or both), millions of people will be dying of starvation or at the best suffering from underfeeding before this century is out. But nobody has yet worked out any plan for housing these growing populations. Admittedly the worst situations will occur in the hottest parts of the world, where housing can be light structure or in backward areas where standards are traditionally low. But even the minimum shelter requires materials of some kind and in the teeming, bulging towns the low-standard " housing" of flattened petrol cans and dirty canvas is far more wasteful of ground space than can be tolerated.
Since the war, Hong Kong has suffered the kind of crisis which is likely to arise in many other places during the next generation. Literally millions of refugees arrived to swell the already growing population and emergency steps had to be taken rapidly to prevent squalor )and disease and the spread crime. The city is tackling the situation energetically and enormous blocks of tenements are rising at an astonishing aped. But Hong Kong is only one small part of what will certainly become a vast problem and not merely a housing problem, because when population grows at this rate there are accompanying problems of education, transport, hospital services, drainage, water supply and so on. Not every area may give the same resources as Hong Kong to draw upon and the search for quicker and cheaper methods of construction must never cease. | 3915.txt | 1 |
[
"standards of building are low.",
"only minimum shelter will be possible.",
"there is not enough ground space.",
"the population growth will be the greatest."
] | When the writer says that the worst situations will occur in the hottest parts of the world or in backward areas, he is referring to the fact that in these parts _ . | What does the future hold for the problem of housing? A good deal depends, of course, on the meaning of " future" . If one is thinking in terms of science fiction and the space age, it is at least possible to assume that man will have solved such trivial and earthly problems as housing. Writers of science fiction, from H.G. Wells onwards, have had little to say on the subject. They have conveyed the suggestion that men will live in great comfort, with every conceivable apparatus to make life smooth, healthy and easy, if not happy. But they have not said what his house will be made of. Perhaps some new building material, as yet unimagined, will have been discovered or invented at least. One may be certain that bricks and mortar will long have gone out of fashion.
But the problems of the next generation or two can more readily be imagined. Scientists have already pointed out that unless something is done either to restrict the world's rapid growth in population or to discover and develop new sources of food (or both), millions of people will be dying of starvation or at the best suffering from underfeeding before this century is out. But nobody has yet worked out any plan for housing these growing populations. Admittedly the worst situations will occur in the hottest parts of the world, where housing can be light structure or in backward areas where standards are traditionally low. But even the minimum shelter requires materials of some kind and in the teeming, bulging towns the low-standard " housing" of flattened petrol cans and dirty canvas is far more wasteful of ground space than can be tolerated.
Since the war, Hong Kong has suffered the kind of crisis which is likely to arise in many other places during the next generation. Literally millions of refugees arrived to swell the already growing population and emergency steps had to be taken rapidly to prevent squalor )and disease and the spread crime. The city is tackling the situation energetically and enormous blocks of tenements are rising at an astonishing aped. But Hong Kong is only one small part of what will certainly become a vast problem and not merely a housing problem, because when population grows at this rate there are accompanying problems of education, transport, hospital services, drainage, water supply and so on. Not every area may give the same resources as Hong Kong to draw upon and the search for quicker and cheaper methods of construction must never cease. | 3915.txt | 3 |
[
"Hong Kong has faced a serious crisis caused by millions of refugees.",
"Hong Kong has successfully dealt with the emergency caused by millions of refugees.",
"Hong Kong's crisis was not only a matter of housing but included a number of other problems of population growth.",
"Many parts of the world may have to face the kind of problems encountered by Hong Kong and may find it much harder to deal with them."
] | Which of the following sentences best summarizes Paragraph 3? | What does the future hold for the problem of housing? A good deal depends, of course, on the meaning of " future" . If one is thinking in terms of science fiction and the space age, it is at least possible to assume that man will have solved such trivial and earthly problems as housing. Writers of science fiction, from H.G. Wells onwards, have had little to say on the subject. They have conveyed the suggestion that men will live in great comfort, with every conceivable apparatus to make life smooth, healthy and easy, if not happy. But they have not said what his house will be made of. Perhaps some new building material, as yet unimagined, will have been discovered or invented at least. One may be certain that bricks and mortar will long have gone out of fashion.
But the problems of the next generation or two can more readily be imagined. Scientists have already pointed out that unless something is done either to restrict the world's rapid growth in population or to discover and develop new sources of food (or both), millions of people will be dying of starvation or at the best suffering from underfeeding before this century is out. But nobody has yet worked out any plan for housing these growing populations. Admittedly the worst situations will occur in the hottest parts of the world, where housing can be light structure or in backward areas where standards are traditionally low. But even the minimum shelter requires materials of some kind and in the teeming, bulging towns the low-standard " housing" of flattened petrol cans and dirty canvas is far more wasteful of ground space than can be tolerated.
Since the war, Hong Kong has suffered the kind of crisis which is likely to arise in many other places during the next generation. Literally millions of refugees arrived to swell the already growing population and emergency steps had to be taken rapidly to prevent squalor )and disease and the spread crime. The city is tackling the situation energetically and enormous blocks of tenements are rising at an astonishing aped. But Hong Kong is only one small part of what will certainly become a vast problem and not merely a housing problem, because when population grows at this rate there are accompanying problems of education, transport, hospital services, drainage, water supply and so on. Not every area may give the same resources as Hong Kong to draw upon and the search for quicker and cheaper methods of construction must never cease. | 3915.txt | 3 |
[
"it is no surprise",
"it means you have not really learned anything",
"it means you have not chosen the right book",
"you realize it is of no importance"
] | If you cannot remember what you read or study, . | It doesn't come as a surprise to you to realize that it makes no difference what you read or study if you can't remember it. You just waste your valuable time. Maybe you have already discovered some clever ways to keep yourself from forgetting.
One dependable aid that does help you remember what you study is to have a specific purpose or reason for reading. You remember better what you read when you know why you're reading.
Why does a clerk in a store go away and leave you when your reply to her offer to help is, "No, thank you. I'm just looking"? Both you and she know that if you aren't sure what you want, you are not likely to find it. But suppose you say instead, "Yes, thank you. I want a pair of sun glasses." She says, "Right this way, please." And you and she are off -- both eager to look for exactly what you want.
It's quite the same with your studying. If you chose a book at random, "just looking" for nothing in particular, you are likely to get just that -- nothing. But if you do know what you want, and if you have the right book, you are almost sure to get it. Your reasons will vary; they will include reading or studying "to find out more about", "to understand the reasons for", "to find out how". A good student has a clear purpose or reason for what he is doing.
This is the way it works. Before you start to study, you say to yourself something like this, "I want to know why Stephen Vincent Benet happened to write about America. I'm reading this article to find out." Or, "I'm going to skim this story to see what life was like in medieval England." Because you know why you are reading or studying, you relate the information to your purpose and remember it better.
Reading is not one single activity. At least two important processes go on at the same time. As you read, you take in ideas rapidly and accurately. But at the same time you express your own ideas to yourself as you react to what you read. You have a kind of mental conversation with the author. If you expressed your ideas orally, they might sound like this: "Yes, I agree. That's my opinion too." or "Ummmm, I thought that record was broken much earlier. I'd better check those dates," or "But there are some other facts to be considered!" You don't just sit there taking in ideas -- you do something else, and that something else is very important.
This additional process of thinking about what you read includes evaluating it, relating it to what you already know, and using it for your own purposes. In other words, a good reader is a critical reader. One part of critical reading, as you have discovered, is distinguishing between facts and opinions. Facts can be checked by evidence. Opinions are one's own personal reactions.
Another part of critical reading is judging sources. Still another part is drawing accurate inferences. | 1505.txt | 1 |
[
"to make sure why you are reading",
"to relate the information to your purpose",
"to remember what you read",
"to choose an interesting book"
] | Before you start reading, it is important . | It doesn't come as a surprise to you to realize that it makes no difference what you read or study if you can't remember it. You just waste your valuable time. Maybe you have already discovered some clever ways to keep yourself from forgetting.
One dependable aid that does help you remember what you study is to have a specific purpose or reason for reading. You remember better what you read when you know why you're reading.
Why does a clerk in a store go away and leave you when your reply to her offer to help is, "No, thank you. I'm just looking"? Both you and she know that if you aren't sure what you want, you are not likely to find it. But suppose you say instead, "Yes, thank you. I want a pair of sun glasses." She says, "Right this way, please." And you and she are off -- both eager to look for exactly what you want.
It's quite the same with your studying. If you chose a book at random, "just looking" for nothing in particular, you are likely to get just that -- nothing. But if you do know what you want, and if you have the right book, you are almost sure to get it. Your reasons will vary; they will include reading or studying "to find out more about", "to understand the reasons for", "to find out how". A good student has a clear purpose or reason for what he is doing.
This is the way it works. Before you start to study, you say to yourself something like this, "I want to know why Stephen Vincent Benet happened to write about America. I'm reading this article to find out." Or, "I'm going to skim this story to see what life was like in medieval England." Because you know why you are reading or studying, you relate the information to your purpose and remember it better.
Reading is not one single activity. At least two important processes go on at the same time. As you read, you take in ideas rapidly and accurately. But at the same time you express your own ideas to yourself as you react to what you read. You have a kind of mental conversation with the author. If you expressed your ideas orally, they might sound like this: "Yes, I agree. That's my opinion too." or "Ummmm, I thought that record was broken much earlier. I'd better check those dates," or "But there are some other facts to be considered!" You don't just sit there taking in ideas -- you do something else, and that something else is very important.
This additional process of thinking about what you read includes evaluating it, relating it to what you already know, and using it for your own purposes. In other words, a good reader is a critical reader. One part of critical reading, as you have discovered, is distinguishing between facts and opinions. Facts can be checked by evidence. Opinions are one's own personal reactions.
Another part of critical reading is judging sources. Still another part is drawing accurate inferences. | 1505.txt | 0 |
[
"only two simultaneous processes",
"primarily learning about ideas and evaluating them critically",
"merely distinguishing between facts and opinions",
"mainly drawing accurate inferences"
] | Reading activity involves . | It doesn't come as a surprise to you to realize that it makes no difference what you read or study if you can't remember it. You just waste your valuable time. Maybe you have already discovered some clever ways to keep yourself from forgetting.
One dependable aid that does help you remember what you study is to have a specific purpose or reason for reading. You remember better what you read when you know why you're reading.
Why does a clerk in a store go away and leave you when your reply to her offer to help is, "No, thank you. I'm just looking"? Both you and she know that if you aren't sure what you want, you are not likely to find it. But suppose you say instead, "Yes, thank you. I want a pair of sun glasses." She says, "Right this way, please." And you and she are off -- both eager to look for exactly what you want.
It's quite the same with your studying. If you chose a book at random, "just looking" for nothing in particular, you are likely to get just that -- nothing. But if you do know what you want, and if you have the right book, you are almost sure to get it. Your reasons will vary; they will include reading or studying "to find out more about", "to understand the reasons for", "to find out how". A good student has a clear purpose or reason for what he is doing.
This is the way it works. Before you start to study, you say to yourself something like this, "I want to know why Stephen Vincent Benet happened to write about America. I'm reading this article to find out." Or, "I'm going to skim this story to see what life was like in medieval England." Because you know why you are reading or studying, you relate the information to your purpose and remember it better.
Reading is not one single activity. At least two important processes go on at the same time. As you read, you take in ideas rapidly and accurately. But at the same time you express your own ideas to yourself as you react to what you read. You have a kind of mental conversation with the author. If you expressed your ideas orally, they might sound like this: "Yes, I agree. That's my opinion too." or "Ummmm, I thought that record was broken much earlier. I'd better check those dates," or "But there are some other facts to be considered!" You don't just sit there taking in ideas -- you do something else, and that something else is very important.
This additional process of thinking about what you read includes evaluating it, relating it to what you already know, and using it for your own purposes. In other words, a good reader is a critical reader. One part of critical reading, as you have discovered, is distinguishing between facts and opinions. Facts can be checked by evidence. Opinions are one's own personal reactions.
Another part of critical reading is judging sources. Still another part is drawing accurate inferences. | 1505.txt | 1 |
[
"relates what he reads to his own knowledge about the subject matter",
"does lots of thinking in his reading",
"takes a critical attitude in his reading",
"is able to check the facts presented against what he has already known"
] | A good reader is one who . | It doesn't come as a surprise to you to realize that it makes no difference what you read or study if you can't remember it. You just waste your valuable time. Maybe you have already discovered some clever ways to keep yourself from forgetting.
One dependable aid that does help you remember what you study is to have a specific purpose or reason for reading. You remember better what you read when you know why you're reading.
Why does a clerk in a store go away and leave you when your reply to her offer to help is, "No, thank you. I'm just looking"? Both you and she know that if you aren't sure what you want, you are not likely to find it. But suppose you say instead, "Yes, thank you. I want a pair of sun glasses." She says, "Right this way, please." And you and she are off -- both eager to look for exactly what you want.
It's quite the same with your studying. If you chose a book at random, "just looking" for nothing in particular, you are likely to get just that -- nothing. But if you do know what you want, and if you have the right book, you are almost sure to get it. Your reasons will vary; they will include reading or studying "to find out more about", "to understand the reasons for", "to find out how". A good student has a clear purpose or reason for what he is doing.
This is the way it works. Before you start to study, you say to yourself something like this, "I want to know why Stephen Vincent Benet happened to write about America. I'm reading this article to find out." Or, "I'm going to skim this story to see what life was like in medieval England." Because you know why you are reading or studying, you relate the information to your purpose and remember it better.
Reading is not one single activity. At least two important processes go on at the same time. As you read, you take in ideas rapidly and accurately. But at the same time you express your own ideas to yourself as you react to what you read. You have a kind of mental conversation with the author. If you expressed your ideas orally, they might sound like this: "Yes, I agree. That's my opinion too." or "Ummmm, I thought that record was broken much earlier. I'd better check those dates," or "But there are some other facts to be considered!" You don't just sit there taking in ideas -- you do something else, and that something else is very important.
This additional process of thinking about what you read includes evaluating it, relating it to what you already know, and using it for your own purposes. In other words, a good reader is a critical reader. One part of critical reading, as you have discovered, is distinguishing between facts and opinions. Facts can be checked by evidence. Opinions are one's own personal reactions.
Another part of critical reading is judging sources. Still another part is drawing accurate inferences. | 1505.txt | 2 |
[
"the white kid is more innocent than the minority kid",
"the white kid has got a lot of help than the minority kid",
"the white kid and minority kid have been treated differently",
"the minority kid should be set free at once"
] | From the first paragraph we learn that _ . | A white kid sells a bag of cocaine at his suburban high school. A Latino kid does the same in his inner-city neighborhood. Both get caught. Both are first-time offenders. The white kid walks into juvenile court with his parents, his priest, a good lawyer and medical coverage. The Latino kid walks into court with his mom, no legal resources and no insurance. The judge lets the white kid go with his family; he's placed in a private treatment program. The minority kid has no such option. He's detained.
There, in a nutshell, is what happens more and more often in the juvenile-court system. Minority youths arrested on violent felony charges in California are more than twice as likely as their white counterparts to be transferred out of the juvenile-justice system and tried as adults, according to a study released last week by the Justice Policy Institute, a research center in San Francisco. Once they are in adult courts, young black offenders are 18 times more likely to be jailed and Hispanics seven times more likely than are young white offenders. " Discrimination against kids of color accumulates at every stage of the justice system and skyrockets when juveniles are, tried as adults," says Dan Macallair, a co-author of the new study. " California has a double standard: throw kids of color behind bars, but rehabilitate white kids who commit comparable crimes."
Even as juvenile crime has declined from its peak in the early 1990s, headline grabbing violence by minors has intensified a get-tough attitude. Over the past six years, 43 states have passed laws that make it easier to try juveniles as adults. In Texas and Connecticut in 1996, the latest year for which figures are available, all the juveniles in jails were minorities. Vincent Schiraldi, the Justice Policy Institute's director, concedes that" some kids need to be tried as adults. But most can be rehabilitated."
Instead, adult prisons tend to brutalize juveniles. They are eight times more likely to commit suicide and five times more likely to be sexually abused than offenders held in juvenile detention. " Once they get out, they tend to commit more crimes and more violent crimes," says Jenni Gainsborough, a spokeswoman for the Sentencing Project, a reform group in Washington. The system, in essence, is training career criminals. And it's doing its worst work among minorities. | 532.txt | 2 |
[
"Kids shouldn't be tried as adults.",
"Discrimination exists in the justice system.",
"Minority kids are likely to commit crimes.",
"States shouldn't pass the laws."
] | According to the passage, which of the following is TRUE? | A white kid sells a bag of cocaine at his suburban high school. A Latino kid does the same in his inner-city neighborhood. Both get caught. Both are first-time offenders. The white kid walks into juvenile court with his parents, his priest, a good lawyer and medical coverage. The Latino kid walks into court with his mom, no legal resources and no insurance. The judge lets the white kid go with his family; he's placed in a private treatment program. The minority kid has no such option. He's detained.
There, in a nutshell, is what happens more and more often in the juvenile-court system. Minority youths arrested on violent felony charges in California are more than twice as likely as their white counterparts to be transferred out of the juvenile-justice system and tried as adults, according to a study released last week by the Justice Policy Institute, a research center in San Francisco. Once they are in adult courts, young black offenders are 18 times more likely to be jailed and Hispanics seven times more likely than are young white offenders. " Discrimination against kids of color accumulates at every stage of the justice system and skyrockets when juveniles are, tried as adults," says Dan Macallair, a co-author of the new study. " California has a double standard: throw kids of color behind bars, but rehabilitate white kids who commit comparable crimes."
Even as juvenile crime has declined from its peak in the early 1990s, headline grabbing violence by minors has intensified a get-tough attitude. Over the past six years, 43 states have passed laws that make it easier to try juveniles as adults. In Texas and Connecticut in 1996, the latest year for which figures are available, all the juveniles in jails were minorities. Vincent Schiraldi, the Justice Policy Institute's director, concedes that" some kids need to be tried as adults. But most can be rehabilitated."
Instead, adult prisons tend to brutalize juveniles. They are eight times more likely to commit suicide and five times more likely to be sexually abused than offenders held in juvenile detention. " Once they get out, they tend to commit more crimes and more violent crimes," says Jenni Gainsborough, a spokeswoman for the Sentencing Project, a reform group in Washington. The system, in essence, is training career criminals. And it's doing its worst work among minorities. | 532.txt | 1 |
[
"rising sharply",
"widening suddenly",
"spreading widely",
"expanding quickly"
] | The word" skyrocket" （Line 7, Paragraph 2）means _ . | A white kid sells a bag of cocaine at his suburban high school. A Latino kid does the same in his inner-city neighborhood. Both get caught. Both are first-time offenders. The white kid walks into juvenile court with his parents, his priest, a good lawyer and medical coverage. The Latino kid walks into court with his mom, no legal resources and no insurance. The judge lets the white kid go with his family; he's placed in a private treatment program. The minority kid has no such option. He's detained.
There, in a nutshell, is what happens more and more often in the juvenile-court system. Minority youths arrested on violent felony charges in California are more than twice as likely as their white counterparts to be transferred out of the juvenile-justice system and tried as adults, according to a study released last week by the Justice Policy Institute, a research center in San Francisco. Once they are in adult courts, young black offenders are 18 times more likely to be jailed and Hispanics seven times more likely than are young white offenders. " Discrimination against kids of color accumulates at every stage of the justice system and skyrockets when juveniles are, tried as adults," says Dan Macallair, a co-author of the new study. " California has a double standard: throw kids of color behind bars, but rehabilitate white kids who commit comparable crimes."
Even as juvenile crime has declined from its peak in the early 1990s, headline grabbing violence by minors has intensified a get-tough attitude. Over the past six years, 43 states have passed laws that make it easier to try juveniles as adults. In Texas and Connecticut in 1996, the latest year for which figures are available, all the juveniles in jails were minorities. Vincent Schiraldi, the Justice Policy Institute's director, concedes that" some kids need to be tried as adults. But most can be rehabilitated."
Instead, adult prisons tend to brutalize juveniles. They are eight times more likely to commit suicide and five times more likely to be sexually abused than offenders held in juvenile detention. " Once they get out, they tend to commit more crimes and more violent crimes," says Jenni Gainsborough, a spokeswoman for the Sentencing Project, a reform group in Washington. The system, in essence, is training career criminals. And it's doing its worst work among minorities. | 532.txt | 0 |
[
"something seems to be wrong with the justice system",
"adult prisons have bad influence on the juveniles",
"juveniles in adult prison are ill-treated",
"the career criminals are trained by the system"
] | It can be inferred from the last paragraph that _ . | A white kid sells a bag of cocaine at his suburban high school. A Latino kid does the same in his inner-city neighborhood. Both get caught. Both are first-time offenders. The white kid walks into juvenile court with his parents, his priest, a good lawyer and medical coverage. The Latino kid walks into court with his mom, no legal resources and no insurance. The judge lets the white kid go with his family; he's placed in a private treatment program. The minority kid has no such option. He's detained.
There, in a nutshell, is what happens more and more often in the juvenile-court system. Minority youths arrested on violent felony charges in California are more than twice as likely as their white counterparts to be transferred out of the juvenile-justice system and tried as adults, according to a study released last week by the Justice Policy Institute, a research center in San Francisco. Once they are in adult courts, young black offenders are 18 times more likely to be jailed and Hispanics seven times more likely than are young white offenders. " Discrimination against kids of color accumulates at every stage of the justice system and skyrockets when juveniles are, tried as adults," says Dan Macallair, a co-author of the new study. " California has a double standard: throw kids of color behind bars, but rehabilitate white kids who commit comparable crimes."
Even as juvenile crime has declined from its peak in the early 1990s, headline grabbing violence by minors has intensified a get-tough attitude. Over the past six years, 43 states have passed laws that make it easier to try juveniles as adults. In Texas and Connecticut in 1996, the latest year for which figures are available, all the juveniles in jails were minorities. Vincent Schiraldi, the Justice Policy Institute's director, concedes that" some kids need to be tried as adults. But most can be rehabilitated."
Instead, adult prisons tend to brutalize juveniles. They are eight times more likely to commit suicide and five times more likely to be sexually abused than offenders held in juvenile detention. " Once they get out, they tend to commit more crimes and more violent crimes," says Jenni Gainsborough, a spokeswoman for the Sentencing Project, a reform group in Washington. The system, in essence, is training career criminals. And it's doing its worst work among minorities. | 532.txt | 0 |
[
"amazed at",
"puzzled by",
"disappointed at",
"critical of"
] | The passage shows that the author is _ the present situation. | A white kid sells a bag of cocaine at his suburban high school. A Latino kid does the same in his inner-city neighborhood. Both get caught. Both are first-time offenders. The white kid walks into juvenile court with his parents, his priest, a good lawyer and medical coverage. The Latino kid walks into court with his mom, no legal resources and no insurance. The judge lets the white kid go with his family; he's placed in a private treatment program. The minority kid has no such option. He's detained.
There, in a nutshell, is what happens more and more often in the juvenile-court system. Minority youths arrested on violent felony charges in California are more than twice as likely as their white counterparts to be transferred out of the juvenile-justice system and tried as adults, according to a study released last week by the Justice Policy Institute, a research center in San Francisco. Once they are in adult courts, young black offenders are 18 times more likely to be jailed and Hispanics seven times more likely than are young white offenders. " Discrimination against kids of color accumulates at every stage of the justice system and skyrockets when juveniles are, tried as adults," says Dan Macallair, a co-author of the new study. " California has a double standard: throw kids of color behind bars, but rehabilitate white kids who commit comparable crimes."
Even as juvenile crime has declined from its peak in the early 1990s, headline grabbing violence by minors has intensified a get-tough attitude. Over the past six years, 43 states have passed laws that make it easier to try juveniles as adults. In Texas and Connecticut in 1996, the latest year for which figures are available, all the juveniles in jails were minorities. Vincent Schiraldi, the Justice Policy Institute's director, concedes that" some kids need to be tried as adults. But most can be rehabilitated."
Instead, adult prisons tend to brutalize juveniles. They are eight times more likely to commit suicide and five times more likely to be sexually abused than offenders held in juvenile detention. " Once they get out, they tend to commit more crimes and more violent crimes," says Jenni Gainsborough, a spokeswoman for the Sentencing Project, a reform group in Washington. The system, in essence, is training career criminals. And it's doing its worst work among minorities. | 532.txt | 3 |
[
"a decrease in donation rates.",
"inefficient governmental policy.",
"illegal trade in human organs.",
"news media's indifference."
] | What has caused the chronic organ shortage? | BBC ‘s Casualty programme on Saturday evening gave viewers a vote as to which of two patients should benefit from a donation. But it failed to tell us that we would not need to make so many life-and-death decisions if we got to grip with the chronic organ shortage. Being pussyfooting around in its approach to dead bodies, the Government is giving a kicking to some of the most vulnerable in our society. One depressing consequence of this is that a significant number of those on the waiting list take off to foreign countries to purchase an organ from a living third-world donor, something that is forbidden in the United Kingdom. The poor have no option but to wait in vain.
The Human Tissue Authority's position on the retention of body parts for medical research after a post-mortem examination is equally flawed. The new consent forms could have been drafted by some evil person seeking to stop the precious flow of human tissue into the pathological laboratory. The forms are so lengthy that doctors rarely have time to complete them and, even if they try, the wording is so graphic that relatives tend to leg it before signing. In consequence, the number of post mortems has fallen quickly.
The wider worry is that the moral shortsightedness evident in the Human Tissue Act seems to infect every facet of the contemporary debate on medical ethics. Take the timid approach to embryonic stem cell research. The United States, for example, refuses government funding to scientists who wish to carry out potentially ground-breaking research on the surplus embryos created by IVF treatment.
Senators profess to be worried that embryonic research fails to respect the dignity of "potential persons". Rarely can such a vacuous concept have found its way into a debate claming to provide enlightenment. When is this "potential" supposed to kick in? In case you were wondering, these supposedly precious embryos are at the same stage of development as those that are routinely terminated by the Pill without anyone crying. Thankfully, the British Government has refused the position of the United States and operates one of the most liberal regimes in Europe, in which licences have been awarded to researchers to create embryos for medical research. It is possible that, in years to come, scientists will be able to grow organs in the lab and find cures for a range of debilitating diseases.
The fundamental problem with our approach to ethics is our inability to separate emotion from policy. The only factor that should enter our moral and legal deliberations is that of welfare, a concept that is meaningless when applied to entities that lack self-consciousness. Never forget that the research that we are so reluctant to conduct upon embryos and dead bodies is routinely carried out on living, pain-sensitive animals. | 1066.txt | 1 |
[
"unfair",
"hesitant",
"secret",
"strict"
] | The expression "pussyfooting around" (Line 3, Paragraph 1) might mean _ . | BBC ‘s Casualty programme on Saturday evening gave viewers a vote as to which of two patients should benefit from a donation. But it failed to tell us that we would not need to make so many life-and-death decisions if we got to grip with the chronic organ shortage. Being pussyfooting around in its approach to dead bodies, the Government is giving a kicking to some of the most vulnerable in our society. One depressing consequence of this is that a significant number of those on the waiting list take off to foreign countries to purchase an organ from a living third-world donor, something that is forbidden in the United Kingdom. The poor have no option but to wait in vain.
The Human Tissue Authority's position on the retention of body parts for medical research after a post-mortem examination is equally flawed. The new consent forms could have been drafted by some evil person seeking to stop the precious flow of human tissue into the pathological laboratory. The forms are so lengthy that doctors rarely have time to complete them and, even if they try, the wording is so graphic that relatives tend to leg it before signing. In consequence, the number of post mortems has fallen quickly.
The wider worry is that the moral shortsightedness evident in the Human Tissue Act seems to infect every facet of the contemporary debate on medical ethics. Take the timid approach to embryonic stem cell research. The United States, for example, refuses government funding to scientists who wish to carry out potentially ground-breaking research on the surplus embryos created by IVF treatment.
Senators profess to be worried that embryonic research fails to respect the dignity of "potential persons". Rarely can such a vacuous concept have found its way into a debate claming to provide enlightenment. When is this "potential" supposed to kick in? In case you were wondering, these supposedly precious embryos are at the same stage of development as those that are routinely terminated by the Pill without anyone crying. Thankfully, the British Government has refused the position of the United States and operates one of the most liberal regimes in Europe, in which licences have been awarded to researchers to create embryos for medical research. It is possible that, in years to come, scientists will be able to grow organs in the lab and find cures for a range of debilitating diseases.
The fundamental problem with our approach to ethics is our inability to separate emotion from policy. The only factor that should enter our moral and legal deliberations is that of welfare, a concept that is meaningless when applied to entities that lack self-consciousness. Never forget that the research that we are so reluctant to conduct upon embryos and dead bodies is routinely carried out on living, pain-sensitive animals. | 1066.txt | 1 |
[
"the government has stopped the experiment on human tissue",
"the donation consent forms are difficult to understand",
"the Human Tissues Act is an obstacle to important medical research",
"embryonic research shows disregard for human life"
] | The moral shortsightedness is revealed in the fact that _ . | BBC ‘s Casualty programme on Saturday evening gave viewers a vote as to which of two patients should benefit from a donation. But it failed to tell us that we would not need to make so many life-and-death decisions if we got to grip with the chronic organ shortage. Being pussyfooting around in its approach to dead bodies, the Government is giving a kicking to some of the most vulnerable in our society. One depressing consequence of this is that a significant number of those on the waiting list take off to foreign countries to purchase an organ from a living third-world donor, something that is forbidden in the United Kingdom. The poor have no option but to wait in vain.
The Human Tissue Authority's position on the retention of body parts for medical research after a post-mortem examination is equally flawed. The new consent forms could have been drafted by some evil person seeking to stop the precious flow of human tissue into the pathological laboratory. The forms are so lengthy that doctors rarely have time to complete them and, even if they try, the wording is so graphic that relatives tend to leg it before signing. In consequence, the number of post mortems has fallen quickly.
The wider worry is that the moral shortsightedness evident in the Human Tissue Act seems to infect every facet of the contemporary debate on medical ethics. Take the timid approach to embryonic stem cell research. The United States, for example, refuses government funding to scientists who wish to carry out potentially ground-breaking research on the surplus embryos created by IVF treatment.
Senators profess to be worried that embryonic research fails to respect the dignity of "potential persons". Rarely can such a vacuous concept have found its way into a debate claming to provide enlightenment. When is this "potential" supposed to kick in? In case you were wondering, these supposedly precious embryos are at the same stage of development as those that are routinely terminated by the Pill without anyone crying. Thankfully, the British Government has refused the position of the United States and operates one of the most liberal regimes in Europe, in which licences have been awarded to researchers to create embryos for medical research. It is possible that, in years to come, scientists will be able to grow organs in the lab and find cures for a range of debilitating diseases.
The fundamental problem with our approach to ethics is our inability to separate emotion from policy. The only factor that should enter our moral and legal deliberations is that of welfare, a concept that is meaningless when applied to entities that lack self-consciousness. Never forget that the research that we are so reluctant to conduct upon embryos and dead bodies is routinely carried out on living, pain-sensitive animals. | 1066.txt | 2 |
[
"the rich and the poor are equal in the face of death.",
"more scientists are needed for the medical advancement.",
"there is a double standard in medical ethics.",
"the dead deserve the same attention as the living."
] | To which of the following is the author most likely to agree? | BBC ‘s Casualty programme on Saturday evening gave viewers a vote as to which of two patients should benefit from a donation. But it failed to tell us that we would not need to make so many life-and-death decisions if we got to grip with the chronic organ shortage. Being pussyfooting around in its approach to dead bodies, the Government is giving a kicking to some of the most vulnerable in our society. One depressing consequence of this is that a significant number of those on the waiting list take off to foreign countries to purchase an organ from a living third-world donor, something that is forbidden in the United Kingdom. The poor have no option but to wait in vain.
The Human Tissue Authority's position on the retention of body parts for medical research after a post-mortem examination is equally flawed. The new consent forms could have been drafted by some evil person seeking to stop the precious flow of human tissue into the pathological laboratory. The forms are so lengthy that doctors rarely have time to complete them and, even if they try, the wording is so graphic that relatives tend to leg it before signing. In consequence, the number of post mortems has fallen quickly.
The wider worry is that the moral shortsightedness evident in the Human Tissue Act seems to infect every facet of the contemporary debate on medical ethics. Take the timid approach to embryonic stem cell research. The United States, for example, refuses government funding to scientists who wish to carry out potentially ground-breaking research on the surplus embryos created by IVF treatment.
Senators profess to be worried that embryonic research fails to respect the dignity of "potential persons". Rarely can such a vacuous concept have found its way into a debate claming to provide enlightenment. When is this "potential" supposed to kick in? In case you were wondering, these supposedly precious embryos are at the same stage of development as those that are routinely terminated by the Pill without anyone crying. Thankfully, the British Government has refused the position of the United States and operates one of the most liberal regimes in Europe, in which licences have been awarded to researchers to create embryos for medical research. It is possible that, in years to come, scientists will be able to grow organs in the lab and find cures for a range of debilitating diseases.
The fundamental problem with our approach to ethics is our inability to separate emotion from policy. The only factor that should enter our moral and legal deliberations is that of welfare, a concept that is meaningless when applied to entities that lack self-consciousness. Never forget that the research that we are so reluctant to conduct upon embryos and dead bodies is routinely carried out on living, pain-sensitive animals. | 1066.txt | 2 |
[
"the media",
"doctors",
"U. S. Legislators",
"the British government"
] | The author is most critical of _ . | BBC ‘s Casualty programme on Saturday evening gave viewers a vote as to which of two patients should benefit from a donation. But it failed to tell us that we would not need to make so many life-and-death decisions if we got to grip with the chronic organ shortage. Being pussyfooting around in its approach to dead bodies, the Government is giving a kicking to some of the most vulnerable in our society. One depressing consequence of this is that a significant number of those on the waiting list take off to foreign countries to purchase an organ from a living third-world donor, something that is forbidden in the United Kingdom. The poor have no option but to wait in vain.
The Human Tissue Authority's position on the retention of body parts for medical research after a post-mortem examination is equally flawed. The new consent forms could have been drafted by some evil person seeking to stop the precious flow of human tissue into the pathological laboratory. The forms are so lengthy that doctors rarely have time to complete them and, even if they try, the wording is so graphic that relatives tend to leg it before signing. In consequence, the number of post mortems has fallen quickly.
The wider worry is that the moral shortsightedness evident in the Human Tissue Act seems to infect every facet of the contemporary debate on medical ethics. Take the timid approach to embryonic stem cell research. The United States, for example, refuses government funding to scientists who wish to carry out potentially ground-breaking research on the surplus embryos created by IVF treatment.
Senators profess to be worried that embryonic research fails to respect the dignity of "potential persons". Rarely can such a vacuous concept have found its way into a debate claming to provide enlightenment. When is this "potential" supposed to kick in? In case you were wondering, these supposedly precious embryos are at the same stage of development as those that are routinely terminated by the Pill without anyone crying. Thankfully, the British Government has refused the position of the United States and operates one of the most liberal regimes in Europe, in which licences have been awarded to researchers to create embryos for medical research. It is possible that, in years to come, scientists will be able to grow organs in the lab and find cures for a range of debilitating diseases.
The fundamental problem with our approach to ethics is our inability to separate emotion from policy. The only factor that should enter our moral and legal deliberations is that of welfare, a concept that is meaningless when applied to entities that lack self-consciousness. Never forget that the research that we are so reluctant to conduct upon embryos and dead bodies is routinely carried out on living, pain-sensitive animals. | 1066.txt | 2 |
[
"The sunshine is not terribly strong.",
"It is not good time to develop advertising.",
"There is no need to worry about economy now.",
"The real economic recovery has yet to take place."
] | What does the author mean by "it is not necessarily time to reach for the sun glasses" (Para.1)? | When Rupert Murdoch sees beams of light in the American advertising market, it is not necessarily time to reach for the sunglasses. Last October, when the impact of September 11th was only beginning to tell, the boss of NewsCorp, a media group, had already identified "strong rays of sunshine". With ad sales still languishing, Mr. Murdoch declared last month that "there are some hints of a modest upswing in the U.S. advertising markets." His early optimism turned out to be misplaced. Now, however, other industry observers are beginning to agree with him.
Advertising usually exaggerates the economic cycle: falling sharply and early in a downturn, and rebounding strongly once the economy has begun to recover. This is because most managers prefer to trim their ad budgets rather than their payrolls, and restore such spending only once they feel sure that things are looking up. Last year, America's ad market shrank by 9.8%, according to CMR, a research firm. Although ad spending has not yet recovered across all media, some analysts now expect overall ad spending to start to grow in the third quarter.
The signs of improvement are patchy, however. Ad spending on radio and television seems to be inching up-advertising on American national radio was up 2% in January on the same period last year, according to Aegis-while spending on magazines and newspapers is still weak. Even within any one market, there are huge differences; just pick up a copy of one of the now-slimline high-tech magazines that once bulged with ads, and compare it with the hefty celebrity or women's titles. Advertisers in some categories, such as the travel industry, are still reluctant to buy space or airtime, while others, such as the car and movie businesses, have been bolder. The winter Olympics, held last month in Salt Lake City, has also distorted the spending on broadcast advertising in the first quarter.
Nonetheless, there is an underlying pattern. One measure is the booking of ad spots for national brands on local television. By early March, according to Mr. Westerfield's analysis, such bookings were growing fast across eight out of the top ten advertising sectors, led by the financial and motor industries. UBS Warburg now expects the "upfront" market, which starts in May when advertisers book advance ad spots on the TV networks for the new season in September, to be up 4% on last year. On some estimates, even online advertising could pick up by the end of the year.[419 words] | 204.txt | 3 |
[
"exaggerating the situation",
"being too cautious",
"underestimating the development",
"probably describing the reality"
] | Mr. Murdoch's early market estimation seems to be _ . | When Rupert Murdoch sees beams of light in the American advertising market, it is not necessarily time to reach for the sunglasses. Last October, when the impact of September 11th was only beginning to tell, the boss of NewsCorp, a media group, had already identified "strong rays of sunshine". With ad sales still languishing, Mr. Murdoch declared last month that "there are some hints of a modest upswing in the U.S. advertising markets." His early optimism turned out to be misplaced. Now, however, other industry observers are beginning to agree with him.
Advertising usually exaggerates the economic cycle: falling sharply and early in a downturn, and rebounding strongly once the economy has begun to recover. This is because most managers prefer to trim their ad budgets rather than their payrolls, and restore such spending only once they feel sure that things are looking up. Last year, America's ad market shrank by 9.8%, according to CMR, a research firm. Although ad spending has not yet recovered across all media, some analysts now expect overall ad spending to start to grow in the third quarter.
The signs of improvement are patchy, however. Ad spending on radio and television seems to be inching up-advertising on American national radio was up 2% in January on the same period last year, according to Aegis-while spending on magazines and newspapers is still weak. Even within any one market, there are huge differences; just pick up a copy of one of the now-slimline high-tech magazines that once bulged with ads, and compare it with the hefty celebrity or women's titles. Advertisers in some categories, such as the travel industry, are still reluctant to buy space or airtime, while others, such as the car and movie businesses, have been bolder. The winter Olympics, held last month in Salt Lake City, has also distorted the spending on broadcast advertising in the first quarter.
Nonetheless, there is an underlying pattern. One measure is the booking of ad spots for national brands on local television. By early March, according to Mr. Westerfield's analysis, such bookings were growing fast across eight out of the top ten advertising sectors, led by the financial and motor industries. UBS Warburg now expects the "upfront" market, which starts in May when advertisers book advance ad spots on the TV networks for the new season in September, to be up 4% on last year. On some estimates, even online advertising could pick up by the end of the year.[419 words] | 204.txt | 3 |
[
"Advertising is a sensitive marker of economic change.",
"Managers will first cut salary during economic downturn.",
"CMR was wrong about last year's U.S. ad market.",
"Advertising spending has started overal growing."
] | Which of the following is true according to the text? | When Rupert Murdoch sees beams of light in the American advertising market, it is not necessarily time to reach for the sunglasses. Last October, when the impact of September 11th was only beginning to tell, the boss of NewsCorp, a media group, had already identified "strong rays of sunshine". With ad sales still languishing, Mr. Murdoch declared last month that "there are some hints of a modest upswing in the U.S. advertising markets." His early optimism turned out to be misplaced. Now, however, other industry observers are beginning to agree with him.
Advertising usually exaggerates the economic cycle: falling sharply and early in a downturn, and rebounding strongly once the economy has begun to recover. This is because most managers prefer to trim their ad budgets rather than their payrolls, and restore such spending only once they feel sure that things are looking up. Last year, America's ad market shrank by 9.8%, according to CMR, a research firm. Although ad spending has not yet recovered across all media, some analysts now expect overall ad spending to start to grow in the third quarter.
The signs of improvement are patchy, however. Ad spending on radio and television seems to be inching up-advertising on American national radio was up 2% in January on the same period last year, according to Aegis-while spending on magazines and newspapers is still weak. Even within any one market, there are huge differences; just pick up a copy of one of the now-slimline high-tech magazines that once bulged with ads, and compare it with the hefty celebrity or women's titles. Advertisers in some categories, such as the travel industry, are still reluctant to buy space or airtime, while others, such as the car and movie businesses, have been bolder. The winter Olympics, held last month in Salt Lake City, has also distorted the spending on broadcast advertising in the first quarter.
Nonetheless, there is an underlying pattern. One measure is the booking of ad spots for national brands on local television. By early March, according to Mr. Westerfield's analysis, such bookings were growing fast across eight out of the top ten advertising sectors, led by the financial and motor industries. UBS Warburg now expects the "upfront" market, which starts in May when advertisers book advance ad spots on the TV networks for the new season in September, to be up 4% on last year. On some estimates, even online advertising could pick up by the end of the year.[419 words] | 204.txt | 0 |
[
"high-tech magazines and sports industry",
"celebrity magazines and travel industry",
"women's magazines and car industry",
"movie industry and high-tech magazines"
] | Signs of improvement are visible in the advertising of _ . | When Rupert Murdoch sees beams of light in the American advertising market, it is not necessarily time to reach for the sunglasses. Last October, when the impact of September 11th was only beginning to tell, the boss of NewsCorp, a media group, had already identified "strong rays of sunshine". With ad sales still languishing, Mr. Murdoch declared last month that "there are some hints of a modest upswing in the U.S. advertising markets." His early optimism turned out to be misplaced. Now, however, other industry observers are beginning to agree with him.
Advertising usually exaggerates the economic cycle: falling sharply and early in a downturn, and rebounding strongly once the economy has begun to recover. This is because most managers prefer to trim their ad budgets rather than their payrolls, and restore such spending only once they feel sure that things are looking up. Last year, America's ad market shrank by 9.8%, according to CMR, a research firm. Although ad spending has not yet recovered across all media, some analysts now expect overall ad spending to start to grow in the third quarter.
The signs of improvement are patchy, however. Ad spending on radio and television seems to be inching up-advertising on American national radio was up 2% in January on the same period last year, according to Aegis-while spending on magazines and newspapers is still weak. Even within any one market, there are huge differences; just pick up a copy of one of the now-slimline high-tech magazines that once bulged with ads, and compare it with the hefty celebrity or women's titles. Advertisers in some categories, such as the travel industry, are still reluctant to buy space or airtime, while others, such as the car and movie businesses, have been bolder. The winter Olympics, held last month in Salt Lake City, has also distorted the spending on broadcast advertising in the first quarter.
Nonetheless, there is an underlying pattern. One measure is the booking of ad spots for national brands on local television. By early March, according to Mr. Westerfield's analysis, such bookings were growing fast across eight out of the top ten advertising sectors, led by the financial and motor industries. UBS Warburg now expects the "upfront" market, which starts in May when advertisers book advance ad spots on the TV networks for the new season in September, to be up 4% on last year. On some estimates, even online advertising could pick up by the end of the year.[419 words] | 204.txt | 2 |
[
"Recovery will be slow but sure.",
"There will be a big jump.",
"Patchy improvement will occur.",
"The situation will remain pessimistic."
] | What is the author's view of the prospect of U.S. advertising market? | When Rupert Murdoch sees beams of light in the American advertising market, it is not necessarily time to reach for the sunglasses. Last October, when the impact of September 11th was only beginning to tell, the boss of NewsCorp, a media group, had already identified "strong rays of sunshine". With ad sales still languishing, Mr. Murdoch declared last month that "there are some hints of a modest upswing in the U.S. advertising markets." His early optimism turned out to be misplaced. Now, however, other industry observers are beginning to agree with him.
Advertising usually exaggerates the economic cycle: falling sharply and early in a downturn, and rebounding strongly once the economy has begun to recover. This is because most managers prefer to trim their ad budgets rather than their payrolls, and restore such spending only once they feel sure that things are looking up. Last year, America's ad market shrank by 9.8%, according to CMR, a research firm. Although ad spending has not yet recovered across all media, some analysts now expect overall ad spending to start to grow in the third quarter.
The signs of improvement are patchy, however. Ad spending on radio and television seems to be inching up-advertising on American national radio was up 2% in January on the same period last year, according to Aegis-while spending on magazines and newspapers is still weak. Even within any one market, there are huge differences; just pick up a copy of one of the now-slimline high-tech magazines that once bulged with ads, and compare it with the hefty celebrity or women's titles. Advertisers in some categories, such as the travel industry, are still reluctant to buy space or airtime, while others, such as the car and movie businesses, have been bolder. The winter Olympics, held last month in Salt Lake City, has also distorted the spending on broadcast advertising in the first quarter.
Nonetheless, there is an underlying pattern. One measure is the booking of ad spots for national brands on local television. By early March, according to Mr. Westerfield's analysis, such bookings were growing fast across eight out of the top ten advertising sectors, led by the financial and motor industries. UBS Warburg now expects the "upfront" market, which starts in May when advertisers book advance ad spots on the TV networks for the new season in September, to be up 4% on last year. On some estimates, even online advertising could pick up by the end of the year.[419 words] | 204.txt | 0 |
[
"bankruptcy of fine china manufacturers",
"shrinking of the pottery industry",
"restructuring of large enterprises",
"economic recession in"
] | The trend toward casual dining has resulted in_ . | When families gather for Christmas dinner, some will stick to formal traditions dating back to Grandma's generation. Their tables will be set with the good dishes and silver, and the dress code will be Sunday-best.
But in many other homes, this china-and-silver elegance has given way to a stoneware -and-stainless informality, with dresses assuming an equally casual-Friday look. For hosts and guests, the change means greater simplicity and comfort. For makers of fine china in , it
spells economic hard times.
Last week Royal Doulton, the largest employer in , announced that it is eliminating 1,000 jobs--one-fifth of its total workforce. That brings to more than 4,000 the number of positions lost in 18 months in the pottery region. Wedgwood and other pottery factories made cuts earlier.
Although a strong pound and weak markets in play a role in the downsizing, the layoffs in Stoke have their roots in earthshaking social shifts. A spokesman for Royal Doulton admitted that the company "has been somewhat slow in catching up with the trend" toward casual dining. Families eat together less often, he explained, and more people eat alone, either because they are single or they eat in front of television;
Even dinner parties, if they happen at all, have gone casual. In a time of long work hours and demanding family schedules, busy hosts insist, rightly, that it's better to share a takeout pizza on paper plates in the family room than to wait for the perfect moment or a "real" dinner party. Too often, the perfect moment never comes. Iron a fine-patterned tablecloth? Forget it. Polish the silver? Who has time?
Yet the loss of formality has its down side. The fine points of etiquette that children might once have learned at the table by observation or instruction from parents and grandparents ("Chew with your mouth closed." "Keep your elbows off the table.") must be picked up elsewhere. Some companies now offer etiquette seminars for employees who may be competent professionally but clueless socially. | 570.txt | 1 |
[
"Family members need more time to relax.",
"Busy schedules leave people no time for formality.",
"People want to practice economy in times of scarcity.",
"Young people won't follow the etiquette of the older generation."
] | Which of the following may be the best reason for casual dining? | When families gather for Christmas dinner, some will stick to formal traditions dating back to Grandma's generation. Their tables will be set with the good dishes and silver, and the dress code will be Sunday-best.
But in many other homes, this china-and-silver elegance has given way to a stoneware -and-stainless informality, with dresses assuming an equally casual-Friday look. For hosts and guests, the change means greater simplicity and comfort. For makers of fine china in , it
spells economic hard times.
Last week Royal Doulton, the largest employer in , announced that it is eliminating 1,000 jobs--one-fifth of its total workforce. That brings to more than 4,000 the number of positions lost in 18 months in the pottery region. Wedgwood and other pottery factories made cuts earlier.
Although a strong pound and weak markets in play a role in the downsizing, the layoffs in Stoke have their roots in earthshaking social shifts. A spokesman for Royal Doulton admitted that the company "has been somewhat slow in catching up with the trend" toward casual dining. Families eat together less often, he explained, and more people eat alone, either because they are single or they eat in front of television;
Even dinner parties, if they happen at all, have gone casual. In a time of long work hours and demanding family schedules, busy hosts insist, rightly, that it's better to share a takeout pizza on paper plates in the family room than to wait for the perfect moment or a "real" dinner party. Too often, the perfect moment never comes. Iron a fine-patterned tablecloth? Forget it. Polish the silver? Who has time?
Yet the loss of formality has its down side. The fine points of etiquette that children might once have learned at the table by observation or instruction from parents and grandparents ("Chew with your mouth closed." "Keep your elbows off the table.") must be picked up elsewhere. Some companies now offer etiquette seminars for employees who may be competent professionally but clueless socially. | 570.txt | 1 |
[
"a retailer of stainless steel tableware",
"a dealer in stoneware",
"a pottery chain store",
"a producer of fine china"
] | It can be learned from the passage that Royal Doulton is_ . | When families gather for Christmas dinner, some will stick to formal traditions dating back to Grandma's generation. Their tables will be set with the good dishes and silver, and the dress code will be Sunday-best.
But in many other homes, this china-and-silver elegance has given way to a stoneware -and-stainless informality, with dresses assuming an equally casual-Friday look. For hosts and guests, the change means greater simplicity and comfort. For makers of fine china in , it
spells economic hard times.
Last week Royal Doulton, the largest employer in , announced that it is eliminating 1,000 jobs--one-fifth of its total workforce. That brings to more than 4,000 the number of positions lost in 18 months in the pottery region. Wedgwood and other pottery factories made cuts earlier.
Although a strong pound and weak markets in play a role in the downsizing, the layoffs in Stoke have their roots in earthshaking social shifts. A spokesman for Royal Doulton admitted that the company "has been somewhat slow in catching up with the trend" toward casual dining. Families eat together less often, he explained, and more people eat alone, either because they are single or they eat in front of television;
Even dinner parties, if they happen at all, have gone casual. In a time of long work hours and demanding family schedules, busy hosts insist, rightly, that it's better to share a takeout pizza on paper plates in the family room than to wait for the perfect moment or a "real" dinner party. Too often, the perfect moment never comes. Iron a fine-patterned tablecloth? Forget it. Polish the silver? Who has time?
Yet the loss of formality has its down side. The fine points of etiquette that children might once have learned at the table by observation or instruction from parents and grandparents ("Chew with your mouth closed." "Keep your elbows off the table.") must be picked up elsewhere. Some companies now offer etiquette seminars for employees who may be competent professionally but clueless socially. | 570.txt | 3 |
[
"the increased value of the pound",
"the economic recession in",
"the change in people's way of life",
"the fierce competition at home and abroad"
] | The main cause of the layoffs in the pottery industry is_ . | When families gather for Christmas dinner, some will stick to formal traditions dating back to Grandma's generation. Their tables will be set with the good dishes and silver, and the dress code will be Sunday-best.
But in many other homes, this china-and-silver elegance has given way to a stoneware -and-stainless informality, with dresses assuming an equally casual-Friday look. For hosts and guests, the change means greater simplicity and comfort. For makers of fine china in , it
spells economic hard times.
Last week Royal Doulton, the largest employer in , announced that it is eliminating 1,000 jobs--one-fifth of its total workforce. That brings to more than 4,000 the number of positions lost in 18 months in the pottery region. Wedgwood and other pottery factories made cuts earlier.
Although a strong pound and weak markets in play a role in the downsizing, the layoffs in Stoke have their roots in earthshaking social shifts. A spokesman for Royal Doulton admitted that the company "has been somewhat slow in catching up with the trend" toward casual dining. Families eat together less often, he explained, and more people eat alone, either because they are single or they eat in front of television;
Even dinner parties, if they happen at all, have gone casual. In a time of long work hours and demanding family schedules, busy hosts insist, rightly, that it's better to share a takeout pizza on paper plates in the family room than to wait for the perfect moment or a "real" dinner party. Too often, the perfect moment never comes. Iron a fine-patterned tablecloth? Forget it. Polish the silver? Who has time?
Yet the loss of formality has its down side. The fine points of etiquette that children might once have learned at the table by observation or instruction from parents and grandparents ("Chew with your mouth closed." "Keep your elbows off the table.") must be picked up elsewhere. Some companies now offer etiquette seminars for employees who may be competent professionally but clueless socially. | 570.txt | 2 |
[
"are still a must on certain occasions",
"axe bound to return sooner or later",
"are still being taught by parents at home",
"can help improve personal relationships"
] | Refined table manners, though less popular than before in current social life_ . | When families gather for Christmas dinner, some will stick to formal traditions dating back to Grandma's generation. Their tables will be set with the good dishes and silver, and the dress code will be Sunday-best.
But in many other homes, this china-and-silver elegance has given way to a stoneware -and-stainless informality, with dresses assuming an equally casual-Friday look. For hosts and guests, the change means greater simplicity and comfort. For makers of fine china in , it
spells economic hard times.
Last week Royal Doulton, the largest employer in , announced that it is eliminating 1,000 jobs--one-fifth of its total workforce. That brings to more than 4,000 the number of positions lost in 18 months in the pottery region. Wedgwood and other pottery factories made cuts earlier.
Although a strong pound and weak markets in play a role in the downsizing, the layoffs in Stoke have their roots in earthshaking social shifts. A spokesman for Royal Doulton admitted that the company "has been somewhat slow in catching up with the trend" toward casual dining. Families eat together less often, he explained, and more people eat alone, either because they are single or they eat in front of television;
Even dinner parties, if they happen at all, have gone casual. In a time of long work hours and demanding family schedules, busy hosts insist, rightly, that it's better to share a takeout pizza on paper plates in the family room than to wait for the perfect moment or a "real" dinner party. Too often, the perfect moment never comes. Iron a fine-patterned tablecloth? Forget it. Polish the silver? Who has time?
Yet the loss of formality has its down side. The fine points of etiquette that children might once have learned at the table by observation or instruction from parents and grandparents ("Chew with your mouth closed." "Keep your elbows off the table.") must be picked up elsewhere. Some companies now offer etiquette seminars for employees who may be competent professionally but clueless socially. | 570.txt | 0 |
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