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[
"hampers global warming effectively",
"to avoid global warming is doubtful",
"is inevitable with the shortage of oil",
"is necessary to evade global warming"
] | The author thinks that the use of nuclear energy _ . | The notion that we might need nuclear energy to stave off global warming makes me want to laugh and cry at the same time. It is a self-fulfilling prophecy that began when Ronald Reagan took office in1981 and promptly removed Jimmy Carter's solar panels from the White House roof. It was not simply a symbolic act. Reagan also slashed alternative energy funding so deeply that it virtually put the solar industry out of business.
Alternatives are hampered today because Reagan was doing then what Bush is doing now: serving the interests of big oil, which seeks to squeeze out every last drop of profit from fossil fuels. The war in Iraq and other foreign policy actions today continue with that aim.
And nuclear is not unlike oil in that it is a very centralized industry, controlled by a l'ew companies. It will enrich the few and further hamper progress for renewables. A decentralized energy future will be far better for an economy that wants to float all boats (not just yachts) while not having so many energy eggs in one basket. That nuclear might belong in the mix right now is only due to the climate predicament we are in because of our past sins. If undertaken at all, it should only be a bridge (a"necessary evil") to a future powered instead by many forms of safe, clean energy sources.
Much is happening now in that regard, spurred by our almost sudden acceptance that global warming is real. Seattle wants to harness ocean power and provide electricity for 60,000 homes. SirniIar projects are planned from Alaska to New York. Wind power has quadrupled since 2000 and, though wind is now only one percent of the U.S. power grid, it is poised for a quantum leap; offshore wind projects are in various stages of development in Maryland, Texas, Massachusetts, New York and elsewhere. Hydrogen- and electric-powered cars are also likely to come online more quickly than we imagined even five years ago.
Nuclear has far too many problems, not the least of which is its waste, which will only become a bigger problem if its use proliferates. The waste stays radioactive for thousands of years and has to be buried undergroimd. Even if plans for doing that are ever realized, deadly waste will need to be transported across the country, through communities, subjecting people to unacceptable risks. Nuclear is also still a large accident risk. Industry proponents claim that nuclear is safer today than ever before, but even a small malfunction or leak could have devastating effects. And even if Chernobyl-style meltdowns are not likely, nuclear facilities still emit low-level radiation, a potentially serious public health concern. [448 words] | 1186.txt | 1 |
[
"nuclear energy is used more widely than today",
"solar panels are promptly removed from roofs",
"oil is to a large extent replaced by alternatives",
"alternative energy funding is further curtailed"
] | By saying "It is a self-fulfilling prophecy" (Line 2, Paragraph 1), the author implies that it will become true that _ . | The notion that we might need nuclear energy to stave off global warming makes me want to laugh and cry at the same time. It is a self-fulfilling prophecy that began when Ronald Reagan took office in1981 and promptly removed Jimmy Carter's solar panels from the White House roof. It was not simply a symbolic act. Reagan also slashed alternative energy funding so deeply that it virtually put the solar industry out of business.
Alternatives are hampered today because Reagan was doing then what Bush is doing now: serving the interests of big oil, which seeks to squeeze out every last drop of profit from fossil fuels. The war in Iraq and other foreign policy actions today continue with that aim.
And nuclear is not unlike oil in that it is a very centralized industry, controlled by a l'ew companies. It will enrich the few and further hamper progress for renewables. A decentralized energy future will be far better for an economy that wants to float all boats (not just yachts) while not having so many energy eggs in one basket. That nuclear might belong in the mix right now is only due to the climate predicament we are in because of our past sins. If undertaken at all, it should only be a bridge (a"necessary evil") to a future powered instead by many forms of safe, clean energy sources.
Much is happening now in that regard, spurred by our almost sudden acceptance that global warming is real. Seattle wants to harness ocean power and provide electricity for 60,000 homes. SirniIar projects are planned from Alaska to New York. Wind power has quadrupled since 2000 and, though wind is now only one percent of the U.S. power grid, it is poised for a quantum leap; offshore wind projects are in various stages of development in Maryland, Texas, Massachusetts, New York and elsewhere. Hydrogen- and electric-powered cars are also likely to come online more quickly than we imagined even five years ago.
Nuclear has far too many problems, not the least of which is its waste, which will only become a bigger problem if its use proliferates. The waste stays radioactive for thousands of years and has to be buried undergroimd. Even if plans for doing that are ever realized, deadly waste will need to be transported across the country, through communities, subjecting people to unacceptable risks. Nuclear is also still a large accident risk. Industry proponents claim that nuclear is safer today than ever before, but even a small malfunction or leak could have devastating effects. And even if Chernobyl-style meltdowns are not likely, nuclear facilities still emit low-level radiation, a potentially serious public health concern. [448 words] | 1186.txt | 0 |
[
"makes the most of fossil fuels for profit",
"cuts alternative energy funding deeply",
"puts the solar industry out of business",
"serves the interests of oil monopolies"
] | President Bush is quite similar to Ronald Reagan in that he _ . | The notion that we might need nuclear energy to stave off global warming makes me want to laugh and cry at the same time. It is a self-fulfilling prophecy that began when Ronald Reagan took office in1981 and promptly removed Jimmy Carter's solar panels from the White House roof. It was not simply a symbolic act. Reagan also slashed alternative energy funding so deeply that it virtually put the solar industry out of business.
Alternatives are hampered today because Reagan was doing then what Bush is doing now: serving the interests of big oil, which seeks to squeeze out every last drop of profit from fossil fuels. The war in Iraq and other foreign policy actions today continue with that aim.
And nuclear is not unlike oil in that it is a very centralized industry, controlled by a l'ew companies. It will enrich the few and further hamper progress for renewables. A decentralized energy future will be far better for an economy that wants to float all boats (not just yachts) while not having so many energy eggs in one basket. That nuclear might belong in the mix right now is only due to the climate predicament we are in because of our past sins. If undertaken at all, it should only be a bridge (a"necessary evil") to a future powered instead by many forms of safe, clean energy sources.
Much is happening now in that regard, spurred by our almost sudden acceptance that global warming is real. Seattle wants to harness ocean power and provide electricity for 60,000 homes. SirniIar projects are planned from Alaska to New York. Wind power has quadrupled since 2000 and, though wind is now only one percent of the U.S. power grid, it is poised for a quantum leap; offshore wind projects are in various stages of development in Maryland, Texas, Massachusetts, New York and elsewhere. Hydrogen- and electric-powered cars are also likely to come online more quickly than we imagined even five years ago.
Nuclear has far too many problems, not the least of which is its waste, which will only become a bigger problem if its use proliferates. The waste stays radioactive for thousands of years and has to be buried undergroimd. Even if plans for doing that are ever realized, deadly waste will need to be transported across the country, through communities, subjecting people to unacceptable risks. Nuclear is also still a large accident risk. Industry proponents claim that nuclear is safer today than ever before, but even a small malfunction or leak could have devastating effects. And even if Chernobyl-style meltdowns are not likely, nuclear facilities still emit low-level radiation, a potentially serious public health concern. [448 words] | 1186.txt | 3 |
[
"wind power projects",
"ocean power projects",
"nuclear power stations",
"hydrogen-powered vehicles"
] | To alleviate global warming, various forms of safe, clean energy sources will be used in the future, a possible bridge to which is _ . | The notion that we might need nuclear energy to stave off global warming makes me want to laugh and cry at the same time. It is a self-fulfilling prophecy that began when Ronald Reagan took office in1981 and promptly removed Jimmy Carter's solar panels from the White House roof. It was not simply a symbolic act. Reagan also slashed alternative energy funding so deeply that it virtually put the solar industry out of business.
Alternatives are hampered today because Reagan was doing then what Bush is doing now: serving the interests of big oil, which seeks to squeeze out every last drop of profit from fossil fuels. The war in Iraq and other foreign policy actions today continue with that aim.
And nuclear is not unlike oil in that it is a very centralized industry, controlled by a l'ew companies. It will enrich the few and further hamper progress for renewables. A decentralized energy future will be far better for an economy that wants to float all boats (not just yachts) while not having so many energy eggs in one basket. That nuclear might belong in the mix right now is only due to the climate predicament we are in because of our past sins. If undertaken at all, it should only be a bridge (a"necessary evil") to a future powered instead by many forms of safe, clean energy sources.
Much is happening now in that regard, spurred by our almost sudden acceptance that global warming is real. Seattle wants to harness ocean power and provide electricity for 60,000 homes. SirniIar projects are planned from Alaska to New York. Wind power has quadrupled since 2000 and, though wind is now only one percent of the U.S. power grid, it is poised for a quantum leap; offshore wind projects are in various stages of development in Maryland, Texas, Massachusetts, New York and elsewhere. Hydrogen- and electric-powered cars are also likely to come online more quickly than we imagined even five years ago.
Nuclear has far too many problems, not the least of which is its waste, which will only become a bigger problem if its use proliferates. The waste stays radioactive for thousands of years and has to be buried undergroimd. Even if plans for doing that are ever realized, deadly waste will need to be transported across the country, through communities, subjecting people to unacceptable risks. Nuclear is also still a large accident risk. Industry proponents claim that nuclear is safer today than ever before, but even a small malfunction or leak could have devastating effects. And even if Chernobyl-style meltdowns are not likely, nuclear facilities still emit low-level radiation, a potentially serious public health concern. [448 words] | 1186.txt | 2 |
[
"subjects people to less risk",
"is not unlike oil in its waste",
"is much safer than ever before",
"impedes the use of renewables"
] | The author claims that nuclear _ . | The notion that we might need nuclear energy to stave off global warming makes me want to laugh and cry at the same time. It is a self-fulfilling prophecy that began when Ronald Reagan took office in1981 and promptly removed Jimmy Carter's solar panels from the White House roof. It was not simply a symbolic act. Reagan also slashed alternative energy funding so deeply that it virtually put the solar industry out of business.
Alternatives are hampered today because Reagan was doing then what Bush is doing now: serving the interests of big oil, which seeks to squeeze out every last drop of profit from fossil fuels. The war in Iraq and other foreign policy actions today continue with that aim.
And nuclear is not unlike oil in that it is a very centralized industry, controlled by a l'ew companies. It will enrich the few and further hamper progress for renewables. A decentralized energy future will be far better for an economy that wants to float all boats (not just yachts) while not having so many energy eggs in one basket. That nuclear might belong in the mix right now is only due to the climate predicament we are in because of our past sins. If undertaken at all, it should only be a bridge (a"necessary evil") to a future powered instead by many forms of safe, clean energy sources.
Much is happening now in that regard, spurred by our almost sudden acceptance that global warming is real. Seattle wants to harness ocean power and provide electricity for 60,000 homes. SirniIar projects are planned from Alaska to New York. Wind power has quadrupled since 2000 and, though wind is now only one percent of the U.S. power grid, it is poised for a quantum leap; offshore wind projects are in various stages of development in Maryland, Texas, Massachusetts, New York and elsewhere. Hydrogen- and electric-powered cars are also likely to come online more quickly than we imagined even five years ago.
Nuclear has far too many problems, not the least of which is its waste, which will only become a bigger problem if its use proliferates. The waste stays radioactive for thousands of years and has to be buried undergroimd. Even if plans for doing that are ever realized, deadly waste will need to be transported across the country, through communities, subjecting people to unacceptable risks. Nuclear is also still a large accident risk. Industry proponents claim that nuclear is safer today than ever before, but even a small malfunction or leak could have devastating effects. And even if Chernobyl-style meltdowns are not likely, nuclear facilities still emit low-level radiation, a potentially serious public health concern. [448 words] | 1186.txt | 3 |
[
"to take in more foreign funds",
"to invest more abroad",
"to combine and become bigger",
"to trade with more countries"
] | What is the typical trend of businesses today? | The world is going through the biggest wave of mergers and acquisitions ever witnessed. The process sweeps from hyperactive America to Europe and reaches the emerging countries with unsurpassed might. Many in these countries are looking at this process and worrying: "Won't the wave of business concentration turn into an uncontrollable anti-competitive force?"
There's no question that the big are getting bigger and more powerful. Multinational corporations accounted for less than 20% of international trade in 1982. Today the figure is more than 25% and growing rapidly. International affiliates account for a fast-growing segment of production in economies that open up and welcome foreign investment. In Argentina, for instance, after the reforms of the early 1990s, multinationals went from 43% to almost 70% of the industrial production of the 200 largest firms. This phenomenon has created serious concerns over the role of smaller economic firms, of national businessmen and over the ultimate stability of the world economy.
I believe that the most important forces behind the massive M&A wave are the same that underlie the globalization process: falling transportation and communication costs, lower trade and investment barriers and enlarged markets that require enlarged operations capable of meeting customer's demands. All these are beneficial, not detrimental, to consumers. As productivity grows, the world's wealth increases.
Examples of benefits or costs of the current concentration wave are scanty. Yet it is hard to imagine that the merger of a few oil firms today could re-create the same threats to competition that were feared nearly a century ago in the U.S., when the Standard Oil Trust was broken up. The mergers of telecom companies, such as WorldCom, hardly seem to bring higher prices for consumers or a reduction in the pace of technical progress. On the contrary, the price of communications is coming down fast. In cars, too, concentration is increasing -- witness Daimler and Chrysler, Renault and Nissan -- but it does not appear that consumers are being hurt.
Yet the fact remains that the merger movement must be watched. A few weeks ago, Alan Greenspan warned against the megamergers in the banking industry. Who is going to supervise, regulate and operate as lender of last resort with the gigantic banks that are being created? Won't multinationals shift production from one place to another when a nation gets too strict about infringements to fair competition? And should one country take upon itself the role of "defending competition" on issues that affect many other nations, as in the U.S. vs. Microsoft case? | 871.txt | 2 |
[
"the greater customer demands",
"a surplus supply for the market",
"a growing productivity",
"the increase of the world's wealth"
] | According to the author, one of the driving forces behind M&A wave is . | The world is going through the biggest wave of mergers and acquisitions ever witnessed. The process sweeps from hyperactive America to Europe and reaches the emerging countries with unsurpassed might. Many in these countries are looking at this process and worrying: "Won't the wave of business concentration turn into an uncontrollable anti-competitive force?"
There's no question that the big are getting bigger and more powerful. Multinational corporations accounted for less than 20% of international trade in 1982. Today the figure is more than 25% and growing rapidly. International affiliates account for a fast-growing segment of production in economies that open up and welcome foreign investment. In Argentina, for instance, after the reforms of the early 1990s, multinationals went from 43% to almost 70% of the industrial production of the 200 largest firms. This phenomenon has created serious concerns over the role of smaller economic firms, of national businessmen and over the ultimate stability of the world economy.
I believe that the most important forces behind the massive M&A wave are the same that underlie the globalization process: falling transportation and communication costs, lower trade and investment barriers and enlarged markets that require enlarged operations capable of meeting customer's demands. All these are beneficial, not detrimental, to consumers. As productivity grows, the world's wealth increases.
Examples of benefits or costs of the current concentration wave are scanty. Yet it is hard to imagine that the merger of a few oil firms today could re-create the same threats to competition that were feared nearly a century ago in the U.S., when the Standard Oil Trust was broken up. The mergers of telecom companies, such as WorldCom, hardly seem to bring higher prices for consumers or a reduction in the pace of technical progress. On the contrary, the price of communications is coming down fast. In cars, too, concentration is increasing -- witness Daimler and Chrysler, Renault and Nissan -- but it does not appear that consumers are being hurt.
Yet the fact remains that the merger movement must be watched. A few weeks ago, Alan Greenspan warned against the megamergers in the banking industry. Who is going to supervise, regulate and operate as lender of last resort with the gigantic banks that are being created? Won't multinationals shift production from one place to another when a nation gets too strict about infringements to fair competition? And should one country take upon itself the role of "defending competition" on issues that affect many other nations, as in the U.S. vs. Microsoft case? | 871.txt | 0 |
[
"the increasing concentration is certain to hurt consumers",
"WorldCom serves as a good example of both benefits and costs",
"the costs of the globalization process are enormous",
"the Standard Oil Trust might have threatened competition"
] | From Paragraph 4 we can infer that . | The world is going through the biggest wave of mergers and acquisitions ever witnessed. The process sweeps from hyperactive America to Europe and reaches the emerging countries with unsurpassed might. Many in these countries are looking at this process and worrying: "Won't the wave of business concentration turn into an uncontrollable anti-competitive force?"
There's no question that the big are getting bigger and more powerful. Multinational corporations accounted for less than 20% of international trade in 1982. Today the figure is more than 25% and growing rapidly. International affiliates account for a fast-growing segment of production in economies that open up and welcome foreign investment. In Argentina, for instance, after the reforms of the early 1990s, multinationals went from 43% to almost 70% of the industrial production of the 200 largest firms. This phenomenon has created serious concerns over the role of smaller economic firms, of national businessmen and over the ultimate stability of the world economy.
I believe that the most important forces behind the massive M&A wave are the same that underlie the globalization process: falling transportation and communication costs, lower trade and investment barriers and enlarged markets that require enlarged operations capable of meeting customer's demands. All these are beneficial, not detrimental, to consumers. As productivity grows, the world's wealth increases.
Examples of benefits or costs of the current concentration wave are scanty. Yet it is hard to imagine that the merger of a few oil firms today could re-create the same threats to competition that were feared nearly a century ago in the U.S., when the Standard Oil Trust was broken up. The mergers of telecom companies, such as WorldCom, hardly seem to bring higher prices for consumers or a reduction in the pace of technical progress. On the contrary, the price of communications is coming down fast. In cars, too, concentration is increasing -- witness Daimler and Chrysler, Renault and Nissan -- but it does not appear that consumers are being hurt.
Yet the fact remains that the merger movement must be watched. A few weeks ago, Alan Greenspan warned against the megamergers in the banking industry. Who is going to supervise, regulate and operate as lender of last resort with the gigantic banks that are being created? Won't multinationals shift production from one place to another when a nation gets too strict about infringements to fair competition? And should one country take upon itself the role of "defending competition" on issues that affect many other nations, as in the U.S. vs. Microsoft case? | 871.txt | 3 |
[
"optimistic",
"objective",
"pessimistic",
"biased"
] | Toward the new business wave, the writer's attitude can be said to be _. | The world is going through the biggest wave of mergers and acquisitions ever witnessed. The process sweeps from hyperactive America to Europe and reaches the emerging countries with unsurpassed might. Many in these countries are looking at this process and worrying: "Won't the wave of business concentration turn into an uncontrollable anti-competitive force?"
There's no question that the big are getting bigger and more powerful. Multinational corporations accounted for less than 20% of international trade in 1982. Today the figure is more than 25% and growing rapidly. International affiliates account for a fast-growing segment of production in economies that open up and welcome foreign investment. In Argentina, for instance, after the reforms of the early 1990s, multinationals went from 43% to almost 70% of the industrial production of the 200 largest firms. This phenomenon has created serious concerns over the role of smaller economic firms, of national businessmen and over the ultimate stability of the world economy.
I believe that the most important forces behind the massive M&A wave are the same that underlie the globalization process: falling transportation and communication costs, lower trade and investment barriers and enlarged markets that require enlarged operations capable of meeting customer's demands. All these are beneficial, not detrimental, to consumers. As productivity grows, the world's wealth increases.
Examples of benefits or costs of the current concentration wave are scanty. Yet it is hard to imagine that the merger of a few oil firms today could re-create the same threats to competition that were feared nearly a century ago in the U.S., when the Standard Oil Trust was broken up. The mergers of telecom companies, such as WorldCom, hardly seem to bring higher prices for consumers or a reduction in the pace of technical progress. On the contrary, the price of communications is coming down fast. In cars, too, concentration is increasing -- witness Daimler and Chrysler, Renault and Nissan -- but it does not appear that consumers are being hurt.
Yet the fact remains that the merger movement must be watched. A few weeks ago, Alan Greenspan warned against the megamergers in the banking industry. Who is going to supervise, regulate and operate as lender of last resort with the gigantic banks that are being created? Won't multinationals shift production from one place to another when a nation gets too strict about infringements to fair competition? And should one country take upon itself the role of "defending competition" on issues that affect many other nations, as in the U.S. vs. Microsoft case? | 871.txt | 1 |
[
"an approach to patents",
"the application for patents",
"the use of patents",
"the access to patents"
] | The passage is mainly about . | When an invention is made, the inventor has three possible courses of action open to him: he can give the invention to the world by publishing it, keep the idea secret, or patent it.
A granted patent is the result of a bargain struck between an inventor and the state, by which the inventor gets a limited period of monopoly and publishes full details of his invention to the public after that period terminates.
Only in the most exceptional circumstances is the lifespan of a patent extended to alter this normal process of events.
The longest extension ever granted was to Georges Valensi; his 1939 patent for color TV receiver circuitry was extended until 1971 because for most of the patent's normal life there was no colour TV to receive and thus no hope of reward for the invention.
Because a patent remains permanently public after it has terminated, the shelves of the library attached to the patent office contain details of literally millions of ideas that are free for anyone to use and, if older than half a century, sometimes even re-patent. Indeed, patent experts often advise anyone wishing to avoid the high cost of conducting a search through live patents that the one sure way of avoiding violation of any other inventor's right is to plagiarize a dead patent. Likewise, because publication of an idea in any other form permanently invalidates further patents on that idea, it is traditionally safe to take ideas from other areas of print. Much modern technological advance is based on these presumptions of legal security.
Anyone closely involved in patents and inventions soon learns that most "new" ideas are, in fact, as old as the hills. It is their reduction to commercial practice, either through necessity or dedication, or through the availability of new technology, that makes news and money. The basic patent for the theory of magnetic recording dates back to 1886. Many of the original ideas behind television originate from the late 19th and early 20th century. Even the Volkswagen rear engine car was anticipated by a 1904 patent for a cart with the horse at the rear. | 3567.txt | 3 |
[
"When a patent becomes out of effect, it can be re-patented or extended if necessary.",
"It is necessary for an inventor to apply for a patent before he makes his invention public.",
"A patent holder must publicize the details of his invention when its legal period is over.",
"One can get all the details of a patented invention from a library attached to the patent office."
] | Which of the following is TRUE according to the passage? | When an invention is made, the inventor has three possible courses of action open to him: he can give the invention to the world by publishing it, keep the idea secret, or patent it.
A granted patent is the result of a bargain struck between an inventor and the state, by which the inventor gets a limited period of monopoly and publishes full details of his invention to the public after that period terminates.
Only in the most exceptional circumstances is the lifespan of a patent extended to alter this normal process of events.
The longest extension ever granted was to Georges Valensi; his 1939 patent for color TV receiver circuitry was extended until 1971 because for most of the patent's normal life there was no colour TV to receive and thus no hope of reward for the invention.
Because a patent remains permanently public after it has terminated, the shelves of the library attached to the patent office contain details of literally millions of ideas that are free for anyone to use and, if older than half a century, sometimes even re-patent. Indeed, patent experts often advise anyone wishing to avoid the high cost of conducting a search through live patents that the one sure way of avoiding violation of any other inventor's right is to plagiarize a dead patent. Likewise, because publication of an idea in any other form permanently invalidates further patents on that idea, it is traditionally safe to take ideas from other areas of print. Much modern technological advance is based on these presumptions of legal security.
Anyone closely involved in patents and inventions soon learns that most "new" ideas are, in fact, as old as the hills. It is their reduction to commercial practice, either through necessity or dedication, or through the availability of new technology, that makes news and money. The basic patent for the theory of magnetic recording dates back to 1886. Many of the original ideas behind television originate from the late 19th and early 20th century. Even the Volkswagen rear engine car was anticipated by a 1904 patent for a cart with the horse at the rear. | 3567.txt | 2 |
[
"nobody would offer any reward for his patent prior to that time",
"his patent could not be put to use for an unusually long time",
"there were not enough TV stations to provide colour programmes",
"the colour TV receiver was not available until that time"
] | George Valensi's patent lasted until 1971 because . | When an invention is made, the inventor has three possible courses of action open to him: he can give the invention to the world by publishing it, keep the idea secret, or patent it.
A granted patent is the result of a bargain struck between an inventor and the state, by which the inventor gets a limited period of monopoly and publishes full details of his invention to the public after that period terminates.
Only in the most exceptional circumstances is the lifespan of a patent extended to alter this normal process of events.
The longest extension ever granted was to Georges Valensi; his 1939 patent for color TV receiver circuitry was extended until 1971 because for most of the patent's normal life there was no colour TV to receive and thus no hope of reward for the invention.
Because a patent remains permanently public after it has terminated, the shelves of the library attached to the patent office contain details of literally millions of ideas that are free for anyone to use and, if older than half a century, sometimes even re-patent. Indeed, patent experts often advise anyone wishing to avoid the high cost of conducting a search through live patents that the one sure way of avoiding violation of any other inventor's right is to plagiarize a dead patent. Likewise, because publication of an idea in any other form permanently invalidates further patents on that idea, it is traditionally safe to take ideas from other areas of print. Much modern technological advance is based on these presumptions of legal security.
Anyone closely involved in patents and inventions soon learns that most "new" ideas are, in fact, as old as the hills. It is their reduction to commercial practice, either through necessity or dedication, or through the availability of new technology, that makes news and money. The basic patent for the theory of magnetic recording dates back to 1886. Many of the original ideas behind television originate from the late 19th and early 20th century. Even the Volkswagen rear engine car was anticipated by a 1904 patent for a cart with the horse at the rear. | 3567.txt | 1 |
[
"steal and use",
"give reward to",
"make public",
"take and change"
] | The word "plagiarize" (Line 8, Para. 5) most probably means " ." | When an invention is made, the inventor has three possible courses of action open to him: he can give the invention to the world by publishing it, keep the idea secret, or patent it.
A granted patent is the result of a bargain struck between an inventor and the state, by which the inventor gets a limited period of monopoly and publishes full details of his invention to the public after that period terminates.
Only in the most exceptional circumstances is the lifespan of a patent extended to alter this normal process of events.
The longest extension ever granted was to Georges Valensi; his 1939 patent for color TV receiver circuitry was extended until 1971 because for most of the patent's normal life there was no colour TV to receive and thus no hope of reward for the invention.
Because a patent remains permanently public after it has terminated, the shelves of the library attached to the patent office contain details of literally millions of ideas that are free for anyone to use and, if older than half a century, sometimes even re-patent. Indeed, patent experts often advise anyone wishing to avoid the high cost of conducting a search through live patents that the one sure way of avoiding violation of any other inventor's right is to plagiarize a dead patent. Likewise, because publication of an idea in any other form permanently invalidates further patents on that idea, it is traditionally safe to take ideas from other areas of print. Much modern technological advance is based on these presumptions of legal security.
Anyone closely involved in patents and inventions soon learns that most "new" ideas are, in fact, as old as the hills. It is their reduction to commercial practice, either through necessity or dedication, or through the availability of new technology, that makes news and money. The basic patent for the theory of magnetic recording dates back to 1886. Many of the original ideas behind television originate from the late 19th and early 20th century. Even the Volkswagen rear engine car was anticipated by a 1904 patent for a cart with the horse at the rear. | 3567.txt | 0 |
[
"an invention will not benefit the inventor unless it is reduced to commercial practice",
"products are actually inventions which were made a long time ago",
"it is much cheaper to buy an old patent than a new one",
"patent experts often recommend patents to others by conducting a search through dead patents"
] | From the passage we learn that . | When an invention is made, the inventor has three possible courses of action open to him: he can give the invention to the world by publishing it, keep the idea secret, or patent it.
A granted patent is the result of a bargain struck between an inventor and the state, by which the inventor gets a limited period of monopoly and publishes full details of his invention to the public after that period terminates.
Only in the most exceptional circumstances is the lifespan of a patent extended to alter this normal process of events.
The longest extension ever granted was to Georges Valensi; his 1939 patent for color TV receiver circuitry was extended until 1971 because for most of the patent's normal life there was no colour TV to receive and thus no hope of reward for the invention.
Because a patent remains permanently public after it has terminated, the shelves of the library attached to the patent office contain details of literally millions of ideas that are free for anyone to use and, if older than half a century, sometimes even re-patent. Indeed, patent experts often advise anyone wishing to avoid the high cost of conducting a search through live patents that the one sure way of avoiding violation of any other inventor's right is to plagiarize a dead patent. Likewise, because publication of an idea in any other form permanently invalidates further patents on that idea, it is traditionally safe to take ideas from other areas of print. Much modern technological advance is based on these presumptions of legal security.
Anyone closely involved in patents and inventions soon learns that most "new" ideas are, in fact, as old as the hills. It is their reduction to commercial practice, either through necessity or dedication, or through the availability of new technology, that makes news and money. The basic patent for the theory of magnetic recording dates back to 1886. Many of the original ideas behind television originate from the late 19th and early 20th century. Even the Volkswagen rear engine car was anticipated by a 1904 patent for a cart with the horse at the rear. | 3567.txt | 0 |
[
"Locks.",
"Marking.",
"Registration.",
"Basic Security."
] | Which part of the text gives you information on how to lock up your bicycle when you leave it? | Su Hua is studying at Cambridge, UK. She has bought a bicycle and is worried about security . Her friend, Kate, found this article and sent it to her.
Introduction
A lot of crime is against bicycles. About 150,000 bicycles are stolen every year and most are never found. You can prevent this happening by following a few careful steps.
Basic Security
Do not leave your bicycle in out-of-the-way places. Always lock your bicycle when you leave. Secure it to lampposts or trees. Take off smaller parts and take them with you, for example lights and saddles .
Locks
Get a good lock. There are many different types in the shops. Buy one that has been tested against attack. Ask for a recommendation from a bike shop.
Marking
Security marking your bike can act a deterrent to a thief. It can also help the police find your bicycle. It should be clearly written and include your postcode and your house or flat number. This will provide a simple way to identify your bicycle.
Registration
There are a number of companies who will security mark your bicycle for you. They will then put your registration number and personal details on their computer database. Then if your bicycle is found it will be easy to contact you.
Finally
Keep a record of the bicycle yourself: its make, model and registration number. You can even take a photograph of it. This will prove the bicycle belongs to you. | 3371.txt | 3 |
[
"in the bike shop and your computer",
"in the police station and a security company",
"in a security company and your university",
"by yourself and in a security company"
] | The article advises you to keep a record of your bicycle _ . | Su Hua is studying at Cambridge, UK. She has bought a bicycle and is worried about security . Her friend, Kate, found this article and sent it to her.
Introduction
A lot of crime is against bicycles. About 150,000 bicycles are stolen every year and most are never found. You can prevent this happening by following a few careful steps.
Basic Security
Do not leave your bicycle in out-of-the-way places. Always lock your bicycle when you leave. Secure it to lampposts or trees. Take off smaller parts and take them with you, for example lights and saddles .
Locks
Get a good lock. There are many different types in the shops. Buy one that has been tested against attack. Ask for a recommendation from a bike shop.
Marking
Security marking your bike can act a deterrent to a thief. It can also help the police find your bicycle. It should be clearly written and include your postcode and your house or flat number. This will provide a simple way to identify your bicycle.
Registration
There are a number of companies who will security mark your bicycle for you. They will then put your registration number and personal details on their computer database. Then if your bicycle is found it will be easy to contact you.
Finally
Keep a record of the bicycle yourself: its make, model and registration number. You can even take a photograph of it. This will prove the bicycle belongs to you. | 3371.txt | 3 |
[
"to tell you what to do if your bicycle is stolen",
"to suggest ways of keeping your bicycle safe",
"to give you advice on where to buy a good lock",
"to say why you shouldn't keep your bicycle in a quiet place"
] | The main purpose of this article is _ . | Su Hua is studying at Cambridge, UK. She has bought a bicycle and is worried about security . Her friend, Kate, found this article and sent it to her.
Introduction
A lot of crime is against bicycles. About 150,000 bicycles are stolen every year and most are never found. You can prevent this happening by following a few careful steps.
Basic Security
Do not leave your bicycle in out-of-the-way places. Always lock your bicycle when you leave. Secure it to lampposts or trees. Take off smaller parts and take them with you, for example lights and saddles .
Locks
Get a good lock. There are many different types in the shops. Buy one that has been tested against attack. Ask for a recommendation from a bike shop.
Marking
Security marking your bike can act a deterrent to a thief. It can also help the police find your bicycle. It should be clearly written and include your postcode and your house or flat number. This will provide a simple way to identify your bicycle.
Registration
There are a number of companies who will security mark your bicycle for you. They will then put your registration number and personal details on their computer database. Then if your bicycle is found it will be easy to contact you.
Finally
Keep a record of the bicycle yourself: its make, model and registration number. You can even take a photograph of it. This will prove the bicycle belongs to you. | 3371.txt | 1 |
[
"wide coverage.",
"uniform style.",
"speed in reporting news.",
"popularity."
] | A modern newspaper is remarkable for all the following EXCEPT its_ | A good modern newspaper is an extraordinary piece of reading. It is remarkable first for what it contains: the range of news from local crime to international politics, from sport to business to fashion to science, and the range of comment and special features as well, from editorial page to feature articles and interviews to criticism of books, art, theatre and music. A newspaper is even more remarkable for the way one reads it: never completely, never straight through, but always by jumping : from here to there, in and out, glancing at one piece, reading another article all the way through, reading just a few paragraphs of the next. A good modern newspaper offers a variety to attract many different readers, but far more than any one reader is interested in. What brings this variety together in one place is its topicality ( ),its immediate relation to what is happening in your world and your locality now. But immediacy and the speed of production that goes with it mean also that much of what appears in a newspaper has no more than transient value. For all these reasons, no two people really read the same paper: what each person does is to put together out of the pages of that day's paper, his own selection and sequence, his own newspaper. For all these reasons, reading newspapers efficiently, which means getting what you want from them without missing things you need but without wasting time, demands skill and self-awareness as you modify and apply the techniques of reading. | 1232.txt | 1 |
[
"people scan for the news they are interested in.",
"different people prefer different newspapers.",
"people are rarely interested in the same kind of news.",
"people have different views about what a good newspaper is."
] | According to the passage, the reason why no two people really read the "same" newspaper is that_ | A good modern newspaper is an extraordinary piece of reading. It is remarkable first for what it contains: the range of news from local crime to international politics, from sport to business to fashion to science, and the range of comment and special features as well, from editorial page to feature articles and interviews to criticism of books, art, theatre and music. A newspaper is even more remarkable for the way one reads it: never completely, never straight through, but always by jumping : from here to there, in and out, glancing at one piece, reading another article all the way through, reading just a few paragraphs of the next. A good modern newspaper offers a variety to attract many different readers, but far more than any one reader is interested in. What brings this variety together in one place is its topicality ( ),its immediate relation to what is happening in your world and your locality now. But immediacy and the speed of production that goes with it mean also that much of what appears in a newspaper has no more than transient value. For all these reasons, no two people really read the same paper: what each person does is to put together out of the pages of that day's paper, his own selection and sequence, his own newspaper. For all these reasons, reading newspapers efficiently, which means getting what you want from them without missing things you need but without wasting time, demands skill and self-awareness as you modify and apply the techniques of reading. | 1232.txt | 0 |
[
"apply reading techniques skillfully.",
"jump from one newspaper to another.",
"appreciate the variety of a newspaper.",
"usually read a newspaper selectively."
] | It can be concluded from the passage that newspaper readers_ | A good modern newspaper is an extraordinary piece of reading. It is remarkable first for what it contains: the range of news from local crime to international politics, from sport to business to fashion to science, and the range of comment and special features as well, from editorial page to feature articles and interviews to criticism of books, art, theatre and music. A newspaper is even more remarkable for the way one reads it: never completely, never straight through, but always by jumping : from here to there, in and out, glancing at one piece, reading another article all the way through, reading just a few paragraphs of the next. A good modern newspaper offers a variety to attract many different readers, but far more than any one reader is interested in. What brings this variety together in one place is its topicality ( ),its immediate relation to what is happening in your world and your locality now. But immediacy and the speed of production that goes with it mean also that much of what appears in a newspaper has no more than transient value. For all these reasons, no two people really read the same paper: what each person does is to put together out of the pages of that day's paper, his own selection and sequence, his own newspaper. For all these reasons, reading newspapers efficiently, which means getting what you want from them without missing things you need but without wasting time, demands skill and self-awareness as you modify and apply the techniques of reading. | 1232.txt | 3 |
[
"it tries to serve different readers.",
"it has to cover things that happen in a certain locality.",
"readers are difficult to please.",
"readers like to read different newspapers."
] | A good newspaper offers "a variety" to readers because_ | A good modern newspaper is an extraordinary piece of reading. It is remarkable first for what it contains: the range of news from local crime to international politics, from sport to business to fashion to science, and the range of comment and special features as well, from editorial page to feature articles and interviews to criticism of books, art, theatre and music. A newspaper is even more remarkable for the way one reads it: never completely, never straight through, but always by jumping : from here to there, in and out, glancing at one piece, reading another article all the way through, reading just a few paragraphs of the next. A good modern newspaper offers a variety to attract many different readers, but far more than any one reader is interested in. What brings this variety together in one place is its topicality ( ),its immediate relation to what is happening in your world and your locality now. But immediacy and the speed of production that goes with it mean also that much of what appears in a newspaper has no more than transient value. For all these reasons, no two people really read the same paper: what each person does is to put together out of the pages of that day's paper, his own selection and sequence, his own newspaper. For all these reasons, reading newspapers efficiently, which means getting what you want from them without missing things you need but without wasting time, demands skill and self-awareness as you modify and apply the techniques of reading. | 1232.txt | 0 |
[
"The Importance of Newspaper Topicality",
"The Characteristics of a Good Newspaper",
"The Variety of a Good Newspaper",
"Some Suggestions on How to Read a Newspaper"
] | The best title for this passage would be"_ " | A good modern newspaper is an extraordinary piece of reading. It is remarkable first for what it contains: the range of news from local crime to international politics, from sport to business to fashion to science, and the range of comment and special features as well, from editorial page to feature articles and interviews to criticism of books, art, theatre and music. A newspaper is even more remarkable for the way one reads it: never completely, never straight through, but always by jumping : from here to there, in and out, glancing at one piece, reading another article all the way through, reading just a few paragraphs of the next. A good modern newspaper offers a variety to attract many different readers, but far more than any one reader is interested in. What brings this variety together in one place is its topicality ( ),its immediate relation to what is happening in your world and your locality now. But immediacy and the speed of production that goes with it mean also that much of what appears in a newspaper has no more than transient value. For all these reasons, no two people really read the same paper: what each person does is to put together out of the pages of that day's paper, his own selection and sequence, his own newspaper. For all these reasons, reading newspapers efficiently, which means getting what you want from them without missing things you need but without wasting time, demands skill and self-awareness as you modify and apply the techniques of reading. | 1232.txt | 1 |
[
"Their life expectancy, when free of disease, was shorter than that of European bee colonies in North America.",
"They were not Africanized.",
"Their life cycle did not accommodate the feeding habits of Varroa jacobsoni.",
"They responded well to measures to control Varroa jacobsoni."
] | The passage suggests that which of the following was true of the honeybee colonies described in line 4-6? | One advantage of breeding African bees with other bee types (Africanization) may be resistance to the parasitic mite Varroa jacobsoni, a major threat to modern beekeeping. In parts of Europe, this mite is devastating honeybees and killing many colonies despite preventive measures by beekeepers. But in Brazil Varroa jacobsoni has been present in Africanized bees since 1972 without the loss of a single colony,even though beekeepers there undertook no preventive measures. The mites lay eggs within the brood cells of immature bees, and developing mites feed on the hemolymph (blood) of bee pupae. But fewer mites reproduce in Africanized bees than in European bees. Some researchers point out that this resistance may be related to the Africanized worker bee's shorter development period, which prevents some mites from reaching maturity. Recently the mite has become a serious problem in colonies of European bees in North America. Africanization of these bees may be the best safeguard against this parasite. | 1884.txt | 1 |
[
"Fewer Varroa jacobsoni mites reproduce in Africanized bees.",
"Varroa jacobsoni is killing many bee colonies in Europe.",
"Beekeepers in Brazil have not used preventive measures to protect their colonies.",
"At least some European bee colonies have been saved by preventive measures."
] | The author cites all of the following as evidence that Africanized bees'resistance to Varroa jacobsoni is superior to that of European bees EXCEPT: | One advantage of breeding African bees with other bee types (Africanization) may be resistance to the parasitic mite Varroa jacobsoni, a major threat to modern beekeeping. In parts of Europe, this mite is devastating honeybees and killing many colonies despite preventive measures by beekeepers. But in Brazil Varroa jacobsoni has been present in Africanized bees since 1972 without the loss of a single colony,even though beekeepers there undertook no preventive measures. The mites lay eggs within the brood cells of immature bees, and developing mites feed on the hemolymph (blood) of bee pupae. But fewer mites reproduce in Africanized bees than in European bees. Some researchers point out that this resistance may be related to the Africanized worker bee's shorter development period, which prevents some mites from reaching maturity. Recently the mite has become a serious problem in colonies of European bees in North America. Africanization of these bees may be the best safeguard against this parasite. | 1884.txt | 3 |
[
"the life cycle of the Africanized bee may limit the Varroa jacobsoni mite's opportunity to reach full development",
"the Africanized bees may have had an opportunity to develop a chemical resistance to Varroa jacobsoni",
"the location of bee colonies in Brazil may provide a natural deterrent to Varroa jacobsoni",
"Varroa jacobsoni may be relatively new to Brazil and may not have had time to become widespread"
] | According to the passage, research suggests that one possible reason the Africanized bees in Brazil have successfully resisted Varroa jacobsoni is that | One advantage of breeding African bees with other bee types (Africanization) may be resistance to the parasitic mite Varroa jacobsoni, a major threat to modern beekeeping. In parts of Europe, this mite is devastating honeybees and killing many colonies despite preventive measures by beekeepers. But in Brazil Varroa jacobsoni has been present in Africanized bees since 1972 without the loss of a single colony,even though beekeepers there undertook no preventive measures. The mites lay eggs within the brood cells of immature bees, and developing mites feed on the hemolymph (blood) of bee pupae. But fewer mites reproduce in Africanized bees than in European bees. Some researchers point out that this resistance may be related to the Africanized worker bee's shorter development period, which prevents some mites from reaching maturity. Recently the mite has become a serious problem in colonies of European bees in North America. Africanization of these bees may be the best safeguard against this parasite. | 1884.txt | 0 |
[
"The bees in Brazil were resistant before being Africanized.",
"The number of bee colonies in North American increased dramatically whereas the number in Brazil remained unchanged.",
"Mites found in European bees reproduce at a faster rate than mites of identical species found in the bees in Brazil.",
"Africanized bees retain many of the characteristics of European bees."
] | The author's argument regarding the resistance of Africanized bees to Varroa jacobsoni would be most weakened if which of the following were true? | One advantage of breeding African bees with other bee types (Africanization) may be resistance to the parasitic mite Varroa jacobsoni, a major threat to modern beekeeping. In parts of Europe, this mite is devastating honeybees and killing many colonies despite preventive measures by beekeepers. But in Brazil Varroa jacobsoni has been present in Africanized bees since 1972 without the loss of a single colony,even though beekeepers there undertook no preventive measures. The mites lay eggs within the brood cells of immature bees, and developing mites feed on the hemolymph (blood) of bee pupae. But fewer mites reproduce in Africanized bees than in European bees. Some researchers point out that this resistance may be related to the Africanized worker bee's shorter development period, which prevents some mites from reaching maturity. Recently the mite has become a serious problem in colonies of European bees in North America. Africanization of these bees may be the best safeguard against this parasite. | 1884.txt | 2 |
[
"feels happy，thinking of how nice his friends were to him",
"feels he may not have\"read\" his friends'true feelings correctly",
"thinks it was a mistake to have broken up with his girl friend，Helen",
"is sorry that his friends let him down"
] | From the questions in the first paragraph we can learn that the speaker _ . | We can make mistakes at any age.Some mistakes wemake are about money.But most mistakes are aboutpeople."Did Jerry really care when I broke up withHelen?'When I got that great job，did Jerry reallyfeel good about it，as a friend? Or did he envy myluck?" When we look back.doubts like these can makeUS feel bad.But when we look back.It's too late
Why do we go wrong about our friends-or our enemies? Sometimes what people say hides theirreal meaning.And if we don't really listen，we miss the feeling behind the words.Supposesomeone tells you.''you're a lucky dog".Is he really on your side? if he says."You're a luckyguy"or"You're a lucky gal".That's being friendly.But"lucky dog"?There's a bit of envy in thosewords Maybe he doesn't see it himself.But bringing in the''dog"bit puts you down a little.Whathe may be saying is that he doesn't think you deserve your luck.
How can you tell the real meaning behind someone's words? One way is to take a good look atthe person talking.Do his words fit the way he looks? Does what he says square with the tone ofvoice? His posture?The look in his eyes? Stop and think.The minute you spend thinkingabout the real meaning of what people say to you may save another mistake | 2435.txt | 1 |
[
"the speaker of this sentence is just being friendly",
"this saying means the same as \"You're a lucky guy\" or \"You're a lucky gal\"",
"sometimes the words used by a speaker give a clue to the feeling behind the words",
"the word\"dog\"shouldn't be used to apply to people"
] | In the second paragraph.the author uses the example of"You're a lucky dog"toshow that. | We can make mistakes at any age.Some mistakes wemake are about money.But most mistakes are aboutpeople."Did Jerry really care when I broke up withHelen?'When I got that great job，did Jerry reallyfeel good about it，as a friend? Or did he envy myluck?" When we look back.doubts like these can makeUS feel bad.But when we look back.It's too late
Why do we go wrong about our friends-or our enemies? Sometimes what people say hides theirreal meaning.And if we don't really listen，we miss the feeling behind the words.Supposesomeone tells you.''you're a lucky dog".Is he really on your side? if he says."You're a luckyguy"or"You're a lucky gal".That's being friendly.But"lucky dog"?There's a bit of envy in thosewords Maybe he doesn't see it himself.But bringing in the''dog"bit puts you down a little.Whathe may be saying is that he doesn't think you deserve your luck.
How can you tell the real meaning behind someone's words? One way is to take a good look atthe person talking.Do his words fit the way he looks? Does what he says square with the tone ofvoice? His posture?The look in his eyes? Stop and think.The minute you spend thinkingabout the real meaning of what people say to you may save another mistake | 2435.txt | 2 |
[
"avoid mistakes about money and friends",
"bring the\"dog''bit into our conversation",
"avoid mistakes in understanding what people tell you",
"keep people friendly without trusting them"
] | This passage tries to tell you how to _ . | We can make mistakes at any age.Some mistakes wemake are about money.But most mistakes are aboutpeople."Did Jerry really care when I broke up withHelen?'When I got that great job，did Jerry reallyfeel good about it，as a friend? Or did he envy myluck?" When we look back.doubts like these can makeUS feel bad.But when we look back.It's too late
Why do we go wrong about our friends-or our enemies? Sometimes what people say hides theirreal meaning.And if we don't really listen，we miss the feeling behind the words.Supposesomeone tells you.''you're a lucky dog".Is he really on your side? if he says."You're a luckyguy"or"You're a lucky gal".That's being friendly.But"lucky dog"?There's a bit of envy in thosewords Maybe he doesn't see it himself.But bringing in the''dog"bit puts you down a little.Whathe may be saying is that he doesn't think you deserve your luck.
How can you tell the real meaning behind someone's words? One way is to take a good look atthe person talking.Do his words fit the way he looks? Does what he says square with the tone ofvoice? His posture?The look in his eyes? Stop and think.The minute you spend thinkingabout the real meaning of what people say to you may save another mistake | 2435.txt | 2 |
[
"to notice his tone，his posture，and the look in his eyes",
"to listen to how he pronounces his words",
"to check his words against his manner，his tone of voice，and his posture",
"not to believe what he says"
] | In listening to a person.the important thing is _ . | We can make mistakes at any age.Some mistakes wemake are about money.But most mistakes are aboutpeople."Did Jerry really care when I broke up withHelen?'When I got that great job，did Jerry reallyfeel good about it，as a friend? Or did he envy myluck?" When we look back.doubts like these can makeUS feel bad.But when we look back.It's too late
Why do we go wrong about our friends-or our enemies? Sometimes what people say hides theirreal meaning.And if we don't really listen，we miss the feeling behind the words.Supposesomeone tells you.''you're a lucky dog".Is he really on your side? if he says."You're a luckyguy"or"You're a lucky gal".That's being friendly.But"lucky dog"?There's a bit of envy in thosewords Maybe he doesn't see it himself.But bringing in the''dog"bit puts you down a little.Whathe may be saying is that he doesn't think you deserve your luck.
How can you tell the real meaning behind someone's words? One way is to take a good look atthe person talking.Do his words fit the way he looks? Does what he says square with the tone ofvoice? His posture?The look in his eyes? Stop and think.The minute you spend thinkingabout the real meaning of what people say to you may save another mistake | 2435.txt | 2 |
[
"be able to get the real meaning of what people say to you",
"avoid any mistakes while talking with people who envy you",
"not lose real friends who say things that do not please you",
"be able to observe people as they are talking to you"
] | If you followed the advice of the writer，you would _ . | We can make mistakes at any age.Some mistakes wemake are about money.But most mistakes are aboutpeople."Did Jerry really care when I broke up withHelen?'When I got that great job，did Jerry reallyfeel good about it，as a friend? Or did he envy myluck?" When we look back.doubts like these can makeUS feel bad.But when we look back.It's too late
Why do we go wrong about our friends-or our enemies? Sometimes what people say hides theirreal meaning.And if we don't really listen，we miss the feeling behind the words.Supposesomeone tells you.''you're a lucky dog".Is he really on your side? if he says."You're a luckyguy"or"You're a lucky gal".That's being friendly.But"lucky dog"?There's a bit of envy in thosewords Maybe he doesn't see it himself.But bringing in the''dog"bit puts you down a little.Whathe may be saying is that he doesn't think you deserve your luck.
How can you tell the real meaning behind someone's words? One way is to take a good look atthe person talking.Do his words fit the way he looks? Does what he says square with the tone ofvoice? His posture?The look in his eyes? Stop and think.The minute you spend thinkingabout the real meaning of what people say to you may save another mistake | 2435.txt | 0 |
[
"How we perceive the food we eat.",
"What ingredients the food contains.",
"When we eat our meals.",
"How fast we eat our meals."
] | What is said to be a factor affecting our appetite and food intake? | In recent years, a growing body of research has shown that our appetite and food intake are influenced by a large number of factors besides our biological need for energy, including our eating environment and our perception of the food in front of us.
Studies have shown, for instance, that eating in front of the TV (or a similar distraction) can increase both hunger and the amount of food consumed. Even simple visual cues, like plate size and lighting, have been shown to affect portion size and consumption.
A new study suggested that our short-term memory also may play a role in appetite. Several hours after a meal, people's hunger levels were predicted not by how much they'd eaten but rather by how much food they'd seen in front of them-in other words, how much they remembered eating.
This disparity suggests the memory of our previous meal may have a bigger influence on our appetite than the actual size of the meal, says Jeffrey M. Brunstrom, a professor of experimental psychology at the University of Bristol.
"Hunger isn't controlled solely by the physical characteristics of a recent meal. We have identified an independent role for memory for that meal," Brunstrom says. "This shows that the relationship between hunger and food intake is more complex than we thought."
These findings echo earlier research that suggests our perception of food can sometimes trick our body's response to the food itself. In a 2011 study, for instance, people who drank the same 380-calorie milkshake on two separate occasions produced different levels of hunger-related hormones , depending on whether the shake's label said it contained 620 or 140 calories. Moreover, the participants reported feeling more full when they thought they'd consumed a higher-calorie shake.
What does this mean for our eating habits? Although it hardly seems practical to trick ourselves into eating less, the new findings do highlight the benefits of focusing on our food and avoiding TV and multitasking while eating.
The so-called mindful-eating strategies can fight distractions and help us control our appetite, Brunstrom says. | 2136.txt | 2 |
[
"You would probably be more picky about food.",
"You would not feel like eating the same food.",
"You would have a good appetite.",
"You would not feel so hungry."
] | What would happen at meal time if you remembered eating a lot in the previous meal? | In recent years, a growing body of research has shown that our appetite and food intake are influenced by a large number of factors besides our biological need for energy, including our eating environment and our perception of the food in front of us.
Studies have shown, for instance, that eating in front of the TV (or a similar distraction) can increase both hunger and the amount of food consumed. Even simple visual cues, like plate size and lighting, have been shown to affect portion size and consumption.
A new study suggested that our short-term memory also may play a role in appetite. Several hours after a meal, people's hunger levels were predicted not by how much they'd eaten but rather by how much food they'd seen in front of them-in other words, how much they remembered eating.
This disparity suggests the memory of our previous meal may have a bigger influence on our appetite than the actual size of the meal, says Jeffrey M. Brunstrom, a professor of experimental psychology at the University of Bristol.
"Hunger isn't controlled solely by the physical characteristics of a recent meal. We have identified an independent role for memory for that meal," Brunstrom says. "This shows that the relationship between hunger and food intake is more complex than we thought."
These findings echo earlier research that suggests our perception of food can sometimes trick our body's response to the food itself. In a 2011 study, for instance, people who drank the same 380-calorie milkshake on two separate occasions produced different levels of hunger-related hormones , depending on whether the shake's label said it contained 620 or 140 calories. Moreover, the participants reported feeling more full when they thought they'd consumed a higher-calorie shake.
What does this mean for our eating habits? Although it hardly seems practical to trick ourselves into eating less, the new findings do highlight the benefits of focusing on our food and avoiding TV and multitasking while eating.
The so-called mindful-eating strategies can fight distractions and help us control our appetite, Brunstrom says. | 2136.txt | 0 |
[
"Food labels may mislead consumers in their purchases.",
"Food labels may influence our body's response to food.",
"Hunger levels depend on one's consumption of calories.",
"People tend to take in a lot more calories than necessary."
] | What do we learn from the 2011 study? | In recent years, a growing body of research has shown that our appetite and food intake are influenced by a large number of factors besides our biological need for energy, including our eating environment and our perception of the food in front of us.
Studies have shown, for instance, that eating in front of the TV (or a similar distraction) can increase both hunger and the amount of food consumed. Even simple visual cues, like plate size and lighting, have been shown to affect portion size and consumption.
A new study suggested that our short-term memory also may play a role in appetite. Several hours after a meal, people's hunger levels were predicted not by how much they'd eaten but rather by how much food they'd seen in front of them-in other words, how much they remembered eating.
This disparity suggests the memory of our previous meal may have a bigger influence on our appetite than the actual size of the meal, says Jeffrey M. Brunstrom, a professor of experimental psychology at the University of Bristol.
"Hunger isn't controlled solely by the physical characteristics of a recent meal. We have identified an independent role for memory for that meal," Brunstrom says. "This shows that the relationship between hunger and food intake is more complex than we thought."
These findings echo earlier research that suggests our perception of food can sometimes trick our body's response to the food itself. In a 2011 study, for instance, people who drank the same 380-calorie milkshake on two separate occasions produced different levels of hunger-related hormones , depending on whether the shake's label said it contained 620 or 140 calories. Moreover, the participants reported feeling more full when they thought they'd consumed a higher-calorie shake.
What does this mean for our eating habits? Although it hardly seems practical to trick ourselves into eating less, the new findings do highlight the benefits of focusing on our food and avoiding TV and multitasking while eating.
The so-called mindful-eating strategies can fight distractions and help us control our appetite, Brunstrom says. | 2136.txt | 3 |
[
"Trick ourselves into eating less.",
"Choose food with fewer calories.",
"Concentrate on food while eating.",
"Pick dishes of the right size."
] | What does Brunstrom suggest we do to control our appetite? | In recent years, a growing body of research has shown that our appetite and food intake are influenced by a large number of factors besides our biological need for energy, including our eating environment and our perception of the food in front of us.
Studies have shown, for instance, that eating in front of the TV (or a similar distraction) can increase both hunger and the amount of food consumed. Even simple visual cues, like plate size and lighting, have been shown to affect portion size and consumption.
A new study suggested that our short-term memory also may play a role in appetite. Several hours after a meal, people's hunger levels were predicted not by how much they'd eaten but rather by how much food they'd seen in front of them-in other words, how much they remembered eating.
This disparity suggests the memory of our previous meal may have a bigger influence on our appetite than the actual size of the meal, says Jeffrey M. Brunstrom, a professor of experimental psychology at the University of Bristol.
"Hunger isn't controlled solely by the physical characteristics of a recent meal. We have identified an independent role for memory for that meal," Brunstrom says. "This shows that the relationship between hunger and food intake is more complex than we thought."
These findings echo earlier research that suggests our perception of food can sometimes trick our body's response to the food itself. In a 2011 study, for instance, people who drank the same 380-calorie milkshake on two separate occasions produced different levels of hunger-related hormones , depending on whether the shake's label said it contained 620 or 140 calories. Moreover, the participants reported feeling more full when they thought they'd consumed a higher-calorie shake.
What does this mean for our eating habits? Although it hardly seems practical to trick ourselves into eating less, the new findings do highlight the benefits of focusing on our food and avoiding TV and multitasking while eating.
The so-called mindful-eating strategies can fight distractions and help us control our appetite, Brunstrom says. | 2136.txt | 2 |
[
"Eating distractions often affect our food digestion.",
"Psychological factors influence our hunger levels.",
"Our food intake is determined by our biological needs.",
"Good eating habits will contribute to our health."
] | What is the main idea of the passage? | In recent years, a growing body of research has shown that our appetite and food intake are influenced by a large number of factors besides our biological need for energy, including our eating environment and our perception of the food in front of us.
Studies have shown, for instance, that eating in front of the TV (or a similar distraction) can increase both hunger and the amount of food consumed. Even simple visual cues, like plate size and lighting, have been shown to affect portion size and consumption.
A new study suggested that our short-term memory also may play a role in appetite. Several hours after a meal, people's hunger levels were predicted not by how much they'd eaten but rather by how much food they'd seen in front of them-in other words, how much they remembered eating.
This disparity suggests the memory of our previous meal may have a bigger influence on our appetite than the actual size of the meal, says Jeffrey M. Brunstrom, a professor of experimental psychology at the University of Bristol.
"Hunger isn't controlled solely by the physical characteristics of a recent meal. We have identified an independent role for memory for that meal," Brunstrom says. "This shows that the relationship between hunger and food intake is more complex than we thought."
These findings echo earlier research that suggests our perception of food can sometimes trick our body's response to the food itself. In a 2011 study, for instance, people who drank the same 380-calorie milkshake on two separate occasions produced different levels of hunger-related hormones , depending on whether the shake's label said it contained 620 or 140 calories. Moreover, the participants reported feeling more full when they thought they'd consumed a higher-calorie shake.
What does this mean for our eating habits? Although it hardly seems practical to trick ourselves into eating less, the new findings do highlight the benefits of focusing on our food and avoiding TV and multitasking while eating.
The so-called mindful-eating strategies can fight distractions and help us control our appetite, Brunstrom says. | 2136.txt | 3 |
[
"the cables which tie the spar to the ocean floor",
"the spar which is floating in deep??sea water",
"the blades driven by strong and steady sea wind",
"the stones filled in the spar below the sea surface"
] | The Hywind project uses totally new technology to ensure the stability of _ . | According to the US government, wind farms off the Pacific coast could produce 900 gigawatts of electricity every year. Unfortunately, the water there is far too deep for even the tallest windmills (see picture) to touch bottom. An experiment under way off the coast of Norway, however, could help put them anywhere.
The project, called Hywind, is the world's first large??scale deepwater wind turbine . Although it uses a fairly standard 152??ton, 2.3??megawatt turbine, Hywind represents totally new technology. The turbine will be fixed 213 feet above the water on a floating spar ( see picture), a technology Hywind's creator, the Norwegian company StatoilHydro, has developed recently. The steel spar, which is filled with stones and goes 328 feet below the sea surface, will be tied to the ocean floor by three cables ; these will keep the spar stable and prevent the turbine from moving up and down in the waves. Hywind's stability in the cold and rough sea would prove that even the deepest corners of the ocean are suitable for wind power. If all goes according to plan, the turbine will start producing electricity six miles off the coast of southwestern Norway as early as September.
To produce electricity on a large scale, a commercial wind farm will have to use bigger turbines than Hywind does, but it's difficult enough to balance such a large turbine so high on a floating spar in the middle of the ocean. To make that turbine heavier, the whole spar's centre of gravity must be moved much closer to the ocean's surface. To do that, the company plans to design a new kind of wind turbine, one whose gearbox sits at sea level rather than behind the blades (see picture).
Hywind is a test run, but the benefits for perfecting floating wind??farm technology could be extremely large. Out at sea, the wind is often stronger and steadier than close to shore, where all existing off??shore windmills are planted. Deep??sea farms are invisible from land, which helps overcome the windmill??as??eyesore objection. If the technology catches on, it will open up vast areas of the planet's surface to one of the best low??carbon power sources available. | 3080.txt | 1 |
[
"on the sea floor",
"on the spar top",
"at sea level",
"behind the blades"
] | To balance a bigger turbine high on a floating spar, a new type of turbine is to be designed with its gearbox sitting | According to the US government, wind farms off the Pacific coast could produce 900 gigawatts of electricity every year. Unfortunately, the water there is far too deep for even the tallest windmills (see picture) to touch bottom. An experiment under way off the coast of Norway, however, could help put them anywhere.
The project, called Hywind, is the world's first large??scale deepwater wind turbine . Although it uses a fairly standard 152??ton, 2.3??megawatt turbine, Hywind represents totally new technology. The turbine will be fixed 213 feet above the water on a floating spar ( see picture), a technology Hywind's creator, the Norwegian company StatoilHydro, has developed recently. The steel spar, which is filled with stones and goes 328 feet below the sea surface, will be tied to the ocean floor by three cables ; these will keep the spar stable and prevent the turbine from moving up and down in the waves. Hywind's stability in the cold and rough sea would prove that even the deepest corners of the ocean are suitable for wind power. If all goes according to plan, the turbine will start producing electricity six miles off the coast of southwestern Norway as early as September.
To produce electricity on a large scale, a commercial wind farm will have to use bigger turbines than Hywind does, but it's difficult enough to balance such a large turbine so high on a floating spar in the middle of the ocean. To make that turbine heavier, the whole spar's centre of gravity must be moved much closer to the ocean's surface. To do that, the company plans to design a new kind of wind turbine, one whose gearbox sits at sea level rather than behind the blades (see picture).
Hywind is a test run, but the benefits for perfecting floating wind??farm technology could be extremely large. Out at sea, the wind is often stronger and steadier than close to shore, where all existing off??shore windmills are planted. Deep??sea farms are invisible from land, which helps overcome the windmill??as??eyesore objection. If the technology catches on, it will open up vast areas of the planet's surface to one of the best low??carbon power sources available. | 3080.txt | 2 |
[
"solve the technical problems of deepwater windmills",
"make financial profits by producing more turbines",
"settle the arguments about environmental problems",
"explore low??carbon power resources available at sea"
] | Wide applications of deepwater wind power technology can | According to the US government, wind farms off the Pacific coast could produce 900 gigawatts of electricity every year. Unfortunately, the water there is far too deep for even the tallest windmills (see picture) to touch bottom. An experiment under way off the coast of Norway, however, could help put them anywhere.
The project, called Hywind, is the world's first large??scale deepwater wind turbine . Although it uses a fairly standard 152??ton, 2.3??megawatt turbine, Hywind represents totally new technology. The turbine will be fixed 213 feet above the water on a floating spar ( see picture), a technology Hywind's creator, the Norwegian company StatoilHydro, has developed recently. The steel spar, which is filled with stones and goes 328 feet below the sea surface, will be tied to the ocean floor by three cables ; these will keep the spar stable and prevent the turbine from moving up and down in the waves. Hywind's stability in the cold and rough sea would prove that even the deepest corners of the ocean are suitable for wind power. If all goes according to plan, the turbine will start producing electricity six miles off the coast of southwestern Norway as early as September.
To produce electricity on a large scale, a commercial wind farm will have to use bigger turbines than Hywind does, but it's difficult enough to balance such a large turbine so high on a floating spar in the middle of the ocean. To make that turbine heavier, the whole spar's centre of gravity must be moved much closer to the ocean's surface. To do that, the company plans to design a new kind of wind turbine, one whose gearbox sits at sea level rather than behind the blades (see picture).
Hywind is a test run, but the benefits for perfecting floating wind??farm technology could be extremely large. Out at sea, the wind is often stronger and steadier than close to shore, where all existing off??shore windmills are planted. Deep??sea farms are invisible from land, which helps overcome the windmill??as??eyesore objection. If the technology catches on, it will open up vast areas of the planet's surface to one of the best low??carbon power sources available. | 3080.txt | 3 |
[
"the light that gets through the cells is unaltered in tomographic phase microscopy.",
"it does not require the trickery to kill cells.",
"it is not dependent on absorbed or reflected light.",
"it could see all the components of the cells from three dimensions."
] | Tomographic phase microscopy is different from the other tricks that look at cells in that _ | Most cells are transparent-in other words, they are not very good at reflecting or absorbing light. To look at them under a microscope thus requires trickery. Many of these tricks kill the cells, and even those that keep them alive look only at slices through each cell, rather than seeing the whole thing in three dimensions.
Michael Feld, of the Massachusetts Institute of Technology, and his colleagues, think they can change that. They have invented a way to look at cells that are still alive. Moreover, they can do so in three dimensions. Their method is called tomographic phase microscopy, and it is reported in this week's Nature Methods. Instead of relying on absorbed or reflected light, Dr Feld's technique celebrates transparency by looking at light that gets through unaltered. It does so by measuring a property called the refractive index.
This index measures the speed of light in a material. (Light zips along at the actual "speed of light", faster than which nothing can go, only when it is travelling through a vacuum.) The different components of a cell, though transparent, have different refractive indices. Dr Feld and his team therefore set out to map what these differences are, with a view to using them to distinguish between cellular components.
To measure the refractive indices of different parts of a cell they use a technique called interferometry, which involves splitting a beam of light in two. One half, known as the object beam, passes through the cell; the other is directed along a different path and acts as a reference. The length of the reference path is such that if no sample is present, the two daughter beams will be as perfectly in phase when they meet as they were when they were separated. The crests and the troughs of their waves will reinforce each other, and the result will be brightness. The more that the light passing through the sample is slowed down, however, the more the two beams will be out of phase. Crest will fall on trough, and the result will be darkness. It is this phase shift that gives Dr Feld's new form of microscopy its name.
A single pair of beams does not, however, produce a useful image. To do that requires scanning the object beam through the target about a hundred different ways. From the refractive index of each path it is possible-with the application of some suitably crunchy computing power-to produce a three-dimensional image.
To test his idea, Dr Feld looked at cervical-cancer cells. If you identify this cancer early, the patient will probably survive. Miss it, and she will die. Dr Feld wondered if the changes that occur during cancer would show up using his new method. They did, in a part of the cell called the nucleolus. This is the place where the components of protein factories are made. Since cancer cells grow rapidly, and thus have a high demand for proteins, it was a likely place to expect changes.
Dr Feld also has plans to use beams of different colours, since each colour has a slightly different refractive index in a given material. That would provide extra data for the computer to chew on, and probably result in better pictures. With enough pictures, Dr Feld's technique may make biology as transparent as the cells it studies. | 3524.txt | 2 |
[
"Light runs the fastest when it is passes through transparent materials in the real world",
"The speed of light can only be precisely measured when the light is traveling in vacuum",
"The speed of light in any material is slower than the actual \"speed of light\".",
"The speed of light shifts when the light travel through different cells."
] | Which one of the following statements is True of the speed of light in materials? | Most cells are transparent-in other words, they are not very good at reflecting or absorbing light. To look at them under a microscope thus requires trickery. Many of these tricks kill the cells, and even those that keep them alive look only at slices through each cell, rather than seeing the whole thing in three dimensions.
Michael Feld, of the Massachusetts Institute of Technology, and his colleagues, think they can change that. They have invented a way to look at cells that are still alive. Moreover, they can do so in three dimensions. Their method is called tomographic phase microscopy, and it is reported in this week's Nature Methods. Instead of relying on absorbed or reflected light, Dr Feld's technique celebrates transparency by looking at light that gets through unaltered. It does so by measuring a property called the refractive index.
This index measures the speed of light in a material. (Light zips along at the actual "speed of light", faster than which nothing can go, only when it is travelling through a vacuum.) The different components of a cell, though transparent, have different refractive indices. Dr Feld and his team therefore set out to map what these differences are, with a view to using them to distinguish between cellular components.
To measure the refractive indices of different parts of a cell they use a technique called interferometry, which involves splitting a beam of light in two. One half, known as the object beam, passes through the cell; the other is directed along a different path and acts as a reference. The length of the reference path is such that if no sample is present, the two daughter beams will be as perfectly in phase when they meet as they were when they were separated. The crests and the troughs of their waves will reinforce each other, and the result will be brightness. The more that the light passing through the sample is slowed down, however, the more the two beams will be out of phase. Crest will fall on trough, and the result will be darkness. It is this phase shift that gives Dr Feld's new form of microscopy its name.
A single pair of beams does not, however, produce a useful image. To do that requires scanning the object beam through the target about a hundred different ways. From the refractive index of each path it is possible-with the application of some suitably crunchy computing power-to produce a three-dimensional image.
To test his idea, Dr Feld looked at cervical-cancer cells. If you identify this cancer early, the patient will probably survive. Miss it, and she will die. Dr Feld wondered if the changes that occur during cancer would show up using his new method. They did, in a part of the cell called the nucleolus. This is the place where the components of protein factories are made. Since cancer cells grow rapidly, and thus have a high demand for proteins, it was a likely place to expect changes.
Dr Feld also has plans to use beams of different colours, since each colour has a slightly different refractive index in a given material. That would provide extra data for the computer to chew on, and probably result in better pictures. With enough pictures, Dr Feld's technique may make biology as transparent as the cells it studies. | 3524.txt | 2 |
[
"there is no light passing through the sample.",
"the refractive index of the sample is very great.",
"the speed of the light passing through the sample is very slow.",
"the two daughter beams weaken each other."
] | The result of darkness in the technique of interferometry implies that _ | Most cells are transparent-in other words, they are not very good at reflecting or absorbing light. To look at them under a microscope thus requires trickery. Many of these tricks kill the cells, and even those that keep them alive look only at slices through each cell, rather than seeing the whole thing in three dimensions.
Michael Feld, of the Massachusetts Institute of Technology, and his colleagues, think they can change that. They have invented a way to look at cells that are still alive. Moreover, they can do so in three dimensions. Their method is called tomographic phase microscopy, and it is reported in this week's Nature Methods. Instead of relying on absorbed or reflected light, Dr Feld's technique celebrates transparency by looking at light that gets through unaltered. It does so by measuring a property called the refractive index.
This index measures the speed of light in a material. (Light zips along at the actual "speed of light", faster than which nothing can go, only when it is travelling through a vacuum.) The different components of a cell, though transparent, have different refractive indices. Dr Feld and his team therefore set out to map what these differences are, with a view to using them to distinguish between cellular components.
To measure the refractive indices of different parts of a cell they use a technique called interferometry, which involves splitting a beam of light in two. One half, known as the object beam, passes through the cell; the other is directed along a different path and acts as a reference. The length of the reference path is such that if no sample is present, the two daughter beams will be as perfectly in phase when they meet as they were when they were separated. The crests and the troughs of their waves will reinforce each other, and the result will be brightness. The more that the light passing through the sample is slowed down, however, the more the two beams will be out of phase. Crest will fall on trough, and the result will be darkness. It is this phase shift that gives Dr Feld's new form of microscopy its name.
A single pair of beams does not, however, produce a useful image. To do that requires scanning the object beam through the target about a hundred different ways. From the refractive index of each path it is possible-with the application of some suitably crunchy computing power-to produce a three-dimensional image.
To test his idea, Dr Feld looked at cervical-cancer cells. If you identify this cancer early, the patient will probably survive. Miss it, and she will die. Dr Feld wondered if the changes that occur during cancer would show up using his new method. They did, in a part of the cell called the nucleolus. This is the place where the components of protein factories are made. Since cancer cells grow rapidly, and thus have a high demand for proteins, it was a likely place to expect changes.
Dr Feld also has plans to use beams of different colours, since each colour has a slightly different refractive index in a given material. That would provide extra data for the computer to chew on, and probably result in better pictures. With enough pictures, Dr Feld's technique may make biology as transparent as the cells it studies. | 3524.txt | 3 |
[
"detecting changes of refractive indices in the components of protein factories.",
"finding out the changes of the refractive indices in some parts of the cervical-cancer cells.",
"examining the changes of the refractive indices in the nucleolus.",
"identifying the changes of the refractive indices in part of the nucleolus of the cancer cells."
] | Dr Feld's method could be applied into identifying cancer early by _ | Most cells are transparent-in other words, they are not very good at reflecting or absorbing light. To look at them under a microscope thus requires trickery. Many of these tricks kill the cells, and even those that keep them alive look only at slices through each cell, rather than seeing the whole thing in three dimensions.
Michael Feld, of the Massachusetts Institute of Technology, and his colleagues, think they can change that. They have invented a way to look at cells that are still alive. Moreover, they can do so in three dimensions. Their method is called tomographic phase microscopy, and it is reported in this week's Nature Methods. Instead of relying on absorbed or reflected light, Dr Feld's technique celebrates transparency by looking at light that gets through unaltered. It does so by measuring a property called the refractive index.
This index measures the speed of light in a material. (Light zips along at the actual "speed of light", faster than which nothing can go, only when it is travelling through a vacuum.) The different components of a cell, though transparent, have different refractive indices. Dr Feld and his team therefore set out to map what these differences are, with a view to using them to distinguish between cellular components.
To measure the refractive indices of different parts of a cell they use a technique called interferometry, which involves splitting a beam of light in two. One half, known as the object beam, passes through the cell; the other is directed along a different path and acts as a reference. The length of the reference path is such that if no sample is present, the two daughter beams will be as perfectly in phase when they meet as they were when they were separated. The crests and the troughs of their waves will reinforce each other, and the result will be brightness. The more that the light passing through the sample is slowed down, however, the more the two beams will be out of phase. Crest will fall on trough, and the result will be darkness. It is this phase shift that gives Dr Feld's new form of microscopy its name.
A single pair of beams does not, however, produce a useful image. To do that requires scanning the object beam through the target about a hundred different ways. From the refractive index of each path it is possible-with the application of some suitably crunchy computing power-to produce a three-dimensional image.
To test his idea, Dr Feld looked at cervical-cancer cells. If you identify this cancer early, the patient will probably survive. Miss it, and she will die. Dr Feld wondered if the changes that occur during cancer would show up using his new method. They did, in a part of the cell called the nucleolus. This is the place where the components of protein factories are made. Since cancer cells grow rapidly, and thus have a high demand for proteins, it was a likely place to expect changes.
Dr Feld also has plans to use beams of different colours, since each colour has a slightly different refractive index in a given material. That would provide extra data for the computer to chew on, and probably result in better pictures. With enough pictures, Dr Feld's technique may make biology as transparent as the cells it studies. | 3524.txt | 2 |
[
"Image of the Transparent Cells.",
"New Technique of Celebrating Transparency.",
"Refractive Indices of the Transparent Cells.",
"New Method of Detecting Cancer Cells."
] | The best title of the passages could be _ | Most cells are transparent-in other words, they are not very good at reflecting or absorbing light. To look at them under a microscope thus requires trickery. Many of these tricks kill the cells, and even those that keep them alive look only at slices through each cell, rather than seeing the whole thing in three dimensions.
Michael Feld, of the Massachusetts Institute of Technology, and his colleagues, think they can change that. They have invented a way to look at cells that are still alive. Moreover, they can do so in three dimensions. Their method is called tomographic phase microscopy, and it is reported in this week's Nature Methods. Instead of relying on absorbed or reflected light, Dr Feld's technique celebrates transparency by looking at light that gets through unaltered. It does so by measuring a property called the refractive index.
This index measures the speed of light in a material. (Light zips along at the actual "speed of light", faster than which nothing can go, only when it is travelling through a vacuum.) The different components of a cell, though transparent, have different refractive indices. Dr Feld and his team therefore set out to map what these differences are, with a view to using them to distinguish between cellular components.
To measure the refractive indices of different parts of a cell they use a technique called interferometry, which involves splitting a beam of light in two. One half, known as the object beam, passes through the cell; the other is directed along a different path and acts as a reference. The length of the reference path is such that if no sample is present, the two daughter beams will be as perfectly in phase when they meet as they were when they were separated. The crests and the troughs of their waves will reinforce each other, and the result will be brightness. The more that the light passing through the sample is slowed down, however, the more the two beams will be out of phase. Crest will fall on trough, and the result will be darkness. It is this phase shift that gives Dr Feld's new form of microscopy its name.
A single pair of beams does not, however, produce a useful image. To do that requires scanning the object beam through the target about a hundred different ways. From the refractive index of each path it is possible-with the application of some suitably crunchy computing power-to produce a three-dimensional image.
To test his idea, Dr Feld looked at cervical-cancer cells. If you identify this cancer early, the patient will probably survive. Miss it, and she will die. Dr Feld wondered if the changes that occur during cancer would show up using his new method. They did, in a part of the cell called the nucleolus. This is the place where the components of protein factories are made. Since cancer cells grow rapidly, and thus have a high demand for proteins, it was a likely place to expect changes.
Dr Feld also has plans to use beams of different colours, since each colour has a slightly different refractive index in a given material. That would provide extra data for the computer to chew on, and probably result in better pictures. With enough pictures, Dr Feld's technique may make biology as transparent as the cells it studies. | 3524.txt | 1 |
[
"speed up of the creation of a solution to a problem.",
"identify a problem.",
"bring together disparate facts.",
"stipulate clear goals."
] | According to the text, senior managers use intuition in all of the following ways EXCEPT to | The majority of successful senior managers do not closely follow the classical rational model of first clarifying goals, assessing the problem, formulating options, estimating likelihoods of success, making a decision, and only then taking action to implement the decision. Rather, in their day-by-day tactical maneuvers, these senior executives rely on what is vaguely termed intuition to manage a network of interrelated problems that require them to deal with ambiguity, inconsistency, novelty, and surprise; and to integrate action into the process of thinking.
Generations of writers on management have recognized that some practicing managers rely heavily on intuition. In general, however, such writers display a poor grasp of what intuition is. Some see it as the opposite of rationality;others view it as an excuse for capriciousness.
Isenberg's recent research on the cognitive processes of senior managers reveals that managers' intuition is neither of these. Rather, senior managers use intuition in at least five distinct ways. First, they intuitively sense when a problem exists. Second, managers rely on intuition to perform well-learned behavior patterns rapidly. This intuition is not arbitrary or irrational, but is based on years of painstaking practice and hands-on experience that build skills. A third function of intuition is to synthesize isolated bits of data and practice into an integrated picture, often in an Aha! experience. Fourth, some managers use intuition as a check on the results of more rational analysis. Most senior executives are familiar with the formal decision analysis models and tools, and those who use such systematic methods for reaching decisions are occasionally leery of solutions suggested by these methods which run counter to their sense of the correct course of action. Finally, managers can use intuition to bypass in-depth analysis and move rapidly to engender a plausible solution. Used in this way, intuition is an almost instantaneous cognitive process in which a manager recognizes familiar patterns.
One of the implications of the intuitive style of executive management is that thinking is inseparable from acting. Since managers often know what is right before they can analyze and explain it, they frequently act first and explain later. Analysis is inextricably tied to action in thinking/acting cycles, in which managers develop thoughts about their companies and organizations not by analyzing a problematic situation and then acting, but by acting and analyzing in close concert.
Given the great uncertainty of many of the management issues that they face, senior managers often instigate a course of action simply to learn more about an issue. They then use the results of the action to develop a more complete understanding of the issue. One implication of thinking/acting cycles is that action is often part of defining the problem, not just of implementing the solution. | 1037.txt | 3 |
[
"They have criticized managers for not following the classical rational model of decision analysis.",
"They have not based their analyses on a sufficiently large sample of actual managers.",
"They have relied in drawing their conclusions on what managers say rather than on what managers do.",
"They have misunderstood how managers use intuition in making business decisions."
] | The text suggests which of the following about the writers on management mentioned in line 1, paragraph 2? | The majority of successful senior managers do not closely follow the classical rational model of first clarifying goals, assessing the problem, formulating options, estimating likelihoods of success, making a decision, and only then taking action to implement the decision. Rather, in their day-by-day tactical maneuvers, these senior executives rely on what is vaguely termed intuition to manage a network of interrelated problems that require them to deal with ambiguity, inconsistency, novelty, and surprise; and to integrate action into the process of thinking.
Generations of writers on management have recognized that some practicing managers rely heavily on intuition. In general, however, such writers display a poor grasp of what intuition is. Some see it as the opposite of rationality;others view it as an excuse for capriciousness.
Isenberg's recent research on the cognitive processes of senior managers reveals that managers' intuition is neither of these. Rather, senior managers use intuition in at least five distinct ways. First, they intuitively sense when a problem exists. Second, managers rely on intuition to perform well-learned behavior patterns rapidly. This intuition is not arbitrary or irrational, but is based on years of painstaking practice and hands-on experience that build skills. A third function of intuition is to synthesize isolated bits of data and practice into an integrated picture, often in an Aha! experience. Fourth, some managers use intuition as a check on the results of more rational analysis. Most senior executives are familiar with the formal decision analysis models and tools, and those who use such systematic methods for reaching decisions are occasionally leery of solutions suggested by these methods which run counter to their sense of the correct course of action. Finally, managers can use intuition to bypass in-depth analysis and move rapidly to engender a plausible solution. Used in this way, intuition is an almost instantaneous cognitive process in which a manager recognizes familiar patterns.
One of the implications of the intuitive style of executive management is that thinking is inseparable from acting. Since managers often know what is right before they can analyze and explain it, they frequently act first and explain later. Analysis is inextricably tied to action in thinking/acting cycles, in which managers develop thoughts about their companies and organizations not by analyzing a problematic situation and then acting, but by acting and analyzing in close concert.
Given the great uncertainty of many of the management issues that they face, senior managers often instigate a course of action simply to learn more about an issue. They then use the results of the action to develop a more complete understanding of the issue. One implication of thinking/acting cycles is that action is often part of defining the problem, not just of implementing the solution. | 1037.txt | 3 |
[
"Manager X analyzes first and then acts; Manager Y does not.",
"Manager X checks possible solutions to a problem by systematic analysis; Manager Y does not.",
"Manager X takes action in order to arrive at the solution to a problem; Manager Y does not.",
"Manager Y draws on years of hands-on experience in creating a solution to a problem; Manager X does not."
] | It can be inferred from the text that which of the following would most probably be one major difference in behavior between Manager X, who uses intuition to reach decisions, and Manager Y, who uses only formal decision analysis? | The majority of successful senior managers do not closely follow the classical rational model of first clarifying goals, assessing the problem, formulating options, estimating likelihoods of success, making a decision, and only then taking action to implement the decision. Rather, in their day-by-day tactical maneuvers, these senior executives rely on what is vaguely termed intuition to manage a network of interrelated problems that require them to deal with ambiguity, inconsistency, novelty, and surprise; and to integrate action into the process of thinking.
Generations of writers on management have recognized that some practicing managers rely heavily on intuition. In general, however, such writers display a poor grasp of what intuition is. Some see it as the opposite of rationality;others view it as an excuse for capriciousness.
Isenberg's recent research on the cognitive processes of senior managers reveals that managers' intuition is neither of these. Rather, senior managers use intuition in at least five distinct ways. First, they intuitively sense when a problem exists. Second, managers rely on intuition to perform well-learned behavior patterns rapidly. This intuition is not arbitrary or irrational, but is based on years of painstaking practice and hands-on experience that build skills. A third function of intuition is to synthesize isolated bits of data and practice into an integrated picture, often in an Aha! experience. Fourth, some managers use intuition as a check on the results of more rational analysis. Most senior executives are familiar with the formal decision analysis models and tools, and those who use such systematic methods for reaching decisions are occasionally leery of solutions suggested by these methods which run counter to their sense of the correct course of action. Finally, managers can use intuition to bypass in-depth analysis and move rapidly to engender a plausible solution. Used in this way, intuition is an almost instantaneous cognitive process in which a manager recognizes familiar patterns.
One of the implications of the intuitive style of executive management is that thinking is inseparable from acting. Since managers often know what is right before they can analyze and explain it, they frequently act first and explain later. Analysis is inextricably tied to action in thinking/acting cycles, in which managers develop thoughts about their companies and organizations not by analyzing a problematic situation and then acting, but by acting and analyzing in close concert.
Given the great uncertainty of many of the management issues that they face, senior managers often instigate a course of action simply to learn more about an issue. They then use the results of the action to develop a more complete understanding of the issue. One implication of thinking/acting cycles is that action is often part of defining the problem, not just of implementing the solution. | 1037.txt | 2 |
[
"Managers who rely on intuition are more successful than those who rely on formal decision analysis.",
"Managers cannot justify their intuitive decisions.",
"Managers'' intuition works contrary to their rational and analytical skills.",
"Intuition enables managers to employ their practical experience more efficiently."
] | The text provides support for which of the following statements? | The majority of successful senior managers do not closely follow the classical rational model of first clarifying goals, assessing the problem, formulating options, estimating likelihoods of success, making a decision, and only then taking action to implement the decision. Rather, in their day-by-day tactical maneuvers, these senior executives rely on what is vaguely termed intuition to manage a network of interrelated problems that require them to deal with ambiguity, inconsistency, novelty, and surprise; and to integrate action into the process of thinking.
Generations of writers on management have recognized that some practicing managers rely heavily on intuition. In general, however, such writers display a poor grasp of what intuition is. Some see it as the opposite of rationality;others view it as an excuse for capriciousness.
Isenberg's recent research on the cognitive processes of senior managers reveals that managers' intuition is neither of these. Rather, senior managers use intuition in at least five distinct ways. First, they intuitively sense when a problem exists. Second, managers rely on intuition to perform well-learned behavior patterns rapidly. This intuition is not arbitrary or irrational, but is based on years of painstaking practice and hands-on experience that build skills. A third function of intuition is to synthesize isolated bits of data and practice into an integrated picture, often in an Aha! experience. Fourth, some managers use intuition as a check on the results of more rational analysis. Most senior executives are familiar with the formal decision analysis models and tools, and those who use such systematic methods for reaching decisions are occasionally leery of solutions suggested by these methods which run counter to their sense of the correct course of action. Finally, managers can use intuition to bypass in-depth analysis and move rapidly to engender a plausible solution. Used in this way, intuition is an almost instantaneous cognitive process in which a manager recognizes familiar patterns.
One of the implications of the intuitive style of executive management is that thinking is inseparable from acting. Since managers often know what is right before they can analyze and explain it, they frequently act first and explain later. Analysis is inextricably tied to action in thinking/acting cycles, in which managers develop thoughts about their companies and organizations not by analyzing a problematic situation and then acting, but by acting and analyzing in close concert.
Given the great uncertainty of many of the management issues that they face, senior managers often instigate a course of action simply to learn more about an issue. They then use the results of the action to develop a more complete understanding of the issue. One implication of thinking/acting cycles is that action is often part of defining the problem, not just of implementing the solution. | 1037.txt | 3 |
[
"An assertion is made and a specific supporting example is given.",
"A conventional model is dismissed and an alternative introduced.",
"The results of recent research are introduced and summarized.",
"Two opposing points of view are presented and evaluated."
] | Which of the following best describes the organization of the first paragraph of the text? | The majority of successful senior managers do not closely follow the classical rational model of first clarifying goals, assessing the problem, formulating options, estimating likelihoods of success, making a decision, and only then taking action to implement the decision. Rather, in their day-by-day tactical maneuvers, these senior executives rely on what is vaguely termed intuition to manage a network of interrelated problems that require them to deal with ambiguity, inconsistency, novelty, and surprise; and to integrate action into the process of thinking.
Generations of writers on management have recognized that some practicing managers rely heavily on intuition. In general, however, such writers display a poor grasp of what intuition is. Some see it as the opposite of rationality;others view it as an excuse for capriciousness.
Isenberg's recent research on the cognitive processes of senior managers reveals that managers' intuition is neither of these. Rather, senior managers use intuition in at least five distinct ways. First, they intuitively sense when a problem exists. Second, managers rely on intuition to perform well-learned behavior patterns rapidly. This intuition is not arbitrary or irrational, but is based on years of painstaking practice and hands-on experience that build skills. A third function of intuition is to synthesize isolated bits of data and practice into an integrated picture, often in an Aha! experience. Fourth, some managers use intuition as a check on the results of more rational analysis. Most senior executives are familiar with the formal decision analysis models and tools, and those who use such systematic methods for reaching decisions are occasionally leery of solutions suggested by these methods which run counter to their sense of the correct course of action. Finally, managers can use intuition to bypass in-depth analysis and move rapidly to engender a plausible solution. Used in this way, intuition is an almost instantaneous cognitive process in which a manager recognizes familiar patterns.
One of the implications of the intuitive style of executive management is that thinking is inseparable from acting. Since managers often know what is right before they can analyze and explain it, they frequently act first and explain later. Analysis is inextricably tied to action in thinking/acting cycles, in which managers develop thoughts about their companies and organizations not by analyzing a problematic situation and then acting, but by acting and analyzing in close concert.
Given the great uncertainty of many of the management issues that they face, senior managers often instigate a course of action simply to learn more about an issue. They then use the results of the action to develop a more complete understanding of the issue. One implication of thinking/acting cycles is that action is often part of defining the problem, not just of implementing the solution. | 1037.txt | 1 |
[
"it will lead to more intimacy and help to establish a relationship",
"it will help to establish status with their listeners",
"it will help to express more clearly",
"it will help to communicate better"
] | In the opinion of the writer, women encourage men to talk because | According to the latest research in the' United States of America, men and women talk such different languages that it is like people from two different cultures trying to communicate. Professor Deborah Tannen of Georgetown University, has noticed the difference in the style of boy's and girl's conversations from an early age. She says that little girls' conversation is less definite than boys' and expresses more doubts. Little boys use conversation to establish status with their listeners.
These differences continue into adult life, she says. In public conversations, men talk most and interrupt other speakers more. In private conversations, men and women speak in equal amounts-although they say things in a different style. Professor Tannen believes that, for woman, private talking is a way to establish and test intimacy. For men, private talking is a way to explore the power structure of a relationship.
Teaching is one job where the differences between men's and women's ways of talking show. When a man teaches a woman, says Professor Tannen, he wants to show that he has more knowledge, and hence more power in conversation. When a woman teaches another woman, however, she is more likely to take a sharing approach and to encourage her student to join in.
But Professor Tannen does not believe that women are naturally more helpful. She says women feel they achieve power by being able to help others. Although the research suggests men talk and interrupt people more than women, Professor Tannen says, women actually encourage this to happen because they believe it will lead to more intimacy and help to establish a relationship.
Some scientists who are studying speech think that the brain is pre¬programmed for language. As we are usually taught to speak by women, it seems likely that the brain must have a sexual bias in its programming.otherwise male speech patterns would not arise at all. | 1760.txt | 0 |
[
"fewer doubts",
"more demands",
"more doubts",
"fewer uncertainties"
] | There are_ in little girls' conversation than in boys'. | According to the latest research in the' United States of America, men and women talk such different languages that it is like people from two different cultures trying to communicate. Professor Deborah Tannen of Georgetown University, has noticed the difference in the style of boy's and girl's conversations from an early age. She says that little girls' conversation is less definite than boys' and expresses more doubts. Little boys use conversation to establish status with their listeners.
These differences continue into adult life, she says. In public conversations, men talk most and interrupt other speakers more. In private conversations, men and women speak in equal amounts-although they say things in a different style. Professor Tannen believes that, for woman, private talking is a way to establish and test intimacy. For men, private talking is a way to explore the power structure of a relationship.
Teaching is one job where the differences between men's and women's ways of talking show. When a man teaches a woman, says Professor Tannen, he wants to show that he has more knowledge, and hence more power in conversation. When a woman teaches another woman, however, she is more likely to take a sharing approach and to encourage her student to join in.
But Professor Tannen does not believe that women are naturally more helpful. She says women feel they achieve power by being able to help others. Although the research suggests men talk and interrupt people more than women, Professor Tannen says, women actually encourage this to happen because they believe it will lead to more intimacy and help to establish a relationship.
Some scientists who are studying speech think that the brain is pre¬programmed for language. As we are usually taught to speak by women, it seems likely that the brain must have a sexual bias in its programming.otherwise male speech patterns would not arise at all. | 1760.txt | 2 |
[
"programmed already",
"programmed before one is born",
"programmed early",
"programmed by women"
] | Some scientists believe that brain is pre-programmed for language. The word "pre programmed" means_ . | According to the latest research in the' United States of America, men and women talk such different languages that it is like people from two different cultures trying to communicate. Professor Deborah Tannen of Georgetown University, has noticed the difference in the style of boy's and girl's conversations from an early age. She says that little girls' conversation is less definite than boys' and expresses more doubts. Little boys use conversation to establish status with their listeners.
These differences continue into adult life, she says. In public conversations, men talk most and interrupt other speakers more. In private conversations, men and women speak in equal amounts-although they say things in a different style. Professor Tannen believes that, for woman, private talking is a way to establish and test intimacy. For men, private talking is a way to explore the power structure of a relationship.
Teaching is one job where the differences between men's and women's ways of talking show. When a man teaches a woman, says Professor Tannen, he wants to show that he has more knowledge, and hence more power in conversation. When a woman teaches another woman, however, she is more likely to take a sharing approach and to encourage her student to join in.
But Professor Tannen does not believe that women are naturally more helpful. She says women feel they achieve power by being able to help others. Although the research suggests men talk and interrupt people more than women, Professor Tannen says, women actually encourage this to happen because they believe it will lead to more intimacy and help to establish a relationship.
Some scientists who are studying speech think that the brain is pre¬programmed for language. As we are usually taught to speak by women, it seems likely that the brain must have a sexual bias in its programming.otherwise male speech patterns would not arise at all. | 1760.txt | 1 |
[
"the same things as men",
"less than men",
"more than men",
"as much as men"
] | In private conversation, women speak | According to the latest research in the' United States of America, men and women talk such different languages that it is like people from two different cultures trying to communicate. Professor Deborah Tannen of Georgetown University, has noticed the difference in the style of boy's and girl's conversations from an early age. She says that little girls' conversation is less definite than boys' and expresses more doubts. Little boys use conversation to establish status with their listeners.
These differences continue into adult life, she says. In public conversations, men talk most and interrupt other speakers more. In private conversations, men and women speak in equal amounts-although they say things in a different style. Professor Tannen believes that, for woman, private talking is a way to establish and test intimacy. For men, private talking is a way to explore the power structure of a relationship.
Teaching is one job where the differences between men's and women's ways of talking show. When a man teaches a woman, says Professor Tannen, he wants to show that he has more knowledge, and hence more power in conversation. When a woman teaches another woman, however, she is more likely to take a sharing approach and to encourage her student to join in.
But Professor Tannen does not believe that women are naturally more helpful. She says women feel they achieve power by being able to help others. Although the research suggests men talk and interrupt people more than women, Professor Tannen says, women actually encourage this to happen because they believe it will lead to more intimacy and help to establish a relationship.
Some scientists who are studying speech think that the brain is pre¬programmed for language. As we are usually taught to speak by women, it seems likely that the brain must have a sexual bias in its programming.otherwise male speech patterns would not arise at all. | 1760.txt | 3 |
[
"women are naturally more helpful",
"men and women talk different languages",
"men talk most and interrupt other speakers more",
"little girls' conversation is less definite"
] | The theme of this article is _ . | According to the latest research in the' United States of America, men and women talk such different languages that it is like people from two different cultures trying to communicate. Professor Deborah Tannen of Georgetown University, has noticed the difference in the style of boy's and girl's conversations from an early age. She says that little girls' conversation is less definite than boys' and expresses more doubts. Little boys use conversation to establish status with their listeners.
These differences continue into adult life, she says. In public conversations, men talk most and interrupt other speakers more. In private conversations, men and women speak in equal amounts-although they say things in a different style. Professor Tannen believes that, for woman, private talking is a way to establish and test intimacy. For men, private talking is a way to explore the power structure of a relationship.
Teaching is one job where the differences between men's and women's ways of talking show. When a man teaches a woman, says Professor Tannen, he wants to show that he has more knowledge, and hence more power in conversation. When a woman teaches another woman, however, she is more likely to take a sharing approach and to encourage her student to join in.
But Professor Tannen does not believe that women are naturally more helpful. She says women feel they achieve power by being able to help others. Although the research suggests men talk and interrupt people more than women, Professor Tannen says, women actually encourage this to happen because they believe it will lead to more intimacy and help to establish a relationship.
Some scientists who are studying speech think that the brain is pre¬programmed for language. As we are usually taught to speak by women, it seems likely that the brain must have a sexual bias in its programming.otherwise male speech patterns would not arise at all. | 1760.txt | 1 |
[
"considerable",
"surprising",
"limited",
"adequate"
] | The word "marked" in the passage(paragraph 1) is closest in meaning to | The earliest discovered traces of art are beads and carvings, and then paintings, from sites dating back to the Upper Paleolithic period. We might expect that early artistic efforts would be crude, but the cave paintings of Spain and southern France show a marked degree of skill. So do the naturalistic paintings on slabs of stone excavated in southern Africa. Some of those slabs appear to have been painted as much as 28,000 years ago, which suggests that painting in Africa is as old as painting in Europe. But painting may be even older than that. The early Australians may have painted on the walls of rock shelters and cliff faces at least 30,000 years ago, and maybe as much as 60,000 years ago.
The researchers Peter Ucko and Andree Rosenfeld identified three principal locations of paintings in the caves of western Europe: (1) in obviously inhabited rock shelters and cave entrances; (2) in galleries immediately off the inhabited areas of caves; and (3) in the inner reaches of caves, whose difficulty of access has been interpreted by some as a sign that magical-religious activities were performed there.
The subjects of the paintings are mostly animals. The paintings rest on bare walls, with no backdrops or environmental trappings. Perhaps, like many contemporary peoples, Upper Paleolithic men and women believed that the drawing of a human image could cause death or injury, and if that were indeed their belief, it might explain why human figures are rarely depicted in cave art. Another explanation for the focus on animals might be that these people sought to improve their luck at hunting. This theory is suggested by evidence of chips in the painted figures, perhaps made by spears thrown at the drawings. But if improving their hunting luck was the chief motivation for the paintings, it is difficult to explain why only a few show signs of having been speared. Perhaps the paintings were inspired by the need to increase the supply of animals. Cave art seems to have reached a peak toward the end of the Upper Paleolithic period, when the herds of game were decreasing.
The particular symbolic significance of the cave paintings in southwestern France is more explicitly revealed, perhaps, by the results of a study conducted by researchers Patricia Rice and Ann Paterson. The data they present suggest that the animals portrayed in the cave paintings were mostly the ones that the painters preferred for meat and for materials such as hides. For example, wild cattle (bovines) and horses are portrayed more often than we would expect by chance, probably because they were larger and heavier (meatier) than other animals in the environment. In addition, the paintings mostly portray animals that the painters may have feared the most because of their size, speed, natural weapons such as tusks and horns, and the unpredictability of their behavior. That is, mammoths, bovines, and horses are portrayed more often than deer and reindeer. Thus, the paintings are consistent with the idea that the art is related to the importance of hunting in the economy of Upper Paleolithic people. Consistent with this idea, according to the investigators, is the fact that the art of the cultural period that followed the Upper Paleolithic also seems to reflect how people got their food. But in that period, when getting food no longer depended on hunting large game animals (because they were becoming extinct), the art ceased to focus on portrayals of animals.
Upper Paleolithic art was not confined to cave paintings. Many shafts of spears and similar objects were decorated with figures of animals. The anthropologist Alexander Marshack has an interesting interpretation of some of the engravings made during the Upper Paleolithic. He believes that as far back as 30,000 B.C., hunters may have used a system of notation, engraved on bone and stone, to mark phases of the Moon. If this is true, it would mean that Upper Paleolithic people were capable of complex thought and were consciously aware of their environment. In addition to other artworks, figurines representing the human female in exaggerated form have also been found at Upper Paleolithic sites. It has been suggested that these figurines were an ideal type or an expression of a desire for fertility. | 1242.txt | 0 |
[
"It is much older than painting inAustralia.",
"It is as much as 28,000 years old.",
"It is not as old as painting in southernAfrica.",
"It is much more than 30,000 years old."
] | Paragraph 1 supports which of the following statements about painting in Europe? | The earliest discovered traces of art are beads and carvings, and then paintings, from sites dating back to the Upper Paleolithic period. We might expect that early artistic efforts would be crude, but the cave paintings of Spain and southern France show a marked degree of skill. So do the naturalistic paintings on slabs of stone excavated in southern Africa. Some of those slabs appear to have been painted as much as 28,000 years ago, which suggests that painting in Africa is as old as painting in Europe. But painting may be even older than that. The early Australians may have painted on the walls of rock shelters and cliff faces at least 30,000 years ago, and maybe as much as 60,000 years ago.
The researchers Peter Ucko and Andree Rosenfeld identified three principal locations of paintings in the caves of western Europe: (1) in obviously inhabited rock shelters and cave entrances; (2) in galleries immediately off the inhabited areas of caves; and (3) in the inner reaches of caves, whose difficulty of access has been interpreted by some as a sign that magical-religious activities were performed there.
The subjects of the paintings are mostly animals. The paintings rest on bare walls, with no backdrops or environmental trappings. Perhaps, like many contemporary peoples, Upper Paleolithic men and women believed that the drawing of a human image could cause death or injury, and if that were indeed their belief, it might explain why human figures are rarely depicted in cave art. Another explanation for the focus on animals might be that these people sought to improve their luck at hunting. This theory is suggested by evidence of chips in the painted figures, perhaps made by spears thrown at the drawings. But if improving their hunting luck was the chief motivation for the paintings, it is difficult to explain why only a few show signs of having been speared. Perhaps the paintings were inspired by the need to increase the supply of animals. Cave art seems to have reached a peak toward the end of the Upper Paleolithic period, when the herds of game were decreasing.
The particular symbolic significance of the cave paintings in southwestern France is more explicitly revealed, perhaps, by the results of a study conducted by researchers Patricia Rice and Ann Paterson. The data they present suggest that the animals portrayed in the cave paintings were mostly the ones that the painters preferred for meat and for materials such as hides. For example, wild cattle (bovines) and horses are portrayed more often than we would expect by chance, probably because they were larger and heavier (meatier) than other animals in the environment. In addition, the paintings mostly portray animals that the painters may have feared the most because of their size, speed, natural weapons such as tusks and horns, and the unpredictability of their behavior. That is, mammoths, bovines, and horses are portrayed more often than deer and reindeer. Thus, the paintings are consistent with the idea that the art is related to the importance of hunting in the economy of Upper Paleolithic people. Consistent with this idea, according to the investigators, is the fact that the art of the cultural period that followed the Upper Paleolithic also seems to reflect how people got their food. But in that period, when getting food no longer depended on hunting large game animals (because they were becoming extinct), the art ceased to focus on portrayals of animals.
Upper Paleolithic art was not confined to cave paintings. Many shafts of spears and similar objects were decorated with figures of animals. The anthropologist Alexander Marshack has an interesting interpretation of some of the engravings made during the Upper Paleolithic. He believes that as far back as 30,000 B.C., hunters may have used a system of notation, engraved on bone and stone, to mark phases of the Moon. If this is true, it would mean that Upper Paleolithic people were capable of complex thought and were consciously aware of their environment. In addition to other artworks, figurines representing the human female in exaggerated form have also been found at Upper Paleolithic sites. It has been suggested that these figurines were an ideal type or an expression of a desire for fertility. | 1242.txt | 1 |
[
"major",
"likely",
"well protected",
"distinct"
] | The word "principal" in the passage(paragraph 2) is closest in meaning to | The earliest discovered traces of art are beads and carvings, and then paintings, from sites dating back to the Upper Paleolithic period. We might expect that early artistic efforts would be crude, but the cave paintings of Spain and southern France show a marked degree of skill. So do the naturalistic paintings on slabs of stone excavated in southern Africa. Some of those slabs appear to have been painted as much as 28,000 years ago, which suggests that painting in Africa is as old as painting in Europe. But painting may be even older than that. The early Australians may have painted on the walls of rock shelters and cliff faces at least 30,000 years ago, and maybe as much as 60,000 years ago.
The researchers Peter Ucko and Andree Rosenfeld identified three principal locations of paintings in the caves of western Europe: (1) in obviously inhabited rock shelters and cave entrances; (2) in galleries immediately off the inhabited areas of caves; and (3) in the inner reaches of caves, whose difficulty of access has been interpreted by some as a sign that magical-religious activities were performed there.
The subjects of the paintings are mostly animals. The paintings rest on bare walls, with no backdrops or environmental trappings. Perhaps, like many contemporary peoples, Upper Paleolithic men and women believed that the drawing of a human image could cause death or injury, and if that were indeed their belief, it might explain why human figures are rarely depicted in cave art. Another explanation for the focus on animals might be that these people sought to improve their luck at hunting. This theory is suggested by evidence of chips in the painted figures, perhaps made by spears thrown at the drawings. But if improving their hunting luck was the chief motivation for the paintings, it is difficult to explain why only a few show signs of having been speared. Perhaps the paintings were inspired by the need to increase the supply of animals. Cave art seems to have reached a peak toward the end of the Upper Paleolithic period, when the herds of game were decreasing.
The particular symbolic significance of the cave paintings in southwestern France is more explicitly revealed, perhaps, by the results of a study conducted by researchers Patricia Rice and Ann Paterson. The data they present suggest that the animals portrayed in the cave paintings were mostly the ones that the painters preferred for meat and for materials such as hides. For example, wild cattle (bovines) and horses are portrayed more often than we would expect by chance, probably because they were larger and heavier (meatier) than other animals in the environment. In addition, the paintings mostly portray animals that the painters may have feared the most because of their size, speed, natural weapons such as tusks and horns, and the unpredictability of their behavior. That is, mammoths, bovines, and horses are portrayed more often than deer and reindeer. Thus, the paintings are consistent with the idea that the art is related to the importance of hunting in the economy of Upper Paleolithic people. Consistent with this idea, according to the investigators, is the fact that the art of the cultural period that followed the Upper Paleolithic also seems to reflect how people got their food. But in that period, when getting food no longer depended on hunting large game animals (because they were becoming extinct), the art ceased to focus on portrayals of animals.
Upper Paleolithic art was not confined to cave paintings. Many shafts of spears and similar objects were decorated with figures of animals. The anthropologist Alexander Marshack has an interesting interpretation of some of the engravings made during the Upper Paleolithic. He believes that as far back as 30,000 B.C., hunters may have used a system of notation, engraved on bone and stone, to mark phases of the Moon. If this is true, it would mean that Upper Paleolithic people were capable of complex thought and were consciously aware of their environment. In addition to other artworks, figurines representing the human female in exaggerated form have also been found at Upper Paleolithic sites. It has been suggested that these figurines were an ideal type or an expression of a desire for fertility. | 1242.txt | 0 |
[
"The paintings were located where manypeople could easily see them, allowing groups of people to participate in themagical-religious activities.",
"Upper Paleolithic people shared similarbeliefs with contemporary peoples who use paintings of animals in theirmagical-religious rituals.",
"Evidence of magical-religious activitieshas been found in galleries immediately off the inhabited areas of caves.",
"The paintings were found in hard-to-reachplaces away from the inhabited parts of the cave."
] | According to paragraph 2, what makes someresearchers think that certain cave paintings were connected withmagical-religious activities? | The earliest discovered traces of art are beads and carvings, and then paintings, from sites dating back to the Upper Paleolithic period. We might expect that early artistic efforts would be crude, but the cave paintings of Spain and southern France show a marked degree of skill. So do the naturalistic paintings on slabs of stone excavated in southern Africa. Some of those slabs appear to have been painted as much as 28,000 years ago, which suggests that painting in Africa is as old as painting in Europe. But painting may be even older than that. The early Australians may have painted on the walls of rock shelters and cliff faces at least 30,000 years ago, and maybe as much as 60,000 years ago.
The researchers Peter Ucko and Andree Rosenfeld identified three principal locations of paintings in the caves of western Europe: (1) in obviously inhabited rock shelters and cave entrances; (2) in galleries immediately off the inhabited areas of caves; and (3) in the inner reaches of caves, whose difficulty of access has been interpreted by some as a sign that magical-religious activities were performed there.
The subjects of the paintings are mostly animals. The paintings rest on bare walls, with no backdrops or environmental trappings. Perhaps, like many contemporary peoples, Upper Paleolithic men and women believed that the drawing of a human image could cause death or injury, and if that were indeed their belief, it might explain why human figures are rarely depicted in cave art. Another explanation for the focus on animals might be that these people sought to improve their luck at hunting. This theory is suggested by evidence of chips in the painted figures, perhaps made by spears thrown at the drawings. But if improving their hunting luck was the chief motivation for the paintings, it is difficult to explain why only a few show signs of having been speared. Perhaps the paintings were inspired by the need to increase the supply of animals. Cave art seems to have reached a peak toward the end of the Upper Paleolithic period, when the herds of game were decreasing.
The particular symbolic significance of the cave paintings in southwestern France is more explicitly revealed, perhaps, by the results of a study conducted by researchers Patricia Rice and Ann Paterson. The data they present suggest that the animals portrayed in the cave paintings were mostly the ones that the painters preferred for meat and for materials such as hides. For example, wild cattle (bovines) and horses are portrayed more often than we would expect by chance, probably because they were larger and heavier (meatier) than other animals in the environment. In addition, the paintings mostly portray animals that the painters may have feared the most because of their size, speed, natural weapons such as tusks and horns, and the unpredictability of their behavior. That is, mammoths, bovines, and horses are portrayed more often than deer and reindeer. Thus, the paintings are consistent with the idea that the art is related to the importance of hunting in the economy of Upper Paleolithic people. Consistent with this idea, according to the investigators, is the fact that the art of the cultural period that followed the Upper Paleolithic also seems to reflect how people got their food. But in that period, when getting food no longer depended on hunting large game animals (because they were becoming extinct), the art ceased to focus on portrayals of animals.
Upper Paleolithic art was not confined to cave paintings. Many shafts of spears and similar objects were decorated with figures of animals. The anthropologist Alexander Marshack has an interesting interpretation of some of the engravings made during the Upper Paleolithic. He believes that as far back as 30,000 B.C., hunters may have used a system of notation, engraved on bone and stone, to mark phases of the Moon. If this is true, it would mean that Upper Paleolithic people were capable of complex thought and were consciously aware of their environment. In addition to other artworks, figurines representing the human female in exaggerated form have also been found at Upper Paleolithic sites. It has been suggested that these figurines were an ideal type or an expression of a desire for fertility. | 1242.txt | 3 |
[
"conditions",
"problems",
"influences",
"decorations"
] | The word "trappings" in the passage(paragraph 3) is closest in meaning to | The earliest discovered traces of art are beads and carvings, and then paintings, from sites dating back to the Upper Paleolithic period. We might expect that early artistic efforts would be crude, but the cave paintings of Spain and southern France show a marked degree of skill. So do the naturalistic paintings on slabs of stone excavated in southern Africa. Some of those slabs appear to have been painted as much as 28,000 years ago, which suggests that painting in Africa is as old as painting in Europe. But painting may be even older than that. The early Australians may have painted on the walls of rock shelters and cliff faces at least 30,000 years ago, and maybe as much as 60,000 years ago.
The researchers Peter Ucko and Andree Rosenfeld identified three principal locations of paintings in the caves of western Europe: (1) in obviously inhabited rock shelters and cave entrances; (2) in galleries immediately off the inhabited areas of caves; and (3) in the inner reaches of caves, whose difficulty of access has been interpreted by some as a sign that magical-religious activities were performed there.
The subjects of the paintings are mostly animals. The paintings rest on bare walls, with no backdrops or environmental trappings. Perhaps, like many contemporary peoples, Upper Paleolithic men and women believed that the drawing of a human image could cause death or injury, and if that were indeed their belief, it might explain why human figures are rarely depicted in cave art. Another explanation for the focus on animals might be that these people sought to improve their luck at hunting. This theory is suggested by evidence of chips in the painted figures, perhaps made by spears thrown at the drawings. But if improving their hunting luck was the chief motivation for the paintings, it is difficult to explain why only a few show signs of having been speared. Perhaps the paintings were inspired by the need to increase the supply of animals. Cave art seems to have reached a peak toward the end of the Upper Paleolithic period, when the herds of game were decreasing.
The particular symbolic significance of the cave paintings in southwestern France is more explicitly revealed, perhaps, by the results of a study conducted by researchers Patricia Rice and Ann Paterson. The data they present suggest that the animals portrayed in the cave paintings were mostly the ones that the painters preferred for meat and for materials such as hides. For example, wild cattle (bovines) and horses are portrayed more often than we would expect by chance, probably because they were larger and heavier (meatier) than other animals in the environment. In addition, the paintings mostly portray animals that the painters may have feared the most because of their size, speed, natural weapons such as tusks and horns, and the unpredictability of their behavior. That is, mammoths, bovines, and horses are portrayed more often than deer and reindeer. Thus, the paintings are consistent with the idea that the art is related to the importance of hunting in the economy of Upper Paleolithic people. Consistent with this idea, according to the investigators, is the fact that the art of the cultural period that followed the Upper Paleolithic also seems to reflect how people got their food. But in that period, when getting food no longer depended on hunting large game animals (because they were becoming extinct), the art ceased to focus on portrayals of animals.
Upper Paleolithic art was not confined to cave paintings. Many shafts of spears and similar objects were decorated with figures of animals. The anthropologist Alexander Marshack has an interesting interpretation of some of the engravings made during the Upper Paleolithic. He believes that as far back as 30,000 B.C., hunters may have used a system of notation, engraved on bone and stone, to mark phases of the Moon. If this is true, it would mean that Upper Paleolithic people were capable of complex thought and were consciously aware of their environment. In addition to other artworks, figurines representing the human female in exaggerated form have also been found at Upper Paleolithic sites. It has been suggested that these figurines were an ideal type or an expression of a desire for fertility. | 1242.txt | 3 |
[
"Upper Paleolithic artists used marks torecord the animals they had seen",
"the paintings were inspired by the needto increase the supply of animals for hunting",
"the artists had removed rough spots onthe cave walls",
"Upper Paleolithic people used thepaintings to increase their luck at hunting"
] | According to paragraph 3, scholarsexplained chips in the painted figures of animals by proposing that | The earliest discovered traces of art are beads and carvings, and then paintings, from sites dating back to the Upper Paleolithic period. We might expect that early artistic efforts would be crude, but the cave paintings of Spain and southern France show a marked degree of skill. So do the naturalistic paintings on slabs of stone excavated in southern Africa. Some of those slabs appear to have been painted as much as 28,000 years ago, which suggests that painting in Africa is as old as painting in Europe. But painting may be even older than that. The early Australians may have painted on the walls of rock shelters and cliff faces at least 30,000 years ago, and maybe as much as 60,000 years ago.
The researchers Peter Ucko and Andree Rosenfeld identified three principal locations of paintings in the caves of western Europe: (1) in obviously inhabited rock shelters and cave entrances; (2) in galleries immediately off the inhabited areas of caves; and (3) in the inner reaches of caves, whose difficulty of access has been interpreted by some as a sign that magical-religious activities were performed there.
The subjects of the paintings are mostly animals. The paintings rest on bare walls, with no backdrops or environmental trappings. Perhaps, like many contemporary peoples, Upper Paleolithic men and women believed that the drawing of a human image could cause death or injury, and if that were indeed their belief, it might explain why human figures are rarely depicted in cave art. Another explanation for the focus on animals might be that these people sought to improve their luck at hunting. This theory is suggested by evidence of chips in the painted figures, perhaps made by spears thrown at the drawings. But if improving their hunting luck was the chief motivation for the paintings, it is difficult to explain why only a few show signs of having been speared. Perhaps the paintings were inspired by the need to increase the supply of animals. Cave art seems to have reached a peak toward the end of the Upper Paleolithic period, when the herds of game were decreasing.
The particular symbolic significance of the cave paintings in southwestern France is more explicitly revealed, perhaps, by the results of a study conducted by researchers Patricia Rice and Ann Paterson. The data they present suggest that the animals portrayed in the cave paintings were mostly the ones that the painters preferred for meat and for materials such as hides. For example, wild cattle (bovines) and horses are portrayed more often than we would expect by chance, probably because they were larger and heavier (meatier) than other animals in the environment. In addition, the paintings mostly portray animals that the painters may have feared the most because of their size, speed, natural weapons such as tusks and horns, and the unpredictability of their behavior. That is, mammoths, bovines, and horses are portrayed more often than deer and reindeer. Thus, the paintings are consistent with the idea that the art is related to the importance of hunting in the economy of Upper Paleolithic people. Consistent with this idea, according to the investigators, is the fact that the art of the cultural period that followed the Upper Paleolithic also seems to reflect how people got their food. But in that period, when getting food no longer depended on hunting large game animals (because they were becoming extinct), the art ceased to focus on portrayals of animals.
Upper Paleolithic art was not confined to cave paintings. Many shafts of spears and similar objects were decorated with figures of animals. The anthropologist Alexander Marshack has an interesting interpretation of some of the engravings made during the Upper Paleolithic. He believes that as far back as 30,000 B.C., hunters may have used a system of notation, engraved on bone and stone, to mark phases of the Moon. If this is true, it would mean that Upper Paleolithic people were capable of complex thought and were consciously aware of their environment. In addition to other artworks, figurines representing the human female in exaggerated form have also been found at Upper Paleolithic sites. It has been suggested that these figurines were an ideal type or an expression of a desire for fertility. | 1242.txt | 3 |
[
"To argue that Upper Paleolithic artceased to include animals when herds of game became scarce",
"To provide support for the idea that theaim of the paintings was to increase the supply of animals for hunting",
"To emphasize the continued improvement inthe quality of cave art throughout the Upper Paleolithic period",
"To show the direct connection between thedecrease in herds of game and the end of the Upper Paleolithic period"
] | Why does the author mention that UpperPaleolithic cave art seemed to have "reached a peak toward the end of the UpperPaleolithic period, when the herds of game were decreasing"? (paragraph 3) | The earliest discovered traces of art are beads and carvings, and then paintings, from sites dating back to the Upper Paleolithic period. We might expect that early artistic efforts would be crude, but the cave paintings of Spain and southern France show a marked degree of skill. So do the naturalistic paintings on slabs of stone excavated in southern Africa. Some of those slabs appear to have been painted as much as 28,000 years ago, which suggests that painting in Africa is as old as painting in Europe. But painting may be even older than that. The early Australians may have painted on the walls of rock shelters and cliff faces at least 30,000 years ago, and maybe as much as 60,000 years ago.
The researchers Peter Ucko and Andree Rosenfeld identified three principal locations of paintings in the caves of western Europe: (1) in obviously inhabited rock shelters and cave entrances; (2) in galleries immediately off the inhabited areas of caves; and (3) in the inner reaches of caves, whose difficulty of access has been interpreted by some as a sign that magical-religious activities were performed there.
The subjects of the paintings are mostly animals. The paintings rest on bare walls, with no backdrops or environmental trappings. Perhaps, like many contemporary peoples, Upper Paleolithic men and women believed that the drawing of a human image could cause death or injury, and if that were indeed their belief, it might explain why human figures are rarely depicted in cave art. Another explanation for the focus on animals might be that these people sought to improve their luck at hunting. This theory is suggested by evidence of chips in the painted figures, perhaps made by spears thrown at the drawings. But if improving their hunting luck was the chief motivation for the paintings, it is difficult to explain why only a few show signs of having been speared. Perhaps the paintings were inspired by the need to increase the supply of animals. Cave art seems to have reached a peak toward the end of the Upper Paleolithic period, when the herds of game were decreasing.
The particular symbolic significance of the cave paintings in southwestern France is more explicitly revealed, perhaps, by the results of a study conducted by researchers Patricia Rice and Ann Paterson. The data they present suggest that the animals portrayed in the cave paintings were mostly the ones that the painters preferred for meat and for materials such as hides. For example, wild cattle (bovines) and horses are portrayed more often than we would expect by chance, probably because they were larger and heavier (meatier) than other animals in the environment. In addition, the paintings mostly portray animals that the painters may have feared the most because of their size, speed, natural weapons such as tusks and horns, and the unpredictability of their behavior. That is, mammoths, bovines, and horses are portrayed more often than deer and reindeer. Thus, the paintings are consistent with the idea that the art is related to the importance of hunting in the economy of Upper Paleolithic people. Consistent with this idea, according to the investigators, is the fact that the art of the cultural period that followed the Upper Paleolithic also seems to reflect how people got their food. But in that period, when getting food no longer depended on hunting large game animals (because they were becoming extinct), the art ceased to focus on portrayals of animals.
Upper Paleolithic art was not confined to cave paintings. Many shafts of spears and similar objects were decorated with figures of animals. The anthropologist Alexander Marshack has an interesting interpretation of some of the engravings made during the Upper Paleolithic. He believes that as far back as 30,000 B.C., hunters may have used a system of notation, engraved on bone and stone, to mark phases of the Moon. If this is true, it would mean that Upper Paleolithic people were capable of complex thought and were consciously aware of their environment. In addition to other artworks, figurines representing the human female in exaggerated form have also been found at Upper Paleolithic sites. It has been suggested that these figurines were an ideal type or an expression of a desire for fertility. | 1242.txt | 1 |
[
"These animals were difficult to huntbecause their unpredictable behavior.",
"People preferred these animals for theirmeat and for their skins.",
"The painters admired the beauty of theselarge animals.",
"People feared these animals because oftheir size and speed."
] | According to paragraph 4, scholarsbelieve that wild cattle, horses, and mammoths are the animals most frequentlyportrayed in cave paintings for all of the following reasons EXCEPT: | The earliest discovered traces of art are beads and carvings, and then paintings, from sites dating back to the Upper Paleolithic period. We might expect that early artistic efforts would be crude, but the cave paintings of Spain and southern France show a marked degree of skill. So do the naturalistic paintings on slabs of stone excavated in southern Africa. Some of those slabs appear to have been painted as much as 28,000 years ago, which suggests that painting in Africa is as old as painting in Europe. But painting may be even older than that. The early Australians may have painted on the walls of rock shelters and cliff faces at least 30,000 years ago, and maybe as much as 60,000 years ago.
The researchers Peter Ucko and Andree Rosenfeld identified three principal locations of paintings in the caves of western Europe: (1) in obviously inhabited rock shelters and cave entrances; (2) in galleries immediately off the inhabited areas of caves; and (3) in the inner reaches of caves, whose difficulty of access has been interpreted by some as a sign that magical-religious activities were performed there.
The subjects of the paintings are mostly animals. The paintings rest on bare walls, with no backdrops or environmental trappings. Perhaps, like many contemporary peoples, Upper Paleolithic men and women believed that the drawing of a human image could cause death or injury, and if that were indeed their belief, it might explain why human figures are rarely depicted in cave art. Another explanation for the focus on animals might be that these people sought to improve their luck at hunting. This theory is suggested by evidence of chips in the painted figures, perhaps made by spears thrown at the drawings. But if improving their hunting luck was the chief motivation for the paintings, it is difficult to explain why only a few show signs of having been speared. Perhaps the paintings were inspired by the need to increase the supply of animals. Cave art seems to have reached a peak toward the end of the Upper Paleolithic period, when the herds of game were decreasing.
The particular symbolic significance of the cave paintings in southwestern France is more explicitly revealed, perhaps, by the results of a study conducted by researchers Patricia Rice and Ann Paterson. The data they present suggest that the animals portrayed in the cave paintings were mostly the ones that the painters preferred for meat and for materials such as hides. For example, wild cattle (bovines) and horses are portrayed more often than we would expect by chance, probably because they were larger and heavier (meatier) than other animals in the environment. In addition, the paintings mostly portray animals that the painters may have feared the most because of their size, speed, natural weapons such as tusks and horns, and the unpredictability of their behavior. That is, mammoths, bovines, and horses are portrayed more often than deer and reindeer. Thus, the paintings are consistent with the idea that the art is related to the importance of hunting in the economy of Upper Paleolithic people. Consistent with this idea, according to the investigators, is the fact that the art of the cultural period that followed the Upper Paleolithic also seems to reflect how people got their food. But in that period, when getting food no longer depended on hunting large game animals (because they were becoming extinct), the art ceased to focus on portrayals of animals.
Upper Paleolithic art was not confined to cave paintings. Many shafts of spears and similar objects were decorated with figures of animals. The anthropologist Alexander Marshack has an interesting interpretation of some of the engravings made during the Upper Paleolithic. He believes that as far back as 30,000 B.C., hunters may have used a system of notation, engraved on bone and stone, to mark phases of the Moon. If this is true, it would mean that Upper Paleolithic people were capable of complex thought and were consciously aware of their environment. In addition to other artworks, figurines representing the human female in exaggerated form have also been found at Upper Paleolithic sites. It has been suggested that these figurines were an ideal type or an expression of a desire for fertility. | 1242.txt | 2 |
[
"Hunters did not fear deer and reindeersas much as they did large game animals such as horses and mammoths.",
"Hunters were not interested in huntingdeer and reindeer because of their size and speed.",
"Hunters preferred the meat and hides ofdeer and reindeer to those of other animals.",
"Hunters avoided deer and reindeer becauseof their natural weapons, such as horns."
] | According to paragraph 4, which of the following may best represent the attitude of hunters toward deer and reindeerin the Upper Paleolithic period? | The earliest discovered traces of art are beads and carvings, and then paintings, from sites dating back to the Upper Paleolithic period. We might expect that early artistic efforts would be crude, but the cave paintings of Spain and southern France show a marked degree of skill. So do the naturalistic paintings on slabs of stone excavated in southern Africa. Some of those slabs appear to have been painted as much as 28,000 years ago, which suggests that painting in Africa is as old as painting in Europe. But painting may be even older than that. The early Australians may have painted on the walls of rock shelters and cliff faces at least 30,000 years ago, and maybe as much as 60,000 years ago.
The researchers Peter Ucko and Andree Rosenfeld identified three principal locations of paintings in the caves of western Europe: (1) in obviously inhabited rock shelters and cave entrances; (2) in galleries immediately off the inhabited areas of caves; and (3) in the inner reaches of caves, whose difficulty of access has been interpreted by some as a sign that magical-religious activities were performed there.
The subjects of the paintings are mostly animals. The paintings rest on bare walls, with no backdrops or environmental trappings. Perhaps, like many contemporary peoples, Upper Paleolithic men and women believed that the drawing of a human image could cause death or injury, and if that were indeed their belief, it might explain why human figures are rarely depicted in cave art. Another explanation for the focus on animals might be that these people sought to improve their luck at hunting. This theory is suggested by evidence of chips in the painted figures, perhaps made by spears thrown at the drawings. But if improving their hunting luck was the chief motivation for the paintings, it is difficult to explain why only a few show signs of having been speared. Perhaps the paintings were inspired by the need to increase the supply of animals. Cave art seems to have reached a peak toward the end of the Upper Paleolithic period, when the herds of game were decreasing.
The particular symbolic significance of the cave paintings in southwestern France is more explicitly revealed, perhaps, by the results of a study conducted by researchers Patricia Rice and Ann Paterson. The data they present suggest that the animals portrayed in the cave paintings were mostly the ones that the painters preferred for meat and for materials such as hides. For example, wild cattle (bovines) and horses are portrayed more often than we would expect by chance, probably because they were larger and heavier (meatier) than other animals in the environment. In addition, the paintings mostly portray animals that the painters may have feared the most because of their size, speed, natural weapons such as tusks and horns, and the unpredictability of their behavior. That is, mammoths, bovines, and horses are portrayed more often than deer and reindeer. Thus, the paintings are consistent with the idea that the art is related to the importance of hunting in the economy of Upper Paleolithic people. Consistent with this idea, according to the investigators, is the fact that the art of the cultural period that followed the Upper Paleolithic also seems to reflect how people got their food. But in that period, when getting food no longer depended on hunting large game animals (because they were becoming extinct), the art ceased to focus on portrayals of animals.
Upper Paleolithic art was not confined to cave paintings. Many shafts of spears and similar objects were decorated with figures of animals. The anthropologist Alexander Marshack has an interesting interpretation of some of the engravings made during the Upper Paleolithic. He believes that as far back as 30,000 B.C., hunters may have used a system of notation, engraved on bone and stone, to mark phases of the Moon. If this is true, it would mean that Upper Paleolithic people were capable of complex thought and were consciously aware of their environment. In addition to other artworks, figurines representing the human female in exaggerated form have also been found at Upper Paleolithic sites. It has been suggested that these figurines were an ideal type or an expression of a desire for fertility. | 1242.txt | 0 |
[
"This new art starts to depict smallanimals rather than large ones.",
"This new art ceases to reflect the waysin which people obtained their food.",
"This new art no longer consists mostly ofrepresentations of animals.",
"This new art begins to show theimportance of hunting to the economy."
] | According to paragraph 4, what change isevident in the art of the period following the Upper Paleolithic? | The earliest discovered traces of art are beads and carvings, and then paintings, from sites dating back to the Upper Paleolithic period. We might expect that early artistic efforts would be crude, but the cave paintings of Spain and southern France show a marked degree of skill. So do the naturalistic paintings on slabs of stone excavated in southern Africa. Some of those slabs appear to have been painted as much as 28,000 years ago, which suggests that painting in Africa is as old as painting in Europe. But painting may be even older than that. The early Australians may have painted on the walls of rock shelters and cliff faces at least 30,000 years ago, and maybe as much as 60,000 years ago.
The researchers Peter Ucko and Andree Rosenfeld identified three principal locations of paintings in the caves of western Europe: (1) in obviously inhabited rock shelters and cave entrances; (2) in galleries immediately off the inhabited areas of caves; and (3) in the inner reaches of caves, whose difficulty of access has been interpreted by some as a sign that magical-religious activities were performed there.
The subjects of the paintings are mostly animals. The paintings rest on bare walls, with no backdrops or environmental trappings. Perhaps, like many contemporary peoples, Upper Paleolithic men and women believed that the drawing of a human image could cause death or injury, and if that were indeed their belief, it might explain why human figures are rarely depicted in cave art. Another explanation for the focus on animals might be that these people sought to improve their luck at hunting. This theory is suggested by evidence of chips in the painted figures, perhaps made by spears thrown at the drawings. But if improving their hunting luck was the chief motivation for the paintings, it is difficult to explain why only a few show signs of having been speared. Perhaps the paintings were inspired by the need to increase the supply of animals. Cave art seems to have reached a peak toward the end of the Upper Paleolithic period, when the herds of game were decreasing.
The particular symbolic significance of the cave paintings in southwestern France is more explicitly revealed, perhaps, by the results of a study conducted by researchers Patricia Rice and Ann Paterson. The data they present suggest that the animals portrayed in the cave paintings were mostly the ones that the painters preferred for meat and for materials such as hides. For example, wild cattle (bovines) and horses are portrayed more often than we would expect by chance, probably because they were larger and heavier (meatier) than other animals in the environment. In addition, the paintings mostly portray animals that the painters may have feared the most because of their size, speed, natural weapons such as tusks and horns, and the unpredictability of their behavior. That is, mammoths, bovines, and horses are portrayed more often than deer and reindeer. Thus, the paintings are consistent with the idea that the art is related to the importance of hunting in the economy of Upper Paleolithic people. Consistent with this idea, according to the investigators, is the fact that the art of the cultural period that followed the Upper Paleolithic also seems to reflect how people got their food. But in that period, when getting food no longer depended on hunting large game animals (because they were becoming extinct), the art ceased to focus on portrayals of animals.
Upper Paleolithic art was not confined to cave paintings. Many shafts of spears and similar objects were decorated with figures of animals. The anthropologist Alexander Marshack has an interesting interpretation of some of the engravings made during the Upper Paleolithic. He believes that as far back as 30,000 B.C., hunters may have used a system of notation, engraved on bone and stone, to mark phases of the Moon. If this is true, it would mean that Upper Paleolithic people were capable of complex thought and were consciously aware of their environment. In addition to other artworks, figurines representing the human female in exaggerated form have also been found at Upper Paleolithic sites. It has been suggested that these figurines were an ideal type or an expression of a desire for fertility. | 1242.txt | 2 |
[
"They engraved animal figures on theshafts of spears and other objects.",
"They may have used engraved signs torecord the phases of the Moon.",
"Their figurines represented the humanfemale in exaggerated form.",
"They may have used figurines to portrayan ideal type or to express a desire for fertility."
] | According to paragraph 5, which of the following has been used as evidence to suggest that Upper Paleolithic peoplewere capable of complex thought and conscious awareness of their environment? | The earliest discovered traces of art are beads and carvings, and then paintings, from sites dating back to the Upper Paleolithic period. We might expect that early artistic efforts would be crude, but the cave paintings of Spain and southern France show a marked degree of skill. So do the naturalistic paintings on slabs of stone excavated in southern Africa. Some of those slabs appear to have been painted as much as 28,000 years ago, which suggests that painting in Africa is as old as painting in Europe. But painting may be even older than that. The early Australians may have painted on the walls of rock shelters and cliff faces at least 30,000 years ago, and maybe as much as 60,000 years ago.
The researchers Peter Ucko and Andree Rosenfeld identified three principal locations of paintings in the caves of western Europe: (1) in obviously inhabited rock shelters and cave entrances; (2) in galleries immediately off the inhabited areas of caves; and (3) in the inner reaches of caves, whose difficulty of access has been interpreted by some as a sign that magical-religious activities were performed there.
The subjects of the paintings are mostly animals. The paintings rest on bare walls, with no backdrops or environmental trappings. Perhaps, like many contemporary peoples, Upper Paleolithic men and women believed that the drawing of a human image could cause death or injury, and if that were indeed their belief, it might explain why human figures are rarely depicted in cave art. Another explanation for the focus on animals might be that these people sought to improve their luck at hunting. This theory is suggested by evidence of chips in the painted figures, perhaps made by spears thrown at the drawings. But if improving their hunting luck was the chief motivation for the paintings, it is difficult to explain why only a few show signs of having been speared. Perhaps the paintings were inspired by the need to increase the supply of animals. Cave art seems to have reached a peak toward the end of the Upper Paleolithic period, when the herds of game were decreasing.
The particular symbolic significance of the cave paintings in southwestern France is more explicitly revealed, perhaps, by the results of a study conducted by researchers Patricia Rice and Ann Paterson. The data they present suggest that the animals portrayed in the cave paintings were mostly the ones that the painters preferred for meat and for materials such as hides. For example, wild cattle (bovines) and horses are portrayed more often than we would expect by chance, probably because they were larger and heavier (meatier) than other animals in the environment. In addition, the paintings mostly portray animals that the painters may have feared the most because of their size, speed, natural weapons such as tusks and horns, and the unpredictability of their behavior. That is, mammoths, bovines, and horses are portrayed more often than deer and reindeer. Thus, the paintings are consistent with the idea that the art is related to the importance of hunting in the economy of Upper Paleolithic people. Consistent with this idea, according to the investigators, is the fact that the art of the cultural period that followed the Upper Paleolithic also seems to reflect how people got their food. But in that period, when getting food no longer depended on hunting large game animals (because they were becoming extinct), the art ceased to focus on portrayals of animals.
Upper Paleolithic art was not confined to cave paintings. Many shafts of spears and similar objects were decorated with figures of animals. The anthropologist Alexander Marshack has an interesting interpretation of some of the engravings made during the Upper Paleolithic. He believes that as far back as 30,000 B.C., hunters may have used a system of notation, engraved on bone and stone, to mark phases of the Moon. If this is true, it would mean that Upper Paleolithic people were capable of complex thought and were consciously aware of their environment. In addition to other artworks, figurines representing the human female in exaggerated form have also been found at Upper Paleolithic sites. It has been suggested that these figurines were an ideal type or an expression of a desire for fertility. | 1242.txt | 1 |
[
"it is a moral responsibility to do away with poverty",
"it is closely related to the formulation of moral standard",
"raising moral standard is the only solution to poverty",
"it is morally impossible to find a solution to poverty"
] | By saying that the eradication of poverty is a" moral imperative" , the author means _ . | The eradication of poverty is a shared responsibility for the international community-indeed, a moral imperative.This task has become no less urgent in the last decade, in spite of rapid economic growth in many parts of the world.While the percentage of the world‘s population living on less than $1 per day has fallen from 28.3%to 24.0%between 1987 and 1998, population growth(815 million) has kept the absolute number of poor steady at some 1.2 billion.If we take a higher cutoff point of $2 per day, the poor have increased by 250 million over the same time period, encompassing 2.8 billion people, or almost half of the world's population.Nor do World Bank projections lend undivided hope for the future.Under the" business as usual" scenario, the number of poor on the $1 per day scale will not change during the projection period up to 2008.However, should policy measures be taken to boost economic growth and make the growth process more inclusive to the poor, the World Bank reckons that 500 million people could be brought out of extreme poverty by 2008.Even under this more optimistic scenario, Latin America and the Caribbean, and especially Sub-Saharan Africa would see little, if any, progress.The same pattern emerges under the higher cutoff point of $2 per day.
In the light of these dire statistics and projections, it is easy to appreciate the growing public concern that not enough is being done to address poverty and poverty-related social illnesses, such as poor work conditions, a lack of respect for human rights, and natural resource degradation.Indeed, such concerns have been vented with increasing frustration, including at the Ministerial Conference of the WTO in Seattle last year, and more recently at the joint spring meeting of the IMF and the World Bank.
One problem facing governments in poverty-stricken countries, civil society, and international organizations is that poverty is a multidimensional problem with no simple solution-not least because of its sheer scale.The causes and expressions of poverty are not the same everywhere, although some common terms can often be found, including a lack of access to education, basic health care, and unequal distribution of productive assets(1and, livestock, credits, etc.). Moreover, rural communities, which are often the hardest hit by poverty, face their own development problems related to poor infrastructure (roads, electricity, telecommunication, etc.), which make it more costly to participate in the national and global economy.Another factor that perpetuates poverty is that the poor often lack political leverage to influence the policies and priorities of governments. | 601.txt | 0 |
[
"actually increased",
"fell slightly",
"was cut down greatly",
"kept rising steadily"
] | Between 1987 and 1998, the number of people living on two dollars a day _ . | The eradication of poverty is a shared responsibility for the international community-indeed, a moral imperative.This task has become no less urgent in the last decade, in spite of rapid economic growth in many parts of the world.While the percentage of the world‘s population living on less than $1 per day has fallen from 28.3%to 24.0%between 1987 and 1998, population growth(815 million) has kept the absolute number of poor steady at some 1.2 billion.If we take a higher cutoff point of $2 per day, the poor have increased by 250 million over the same time period, encompassing 2.8 billion people, or almost half of the world's population.Nor do World Bank projections lend undivided hope for the future.Under the" business as usual" scenario, the number of poor on the $1 per day scale will not change during the projection period up to 2008.However, should policy measures be taken to boost economic growth and make the growth process more inclusive to the poor, the World Bank reckons that 500 million people could be brought out of extreme poverty by 2008.Even under this more optimistic scenario, Latin America and the Caribbean, and especially Sub-Saharan Africa would see little, if any, progress.The same pattern emerges under the higher cutoff point of $2 per day.
In the light of these dire statistics and projections, it is easy to appreciate the growing public concern that not enough is being done to address poverty and poverty-related social illnesses, such as poor work conditions, a lack of respect for human rights, and natural resource degradation.Indeed, such concerns have been vented with increasing frustration, including at the Ministerial Conference of the WTO in Seattle last year, and more recently at the joint spring meeting of the IMF and the World Bank.
One problem facing governments in poverty-stricken countries, civil society, and international organizations is that poverty is a multidimensional problem with no simple solution-not least because of its sheer scale.The causes and expressions of poverty are not the same everywhere, although some common terms can often be found, including a lack of access to education, basic health care, and unequal distribution of productive assets(1and, livestock, credits, etc.). Moreover, rural communities, which are often the hardest hit by poverty, face their own development problems related to poor infrastructure (roads, electricity, telecommunication, etc.), which make it more costly to participate in the national and global economy.Another factor that perpetuates poverty is that the poor often lack political leverage to influence the policies and priorities of governments. | 601.txt | 0 |
[
"500 million more people would join the extremely poor.",
"No drastic change would happen to the life of the poor in the present poor regions.",
"The number of the poor on the $1 per day scale would be greatly cut.",
"The number of the poor living on $2 dollars per day would be drastically decreased."
] | What might happen in the year 2008 if proper policies for economic growth were made? | The eradication of poverty is a shared responsibility for the international community-indeed, a moral imperative.This task has become no less urgent in the last decade, in spite of rapid economic growth in many parts of the world.While the percentage of the world‘s population living on less than $1 per day has fallen from 28.3%to 24.0%between 1987 and 1998, population growth(815 million) has kept the absolute number of poor steady at some 1.2 billion.If we take a higher cutoff point of $2 per day, the poor have increased by 250 million over the same time period, encompassing 2.8 billion people, or almost half of the world's population.Nor do World Bank projections lend undivided hope for the future.Under the" business as usual" scenario, the number of poor on the $1 per day scale will not change during the projection period up to 2008.However, should policy measures be taken to boost economic growth and make the growth process more inclusive to the poor, the World Bank reckons that 500 million people could be brought out of extreme poverty by 2008.Even under this more optimistic scenario, Latin America and the Caribbean, and especially Sub-Saharan Africa would see little, if any, progress.The same pattern emerges under the higher cutoff point of $2 per day.
In the light of these dire statistics and projections, it is easy to appreciate the growing public concern that not enough is being done to address poverty and poverty-related social illnesses, such as poor work conditions, a lack of respect for human rights, and natural resource degradation.Indeed, such concerns have been vented with increasing frustration, including at the Ministerial Conference of the WTO in Seattle last year, and more recently at the joint spring meeting of the IMF and the World Bank.
One problem facing governments in poverty-stricken countries, civil society, and international organizations is that poverty is a multidimensional problem with no simple solution-not least because of its sheer scale.The causes and expressions of poverty are not the same everywhere, although some common terms can often be found, including a lack of access to education, basic health care, and unequal distribution of productive assets(1and, livestock, credits, etc.). Moreover, rural communities, which are often the hardest hit by poverty, face their own development problems related to poor infrastructure (roads, electricity, telecommunication, etc.), which make it more costly to participate in the national and global economy.Another factor that perpetuates poverty is that the poor often lack political leverage to influence the policies and priorities of governments. | 601.txt | 2 |
[
"Because the international community hasn‘t made enough effort at it.",
"Because the governments in poor countries do not give enough attention to it.",
"Because solving the problem is beyond the means of the poor countries.",
"Because it is a problem that involves multiple factors."
] | Why is it not easy to solve the poverty problem? | The eradication of poverty is a shared responsibility for the international community-indeed, a moral imperative.This task has become no less urgent in the last decade, in spite of rapid economic growth in many parts of the world.While the percentage of the world‘s population living on less than $1 per day has fallen from 28.3%to 24.0%between 1987 and 1998, population growth(815 million) has kept the absolute number of poor steady at some 1.2 billion.If we take a higher cutoff point of $2 per day, the poor have increased by 250 million over the same time period, encompassing 2.8 billion people, or almost half of the world's population.Nor do World Bank projections lend undivided hope for the future.Under the" business as usual" scenario, the number of poor on the $1 per day scale will not change during the projection period up to 2008.However, should policy measures be taken to boost economic growth and make the growth process more inclusive to the poor, the World Bank reckons that 500 million people could be brought out of extreme poverty by 2008.Even under this more optimistic scenario, Latin America and the Caribbean, and especially Sub-Saharan Africa would see little, if any, progress.The same pattern emerges under the higher cutoff point of $2 per day.
In the light of these dire statistics and projections, it is easy to appreciate the growing public concern that not enough is being done to address poverty and poverty-related social illnesses, such as poor work conditions, a lack of respect for human rights, and natural resource degradation.Indeed, such concerns have been vented with increasing frustration, including at the Ministerial Conference of the WTO in Seattle last year, and more recently at the joint spring meeting of the IMF and the World Bank.
One problem facing governments in poverty-stricken countries, civil society, and international organizations is that poverty is a multidimensional problem with no simple solution-not least because of its sheer scale.The causes and expressions of poverty are not the same everywhere, although some common terms can often be found, including a lack of access to education, basic health care, and unequal distribution of productive assets(1and, livestock, credits, etc.). Moreover, rural communities, which are often the hardest hit by poverty, face their own development problems related to poor infrastructure (roads, electricity, telecommunication, etc.), which make it more costly to participate in the national and global economy.Another factor that perpetuates poverty is that the poor often lack political leverage to influence the policies and priorities of governments. | 601.txt | 3 |
[
"The enormous size of the poor population.",
"Slower economic development in extremely poor regions.",
"The government policy in poverty-stricken countries.",
"The classification of the poor population."
] | Which of the following is NOT mentioned as an obstacle to the solution of poverty? | The eradication of poverty is a shared responsibility for the international community-indeed, a moral imperative.This task has become no less urgent in the last decade, in spite of rapid economic growth in many parts of the world.While the percentage of the world‘s population living on less than $1 per day has fallen from 28.3%to 24.0%between 1987 and 1998, population growth(815 million) has kept the absolute number of poor steady at some 1.2 billion.If we take a higher cutoff point of $2 per day, the poor have increased by 250 million over the same time period, encompassing 2.8 billion people, or almost half of the world's population.Nor do World Bank projections lend undivided hope for the future.Under the" business as usual" scenario, the number of poor on the $1 per day scale will not change during the projection period up to 2008.However, should policy measures be taken to boost economic growth and make the growth process more inclusive to the poor, the World Bank reckons that 500 million people could be brought out of extreme poverty by 2008.Even under this more optimistic scenario, Latin America and the Caribbean, and especially Sub-Saharan Africa would see little, if any, progress.The same pattern emerges under the higher cutoff point of $2 per day.
In the light of these dire statistics and projections, it is easy to appreciate the growing public concern that not enough is being done to address poverty and poverty-related social illnesses, such as poor work conditions, a lack of respect for human rights, and natural resource degradation.Indeed, such concerns have been vented with increasing frustration, including at the Ministerial Conference of the WTO in Seattle last year, and more recently at the joint spring meeting of the IMF and the World Bank.
One problem facing governments in poverty-stricken countries, civil society, and international organizations is that poverty is a multidimensional problem with no simple solution-not least because of its sheer scale.The causes and expressions of poverty are not the same everywhere, although some common terms can often be found, including a lack of access to education, basic health care, and unequal distribution of productive assets(1and, livestock, credits, etc.). Moreover, rural communities, which are often the hardest hit by poverty, face their own development problems related to poor infrastructure (roads, electricity, telecommunication, etc.), which make it more costly to participate in the national and global economy.Another factor that perpetuates poverty is that the poor often lack political leverage to influence the policies and priorities of governments. | 601.txt | 3 |
[
"noticeable.",
"common.",
"strange.",
"particular."
] | The word "conspicuous" in the passage(paragraph 1)is closest in meaning to | A conspicuous sign indicating the presence of white-tailed deer in a woodlot is a buck rub. A male deer makes a buck rub by striping the bark (outer layer) of a small tree with its antlers. When completed, the buck rub is an obvious visual signal to us and presumable to other deer in the area. A rub is usually located at the shoulder height of a deer (one meter or less above the grounD. on a smooth-barked, small-diameter (16-25 millimeters) tree. The smooth bark of small red maples makes this species ideal for buck rubs in the forests of the mid-eastern United States.
Adult male deer usually produce rubs in late summer or early autumn when the outer velvet layer is being shed from their antlers. Rubs are created about one to two months before the breeding season (the rut). Hence for a long time biologists believed that male deer used buck rubs not only to clean and polish antlers but also to provide practice for the ensuing male-to-male combat during the rut. However, biologists also noted deer sniff and lick an unfamiliar rub, which suggests that this visual mark on a small tree plays an important communication purpose in the social life of deer.
Buck rubs also have a scent produced by glands in the foreheads of deer that is transferred to the tree when the rub is made. These odors make buck rubs an important means of olfactory communication between deer. The importance of olfactory communication (using odors to communicate) in the way of life of deer was documented by a study of captive adult male deer a few decades ago, which noted that males rubbed their foreheads on branches and twigs, especially as autumn approached. A decade later another study reported that adult male white-tailed deer exhibited forehead rubbing just before and during the rut. It was found that when a white-tailed buck makes a rub, it moves both antlers and forehead glands along the small tree in a vertical direction. This forehead rubbing behavior coincides with a high level of glandular activity in the modified scent glands found on the foreheads of male deer; the glandular activity causes the forehead pelage (hairy covering) of adult males to be distinctly darker than in females or younger males.
Forehead rubbing by male deer on buck rubs presumably sends a great deal of information to other members of the same species. First, the chemicals deposited on the rub provide information on the individual identity of an animal; no two mammals produce the same scent. For instance, as we all know, dogs recognize each other via smell. Second, because only male deer rub, the buck rub and its associated chemicals indicate the sex of the deer producing the rub. Third, older, more dominant bucks produce more buck rubs and probably deposit more glandular secretions on a given rub. Thus the presence of many well-marked rubs is indicative of older, higher-status males being in the general vicinity rather than simply being a crude measure of relative deer abundance in a given area. The information conveyed by the olfactory signals on a buck rub make it the social equivalent of some auditory signals in other deer species, such as trumpeting by bull elk.
Because both sexes of white-tailed respond to buck rubs by smelling and licking them, rubs may serve a very important additional function. Fresher buck rubs (less than two days olD., in particular, are visited more frequently by adult females than older rubs. In view of this behavior it has been suggested that chemicals present in fresh buck rubs may help physiologically induce and synchronize fertility in females that visit these rubs. This would be an obvious advantage to wide-ranging deer, especially to a socially dominant buck when courting several adult females during the autumn rut. Another visual signal produced by while-tailed deer is termed a buck scrape. Scrapes consist of a clearing (about 0.5 meter in diameter) and shallow depression made by pushing aside the leaves covering the ground; after making the scrape, the deer typically urinates in the depression. Thus, like a buck rub, a scrape is both a visual and an olfactory signal. Buck scrapes are generally created after leaf-fall in autumn, which is just before or during the rut. Scrapes are usually placed in open or conspicuous places, such as along a deer trail. Most are made by older males, although females and younger males (2.5 years old or less) occasionally make scrapes. | 3995.txt | 0 |
[
"They have smooth bark.",
"They are found in the mid-eastern United States.",
"They grow very slowly.",
"They tend to grow in open spaces."
] | According to paragraph 1, why are small red maple trees ideal for buckrubs? | A conspicuous sign indicating the presence of white-tailed deer in a woodlot is a buck rub. A male deer makes a buck rub by striping the bark (outer layer) of a small tree with its antlers. When completed, the buck rub is an obvious visual signal to us and presumable to other deer in the area. A rub is usually located at the shoulder height of a deer (one meter or less above the grounD. on a smooth-barked, small-diameter (16-25 millimeters) tree. The smooth bark of small red maples makes this species ideal for buck rubs in the forests of the mid-eastern United States.
Adult male deer usually produce rubs in late summer or early autumn when the outer velvet layer is being shed from their antlers. Rubs are created about one to two months before the breeding season (the rut). Hence for a long time biologists believed that male deer used buck rubs not only to clean and polish antlers but also to provide practice for the ensuing male-to-male combat during the rut. However, biologists also noted deer sniff and lick an unfamiliar rub, which suggests that this visual mark on a small tree plays an important communication purpose in the social life of deer.
Buck rubs also have a scent produced by glands in the foreheads of deer that is transferred to the tree when the rub is made. These odors make buck rubs an important means of olfactory communication between deer. The importance of olfactory communication (using odors to communicate) in the way of life of deer was documented by a study of captive adult male deer a few decades ago, which noted that males rubbed their foreheads on branches and twigs, especially as autumn approached. A decade later another study reported that adult male white-tailed deer exhibited forehead rubbing just before and during the rut. It was found that when a white-tailed buck makes a rub, it moves both antlers and forehead glands along the small tree in a vertical direction. This forehead rubbing behavior coincides with a high level of glandular activity in the modified scent glands found on the foreheads of male deer; the glandular activity causes the forehead pelage (hairy covering) of adult males to be distinctly darker than in females or younger males.
Forehead rubbing by male deer on buck rubs presumably sends a great deal of information to other members of the same species. First, the chemicals deposited on the rub provide information on the individual identity of an animal; no two mammals produce the same scent. For instance, as we all know, dogs recognize each other via smell. Second, because only male deer rub, the buck rub and its associated chemicals indicate the sex of the deer producing the rub. Third, older, more dominant bucks produce more buck rubs and probably deposit more glandular secretions on a given rub. Thus the presence of many well-marked rubs is indicative of older, higher-status males being in the general vicinity rather than simply being a crude measure of relative deer abundance in a given area. The information conveyed by the olfactory signals on a buck rub make it the social equivalent of some auditory signals in other deer species, such as trumpeting by bull elk.
Because both sexes of white-tailed respond to buck rubs by smelling and licking them, rubs may serve a very important additional function. Fresher buck rubs (less than two days olD., in particular, are visited more frequently by adult females than older rubs. In view of this behavior it has been suggested that chemicals present in fresh buck rubs may help physiologically induce and synchronize fertility in females that visit these rubs. This would be an obvious advantage to wide-ranging deer, especially to a socially dominant buck when courting several adult females during the autumn rut. Another visual signal produced by while-tailed deer is termed a buck scrape. Scrapes consist of a clearing (about 0.5 meter in diameter) and shallow depression made by pushing aside the leaves covering the ground; after making the scrape, the deer typically urinates in the depression. Thus, like a buck rub, a scrape is both a visual and an olfactory signal. Buck scrapes are generally created after leaf-fall in autumn, which is just before or during the rut. Scrapes are usually placed in open or conspicuous places, such as along a deer trail. Most are made by older males, although females and younger males (2.5 years old or less) occasionally make scrapes. | 3995.txt | 0 |
[
"forehead rubbing encourages the growth of antlers.",
"mule deer and white-tailed deer behave differently during the rut.",
"the rut can occur at different times of the year.",
"deer convey important information through scent."
] | The studies of forehead rubbing by deer described in paragraph 3 showed that | A conspicuous sign indicating the presence of white-tailed deer in a woodlot is a buck rub. A male deer makes a buck rub by striping the bark (outer layer) of a small tree with its antlers. When completed, the buck rub is an obvious visual signal to us and presumable to other deer in the area. A rub is usually located at the shoulder height of a deer (one meter or less above the grounD. on a smooth-barked, small-diameter (16-25 millimeters) tree. The smooth bark of small red maples makes this species ideal for buck rubs in the forests of the mid-eastern United States.
Adult male deer usually produce rubs in late summer or early autumn when the outer velvet layer is being shed from their antlers. Rubs are created about one to two months before the breeding season (the rut). Hence for a long time biologists believed that male deer used buck rubs not only to clean and polish antlers but also to provide practice for the ensuing male-to-male combat during the rut. However, biologists also noted deer sniff and lick an unfamiliar rub, which suggests that this visual mark on a small tree plays an important communication purpose in the social life of deer.
Buck rubs also have a scent produced by glands in the foreheads of deer that is transferred to the tree when the rub is made. These odors make buck rubs an important means of olfactory communication between deer. The importance of olfactory communication (using odors to communicate) in the way of life of deer was documented by a study of captive adult male deer a few decades ago, which noted that males rubbed their foreheads on branches and twigs, especially as autumn approached. A decade later another study reported that adult male white-tailed deer exhibited forehead rubbing just before and during the rut. It was found that when a white-tailed buck makes a rub, it moves both antlers and forehead glands along the small tree in a vertical direction. This forehead rubbing behavior coincides with a high level of glandular activity in the modified scent glands found on the foreheads of male deer; the glandular activity causes the forehead pelage (hairy covering) of adult males to be distinctly darker than in females or younger males.
Forehead rubbing by male deer on buck rubs presumably sends a great deal of information to other members of the same species. First, the chemicals deposited on the rub provide information on the individual identity of an animal; no two mammals produce the same scent. For instance, as we all know, dogs recognize each other via smell. Second, because only male deer rub, the buck rub and its associated chemicals indicate the sex of the deer producing the rub. Third, older, more dominant bucks produce more buck rubs and probably deposit more glandular secretions on a given rub. Thus the presence of many well-marked rubs is indicative of older, higher-status males being in the general vicinity rather than simply being a crude measure of relative deer abundance in a given area. The information conveyed by the olfactory signals on a buck rub make it the social equivalent of some auditory signals in other deer species, such as trumpeting by bull elk.
Because both sexes of white-tailed respond to buck rubs by smelling and licking them, rubs may serve a very important additional function. Fresher buck rubs (less than two days olD., in particular, are visited more frequently by adult females than older rubs. In view of this behavior it has been suggested that chemicals present in fresh buck rubs may help physiologically induce and synchronize fertility in females that visit these rubs. This would be an obvious advantage to wide-ranging deer, especially to a socially dominant buck when courting several adult females during the autumn rut. Another visual signal produced by while-tailed deer is termed a buck scrape. Scrapes consist of a clearing (about 0.5 meter in diameter) and shallow depression made by pushing aside the leaves covering the ground; after making the scrape, the deer typically urinates in the depression. Thus, like a buck rub, a scrape is both a visual and an olfactory signal. Buck scrapes are generally created after leaf-fall in autumn, which is just before or during the rut. Scrapes are usually placed in open or conspicuous places, such as along a deer trail. Most are made by older males, although females and younger males (2.5 years old or less) occasionally make scrapes. | 3995.txt | 3 |
[
"relied on.",
"increased.",
"displayed.",
"preferred."
] | The word "exhibited" in the passage(paragraph 3)is closest in meaning to | A conspicuous sign indicating the presence of white-tailed deer in a woodlot is a buck rub. A male deer makes a buck rub by striping the bark (outer layer) of a small tree with its antlers. When completed, the buck rub is an obvious visual signal to us and presumable to other deer in the area. A rub is usually located at the shoulder height of a deer (one meter or less above the grounD. on a smooth-barked, small-diameter (16-25 millimeters) tree. The smooth bark of small red maples makes this species ideal for buck rubs in the forests of the mid-eastern United States.
Adult male deer usually produce rubs in late summer or early autumn when the outer velvet layer is being shed from their antlers. Rubs are created about one to two months before the breeding season (the rut). Hence for a long time biologists believed that male deer used buck rubs not only to clean and polish antlers but also to provide practice for the ensuing male-to-male combat during the rut. However, biologists also noted deer sniff and lick an unfamiliar rub, which suggests that this visual mark on a small tree plays an important communication purpose in the social life of deer.
Buck rubs also have a scent produced by glands in the foreheads of deer that is transferred to the tree when the rub is made. These odors make buck rubs an important means of olfactory communication between deer. The importance of olfactory communication (using odors to communicate) in the way of life of deer was documented by a study of captive adult male deer a few decades ago, which noted that males rubbed their foreheads on branches and twigs, especially as autumn approached. A decade later another study reported that adult male white-tailed deer exhibited forehead rubbing just before and during the rut. It was found that when a white-tailed buck makes a rub, it moves both antlers and forehead glands along the small tree in a vertical direction. This forehead rubbing behavior coincides with a high level of glandular activity in the modified scent glands found on the foreheads of male deer; the glandular activity causes the forehead pelage (hairy covering) of adult males to be distinctly darker than in females or younger males.
Forehead rubbing by male deer on buck rubs presumably sends a great deal of information to other members of the same species. First, the chemicals deposited on the rub provide information on the individual identity of an animal; no two mammals produce the same scent. For instance, as we all know, dogs recognize each other via smell. Second, because only male deer rub, the buck rub and its associated chemicals indicate the sex of the deer producing the rub. Third, older, more dominant bucks produce more buck rubs and probably deposit more glandular secretions on a given rub. Thus the presence of many well-marked rubs is indicative of older, higher-status males being in the general vicinity rather than simply being a crude measure of relative deer abundance in a given area. The information conveyed by the olfactory signals on a buck rub make it the social equivalent of some auditory signals in other deer species, such as trumpeting by bull elk.
Because both sexes of white-tailed respond to buck rubs by smelling and licking them, rubs may serve a very important additional function. Fresher buck rubs (less than two days olD., in particular, are visited more frequently by adult females than older rubs. In view of this behavior it has been suggested that chemicals present in fresh buck rubs may help physiologically induce and synchronize fertility in females that visit these rubs. This would be an obvious advantage to wide-ranging deer, especially to a socially dominant buck when courting several adult females during the autumn rut. Another visual signal produced by while-tailed deer is termed a buck scrape. Scrapes consist of a clearing (about 0.5 meter in diameter) and shallow depression made by pushing aside the leaves covering the ground; after making the scrape, the deer typically urinates in the depression. Thus, like a buck rub, a scrape is both a visual and an olfactory signal. Buck scrapes are generally created after leaf-fall in autumn, which is just before or during the rut. Scrapes are usually placed in open or conspicuous places, such as along a deer trail. Most are made by older males, although females and younger males (2.5 years old or less) occasionally make scrapes. | 3995.txt | 2 |
[
"To point out the similarities between dogs and deer.",
"To argue that animals communicate through scent rather than through vision.",
"To support the claim that the scent of a buck rub serves to identify its maker to other deer.",
"To suggest that buck rubs can be detected by other species."
] | Why does the author mention that "dogs recognize each other via smell"? | A conspicuous sign indicating the presence of white-tailed deer in a woodlot is a buck rub. A male deer makes a buck rub by striping the bark (outer layer) of a small tree with its antlers. When completed, the buck rub is an obvious visual signal to us and presumable to other deer in the area. A rub is usually located at the shoulder height of a deer (one meter or less above the grounD. on a smooth-barked, small-diameter (16-25 millimeters) tree. The smooth bark of small red maples makes this species ideal for buck rubs in the forests of the mid-eastern United States.
Adult male deer usually produce rubs in late summer or early autumn when the outer velvet layer is being shed from their antlers. Rubs are created about one to two months before the breeding season (the rut). Hence for a long time biologists believed that male deer used buck rubs not only to clean and polish antlers but also to provide practice for the ensuing male-to-male combat during the rut. However, biologists also noted deer sniff and lick an unfamiliar rub, which suggests that this visual mark on a small tree plays an important communication purpose in the social life of deer.
Buck rubs also have a scent produced by glands in the foreheads of deer that is transferred to the tree when the rub is made. These odors make buck rubs an important means of olfactory communication between deer. The importance of olfactory communication (using odors to communicate) in the way of life of deer was documented by a study of captive adult male deer a few decades ago, which noted that males rubbed their foreheads on branches and twigs, especially as autumn approached. A decade later another study reported that adult male white-tailed deer exhibited forehead rubbing just before and during the rut. It was found that when a white-tailed buck makes a rub, it moves both antlers and forehead glands along the small tree in a vertical direction. This forehead rubbing behavior coincides with a high level of glandular activity in the modified scent glands found on the foreheads of male deer; the glandular activity causes the forehead pelage (hairy covering) of adult males to be distinctly darker than in females or younger males.
Forehead rubbing by male deer on buck rubs presumably sends a great deal of information to other members of the same species. First, the chemicals deposited on the rub provide information on the individual identity of an animal; no two mammals produce the same scent. For instance, as we all know, dogs recognize each other via smell. Second, because only male deer rub, the buck rub and its associated chemicals indicate the sex of the deer producing the rub. Third, older, more dominant bucks produce more buck rubs and probably deposit more glandular secretions on a given rub. Thus the presence of many well-marked rubs is indicative of older, higher-status males being in the general vicinity rather than simply being a crude measure of relative deer abundance in a given area. The information conveyed by the olfactory signals on a buck rub make it the social equivalent of some auditory signals in other deer species, such as trumpeting by bull elk.
Because both sexes of white-tailed respond to buck rubs by smelling and licking them, rubs may serve a very important additional function. Fresher buck rubs (less than two days olD., in particular, are visited more frequently by adult females than older rubs. In view of this behavior it has been suggested that chemicals present in fresh buck rubs may help physiologically induce and synchronize fertility in females that visit these rubs. This would be an obvious advantage to wide-ranging deer, especially to a socially dominant buck when courting several adult females during the autumn rut. Another visual signal produced by while-tailed deer is termed a buck scrape. Scrapes consist of a clearing (about 0.5 meter in diameter) and shallow depression made by pushing aside the leaves covering the ground; after making the scrape, the deer typically urinates in the depression. Thus, like a buck rub, a scrape is both a visual and an olfactory signal. Buck scrapes are generally created after leaf-fall in autumn, which is just before or during the rut. Scrapes are usually placed in open or conspicuous places, such as along a deer trail. Most are made by older males, although females and younger males (2.5 years old or less) occasionally make scrapes. | 3995.txt | 2 |
[
"rough.",
"useful.",
"necessary.",
"obvious."
] | The word "crude" in the passage(paragraph 4)is closest in meaning to | A conspicuous sign indicating the presence of white-tailed deer in a woodlot is a buck rub. A male deer makes a buck rub by striping the bark (outer layer) of a small tree with its antlers. When completed, the buck rub is an obvious visual signal to us and presumable to other deer in the area. A rub is usually located at the shoulder height of a deer (one meter or less above the grounD. on a smooth-barked, small-diameter (16-25 millimeters) tree. The smooth bark of small red maples makes this species ideal for buck rubs in the forests of the mid-eastern United States.
Adult male deer usually produce rubs in late summer or early autumn when the outer velvet layer is being shed from their antlers. Rubs are created about one to two months before the breeding season (the rut). Hence for a long time biologists believed that male deer used buck rubs not only to clean and polish antlers but also to provide practice for the ensuing male-to-male combat during the rut. However, biologists also noted deer sniff and lick an unfamiliar rub, which suggests that this visual mark on a small tree plays an important communication purpose in the social life of deer.
Buck rubs also have a scent produced by glands in the foreheads of deer that is transferred to the tree when the rub is made. These odors make buck rubs an important means of olfactory communication between deer. The importance of olfactory communication (using odors to communicate) in the way of life of deer was documented by a study of captive adult male deer a few decades ago, which noted that males rubbed their foreheads on branches and twigs, especially as autumn approached. A decade later another study reported that adult male white-tailed deer exhibited forehead rubbing just before and during the rut. It was found that when a white-tailed buck makes a rub, it moves both antlers and forehead glands along the small tree in a vertical direction. This forehead rubbing behavior coincides with a high level of glandular activity in the modified scent glands found on the foreheads of male deer; the glandular activity causes the forehead pelage (hairy covering) of adult males to be distinctly darker than in females or younger males.
Forehead rubbing by male deer on buck rubs presumably sends a great deal of information to other members of the same species. First, the chemicals deposited on the rub provide information on the individual identity of an animal; no two mammals produce the same scent. For instance, as we all know, dogs recognize each other via smell. Second, because only male deer rub, the buck rub and its associated chemicals indicate the sex of the deer producing the rub. Third, older, more dominant bucks produce more buck rubs and probably deposit more glandular secretions on a given rub. Thus the presence of many well-marked rubs is indicative of older, higher-status males being in the general vicinity rather than simply being a crude measure of relative deer abundance in a given area. The information conveyed by the olfactory signals on a buck rub make it the social equivalent of some auditory signals in other deer species, such as trumpeting by bull elk.
Because both sexes of white-tailed respond to buck rubs by smelling and licking them, rubs may serve a very important additional function. Fresher buck rubs (less than two days olD., in particular, are visited more frequently by adult females than older rubs. In view of this behavior it has been suggested that chemicals present in fresh buck rubs may help physiologically induce and synchronize fertility in females that visit these rubs. This would be an obvious advantage to wide-ranging deer, especially to a socially dominant buck when courting several adult females during the autumn rut. Another visual signal produced by while-tailed deer is termed a buck scrape. Scrapes consist of a clearing (about 0.5 meter in diameter) and shallow depression made by pushing aside the leaves covering the ground; after making the scrape, the deer typically urinates in the depression. Thus, like a buck rub, a scrape is both a visual and an olfactory signal. Buck scrapes are generally created after leaf-fall in autumn, which is just before or during the rut. Scrapes are usually placed in open or conspicuous places, such as along a deer trail. Most are made by older males, although females and younger males (2.5 years old or less) occasionally make scrapes. | 3995.txt | 0 |
[
"Trumpeting by higher-status bull elk signals their presence to other members of their species.",
"Bull elk need to combine trumpeting with olfactory signals to convey information about their identity.",
"Trumpeting alerts white-tailed deer to the presence of bull elk in their vicinity.",
"Trumpeting provides a better measure of deer presence in a given area than buck rubs do."
] | What can be inferred from paragraph 4 about the trumpeting of bull elk? | A conspicuous sign indicating the presence of white-tailed deer in a woodlot is a buck rub. A male deer makes a buck rub by striping the bark (outer layer) of a small tree with its antlers. When completed, the buck rub is an obvious visual signal to us and presumable to other deer in the area. A rub is usually located at the shoulder height of a deer (one meter or less above the grounD. on a smooth-barked, small-diameter (16-25 millimeters) tree. The smooth bark of small red maples makes this species ideal for buck rubs in the forests of the mid-eastern United States.
Adult male deer usually produce rubs in late summer or early autumn when the outer velvet layer is being shed from their antlers. Rubs are created about one to two months before the breeding season (the rut). Hence for a long time biologists believed that male deer used buck rubs not only to clean and polish antlers but also to provide practice for the ensuing male-to-male combat during the rut. However, biologists also noted deer sniff and lick an unfamiliar rub, which suggests that this visual mark on a small tree plays an important communication purpose in the social life of deer.
Buck rubs also have a scent produced by glands in the foreheads of deer that is transferred to the tree when the rub is made. These odors make buck rubs an important means of olfactory communication between deer. The importance of olfactory communication (using odors to communicate) in the way of life of deer was documented by a study of captive adult male deer a few decades ago, which noted that males rubbed their foreheads on branches and twigs, especially as autumn approached. A decade later another study reported that adult male white-tailed deer exhibited forehead rubbing just before and during the rut. It was found that when a white-tailed buck makes a rub, it moves both antlers and forehead glands along the small tree in a vertical direction. This forehead rubbing behavior coincides with a high level of glandular activity in the modified scent glands found on the foreheads of male deer; the glandular activity causes the forehead pelage (hairy covering) of adult males to be distinctly darker than in females or younger males.
Forehead rubbing by male deer on buck rubs presumably sends a great deal of information to other members of the same species. First, the chemicals deposited on the rub provide information on the individual identity of an animal; no two mammals produce the same scent. For instance, as we all know, dogs recognize each other via smell. Second, because only male deer rub, the buck rub and its associated chemicals indicate the sex of the deer producing the rub. Third, older, more dominant bucks produce more buck rubs and probably deposit more glandular secretions on a given rub. Thus the presence of many well-marked rubs is indicative of older, higher-status males being in the general vicinity rather than simply being a crude measure of relative deer abundance in a given area. The information conveyed by the olfactory signals on a buck rub make it the social equivalent of some auditory signals in other deer species, such as trumpeting by bull elk.
Because both sexes of white-tailed respond to buck rubs by smelling and licking them, rubs may serve a very important additional function. Fresher buck rubs (less than two days olD., in particular, are visited more frequently by adult females than older rubs. In view of this behavior it has been suggested that chemicals present in fresh buck rubs may help physiologically induce and synchronize fertility in females that visit these rubs. This would be an obvious advantage to wide-ranging deer, especially to a socially dominant buck when courting several adult females during the autumn rut. Another visual signal produced by while-tailed deer is termed a buck scrape. Scrapes consist of a clearing (about 0.5 meter in diameter) and shallow depression made by pushing aside the leaves covering the ground; after making the scrape, the deer typically urinates in the depression. Thus, like a buck rub, a scrape is both a visual and an olfactory signal. Buck scrapes are generally created after leaf-fall in autumn, which is just before or during the rut. Scrapes are usually placed in open or conspicuous places, such as along a deer trail. Most are made by older males, although females and younger males (2.5 years old or less) occasionally make scrapes. | 3995.txt | 0 |
[
"the individual identity of the deer.",
"the gender of the deer.",
"the likely social status of the deer.",
"the number of deer in the vicinity."
] | According to paragraph 4, the buck rubs occurring in a given area revealall of the following information about deer EXCEPT | A conspicuous sign indicating the presence of white-tailed deer in a woodlot is a buck rub. A male deer makes a buck rub by striping the bark (outer layer) of a small tree with its antlers. When completed, the buck rub is an obvious visual signal to us and presumable to other deer in the area. A rub is usually located at the shoulder height of a deer (one meter or less above the grounD. on a smooth-barked, small-diameter (16-25 millimeters) tree. The smooth bark of small red maples makes this species ideal for buck rubs in the forests of the mid-eastern United States.
Adult male deer usually produce rubs in late summer or early autumn when the outer velvet layer is being shed from their antlers. Rubs are created about one to two months before the breeding season (the rut). Hence for a long time biologists believed that male deer used buck rubs not only to clean and polish antlers but also to provide practice for the ensuing male-to-male combat during the rut. However, biologists also noted deer sniff and lick an unfamiliar rub, which suggests that this visual mark on a small tree plays an important communication purpose in the social life of deer.
Buck rubs also have a scent produced by glands in the foreheads of deer that is transferred to the tree when the rub is made. These odors make buck rubs an important means of olfactory communication between deer. The importance of olfactory communication (using odors to communicate) in the way of life of deer was documented by a study of captive adult male deer a few decades ago, which noted that males rubbed their foreheads on branches and twigs, especially as autumn approached. A decade later another study reported that adult male white-tailed deer exhibited forehead rubbing just before and during the rut. It was found that when a white-tailed buck makes a rub, it moves both antlers and forehead glands along the small tree in a vertical direction. This forehead rubbing behavior coincides with a high level of glandular activity in the modified scent glands found on the foreheads of male deer; the glandular activity causes the forehead pelage (hairy covering) of adult males to be distinctly darker than in females or younger males.
Forehead rubbing by male deer on buck rubs presumably sends a great deal of information to other members of the same species. First, the chemicals deposited on the rub provide information on the individual identity of an animal; no two mammals produce the same scent. For instance, as we all know, dogs recognize each other via smell. Second, because only male deer rub, the buck rub and its associated chemicals indicate the sex of the deer producing the rub. Third, older, more dominant bucks produce more buck rubs and probably deposit more glandular secretions on a given rub. Thus the presence of many well-marked rubs is indicative of older, higher-status males being in the general vicinity rather than simply being a crude measure of relative deer abundance in a given area. The information conveyed by the olfactory signals on a buck rub make it the social equivalent of some auditory signals in other deer species, such as trumpeting by bull elk.
Because both sexes of white-tailed respond to buck rubs by smelling and licking them, rubs may serve a very important additional function. Fresher buck rubs (less than two days olD., in particular, are visited more frequently by adult females than older rubs. In view of this behavior it has been suggested that chemicals present in fresh buck rubs may help physiologically induce and synchronize fertility in females that visit these rubs. This would be an obvious advantage to wide-ranging deer, especially to a socially dominant buck when courting several adult females during the autumn rut. Another visual signal produced by while-tailed deer is termed a buck scrape. Scrapes consist of a clearing (about 0.5 meter in diameter) and shallow depression made by pushing aside the leaves covering the ground; after making the scrape, the deer typically urinates in the depression. Thus, like a buck rub, a scrape is both a visual and an olfactory signal. Buck scrapes are generally created after leaf-fall in autumn, which is just before or during the rut. Scrapes are usually placed in open or conspicuous places, such as along a deer trail. Most are made by older males, although females and younger males (2.5 years old or less) occasionally make scrapes. | 3995.txt | 3 |
[
"increase.",
"extend.",
"delay.",
"stimulate."
] | The word "induce" in the passage(paragraph 5)is closest in meaning to | A conspicuous sign indicating the presence of white-tailed deer in a woodlot is a buck rub. A male deer makes a buck rub by striping the bark (outer layer) of a small tree with its antlers. When completed, the buck rub is an obvious visual signal to us and presumable to other deer in the area. A rub is usually located at the shoulder height of a deer (one meter or less above the grounD. on a smooth-barked, small-diameter (16-25 millimeters) tree. The smooth bark of small red maples makes this species ideal for buck rubs in the forests of the mid-eastern United States.
Adult male deer usually produce rubs in late summer or early autumn when the outer velvet layer is being shed from their antlers. Rubs are created about one to two months before the breeding season (the rut). Hence for a long time biologists believed that male deer used buck rubs not only to clean and polish antlers but also to provide practice for the ensuing male-to-male combat during the rut. However, biologists also noted deer sniff and lick an unfamiliar rub, which suggests that this visual mark on a small tree plays an important communication purpose in the social life of deer.
Buck rubs also have a scent produced by glands in the foreheads of deer that is transferred to the tree when the rub is made. These odors make buck rubs an important means of olfactory communication between deer. The importance of olfactory communication (using odors to communicate) in the way of life of deer was documented by a study of captive adult male deer a few decades ago, which noted that males rubbed their foreheads on branches and twigs, especially as autumn approached. A decade later another study reported that adult male white-tailed deer exhibited forehead rubbing just before and during the rut. It was found that when a white-tailed buck makes a rub, it moves both antlers and forehead glands along the small tree in a vertical direction. This forehead rubbing behavior coincides with a high level of glandular activity in the modified scent glands found on the foreheads of male deer; the glandular activity causes the forehead pelage (hairy covering) of adult males to be distinctly darker than in females or younger males.
Forehead rubbing by male deer on buck rubs presumably sends a great deal of information to other members of the same species. First, the chemicals deposited on the rub provide information on the individual identity of an animal; no two mammals produce the same scent. For instance, as we all know, dogs recognize each other via smell. Second, because only male deer rub, the buck rub and its associated chemicals indicate the sex of the deer producing the rub. Third, older, more dominant bucks produce more buck rubs and probably deposit more glandular secretions on a given rub. Thus the presence of many well-marked rubs is indicative of older, higher-status males being in the general vicinity rather than simply being a crude measure of relative deer abundance in a given area. The information conveyed by the olfactory signals on a buck rub make it the social equivalent of some auditory signals in other deer species, such as trumpeting by bull elk.
Because both sexes of white-tailed respond to buck rubs by smelling and licking them, rubs may serve a very important additional function. Fresher buck rubs (less than two days olD., in particular, are visited more frequently by adult females than older rubs. In view of this behavior it has been suggested that chemicals present in fresh buck rubs may help physiologically induce and synchronize fertility in females that visit these rubs. This would be an obvious advantage to wide-ranging deer, especially to a socially dominant buck when courting several adult females during the autumn rut. Another visual signal produced by while-tailed deer is termed a buck scrape. Scrapes consist of a clearing (about 0.5 meter in diameter) and shallow depression made by pushing aside the leaves covering the ground; after making the scrape, the deer typically urinates in the depression. Thus, like a buck rub, a scrape is both a visual and an olfactory signal. Buck scrapes are generally created after leaf-fall in autumn, which is just before or during the rut. Scrapes are usually placed in open or conspicuous places, such as along a deer trail. Most are made by older males, although females and younger males (2.5 years old or less) occasionally make scrapes. | 3995.txt | 3 |
[
"They have to be at least two days old for females to be able to detect them.",
"They are more effective in older buck rubs than in fresher ones.",
"They may affect fertility in female deer.",
"They can be more easily detected by young males than adult females."
] | According to paragraph 5, which of the following is true about chemicals in buck rubs? | A conspicuous sign indicating the presence of white-tailed deer in a woodlot is a buck rub. A male deer makes a buck rub by striping the bark (outer layer) of a small tree with its antlers. When completed, the buck rub is an obvious visual signal to us and presumable to other deer in the area. A rub is usually located at the shoulder height of a deer (one meter or less above the grounD. on a smooth-barked, small-diameter (16-25 millimeters) tree. The smooth bark of small red maples makes this species ideal for buck rubs in the forests of the mid-eastern United States.
Adult male deer usually produce rubs in late summer or early autumn when the outer velvet layer is being shed from their antlers. Rubs are created about one to two months before the breeding season (the rut). Hence for a long time biologists believed that male deer used buck rubs not only to clean and polish antlers but also to provide practice for the ensuing male-to-male combat during the rut. However, biologists also noted deer sniff and lick an unfamiliar rub, which suggests that this visual mark on a small tree plays an important communication purpose in the social life of deer.
Buck rubs also have a scent produced by glands in the foreheads of deer that is transferred to the tree when the rub is made. These odors make buck rubs an important means of olfactory communication between deer. The importance of olfactory communication (using odors to communicate) in the way of life of deer was documented by a study of captive adult male deer a few decades ago, which noted that males rubbed their foreheads on branches and twigs, especially as autumn approached. A decade later another study reported that adult male white-tailed deer exhibited forehead rubbing just before and during the rut. It was found that when a white-tailed buck makes a rub, it moves both antlers and forehead glands along the small tree in a vertical direction. This forehead rubbing behavior coincides with a high level of glandular activity in the modified scent glands found on the foreheads of male deer; the glandular activity causes the forehead pelage (hairy covering) of adult males to be distinctly darker than in females or younger males.
Forehead rubbing by male deer on buck rubs presumably sends a great deal of information to other members of the same species. First, the chemicals deposited on the rub provide information on the individual identity of an animal; no two mammals produce the same scent. For instance, as we all know, dogs recognize each other via smell. Second, because only male deer rub, the buck rub and its associated chemicals indicate the sex of the deer producing the rub. Third, older, more dominant bucks produce more buck rubs and probably deposit more glandular secretions on a given rub. Thus the presence of many well-marked rubs is indicative of older, higher-status males being in the general vicinity rather than simply being a crude measure of relative deer abundance in a given area. The information conveyed by the olfactory signals on a buck rub make it the social equivalent of some auditory signals in other deer species, such as trumpeting by bull elk.
Because both sexes of white-tailed respond to buck rubs by smelling and licking them, rubs may serve a very important additional function. Fresher buck rubs (less than two days olD., in particular, are visited more frequently by adult females than older rubs. In view of this behavior it has been suggested that chemicals present in fresh buck rubs may help physiologically induce and synchronize fertility in females that visit these rubs. This would be an obvious advantage to wide-ranging deer, especially to a socially dominant buck when courting several adult females during the autumn rut. Another visual signal produced by while-tailed deer is termed a buck scrape. Scrapes consist of a clearing (about 0.5 meter in diameter) and shallow depression made by pushing aside the leaves covering the ground; after making the scrape, the deer typically urinates in the depression. Thus, like a buck rub, a scrape is both a visual and an olfactory signal. Buck scrapes are generally created after leaf-fall in autumn, which is just before or during the rut. Scrapes are usually placed in open or conspicuous places, such as along a deer trail. Most are made by older males, although females and younger males (2.5 years old or less) occasionally make scrapes. | 3995.txt | 2 |
[
"associated with.",
"visible as.",
"known as.",
"provided by."
] | The word "termed" in the passage(paragraph 5)is closest in meaning to | A conspicuous sign indicating the presence of white-tailed deer in a woodlot is a buck rub. A male deer makes a buck rub by striping the bark (outer layer) of a small tree with its antlers. When completed, the buck rub is an obvious visual signal to us and presumable to other deer in the area. A rub is usually located at the shoulder height of a deer (one meter or less above the grounD. on a smooth-barked, small-diameter (16-25 millimeters) tree. The smooth bark of small red maples makes this species ideal for buck rubs in the forests of the mid-eastern United States.
Adult male deer usually produce rubs in late summer or early autumn when the outer velvet layer is being shed from their antlers. Rubs are created about one to two months before the breeding season (the rut). Hence for a long time biologists believed that male deer used buck rubs not only to clean and polish antlers but also to provide practice for the ensuing male-to-male combat during the rut. However, biologists also noted deer sniff and lick an unfamiliar rub, which suggests that this visual mark on a small tree plays an important communication purpose in the social life of deer.
Buck rubs also have a scent produced by glands in the foreheads of deer that is transferred to the tree when the rub is made. These odors make buck rubs an important means of olfactory communication between deer. The importance of olfactory communication (using odors to communicate) in the way of life of deer was documented by a study of captive adult male deer a few decades ago, which noted that males rubbed their foreheads on branches and twigs, especially as autumn approached. A decade later another study reported that adult male white-tailed deer exhibited forehead rubbing just before and during the rut. It was found that when a white-tailed buck makes a rub, it moves both antlers and forehead glands along the small tree in a vertical direction. This forehead rubbing behavior coincides with a high level of glandular activity in the modified scent glands found on the foreheads of male deer; the glandular activity causes the forehead pelage (hairy covering) of adult males to be distinctly darker than in females or younger males.
Forehead rubbing by male deer on buck rubs presumably sends a great deal of information to other members of the same species. First, the chemicals deposited on the rub provide information on the individual identity of an animal; no two mammals produce the same scent. For instance, as we all know, dogs recognize each other via smell. Second, because only male deer rub, the buck rub and its associated chemicals indicate the sex of the deer producing the rub. Third, older, more dominant bucks produce more buck rubs and probably deposit more glandular secretions on a given rub. Thus the presence of many well-marked rubs is indicative of older, higher-status males being in the general vicinity rather than simply being a crude measure of relative deer abundance in a given area. The information conveyed by the olfactory signals on a buck rub make it the social equivalent of some auditory signals in other deer species, such as trumpeting by bull elk.
Because both sexes of white-tailed respond to buck rubs by smelling and licking them, rubs may serve a very important additional function. Fresher buck rubs (less than two days olD., in particular, are visited more frequently by adult females than older rubs. In view of this behavior it has been suggested that chemicals present in fresh buck rubs may help physiologically induce and synchronize fertility in females that visit these rubs. This would be an obvious advantage to wide-ranging deer, especially to a socially dominant buck when courting several adult females during the autumn rut. Another visual signal produced by while-tailed deer is termed a buck scrape. Scrapes consist of a clearing (about 0.5 meter in diameter) and shallow depression made by pushing aside the leaves covering the ground; after making the scrape, the deer typically urinates in the depression. Thus, like a buck rub, a scrape is both a visual and an olfactory signal. Buck scrapes are generally created after leaf-fall in autumn, which is just before or during the rut. Scrapes are usually placed in open or conspicuous places, such as along a deer trail. Most are made by older males, although females and younger males (2.5 years old or less) occasionally make scrapes. | 3995.txt | 2 |
[
"Buck scrapes are made by both male and female deer.",
"Buck scrapes are purely visual signals.",
"Buck scrapes are made closer to the breeding season than buck rubs.",
"Buck scrapes can be smelled only by deer."
] | According to the passage, in what way do buck scrapes differ from buckrubs? | A conspicuous sign indicating the presence of white-tailed deer in a woodlot is a buck rub. A male deer makes a buck rub by striping the bark (outer layer) of a small tree with its antlers. When completed, the buck rub is an obvious visual signal to us and presumable to other deer in the area. A rub is usually located at the shoulder height of a deer (one meter or less above the grounD. on a smooth-barked, small-diameter (16-25 millimeters) tree. The smooth bark of small red maples makes this species ideal for buck rubs in the forests of the mid-eastern United States.
Adult male deer usually produce rubs in late summer or early autumn when the outer velvet layer is being shed from their antlers. Rubs are created about one to two months before the breeding season (the rut). Hence for a long time biologists believed that male deer used buck rubs not only to clean and polish antlers but also to provide practice for the ensuing male-to-male combat during the rut. However, biologists also noted deer sniff and lick an unfamiliar rub, which suggests that this visual mark on a small tree plays an important communication purpose in the social life of deer.
Buck rubs also have a scent produced by glands in the foreheads of deer that is transferred to the tree when the rub is made. These odors make buck rubs an important means of olfactory communication between deer. The importance of olfactory communication (using odors to communicate) in the way of life of deer was documented by a study of captive adult male deer a few decades ago, which noted that males rubbed their foreheads on branches and twigs, especially as autumn approached. A decade later another study reported that adult male white-tailed deer exhibited forehead rubbing just before and during the rut. It was found that when a white-tailed buck makes a rub, it moves both antlers and forehead glands along the small tree in a vertical direction. This forehead rubbing behavior coincides with a high level of glandular activity in the modified scent glands found on the foreheads of male deer; the glandular activity causes the forehead pelage (hairy covering) of adult males to be distinctly darker than in females or younger males.
Forehead rubbing by male deer on buck rubs presumably sends a great deal of information to other members of the same species. First, the chemicals deposited on the rub provide information on the individual identity of an animal; no two mammals produce the same scent. For instance, as we all know, dogs recognize each other via smell. Second, because only male deer rub, the buck rub and its associated chemicals indicate the sex of the deer producing the rub. Third, older, more dominant bucks produce more buck rubs and probably deposit more glandular secretions on a given rub. Thus the presence of many well-marked rubs is indicative of older, higher-status males being in the general vicinity rather than simply being a crude measure of relative deer abundance in a given area. The information conveyed by the olfactory signals on a buck rub make it the social equivalent of some auditory signals in other deer species, such as trumpeting by bull elk.
Because both sexes of white-tailed respond to buck rubs by smelling and licking them, rubs may serve a very important additional function. Fresher buck rubs (less than two days olD., in particular, are visited more frequently by adult females than older rubs. In view of this behavior it has been suggested that chemicals present in fresh buck rubs may help physiologically induce and synchronize fertility in females that visit these rubs. This would be an obvious advantage to wide-ranging deer, especially to a socially dominant buck when courting several adult females during the autumn rut. Another visual signal produced by while-tailed deer is termed a buck scrape. Scrapes consist of a clearing (about 0.5 meter in diameter) and shallow depression made by pushing aside the leaves covering the ground; after making the scrape, the deer typically urinates in the depression. Thus, like a buck rub, a scrape is both a visual and an olfactory signal. Buck scrapes are generally created after leaf-fall in autumn, which is just before or during the rut. Scrapes are usually placed in open or conspicuous places, such as along a deer trail. Most are made by older males, although females and younger males (2.5 years old or less) occasionally make scrapes. | 3995.txt | 0 |
[
"emotions are as visible as facial expressions",
"we yawn more frequently when we have a cold",
"emotions are connected with states of internal responses",
"the change of blood pressure is not linked with the change of emotions"
] | According to Hugo Critchley,. | You're sitting on the train home and the person opposite you yawns.Suddenly,you're yawning with him,though you're not tired.
This phenomenon confused scientists for years until a recent study found that people tend to sympathize with fellow humans.Supporting this claim was the discovery that those children who were unable to form normal emotional ties with others did not experience contagious yawning,which showed that humans communicate regularly without words.
Hugo Critchley,a neuroscientist,has conducted an experiment recently,which will prove that happiness and sadness can spread like the common cold.According to Critchley,our mind and body are in constant exchange about how we're feeling."Emotions are closely linked with states of internal responses,"he explained."There are also more visible changes in our gestures and facial expressions.When we're in a group,these signals can spread to another person.For example,there's the obvious tendency to smile when smiled at and there are less obvious changes that reflect emotions of surprise,anger or sadness such as a change in our heart rate and blood pressure."
Hugo Critchley further explained,"Our bodies synchronise and when we like the other person,we even copy his behavior.Next time you chat with a friend,take note of how you're sitting-it's pretty likely that you will be the same.Scientists believe it's our way of telling each other that we're partners.Through body language,humans give each other very subtle but clear signals that show emotions."
So,what lessons can we learn from this?"Spend time with happy people-otherwise your health could suffer,"said Critchley."When we're sad,our body goes into fight or flight mode.But when we're happy,our body works normally and we feel relaxed and positive.So we look bright,our skin glows,we feel healthy and it affects everyone around us." | 3417.txt | 2 |
[
"sadness is as contagious as happiness",
"anger is less contagious than friendliness",
"surprise is more contagious than smile",
"surprise is the most contagious among emotions"
] | From the passage we can learn. | You're sitting on the train home and the person opposite you yawns.Suddenly,you're yawning with him,though you're not tired.
This phenomenon confused scientists for years until a recent study found that people tend to sympathize with fellow humans.Supporting this claim was the discovery that those children who were unable to form normal emotional ties with others did not experience contagious yawning,which showed that humans communicate regularly without words.
Hugo Critchley,a neuroscientist,has conducted an experiment recently,which will prove that happiness and sadness can spread like the common cold.According to Critchley,our mind and body are in constant exchange about how we're feeling."Emotions are closely linked with states of internal responses,"he explained."There are also more visible changes in our gestures and facial expressions.When we're in a group,these signals can spread to another person.For example,there's the obvious tendency to smile when smiled at and there are less obvious changes that reflect emotions of surprise,anger or sadness such as a change in our heart rate and blood pressure."
Hugo Critchley further explained,"Our bodies synchronise and when we like the other person,we even copy his behavior.Next time you chat with a friend,take note of how you're sitting-it's pretty likely that you will be the same.Scientists believe it's our way of telling each other that we're partners.Through body language,humans give each other very subtle but clear signals that show emotions."
So,what lessons can we learn from this?"Spend time with happy people-otherwise your health could suffer,"said Critchley."When we're sad,our body goes into fight or flight mode.But when we're happy,our body works normally and we feel relaxed and positive.So we look bright,our skin glows,we feel healthy and it affects everyone around us." | 3417.txt | 1 |
[
"Emotions have delicate influence on fellow humans.",
"Children like copying the actions of fellow humans.",
"Scientists are still confused about contagious yawning.",
"People tend to communicate more with body language."
] | Which of the following statements is TRUE according to the passage? | You're sitting on the train home and the person opposite you yawns.Suddenly,you're yawning with him,though you're not tired.
This phenomenon confused scientists for years until a recent study found that people tend to sympathize with fellow humans.Supporting this claim was the discovery that those children who were unable to form normal emotional ties with others did not experience contagious yawning,which showed that humans communicate regularly without words.
Hugo Critchley,a neuroscientist,has conducted an experiment recently,which will prove that happiness and sadness can spread like the common cold.According to Critchley,our mind and body are in constant exchange about how we're feeling."Emotions are closely linked with states of internal responses,"he explained."There are also more visible changes in our gestures and facial expressions.When we're in a group,these signals can spread to another person.For example,there's the obvious tendency to smile when smiled at and there are less obvious changes that reflect emotions of surprise,anger or sadness such as a change in our heart rate and blood pressure."
Hugo Critchley further explained,"Our bodies synchronise and when we like the other person,we even copy his behavior.Next time you chat with a friend,take note of how you're sitting-it's pretty likely that you will be the same.Scientists believe it's our way of telling each other that we're partners.Through body language,humans give each other very subtle but clear signals that show emotions."
So,what lessons can we learn from this?"Spend time with happy people-otherwise your health could suffer,"said Critchley."When we're sad,our body goes into fight or flight mode.But when we're happy,our body works normally and we feel relaxed and positive.So we look bright,our skin glows,we feel healthy and it affects everyone around us." | 3417.txt | 0 |
[
"to express the opinions of many parents",
"to choose a right one four their daughter",
"to check the cost of college education",
"to find a tight one near a large city"
] | The Mahoneys visited quite a few colleges last August _ . | Last August, Joe and Mary Mahoney began looking at colleges for their 17-year-old daughter, Maureen. With a checklist of criteria in hand, the Dallas family looked around the country visiting half a dozen schools. They sought a university that offered the teenager's intended major, one located neat a large city, and a campus where their daughter would be safe. "The safety issue is a big one," says Joe Mahoney, who quickly discovered he wasn't alone in his worries. On campus tours other parents voiced similar concerns, and the same question was always asked : what about crime? But when college officials always gave the same answer -"That's not a problem here," -Mahoney began to feel uneasy.
"No crime whatsoever?" comments Mahoney today. "I just don't buy it. " Nor should he: in 1999 the U. S. Department of education had reent-count: 2.0; mports of nearly 400,000 serious crimes on or around our campuses. "Parents need to understand that times have changed since they went to college," says David Nichols, author of Creating a Safe Campus. "Campus crime mirrors the rest of the nation."
But getting accurate information isn't easy. Colleges must report crime statistics by law, but some hold back for fear of bad publicity, leaving the honest ones looking dangerous. "The truth may not always be serious," warms S. Daniel Carter of Security on Campus, Inc. , the nation's leading campus safety watchdog group.
To help concerned parents, Carter promised to visit campuses and talk to experts around the country to find out major crime issues and effective solutions. | 3236.txt | 1 |
[
"receive too many visitors",
"mirror the rest of the nation",
"hide the truth of campus crime",
"have too many watchdog groups"
] | It is often difficult to get correct information on campus crime because some colleges _ . | Last August, Joe and Mary Mahoney began looking at colleges for their 17-year-old daughter, Maureen. With a checklist of criteria in hand, the Dallas family looked around the country visiting half a dozen schools. They sought a university that offered the teenager's intended major, one located neat a large city, and a campus where their daughter would be safe. "The safety issue is a big one," says Joe Mahoney, who quickly discovered he wasn't alone in his worries. On campus tours other parents voiced similar concerns, and the same question was always asked : what about crime? But when college officials always gave the same answer -"That's not a problem here," -Mahoney began to feel uneasy.
"No crime whatsoever?" comments Mahoney today. "I just don't buy it. " Nor should he: in 1999 the U. S. Department of education had reent-count: 2.0; mports of nearly 400,000 serious crimes on or around our campuses. "Parents need to understand that times have changed since they went to college," says David Nichols, author of Creating a Safe Campus. "Campus crime mirrors the rest of the nation."
But getting accurate information isn't easy. Colleges must report crime statistics by law, but some hold back for fear of bad publicity, leaving the honest ones looking dangerous. "The truth may not always be serious," warms S. Daniel Carter of Security on Campus, Inc. , the nation's leading campus safety watchdog group.
To help concerned parents, Carter promised to visit campuses and talk to experts around the country to find out major crime issues and effective solutions. | 3236.txt | 2 |
[
"that are protected by campus security",
"that report campus crimes by law",
"that are free from campus crime",
"that enjoy very good publicity"
] | We learn from the text that "the honest ones" in the fourth paragraph most probably refers to colleges _ . | Last August, Joe and Mary Mahoney began looking at colleges for their 17-year-old daughter, Maureen. With a checklist of criteria in hand, the Dallas family looked around the country visiting half a dozen schools. They sought a university that offered the teenager's intended major, one located neat a large city, and a campus where their daughter would be safe. "The safety issue is a big one," says Joe Mahoney, who quickly discovered he wasn't alone in his worries. On campus tours other parents voiced similar concerns, and the same question was always asked : what about crime? But when college officials always gave the same answer -"That's not a problem here," -Mahoney began to feel uneasy.
"No crime whatsoever?" comments Mahoney today. "I just don't buy it. " Nor should he: in 1999 the U. S. Department of education had reent-count: 2.0; mports of nearly 400,000 serious crimes on or around our campuses. "Parents need to understand that times have changed since they went to college," says David Nichols, author of Creating a Safe Campus. "Campus crime mirrors the rest of the nation."
But getting accurate information isn't easy. Colleges must report crime statistics by law, but some hold back for fear of bad publicity, leaving the honest ones looking dangerous. "The truth may not always be serious," warms S. Daniel Carter of Security on Campus, Inc. , the nation's leading campus safety watchdog group.
To help concerned parents, Carter promised to visit campuses and talk to experts around the country to find out major crime issues and effective solutions. | 3236.txt | 1 |
[
"Exact campus crime statistics",
"Crimes on or around campuses",
"Effective solutions to campus crime",
"Concerns about kids' campus safety"
] | What is the text mainly about? | Last August, Joe and Mary Mahoney began looking at colleges for their 17-year-old daughter, Maureen. With a checklist of criteria in hand, the Dallas family looked around the country visiting half a dozen schools. They sought a university that offered the teenager's intended major, one located neat a large city, and a campus where their daughter would be safe. "The safety issue is a big one," says Joe Mahoney, who quickly discovered he wasn't alone in his worries. On campus tours other parents voiced similar concerns, and the same question was always asked : what about crime? But when college officials always gave the same answer -"That's not a problem here," -Mahoney began to feel uneasy.
"No crime whatsoever?" comments Mahoney today. "I just don't buy it. " Nor should he: in 1999 the U. S. Department of education had reent-count: 2.0; mports of nearly 400,000 serious crimes on or around our campuses. "Parents need to understand that times have changed since they went to college," says David Nichols, author of Creating a Safe Campus. "Campus crime mirrors the rest of the nation."
But getting accurate information isn't easy. Colleges must report crime statistics by law, but some hold back for fear of bad publicity, leaving the honest ones looking dangerous. "The truth may not always be serious," warms S. Daniel Carter of Security on Campus, Inc. , the nation's leading campus safety watchdog group.
To help concerned parents, Carter promised to visit campuses and talk to experts around the country to find out major crime issues and effective solutions. | 3236.txt | 3 |
[
"The twoparty system.",
"The state machine.",
"The Partiament.",
"The capitalist state."
] | What does "it" stand for in the third line? | There are two major parties in Britain today,the Conservative Party and the Labour Party,which have been in power by turns since 1945.The two-party system of Britain was formed in the course of the development of the capitalist state and the political parties.In order to strengthen the state machine,the British bourgeosie have let it come into being and exist in one form or another form since the 17th century.P.S.Tregidgo once said:"The more parties there are,the less likely it is that any one of them will be strong enough in Parliament to outvote all the others;but when there are only two,one of them is sure to have a majority o f seats.This helps to ensure a strong and stable government."This may be the reason why the British have the two party system.
The division into two parties grew out the establishment of a Protestant Church of England in the 16th century.Because of a purely religious difference of opinion,the Puritans were separated from the broad body of the Anglican Church.The non Puritan Anglicans were on the side of the King and Church,and their supporters were called by their opponents "Tories."The Puritans were for Parliament and trade,and their supporters were called by the "Tories""Whigs".The Tories and the Whigs were in power a long time.In 1833,the Tory party split into two and its name was changed to Conservative.In the 1860s the Whigs became Liberals.From that time on,the Liberals and the Conservatives were in office by turns until 1922.The policies they put into effect were sometimes different,but they were both controlled by the rich.
The working class became more and more unwilling to follow the Conservatives and the Liberals.They wanted to have their own party.So the Labour party was formed by the trade unions.After 1922 the Labour Party gradually replaced the Liberal Party to become one of the two major parties in Great Britain. | 1426.txt | 0 |
[
"if there are parties in Britain,none of them will be strong enough to have con trol in the government",
"the more patients there are,the more likely it is that they will have the deci sive say in the government",
"the two partysystem contributes to the establishment of a powerful and long lasting government",
"if there are only two parties in Britain,it will be easy for the government to control them"
] | We can learn from what P.S Tregidgo once said that _ . | There are two major parties in Britain today,the Conservative Party and the Labour Party,which have been in power by turns since 1945.The two-party system of Britain was formed in the course of the development of the capitalist state and the political parties.In order to strengthen the state machine,the British bourgeosie have let it come into being and exist in one form or another form since the 17th century.P.S.Tregidgo once said:"The more parties there are,the less likely it is that any one of them will be strong enough in Parliament to outvote all the others;but when there are only two,one of them is sure to have a majority o f seats.This helps to ensure a strong and stable government."This may be the reason why the British have the two party system.
The division into two parties grew out the establishment of a Protestant Church of England in the 16th century.Because of a purely religious difference of opinion,the Puritans were separated from the broad body of the Anglican Church.The non Puritan Anglicans were on the side of the King and Church,and their supporters were called by their opponents "Tories."The Puritans were for Parliament and trade,and their supporters were called by the "Tories""Whigs".The Tories and the Whigs were in power a long time.In 1833,the Tory party split into two and its name was changed to Conservative.In the 1860s the Whigs became Liberals.From that time on,the Liberals and the Conservatives were in office by turns until 1922.The policies they put into effect were sometimes different,but they were both controlled by the rich.
The working class became more and more unwilling to follow the Conservatives and the Liberals.They wanted to have their own party.So the Labour party was formed by the trade unions.After 1922 the Labour Party gradually replaced the Liberal Party to become one of the two major parties in Great Britain. | 1426.txt | 2 |
[
"These two parties originally believed in different religions.",
"These two parties were established under the influence of different religious believes.",
"The British King and the Parliament supported different religions becaused they were for the two party system.",
"The British King and the Parliament were supported by different parties for political reasons."
] | What can we infer from the forming of the Tory Party and the Whig Party? | There are two major parties in Britain today,the Conservative Party and the Labour Party,which have been in power by turns since 1945.The two-party system of Britain was formed in the course of the development of the capitalist state and the political parties.In order to strengthen the state machine,the British bourgeosie have let it come into being and exist in one form or another form since the 17th century.P.S.Tregidgo once said:"The more parties there are,the less likely it is that any one of them will be strong enough in Parliament to outvote all the others;but when there are only two,one of them is sure to have a majority o f seats.This helps to ensure a strong and stable government."This may be the reason why the British have the two party system.
The division into two parties grew out the establishment of a Protestant Church of England in the 16th century.Because of a purely religious difference of opinion,the Puritans were separated from the broad body of the Anglican Church.The non Puritan Anglicans were on the side of the King and Church,and their supporters were called by their opponents "Tories."The Puritans were for Parliament and trade,and their supporters were called by the "Tories""Whigs".The Tories and the Whigs were in power a long time.In 1833,the Tory party split into two and its name was changed to Conservative.In the 1860s the Whigs became Liberals.From that time on,the Liberals and the Conservatives were in office by turns until 1922.The policies they put into effect were sometimes different,but they were both controlled by the rich.
The working class became more and more unwilling to follow the Conservatives and the Liberals.They wanted to have their own party.So the Labour party was formed by the trade unions.After 1922 the Labour Party gradually replaced the Liberal Party to become one of the two major parties in Great Britain. | 1426.txt | 1 |
[
"Because the trade unions did not do much good for the working people.",
"Because the Liberal Party were not strong enough to defeat the Conservative Party.",
"Because the working people would not like to be members outside the Liberal Party.",
"Because neither of the two major parties was the parties for the working people."
] | According to the passage,why was the Labour Party established in Britain? | There are two major parties in Britain today,the Conservative Party and the Labour Party,which have been in power by turns since 1945.The two-party system of Britain was formed in the course of the development of the capitalist state and the political parties.In order to strengthen the state machine,the British bourgeosie have let it come into being and exist in one form or another form since the 17th century.P.S.Tregidgo once said:"The more parties there are,the less likely it is that any one of them will be strong enough in Parliament to outvote all the others;but when there are only two,one of them is sure to have a majority o f seats.This helps to ensure a strong and stable government."This may be the reason why the British have the two party system.
The division into two parties grew out the establishment of a Protestant Church of England in the 16th century.Because of a purely religious difference of opinion,the Puritans were separated from the broad body of the Anglican Church.The non Puritan Anglicans were on the side of the King and Church,and their supporters were called by their opponents "Tories."The Puritans were for Parliament and trade,and their supporters were called by the "Tories""Whigs".The Tories and the Whigs were in power a long time.In 1833,the Tory party split into two and its name was changed to Conservative.In the 1860s the Whigs became Liberals.From that time on,the Liberals and the Conservatives were in office by turns until 1922.The policies they put into effect were sometimes different,but they were both controlled by the rich.
The working class became more and more unwilling to follow the Conservatives and the Liberals.They wanted to have their own party.So the Labour party was formed by the trade unions.After 1922 the Labour Party gradually replaced the Liberal Party to become one of the two major parties in Great Britain. | 1426.txt | 3 |
[
"The Whig Party no longer exists in Britain.",
"The Tory Party has kept its unity until the present day.",
"The Whig Party has taken the place of the Liberal Party.",
"The Tory Party has taken the place of the Conservative Party."
] | Which of the following is true concerning the Tory Party or the Whig Party? | There are two major parties in Britain today,the Conservative Party and the Labour Party,which have been in power by turns since 1945.The two-party system of Britain was formed in the course of the development of the capitalist state and the political parties.In order to strengthen the state machine,the British bourgeosie have let it come into being and exist in one form or another form since the 17th century.P.S.Tregidgo once said:"The more parties there are,the less likely it is that any one of them will be strong enough in Parliament to outvote all the others;but when there are only two,one of them is sure to have a majority o f seats.This helps to ensure a strong and stable government."This may be the reason why the British have the two party system.
The division into two parties grew out the establishment of a Protestant Church of England in the 16th century.Because of a purely religious difference of opinion,the Puritans were separated from the broad body of the Anglican Church.The non Puritan Anglicans were on the side of the King and Church,and their supporters were called by their opponents "Tories."The Puritans were for Parliament and trade,and their supporters were called by the "Tories""Whigs".The Tories and the Whigs were in power a long time.In 1833,the Tory party split into two and its name was changed to Conservative.In the 1860s the Whigs became Liberals.From that time on,the Liberals and the Conservatives were in office by turns until 1922.The policies they put into effect were sometimes different,but they were both controlled by the rich.
The working class became more and more unwilling to follow the Conservatives and the Liberals.They wanted to have their own party.So the Labour party was formed by the trade unions.After 1922 the Labour Party gradually replaced the Liberal Party to become one of the two major parties in Great Britain. | 1426.txt | 0 |
[
"wealth.",
"mobility.",
"population.",
"census takers."
] | Taxation in Roman days apparently was based on | Nearly two thousand years have passed since a census decreed by Caesar Augustus become part of the greatest story ever told. Many things have changed in the intervening years. The hotel industry worries more about overbuilding than overcrowding, and if they had to meet an unexpected influx, few inns would have a manager to accommodate the weary guests. Now it is the census taker that does the traveling in the fond hope that a highly mobile population will stay long enough to get a good sampling. Methods of gathering, recording, and evaluating information have presumably been improved a great deal. And where then it was the modest purpose of Rome to obtain a simple head count as an adequate basis for levying taxes, now batteries of complicated statistical series furnished by governmental agencies and private organizations are eagerly scanned and interpreted by sages and seers to get a clue to future events. The Bible does not tell us how the Roman census takers made out, and as regards our more immediate concern, the reliability of present day economic forecasting, there are considerable differences of opinion. They were aired at the celebration of the 125th anniversary of the American Statistical Association. There was the thought that business forecasting might well be on its way from an art to a science, and some speakers talked about newfangled computers and high-falutin mathematical system in terms of excitement and endearment which we, at least in our younger years when these things mattered, would have associated more readily with the description of a fair maiden. But others pointed to the deplorable record of highly esteemed forecasts and forecasters with a batting average below that of the Mets, and the President-elect of the Association cautioned that "high powered statistical methods are usually in order where the facts are crude and inadequate, the exact contrary of what crude and inadequate statisticians assume." We left his birthday party somewhere between hope and despair and with the conviction, not really newly acquired, that proper statistical methods applied to ascertainable facts have their merits in economic forecasting as long as neither forecaster nor public is deluded into mistaking the delineation of probabilities and trends for a prediction of certainties of mathematical exactitude. | 1620.txt | 2 |
[
"is converting statistical study from an art to a science.",
"has an excellent record in business forecasting.",
"is neither hopeful nor pessimistic.",
"speaks with mathematical exactitude."
] | The American Statistical Association | Nearly two thousand years have passed since a census decreed by Caesar Augustus become part of the greatest story ever told. Many things have changed in the intervening years. The hotel industry worries more about overbuilding than overcrowding, and if they had to meet an unexpected influx, few inns would have a manager to accommodate the weary guests. Now it is the census taker that does the traveling in the fond hope that a highly mobile population will stay long enough to get a good sampling. Methods of gathering, recording, and evaluating information have presumably been improved a great deal. And where then it was the modest purpose of Rome to obtain a simple head count as an adequate basis for levying taxes, now batteries of complicated statistical series furnished by governmental agencies and private organizations are eagerly scanned and interpreted by sages and seers to get a clue to future events. The Bible does not tell us how the Roman census takers made out, and as regards our more immediate concern, the reliability of present day economic forecasting, there are considerable differences of opinion. They were aired at the celebration of the 125th anniversary of the American Statistical Association. There was the thought that business forecasting might well be on its way from an art to a science, and some speakers talked about newfangled computers and high-falutin mathematical system in terms of excitement and endearment which we, at least in our younger years when these things mattered, would have associated more readily with the description of a fair maiden. But others pointed to the deplorable record of highly esteemed forecasts and forecasters with a batting average below that of the Mets, and the President-elect of the Association cautioned that "high powered statistical methods are usually in order where the facts are crude and inadequate, the exact contrary of what crude and inadequate statisticians assume." We left his birthday party somewhere between hope and despair and with the conviction, not really newly acquired, that proper statistical methods applied to ascertainable facts have their merits in economic forecasting as long as neither forecaster nor public is deluded into mistaking the delineation of probabilities and trends for a prediction of certainties of mathematical exactitude. | 1620.txt | 0 |
[
"statisticians have not advanced since the days of the Roman.",
"statistics is not as yet a science.",
"statisticians love their machine.",
"computer is hopeful."
] | The message the author wishes the reader to get is | Nearly two thousand years have passed since a census decreed by Caesar Augustus become part of the greatest story ever told. Many things have changed in the intervening years. The hotel industry worries more about overbuilding than overcrowding, and if they had to meet an unexpected influx, few inns would have a manager to accommodate the weary guests. Now it is the census taker that does the traveling in the fond hope that a highly mobile population will stay long enough to get a good sampling. Methods of gathering, recording, and evaluating information have presumably been improved a great deal. And where then it was the modest purpose of Rome to obtain a simple head count as an adequate basis for levying taxes, now batteries of complicated statistical series furnished by governmental agencies and private organizations are eagerly scanned and interpreted by sages and seers to get a clue to future events. The Bible does not tell us how the Roman census takers made out, and as regards our more immediate concern, the reliability of present day economic forecasting, there are considerable differences of opinion. They were aired at the celebration of the 125th anniversary of the American Statistical Association. There was the thought that business forecasting might well be on its way from an art to a science, and some speakers talked about newfangled computers and high-falutin mathematical system in terms of excitement and endearment which we, at least in our younger years when these things mattered, would have associated more readily with the description of a fair maiden. But others pointed to the deplorable record of highly esteemed forecasts and forecasters with a batting average below that of the Mets, and the President-elect of the Association cautioned that "high powered statistical methods are usually in order where the facts are crude and inadequate, the exact contrary of what crude and inadequate statisticians assume." We left his birthday party somewhere between hope and despair and with the conviction, not really newly acquired, that proper statistical methods applied to ascertainable facts have their merits in economic forecasting as long as neither forecaster nor public is deluded into mistaking the delineation of probabilities and trends for a prediction of certainties of mathematical exactitude. | 1620.txt | 1 |
[
"Christmas.",
"The Mets.",
"Moses.",
"Roman Census Takers."
] | The "greatest story ever told" referred to in the passage is the story of | Nearly two thousand years have passed since a census decreed by Caesar Augustus become part of the greatest story ever told. Many things have changed in the intervening years. The hotel industry worries more about overbuilding than overcrowding, and if they had to meet an unexpected influx, few inns would have a manager to accommodate the weary guests. Now it is the census taker that does the traveling in the fond hope that a highly mobile population will stay long enough to get a good sampling. Methods of gathering, recording, and evaluating information have presumably been improved a great deal. And where then it was the modest purpose of Rome to obtain a simple head count as an adequate basis for levying taxes, now batteries of complicated statistical series furnished by governmental agencies and private organizations are eagerly scanned and interpreted by sages and seers to get a clue to future events. The Bible does not tell us how the Roman census takers made out, and as regards our more immediate concern, the reliability of present day economic forecasting, there are considerable differences of opinion. They were aired at the celebration of the 125th anniversary of the American Statistical Association. There was the thought that business forecasting might well be on its way from an art to a science, and some speakers talked about newfangled computers and high-falutin mathematical system in terms of excitement and endearment which we, at least in our younger years when these things mattered, would have associated more readily with the description of a fair maiden. But others pointed to the deplorable record of highly esteemed forecasts and forecasters with a batting average below that of the Mets, and the President-elect of the Association cautioned that "high powered statistical methods are usually in order where the facts are crude and inadequate, the exact contrary of what crude and inadequate statisticians assume." We left his birthday party somewhere between hope and despair and with the conviction, not really newly acquired, that proper statistical methods applied to ascertainable facts have their merits in economic forecasting as long as neither forecaster nor public is deluded into mistaking the delineation of probabilities and trends for a prediction of certainties of mathematical exactitude. | 1620.txt | 0 |
[
"loans.",
"accounts.",
"killings.",
"bargains."
] | The word debts in"very few debts are left unpaid"in the first paragraph means | Text C
Campaigning on the Indian frontier is an experience by itself.Neither the landscape nor the people find their counterparts in any other portion of the globe.Valley walls rise steeply five or six thousand feet on every side.The columns crawl through a maze of giant corridors down which fierce snow-fed torrents foam under skies of brass.Amid these scenes of savage brilliancy there dwells a race whose qualities seem to harmonize with their environment.Except at harvesttime,when self-preservation requires a temporary truce,the Pathan tribes are always engaged in private or public war.Every man is a warrior,a politician and a theologian.Every large house is a real feudal fortress made,it is true,only of sun-baked clay,but with battlements,turrets,loopholes,drawbridges,etc.complete.Every village has its defence.Every family cultivates its vendetta; every clan,its feud.The numerous tribes and combinations of tribes all have their accounts to settle with one another.Nothing is ever forgotten,and very few debts are left unpaid.For the purposes of social life,in addition to the convention about harvest-time, a most elaborate code of honour has been established and is on the whole faithfully observed.A man who knew it and observed it faultlessly might pass unarmed from one end of the frontier to another.The slightest technical slip would,however,be fatal.The life of the Pathan is thus full of interest; and his valleys,nourished alike by endless sunshine and abundant water,are fertile enough to yield with little labour the modest material requirements of a sparse population.
Into this happy world the nineteenth century brought two new facts:the rifle and the British Government.The first was an enormous luxury and blessing; the second,an unmitigated nuisance.The convenience of the rifle was nowhere more appreciated than in the Indian highlands.A weapon which would kill with accuracy at fifteen hundred yards opened a whole new vista of delights to every family or clan which could acquire it.One could actually remain in one's own house and fire at one's neighbour nearly a mile away.One could lie in wait on some high crag,and at hitherto unheard of ranges hit a horseman far below.Even villages could fire at each other without the trouble of going far from home.Fabulous prices were therefore offered for these glorious products of science.Rifle-thieves scoured all India to reinforce the efforts of the honest smuggler.A steady flow of the coveted weapons spread its genial influence throughout the frontier,and the respect which the Pathan tribesmen entertained for Christian civilization was vastly enhanced.
The action of the British Government on the other hand was entirely unsatisfactory.The great organizing,advancing,absorbing power to the southward seemed to be little better than a monstrous spoil-sport.If the Pathan made forays into the plains,not only were they driven back (which after all was no more than fair),but a whole series of subsequent interferences took place,followed at intervals by expeditions which toiled laboriously through the valleys,scolding the tribesmen and exacting fines for any damage which they had done.No one would have minded these expeditions if they had simply come,had a fight and then gone away again.In many cases this was their practice under what was called the "butcher and bolt policy" to which the Government of India long adhered.But towards the end of the nineteenth century these intruders began to make roads through many of the valleys,and in particular the great road to Chitral.They sought to ensure the safety of these roads by threats,by forts and by subsidies.There was no objection to the last method so far as it went.But the whole of this tendency to road-making was regarded by the Pathans with profound distaste.All along the road people were expected to keep quiet,not to shoot one another,and above all not to shoot at travellers along the road.It was too much to ask,and a whole series of quarrels took their origin from this source. | 1843.txt | 2 |
[
"Melting snows.",
"Large population.",
"Steep hillsides.",
"Fertile valleys."
] | Which of the following is NOT one of the geographical facts about the Indian frontier? | Text C
Campaigning on the Indian frontier is an experience by itself.Neither the landscape nor the people find their counterparts in any other portion of the globe.Valley walls rise steeply five or six thousand feet on every side.The columns crawl through a maze of giant corridors down which fierce snow-fed torrents foam under skies of brass.Amid these scenes of savage brilliancy there dwells a race whose qualities seem to harmonize with their environment.Except at harvesttime,when self-preservation requires a temporary truce,the Pathan tribes are always engaged in private or public war.Every man is a warrior,a politician and a theologian.Every large house is a real feudal fortress made,it is true,only of sun-baked clay,but with battlements,turrets,loopholes,drawbridges,etc.complete.Every village has its defence.Every family cultivates its vendetta; every clan,its feud.The numerous tribes and combinations of tribes all have their accounts to settle with one another.Nothing is ever forgotten,and very few debts are left unpaid.For the purposes of social life,in addition to the convention about harvest-time, a most elaborate code of honour has been established and is on the whole faithfully observed.A man who knew it and observed it faultlessly might pass unarmed from one end of the frontier to another.The slightest technical slip would,however,be fatal.The life of the Pathan is thus full of interest; and his valleys,nourished alike by endless sunshine and abundant water,are fertile enough to yield with little labour the modest material requirements of a sparse population.
Into this happy world the nineteenth century brought two new facts:the rifle and the British Government.The first was an enormous luxury and blessing; the second,an unmitigated nuisance.The convenience of the rifle was nowhere more appreciated than in the Indian highlands.A weapon which would kill with accuracy at fifteen hundred yards opened a whole new vista of delights to every family or clan which could acquire it.One could actually remain in one's own house and fire at one's neighbour nearly a mile away.One could lie in wait on some high crag,and at hitherto unheard of ranges hit a horseman far below.Even villages could fire at each other without the trouble of going far from home.Fabulous prices were therefore offered for these glorious products of science.Rifle-thieves scoured all India to reinforce the efforts of the honest smuggler.A steady flow of the coveted weapons spread its genial influence throughout the frontier,and the respect which the Pathan tribesmen entertained for Christian civilization was vastly enhanced.
The action of the British Government on the other hand was entirely unsatisfactory.The great organizing,advancing,absorbing power to the southward seemed to be little better than a monstrous spoil-sport.If the Pathan made forays into the plains,not only were they driven back (which after all was no more than fair),but a whole series of subsequent interferences took place,followed at intervals by expeditions which toiled laboriously through the valleys,scolding the tribesmen and exacting fines for any damage which they had done.No one would have minded these expeditions if they had simply come,had a fight and then gone away again.In many cases this was their practice under what was called the "butcher and bolt policy" to which the Government of India long adhered.But towards the end of the nineteenth century these intruders began to make roads through many of the valleys,and in particular the great road to Chitral.They sought to ensure the safety of these roads by threats,by forts and by subsidies.There was no objection to the last method so far as it went.But the whole of this tendency to road-making was regarded by the Pathans with profound distaste.All along the road people were expected to keep quiet,not to shoot one another,and above all not to shoot at travellers along the road.It was too much to ask,and a whole series of quarrels took their origin from this source. | 1843.txt | 1 |
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