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[
"They planned to leave the room as soon as possible.",
"They planned to sing as loudly as they could.",
"They planned to eat in the bathroom.",
"They had planned to come out of hiding places together."
] | What did my friends plan to do? | If you know me well, you know I don't like birthday parties. At least, I don't like birthday parties given for me. I enjoy them when they're for other people, but when they're for me, I just don't like them.
I remember one birthday party some friends of mine had for me when I was a student at the university. Of course, I had told my best friend Henry that I didn't want a party and I made him promise he wouldn't do anything. He agreed. I should have known better than to believe him.
On the day of my birthday, we got home from school at about, oh, I don't know, three or half past three. We went inside and as usual I went into the bathroom and started to close the door when suddenly from behind the shower curtain, a kind of strange female voice started singing, " Happy birthday to you, happy birthday to you."
And then from all over the room, people joined in. There were about fifteen people hiding everywhere in the room.
They had got my roommate's key and got in earlier. They had all planned to come out of the hiding place just at the same time while singing. I guess I really upset their plans by going in just to wash my hands. | 676.txt | 3 |
[
"how to tackle their present financial difficulty",
"how to expand the enrollment to meet the needs of enterprises",
"how to improve their educational technology",
"how to put an end to the current tendency of quality deterioration"
] | The chief concern of British universities is ________. | British universities, groaning under the burden of a huge increase in student numbers, are warning that the tradition of a free education is at risk. The universities have threatened to impose an admission fee on students to plug a gap in revenue if the government does not act to improve their finances and scrap some public spending cutbacks.
The government responded to the universities' threat by setting up the most fundamental review of higher education for a generation, under a non-party troubleshooter ，Sir Ron Dearing.
One in three school-leavers enters higher education, five times the number when the last review took place thirty years ago.
Everyone agrees a system that is feeling the strain after rapid expansion needs a lot more money-but there is little hope of getting it from the taxpayer and not much scope for attracting more finance from business.
Most colleges believe students should contribute to tuition costs, something that is common elsewhere in the world but would mark a revolutionary change in Britain. Universities want the government to introduce a loan scheme for tuition fees and have suspended their own threatened action for now. They await Dearing's advice, hoping it will not be too late-some are already reported to be in financial difficulty.
As the century nears its end, the whole concept of what a university should be is under the microscope. Experts ponder how much they can use computers instead of classrooms, talk of the need for lifelong learning and refer to students as "consumers."
The Confederation of British Industry, the key employers' organization, wants even more expansion in higher education to help fight competition on world markets from booming Asian economies. But the government has doubts about more expansion. The Times newspaper egress, complaining that quality has suffered as student numbers soared, with close tutorial supervision giving way to "mass production methods more typical of European universities." | 3514.txt | 0 |
[
"the government pays dearly for its financial policy",
"universities are mainly funded by businesses",
"higher education is provided free of charge",
"students are ready to accept loan schemes for tuition"
] | We can learn from the passage that in Britain ________. | British universities, groaning under the burden of a huge increase in student numbers, are warning that the tradition of a free education is at risk. The universities have threatened to impose an admission fee on students to plug a gap in revenue if the government does not act to improve their finances and scrap some public spending cutbacks.
The government responded to the universities' threat by setting up the most fundamental review of higher education for a generation, under a non-party troubleshooter ，Sir Ron Dearing.
One in three school-leavers enters higher education, five times the number when the last review took place thirty years ago.
Everyone agrees a system that is feeling the strain after rapid expansion needs a lot more money-but there is little hope of getting it from the taxpayer and not much scope for attracting more finance from business.
Most colleges believe students should contribute to tuition costs, something that is common elsewhere in the world but would mark a revolutionary change in Britain. Universities want the government to introduce a loan scheme for tuition fees and have suspended their own threatened action for now. They await Dearing's advice, hoping it will not be too late-some are already reported to be in financial difficulty.
As the century nears its end, the whole concept of what a university should be is under the microscope. Experts ponder how much they can use computers instead of classrooms, talk of the need for lifelong learning and refer to students as "consumers."
The Confederation of British Industry, the key employers' organization, wants even more expansion in higher education to help fight competition on world markets from booming Asian economies. But the government has doubts about more expansion. The Times newspaper egress, complaining that quality has suffered as student numbers soared, with close tutorial supervision giving way to "mass production methods more typical of European universities." | 3514.txt | 2 |
[
"20% or so.",
"About 15%.",
"Above 30%.",
"Below 10%."
] | What was the percentage of high school graduates admitted to universities in Britain thirty years ago? | British universities, groaning under the burden of a huge increase in student numbers, are warning that the tradition of a free education is at risk. The universities have threatened to impose an admission fee on students to plug a gap in revenue if the government does not act to improve their finances and scrap some public spending cutbacks.
The government responded to the universities' threat by setting up the most fundamental review of higher education for a generation, under a non-party troubleshooter ，Sir Ron Dearing.
One in three school-leavers enters higher education, five times the number when the last review took place thirty years ago.
Everyone agrees a system that is feeling the strain after rapid expansion needs a lot more money-but there is little hope of getting it from the taxpayer and not much scope for attracting more finance from business.
Most colleges believe students should contribute to tuition costs, something that is common elsewhere in the world but would mark a revolutionary change in Britain. Universities want the government to introduce a loan scheme for tuition fees and have suspended their own threatened action for now. They await Dearing's advice, hoping it will not be too late-some are already reported to be in financial difficulty.
As the century nears its end, the whole concept of what a university should be is under the microscope. Experts ponder how much they can use computers instead of classrooms, talk of the need for lifelong learning and refer to students as "consumers."
The Confederation of British Industry, the key employers' organization, wants even more expansion in higher education to help fight competition on world markets from booming Asian economies. But the government has doubts about more expansion. The Times newspaper egress, complaining that quality has suffered as student numbers soared, with close tutorial supervision giving way to "mass production methods more typical of European universities." | 3514.txt | 3 |
[
"the British government will be forced to increase its spending on higher education",
"British employers demand an expansion in enrollment at the expense of quality",
"the best way out for British universities is to follow their European counterparts",
"British students will probably have to pay for their higher education in the near future"
] | It can be inferred from the passage that ________. | British universities, groaning under the burden of a huge increase in student numbers, are warning that the tradition of a free education is at risk. The universities have threatened to impose an admission fee on students to plug a gap in revenue if the government does not act to improve their finances and scrap some public spending cutbacks.
The government responded to the universities' threat by setting up the most fundamental review of higher education for a generation, under a non-party troubleshooter ，Sir Ron Dearing.
One in three school-leavers enters higher education, five times the number when the last review took place thirty years ago.
Everyone agrees a system that is feeling the strain after rapid expansion needs a lot more money-but there is little hope of getting it from the taxpayer and not much scope for attracting more finance from business.
Most colleges believe students should contribute to tuition costs, something that is common elsewhere in the world but would mark a revolutionary change in Britain. Universities want the government to introduce a loan scheme for tuition fees and have suspended their own threatened action for now. They await Dearing's advice, hoping it will not be too late-some are already reported to be in financial difficulty.
As the century nears its end, the whole concept of what a university should be is under the microscope. Experts ponder how much they can use computers instead of classrooms, talk of the need for lifelong learning and refer to students as "consumers."
The Confederation of British Industry, the key employers' organization, wants even more expansion in higher education to help fight competition on world markets from booming Asian economies. But the government has doubts about more expansion. The Times newspaper egress, complaining that quality has suffered as student numbers soared, with close tutorial supervision giving way to "mass production methods more typical of European universities." | 3514.txt | 3 |
[
"Expansion in enrollment is bound to affect the quality of British higher education.",
"British universities should expand their enrollment to meet the needs of industry.",
"European universities can better meet the needs of the modern world.",
"British universities should help fight competition on world markets."
] | Which of the following is the viewpoint of the Times newspaper? | British universities, groaning under the burden of a huge increase in student numbers, are warning that the tradition of a free education is at risk. The universities have threatened to impose an admission fee on students to plug a gap in revenue if the government does not act to improve their finances and scrap some public spending cutbacks.
The government responded to the universities' threat by setting up the most fundamental review of higher education for a generation, under a non-party troubleshooter ，Sir Ron Dearing.
One in three school-leavers enters higher education, five times the number when the last review took place thirty years ago.
Everyone agrees a system that is feeling the strain after rapid expansion needs a lot more money-but there is little hope of getting it from the taxpayer and not much scope for attracting more finance from business.
Most colleges believe students should contribute to tuition costs, something that is common elsewhere in the world but would mark a revolutionary change in Britain. Universities want the government to introduce a loan scheme for tuition fees and have suspended their own threatened action for now. They await Dearing's advice, hoping it will not be too late-some are already reported to be in financial difficulty.
As the century nears its end, the whole concept of what a university should be is under the microscope. Experts ponder how much they can use computers instead of classrooms, talk of the need for lifelong learning and refer to students as "consumers."
The Confederation of British Industry, the key employers' organization, wants even more expansion in higher education to help fight competition on world markets from booming Asian economies. But the government has doubts about more expansion. The Times newspaper egress, complaining that quality has suffered as student numbers soared, with close tutorial supervision giving way to "mass production methods more typical of European universities." | 3514.txt | 0 |
[
"a rich government department",
"a charity supported mainly by the public",
"a group of areas of great natural beauty",
"an organization supported by public taxes"
] | The National Trust is _ . | The National Trust in Britain plays an increasingly important part in the preservation for public enjoyment of the best that is left unspoiled of the British countryside. Although the Trust has received practicaland moral support from the Government, it is not rich Government department. It is a charity which dependsfor its existence on voluntary support from members of the public.
The attention of the public was first drawn to the dangers threatening the great old houses and castles ofBritain by the death of Lord Lothian, who left his great seventeenth-century house to the Trust together with the 4, 500-acre park and estate surrounding it. This gift attracted wide publicity and started the Trust's "Country House Scheme". Under this scheme, with the help of the Government and the general public, the Trust has been able to save and open to the public about one hundred and fifty of these old houses. Lastyear about one and three quarters of a million people paid to visit these historic houses, usually at a very small charge.
In addition to country houses and open spaces the Trust now owns some examples of ancient wind and water mills, nature reserves, five hundred and forty farms and nearly two thousand five hundred cottages or smallvillage houses, as well as some complete villages. In these villages no one is allowed to build, develop or disturb the old village environment in any way and all the houses are maintained in their original sixteenth-century style. Over four hundred thousand acres of coastline, woodland, and hill country are protected by the Trust and no development or disturbance of any kind are permitted. The public has free access to these areas and is only asked to respect the peace, beauty and wildlife.
So it is that over the past eighty years the Trust has become a big important organization and an essential and respected part of national life, preserving all that is of great natural beauty and of historical significance not only for future generations of Britons but also for the millions of tourists who each year invade Britain in search of a great historical and cultural heritage. | 827.txt | 1 |
[
"with the founding of the National Trust",
"as the first project of the National Trust",
"after Lord Lothian's donation",
"to protect Lord Lothian's house"
] | The "Country House Scheme" was started _ . | The National Trust in Britain plays an increasingly important part in the preservation for public enjoyment of the best that is left unspoiled of the British countryside. Although the Trust has received practicaland moral support from the Government, it is not rich Government department. It is a charity which dependsfor its existence on voluntary support from members of the public.
The attention of the public was first drawn to the dangers threatening the great old houses and castles ofBritain by the death of Lord Lothian, who left his great seventeenth-century house to the Trust together with the 4, 500-acre park and estate surrounding it. This gift attracted wide publicity and started the Trust's "Country House Scheme". Under this scheme, with the help of the Government and the general public, the Trust has been able to save and open to the public about one hundred and fifty of these old houses. Lastyear about one and three quarters of a million people paid to visit these historic houses, usually at a very small charge.
In addition to country houses and open spaces the Trust now owns some examples of ancient wind and water mills, nature reserves, five hundred and forty farms and nearly two thousand five hundred cottages or smallvillage houses, as well as some complete villages. In these villages no one is allowed to build, develop or disturb the old village environment in any way and all the houses are maintained in their original sixteenth-century style. Over four hundred thousand acres of coastline, woodland, and hill country are protected by the Trust and no development or disturbance of any kind are permitted. The public has free access to these areas and is only asked to respect the peace, beauty and wildlife.
So it is that over the past eighty years the Trust has become a big important organization and an essential and respected part of national life, preserving all that is of great natural beauty and of historical significance not only for future generations of Britons but also for the millions of tourists who each year invade Britain in search of a great historical and cultural heritage. | 827.txt | 2 |
[
"can be developed and modernized",
"includes naturally and historically valuable sites",
"consists of country houses and nature reserves",
"is primarily for tourists to Britain"
] | Land protected by the National Trust _ . | The National Trust in Britain plays an increasingly important part in the preservation for public enjoyment of the best that is left unspoiled of the British countryside. Although the Trust has received practicaland moral support from the Government, it is not rich Government department. It is a charity which dependsfor its existence on voluntary support from members of the public.
The attention of the public was first drawn to the dangers threatening the great old houses and castles ofBritain by the death of Lord Lothian, who left his great seventeenth-century house to the Trust together with the 4, 500-acre park and estate surrounding it. This gift attracted wide publicity and started the Trust's "Country House Scheme". Under this scheme, with the help of the Government and the general public, the Trust has been able to save and open to the public about one hundred and fifty of these old houses. Lastyear about one and three quarters of a million people paid to visit these historic houses, usually at a very small charge.
In addition to country houses and open spaces the Trust now owns some examples of ancient wind and water mills, nature reserves, five hundred and forty farms and nearly two thousand five hundred cottages or smallvillage houses, as well as some complete villages. In these villages no one is allowed to build, develop or disturb the old village environment in any way and all the houses are maintained in their original sixteenth-century style. Over four hundred thousand acres of coastline, woodland, and hill country are protected by the Trust and no development or disturbance of any kind are permitted. The public has free access to these areas and is only asked to respect the peace, beauty and wildlife.
So it is that over the past eighty years the Trust has become a big important organization and an essential and respected part of national life, preserving all that is of great natural beauty and of historical significance not only for future generations of Britons but also for the millions of tourists who each year invade Britain in search of a great historical and cultural heritage. | 827.txt | 1 |
[
"the British do not like tourists",
"tourists to Britain are unfriendly",
"tourists come to Britain in large numbers",
"Britain is attacked by masses of tourists"
] | The word "invade" in the last paragraph is used to emphasize that _ . | The National Trust in Britain plays an increasingly important part in the preservation for public enjoyment of the best that is left unspoiled of the British countryside. Although the Trust has received practicaland moral support from the Government, it is not rich Government department. It is a charity which dependsfor its existence on voluntary support from members of the public.
The attention of the public was first drawn to the dangers threatening the great old houses and castles ofBritain by the death of Lord Lothian, who left his great seventeenth-century house to the Trust together with the 4, 500-acre park and estate surrounding it. This gift attracted wide publicity and started the Trust's "Country House Scheme". Under this scheme, with the help of the Government and the general public, the Trust has been able to save and open to the public about one hundred and fifty of these old houses. Lastyear about one and three quarters of a million people paid to visit these historic houses, usually at a very small charge.
In addition to country houses and open spaces the Trust now owns some examples of ancient wind and water mills, nature reserves, five hundred and forty farms and nearly two thousand five hundred cottages or smallvillage houses, as well as some complete villages. In these villages no one is allowed to build, develop or disturb the old village environment in any way and all the houses are maintained in their original sixteenth-century style. Over four hundred thousand acres of coastline, woodland, and hill country are protected by the Trust and no development or disturbance of any kind are permitted. The public has free access to these areas and is only asked to respect the peace, beauty and wildlife.
So it is that over the past eighty years the Trust has become a big important organization and an essential and respected part of national life, preserving all that is of great natural beauty and of historical significance not only for future generations of Britons but also for the millions of tourists who each year invade Britain in search of a great historical and cultural heritage. | 827.txt | 2 |
[
"inform the readers about the National Trust",
"promote the National Trust's membership",
"make people aware of the natural beauty of Britain",
"let the general public share the views of the National Trust"
] | The main purpose of this passage is to _ . | The National Trust in Britain plays an increasingly important part in the preservation for public enjoyment of the best that is left unspoiled of the British countryside. Although the Trust has received practicaland moral support from the Government, it is not rich Government department. It is a charity which dependsfor its existence on voluntary support from members of the public.
The attention of the public was first drawn to the dangers threatening the great old houses and castles ofBritain by the death of Lord Lothian, who left his great seventeenth-century house to the Trust together with the 4, 500-acre park and estate surrounding it. This gift attracted wide publicity and started the Trust's "Country House Scheme". Under this scheme, with the help of the Government and the general public, the Trust has been able to save and open to the public about one hundred and fifty of these old houses. Lastyear about one and three quarters of a million people paid to visit these historic houses, usually at a very small charge.
In addition to country houses and open spaces the Trust now owns some examples of ancient wind and water mills, nature reserves, five hundred and forty farms and nearly two thousand five hundred cottages or smallvillage houses, as well as some complete villages. In these villages no one is allowed to build, develop or disturb the old village environment in any way and all the houses are maintained in their original sixteenth-century style. Over four hundred thousand acres of coastline, woodland, and hill country are protected by the Trust and no development or disturbance of any kind are permitted. The public has free access to these areas and is only asked to respect the peace, beauty and wildlife.
So it is that over the past eighty years the Trust has become a big important organization and an essential and respected part of national life, preserving all that is of great natural beauty and of historical significance not only for future generations of Britons but also for the millions of tourists who each year invade Britain in search of a great historical and cultural heritage. | 827.txt | 0 |
[
"Scientific experiments in the past three hundred years have produced many valuable items.",
"For three hundred years there have been people holding a hostile attitude toward science.",
"Modern civilization depends on science so man supports scientific progress unanimously.",
"Some people think three hundred years is not long enough to set back for critical appraisal of scientific method."
] | What CANNOT be inferred from the first paragraph? | For about three centuries we have been doing science, trying science out, using science for the construction of what we call modern civilization. Every dispensable item of contemporary technology, from canal locks to dial telephones to penicillin, was pieced together from the analysis of data provided by one or another series of scientific experiments. Three hundred years seems a long time for testing a new approach to human inter-living, long enough to set back for critical appraisal of the scientific method, maybe even long enough to vote on whether to go on with it or not. There is an argument.
Voices have been raised in protest since the beginning, rising in pitch and violence in the nineteenth century during the early stages of the industrial revolution, summoning urgent crowds into the streets on the issue of nuclear energy. "Give it back," say some of the voices, "It doesn't really work, we've tried it and it doesn't work. Go back three hundred years and start again on something else less chancy for the race of man."
The principle discoveries in this century, taking all in all, are the glimpses of the depth of our ignorance of nature. Things that used to seem clear and rational, and matters of absolute certainty-Newtonian mechanics, for example-have slipped through our fingers; and we are left with a new set of gigantic puzzles, cosmic uncertainties, and ambiguities. Some of the laws of physics are amended every few years; some are canceled outright; some undergo revised versions of legislative intent as if they were acts of Congress.
Just thirty years ago we call it a biological revolution when the fantastic geometry of the DNA molecule was exposed to public view and the linear language of genetics was decoded. For a while, things seemed simple and clear: the cell was a neat little machine, a mechanical device ready for taking to pieces and reassembling, like a tiny watch. But just in the last few years it has become almost unbelievably complex, filled with strange parts whose functions are beyond today's imagining.
It is not just that there is more to do, there is everything to do. What lies ahead, or what can lie ahead if the efforts in basic research are continued, is much more than the conquest of human disease or the improvement of agricultural technology or the cultivation of nutrients in the sea. As we learn more about fundamental processes of living things in general we will learn more about ourselves. | 2697.txt | 2 |
[
"man has overthrown Newton's laws of physics",
"man has solved a new set of gigantic puzzles",
"man has lost many scientific discoveries",
"man has given up some of the once accepted theories"
] | The principle discovery in this century shows _ . | For about three centuries we have been doing science, trying science out, using science for the construction of what we call modern civilization. Every dispensable item of contemporary technology, from canal locks to dial telephones to penicillin, was pieced together from the analysis of data provided by one or another series of scientific experiments. Three hundred years seems a long time for testing a new approach to human inter-living, long enough to set back for critical appraisal of the scientific method, maybe even long enough to vote on whether to go on with it or not. There is an argument.
Voices have been raised in protest since the beginning, rising in pitch and violence in the nineteenth century during the early stages of the industrial revolution, summoning urgent crowds into the streets on the issue of nuclear energy. "Give it back," say some of the voices, "It doesn't really work, we've tried it and it doesn't work. Go back three hundred years and start again on something else less chancy for the race of man."
The principle discoveries in this century, taking all in all, are the glimpses of the depth of our ignorance of nature. Things that used to seem clear and rational, and matters of absolute certainty-Newtonian mechanics, for example-have slipped through our fingers; and we are left with a new set of gigantic puzzles, cosmic uncertainties, and ambiguities. Some of the laws of physics are amended every few years; some are canceled outright; some undergo revised versions of legislative intent as if they were acts of Congress.
Just thirty years ago we call it a biological revolution when the fantastic geometry of the DNA molecule was exposed to public view and the linear language of genetics was decoded. For a while, things seemed simple and clear: the cell was a neat little machine, a mechanical device ready for taking to pieces and reassembling, like a tiny watch. But just in the last few years it has become almost unbelievably complex, filled with strange parts whose functions are beyond today's imagining.
It is not just that there is more to do, there is everything to do. What lies ahead, or what can lie ahead if the efforts in basic research are continued, is much more than the conquest of human disease or the improvement of agricultural technology or the cultivation of nutrients in the sea. As we learn more about fundamental processes of living things in general we will learn more about ourselves. | 2697.txt | 3 |
[
"the exposure of DNA to the public is unnecessary",
"the tiny cell in DNA is a neat little machine",
"man knows nothing about DNA",
"man has much to learn about DNA"
] | Now scientists have found in the past few years _ . | For about three centuries we have been doing science, trying science out, using science for the construction of what we call modern civilization. Every dispensable item of contemporary technology, from canal locks to dial telephones to penicillin, was pieced together from the analysis of data provided by one or another series of scientific experiments. Three hundred years seems a long time for testing a new approach to human inter-living, long enough to set back for critical appraisal of the scientific method, maybe even long enough to vote on whether to go on with it or not. There is an argument.
Voices have been raised in protest since the beginning, rising in pitch and violence in the nineteenth century during the early stages of the industrial revolution, summoning urgent crowds into the streets on the issue of nuclear energy. "Give it back," say some of the voices, "It doesn't really work, we've tried it and it doesn't work. Go back three hundred years and start again on something else less chancy for the race of man."
The principle discoveries in this century, taking all in all, are the glimpses of the depth of our ignorance of nature. Things that used to seem clear and rational, and matters of absolute certainty-Newtonian mechanics, for example-have slipped through our fingers; and we are left with a new set of gigantic puzzles, cosmic uncertainties, and ambiguities. Some of the laws of physics are amended every few years; some are canceled outright; some undergo revised versions of legislative intent as if they were acts of Congress.
Just thirty years ago we call it a biological revolution when the fantastic geometry of the DNA molecule was exposed to public view and the linear language of genetics was decoded. For a while, things seemed simple and clear: the cell was a neat little machine, a mechanical device ready for taking to pieces and reassembling, like a tiny watch. But just in the last few years it has become almost unbelievably complex, filled with strange parts whose functions are beyond today's imagining.
It is not just that there is more to do, there is everything to do. What lies ahead, or what can lie ahead if the efforts in basic research are continued, is much more than the conquest of human disease or the improvement of agricultural technology or the cultivation of nutrients in the sea. As we learn more about fundamental processes of living things in general we will learn more about ourselves. | 2697.txt | 3 |
[
"science is just at its beginning",
"science has greatly improved man's life",
"science has made profound progress",
"science has done too little to human beings"
] | The writer's main purpose in writing the passage is to say that _ . | For about three centuries we have been doing science, trying science out, using science for the construction of what we call modern civilization. Every dispensable item of contemporary technology, from canal locks to dial telephones to penicillin, was pieced together from the analysis of data provided by one or another series of scientific experiments. Three hundred years seems a long time for testing a new approach to human inter-living, long enough to set back for critical appraisal of the scientific method, maybe even long enough to vote on whether to go on with it or not. There is an argument.
Voices have been raised in protest since the beginning, rising in pitch and violence in the nineteenth century during the early stages of the industrial revolution, summoning urgent crowds into the streets on the issue of nuclear energy. "Give it back," say some of the voices, "It doesn't really work, we've tried it and it doesn't work. Go back three hundred years and start again on something else less chancy for the race of man."
The principle discoveries in this century, taking all in all, are the glimpses of the depth of our ignorance of nature. Things that used to seem clear and rational, and matters of absolute certainty-Newtonian mechanics, for example-have slipped through our fingers; and we are left with a new set of gigantic puzzles, cosmic uncertainties, and ambiguities. Some of the laws of physics are amended every few years; some are canceled outright; some undergo revised versions of legislative intent as if they were acts of Congress.
Just thirty years ago we call it a biological revolution when the fantastic geometry of the DNA molecule was exposed to public view and the linear language of genetics was decoded. For a while, things seemed simple and clear: the cell was a neat little machine, a mechanical device ready for taking to pieces and reassembling, like a tiny watch. But just in the last few years it has become almost unbelievably complex, filled with strange parts whose functions are beyond today's imagining.
It is not just that there is more to do, there is everything to do. What lies ahead, or what can lie ahead if the efforts in basic research are continued, is much more than the conquest of human disease or the improvement of agricultural technology or the cultivation of nutrients in the sea. As we learn more about fundamental processes of living things in general we will learn more about ourselves. | 2697.txt | 0 |
[
"critical",
"approving",
"neutral",
"regretful"
] | The writer's attitude towards science is _ . | For about three centuries we have been doing science, trying science out, using science for the construction of what we call modern civilization. Every dispensable item of contemporary technology, from canal locks to dial telephones to penicillin, was pieced together from the analysis of data provided by one or another series of scientific experiments. Three hundred years seems a long time for testing a new approach to human inter-living, long enough to set back for critical appraisal of the scientific method, maybe even long enough to vote on whether to go on with it or not. There is an argument.
Voices have been raised in protest since the beginning, rising in pitch and violence in the nineteenth century during the early stages of the industrial revolution, summoning urgent crowds into the streets on the issue of nuclear energy. "Give it back," say some of the voices, "It doesn't really work, we've tried it and it doesn't work. Go back three hundred years and start again on something else less chancy for the race of man."
The principle discoveries in this century, taking all in all, are the glimpses of the depth of our ignorance of nature. Things that used to seem clear and rational, and matters of absolute certainty-Newtonian mechanics, for example-have slipped through our fingers; and we are left with a new set of gigantic puzzles, cosmic uncertainties, and ambiguities. Some of the laws of physics are amended every few years; some are canceled outright; some undergo revised versions of legislative intent as if they were acts of Congress.
Just thirty years ago we call it a biological revolution when the fantastic geometry of the DNA molecule was exposed to public view and the linear language of genetics was decoded. For a while, things seemed simple and clear: the cell was a neat little machine, a mechanical device ready for taking to pieces and reassembling, like a tiny watch. But just in the last few years it has become almost unbelievably complex, filled with strange parts whose functions are beyond today's imagining.
It is not just that there is more to do, there is everything to do. What lies ahead, or what can lie ahead if the efforts in basic research are continued, is much more than the conquest of human disease or the improvement of agricultural technology or the cultivation of nutrients in the sea. As we learn more about fundamental processes of living things in general we will learn more about ourselves. | 2697.txt | 2 |
[
"Frequently",
"Greatly",
"Rapidly",
"Reportedly"
] | The word immeasurably in the passage is closest in meaning to | The development of the modern presidency in the United States began with Andrew Jackson who swept to power in 1829 at the head of the Democratic Party and served until 1837. During his administration, he immeasurably enlarged the power of the presidency. "The President is the direct representative of the American people," he lectured the Senate when it opposed him. "He was elected by the people, and is responsible to them." With this declaration, Jackson redefined the character of the presidential office and its relationship to the people.
During Jackson's second term, his opponents had gradually come together to form the Whig party. Whigs and Democrats held different attitudes toward the changes brought about by the market, banks, and commerce. The Democrats tended to view society as a continuing conflict between "the people"-farmers, planters, and workers-and a set of greedy aristocrats. This "paper money aristocracy" of bankers and investors manipulated the banking system for their own profit, Democrats claimed, and sapped the nation's virtue by encouraging speculation and the desire for sudden, unearned wealth. The Democrats wanted the rewards of the market without sacrificing the features of a simple agrarian republic. They wanted the wealth that the market offered without the competitive, changing society; the complex dealing; the dominance of urban centers; and the loss of independence that came with it.
Whigs, on the other hand, were more comfortable with the market. For them, commerce and economic development were agents of civilization. Nor did the Whigs envision any conflict in society between farmers and workers on the one hand and businesspeople and bankers on the other. Economic growth would benefit everyone by raising national income and expanding opportunity. The government's responsibility was to provide a well-regulated economy that guaranteed opportunity for citizens of ability.
Whigs and Democrats differed not only in their attitudes toward the market but also about how active the central government should be in people's lives. Despite Andrew Jackson's inclination to be a strong President, Democrats as a rule believed in limited government. Government's role in the economy was to promote competition by destroying monopolies' and special privileges. In keeping with this philosophy of limited government, Democrats also rejected the idea that moral beliefs were the proper sphere of government action. Religion and politics, they believed, should be kept clearly separate, and they generally opposed humanitarian legislation.
The Whigs, in contrast, viewed government power positively. They believed that it should be used to protect individual rights and public liberty, and that it had a special role where individual effort was ineffective. By regulating the economy and competition, the government could ensure equal opportunity. Indeed, for Whigs the concept of government promoting the general welfare went beyond the economy. In particular, Whigs in the northern sections of the United States also believed that government power should be used to foster the moral welfare of the country. They were much more likely to favor social-reform legislation and aid to education.
In some ways the social makeup of the two parties was similar. To be competitive in winning votes, Whigs and Democrats both had to have significant support among farmers, the largest group in society, and workers. Neither party could win an election by appealing exclusively to the rich or the poor. The Whigs, however, enjoyed disproportionate strength among the business and commercial classes. Whigs appealed to planters who needed credit to finance their cotton and rice trade in the world market, to farmers who were eager to sell their surpluses, and to workers who wished to improve themselves. Democrats attracted farmers isolated from the market or uncomfortable with it, workers alienated from the emerging industrial system, and rising entrepreneurs who wanted to break monopolies and open the economy to newcomers like themselves. The Whigs were strongest in the towns, cities, and those rural areas that were fully integrated into the market economy, whereas Democrats dominated areas of semisubsistence farmingthat were more isolated and languishing economically. | 1483.txt | 1 |
[
"The President granted a portion of his power to the Senate.",
"The President began to address the Senate on a regular basis.",
"It was the beginning of the modern presidency in the United States.",
"It was the first time that the Senate had been known to oppose the President."
] | According to paragraph 1, the presidency of Andrew Jackson was especially significant for which of the following reasons? | The development of the modern presidency in the United States began with Andrew Jackson who swept to power in 1829 at the head of the Democratic Party and served until 1837. During his administration, he immeasurably enlarged the power of the presidency. "The President is the direct representative of the American people," he lectured the Senate when it opposed him. "He was elected by the people, and is responsible to them." With this declaration, Jackson redefined the character of the presidential office and its relationship to the people.
During Jackson's second term, his opponents had gradually come together to form the Whig party. Whigs and Democrats held different attitudes toward the changes brought about by the market, banks, and commerce. The Democrats tended to view society as a continuing conflict between "the people"-farmers, planters, and workers-and a set of greedy aristocrats. This "paper money aristocracy" of bankers and investors manipulated the banking system for their own profit, Democrats claimed, and sapped the nation's virtue by encouraging speculation and the desire for sudden, unearned wealth. The Democrats wanted the rewards of the market without sacrificing the features of a simple agrarian republic. They wanted the wealth that the market offered without the competitive, changing society; the complex dealing; the dominance of urban centers; and the loss of independence that came with it.
Whigs, on the other hand, were more comfortable with the market. For them, commerce and economic development were agents of civilization. Nor did the Whigs envision any conflict in society between farmers and workers on the one hand and businesspeople and bankers on the other. Economic growth would benefit everyone by raising national income and expanding opportunity. The government's responsibility was to provide a well-regulated economy that guaranteed opportunity for citizens of ability.
Whigs and Democrats differed not only in their attitudes toward the market but also about how active the central government should be in people's lives. Despite Andrew Jackson's inclination to be a strong President, Democrats as a rule believed in limited government. Government's role in the economy was to promote competition by destroying monopolies' and special privileges. In keeping with this philosophy of limited government, Democrats also rejected the idea that moral beliefs were the proper sphere of government action. Religion and politics, they believed, should be kept clearly separate, and they generally opposed humanitarian legislation.
The Whigs, in contrast, viewed government power positively. They believed that it should be used to protect individual rights and public liberty, and that it had a special role where individual effort was ineffective. By regulating the economy and competition, the government could ensure equal opportunity. Indeed, for Whigs the concept of government promoting the general welfare went beyond the economy. In particular, Whigs in the northern sections of the United States also believed that government power should be used to foster the moral welfare of the country. They were much more likely to favor social-reform legislation and aid to education.
In some ways the social makeup of the two parties was similar. To be competitive in winning votes, Whigs and Democrats both had to have significant support among farmers, the largest group in society, and workers. Neither party could win an election by appealing exclusively to the rich or the poor. The Whigs, however, enjoyed disproportionate strength among the business and commercial classes. Whigs appealed to planters who needed credit to finance their cotton and rice trade in the world market, to farmers who were eager to sell their surpluses, and to workers who wished to improve themselves. Democrats attracted farmers isolated from the market or uncomfortable with it, workers alienated from the emerging industrial system, and rising entrepreneurs who wanted to break monopolies and open the economy to newcomers like themselves. The Whigs were strongest in the towns, cities, and those rural areas that were fully integrated into the market economy, whereas Democrats dominated areas of semisubsistence farmingthat were more isolated and languishing economically. | 1483.txt | 2 |
[
"The Democratic Party's main source of support",
"The people that Democrats claimed were unfairly becoming rich",
"The people most interested in a return to a simple agrarian republic",
"One of the groups in favor of Andrew Jackson's presidency"
] | The author mentions bankers and investors in the passage as an example of which of the following? | The development of the modern presidency in the United States began with Andrew Jackson who swept to power in 1829 at the head of the Democratic Party and served until 1837. During his administration, he immeasurably enlarged the power of the presidency. "The President is the direct representative of the American people," he lectured the Senate when it opposed him. "He was elected by the people, and is responsible to them." With this declaration, Jackson redefined the character of the presidential office and its relationship to the people.
During Jackson's second term, his opponents had gradually come together to form the Whig party. Whigs and Democrats held different attitudes toward the changes brought about by the market, banks, and commerce. The Democrats tended to view society as a continuing conflict between "the people"-farmers, planters, and workers-and a set of greedy aristocrats. This "paper money aristocracy" of bankers and investors manipulated the banking system for their own profit, Democrats claimed, and sapped the nation's virtue by encouraging speculation and the desire for sudden, unearned wealth. The Democrats wanted the rewards of the market without sacrificing the features of a simple agrarian republic. They wanted the wealth that the market offered without the competitive, changing society; the complex dealing; the dominance of urban centers; and the loss of independence that came with it.
Whigs, on the other hand, were more comfortable with the market. For them, commerce and economic development were agents of civilization. Nor did the Whigs envision any conflict in society between farmers and workers on the one hand and businesspeople and bankers on the other. Economic growth would benefit everyone by raising national income and expanding opportunity. The government's responsibility was to provide a well-regulated economy that guaranteed opportunity for citizens of ability.
Whigs and Democrats differed not only in their attitudes toward the market but also about how active the central government should be in people's lives. Despite Andrew Jackson's inclination to be a strong President, Democrats as a rule believed in limited government. Government's role in the economy was to promote competition by destroying monopolies' and special privileges. In keeping with this philosophy of limited government, Democrats also rejected the idea that moral beliefs were the proper sphere of government action. Religion and politics, they believed, should be kept clearly separate, and they generally opposed humanitarian legislation.
The Whigs, in contrast, viewed government power positively. They believed that it should be used to protect individual rights and public liberty, and that it had a special role where individual effort was ineffective. By regulating the economy and competition, the government could ensure equal opportunity. Indeed, for Whigs the concept of government promoting the general welfare went beyond the economy. In particular, Whigs in the northern sections of the United States also believed that government power should be used to foster the moral welfare of the country. They were much more likely to favor social-reform legislation and aid to education.
In some ways the social makeup of the two parties was similar. To be competitive in winning votes, Whigs and Democrats both had to have significant support among farmers, the largest group in society, and workers. Neither party could win an election by appealing exclusively to the rich or the poor. The Whigs, however, enjoyed disproportionate strength among the business and commercial classes. Whigs appealed to planters who needed credit to finance their cotton and rice trade in the world market, to farmers who were eager to sell their surpluses, and to workers who wished to improve themselves. Democrats attracted farmers isolated from the market or uncomfortable with it, workers alienated from the emerging industrial system, and rising entrepreneurs who wanted to break monopolies and open the economy to newcomers like themselves. The Whigs were strongest in the towns, cities, and those rural areas that were fully integrated into the market economy, whereas Democrats dominated areas of semisubsistence farmingthat were more isolated and languishing economically. | 1483.txt | 1 |
[
"They would promote the advancement of society as a whole.",
"They would cause disagreements between Whigs and Democrats",
"They would supply new positions for Whig Party members.",
"They would prevent conflict between farmers and workers."
] | According to paragraph 3, Whigs believed that commerce and economic development would have which of the following effects on society? | The development of the modern presidency in the United States began with Andrew Jackson who swept to power in 1829 at the head of the Democratic Party and served until 1837. During his administration, he immeasurably enlarged the power of the presidency. "The President is the direct representative of the American people," he lectured the Senate when it opposed him. "He was elected by the people, and is responsible to them." With this declaration, Jackson redefined the character of the presidential office and its relationship to the people.
During Jackson's second term, his opponents had gradually come together to form the Whig party. Whigs and Democrats held different attitudes toward the changes brought about by the market, banks, and commerce. The Democrats tended to view society as a continuing conflict between "the people"-farmers, planters, and workers-and a set of greedy aristocrats. This "paper money aristocracy" of bankers and investors manipulated the banking system for their own profit, Democrats claimed, and sapped the nation's virtue by encouraging speculation and the desire for sudden, unearned wealth. The Democrats wanted the rewards of the market without sacrificing the features of a simple agrarian republic. They wanted the wealth that the market offered without the competitive, changing society; the complex dealing; the dominance of urban centers; and the loss of independence that came with it.
Whigs, on the other hand, were more comfortable with the market. For them, commerce and economic development were agents of civilization. Nor did the Whigs envision any conflict in society between farmers and workers on the one hand and businesspeople and bankers on the other. Economic growth would benefit everyone by raising national income and expanding opportunity. The government's responsibility was to provide a well-regulated economy that guaranteed opportunity for citizens of ability.
Whigs and Democrats differed not only in their attitudes toward the market but also about how active the central government should be in people's lives. Despite Andrew Jackson's inclination to be a strong President, Democrats as a rule believed in limited government. Government's role in the economy was to promote competition by destroying monopolies' and special privileges. In keeping with this philosophy of limited government, Democrats also rejected the idea that moral beliefs were the proper sphere of government action. Religion and politics, they believed, should be kept clearly separate, and they generally opposed humanitarian legislation.
The Whigs, in contrast, viewed government power positively. They believed that it should be used to protect individual rights and public liberty, and that it had a special role where individual effort was ineffective. By regulating the economy and competition, the government could ensure equal opportunity. Indeed, for Whigs the concept of government promoting the general welfare went beyond the economy. In particular, Whigs in the northern sections of the United States also believed that government power should be used to foster the moral welfare of the country. They were much more likely to favor social-reform legislation and aid to education.
In some ways the social makeup of the two parties was similar. To be competitive in winning votes, Whigs and Democrats both had to have significant support among farmers, the largest group in society, and workers. Neither party could win an election by appealing exclusively to the rich or the poor. The Whigs, however, enjoyed disproportionate strength among the business and commercial classes. Whigs appealed to planters who needed credit to finance their cotton and rice trade in the world market, to farmers who were eager to sell their surpluses, and to workers who wished to improve themselves. Democrats attracted farmers isolated from the market or uncomfortable with it, workers alienated from the emerging industrial system, and rising entrepreneurs who wanted to break monopolies and open the economy to newcomers like themselves. The Whigs were strongest in the towns, cities, and those rural areas that were fully integrated into the market economy, whereas Democrats dominated areas of semisubsistence farmingthat were more isolated and languishing economically. | 1483.txt | 0 |
[
"To regulate the continuing conflict between farmers and businesspeople",
"To restrict the changes brought about by the market",
"To maintain an economy that allowed all capable citizens to benefit",
"To reduce the emphasis on economic development"
] | According to paragraph 3, which of the following describes the Whig Party's view of the role of government? | The development of the modern presidency in the United States began with Andrew Jackson who swept to power in 1829 at the head of the Democratic Party and served until 1837. During his administration, he immeasurably enlarged the power of the presidency. "The President is the direct representative of the American people," he lectured the Senate when it opposed him. "He was elected by the people, and is responsible to them." With this declaration, Jackson redefined the character of the presidential office and its relationship to the people.
During Jackson's second term, his opponents had gradually come together to form the Whig party. Whigs and Democrats held different attitudes toward the changes brought about by the market, banks, and commerce. The Democrats tended to view society as a continuing conflict between "the people"-farmers, planters, and workers-and a set of greedy aristocrats. This "paper money aristocracy" of bankers and investors manipulated the banking system for their own profit, Democrats claimed, and sapped the nation's virtue by encouraging speculation and the desire for sudden, unearned wealth. The Democrats wanted the rewards of the market without sacrificing the features of a simple agrarian republic. They wanted the wealth that the market offered without the competitive, changing society; the complex dealing; the dominance of urban centers; and the loss of independence that came with it.
Whigs, on the other hand, were more comfortable with the market. For them, commerce and economic development were agents of civilization. Nor did the Whigs envision any conflict in society between farmers and workers on the one hand and businesspeople and bankers on the other. Economic growth would benefit everyone by raising national income and expanding opportunity. The government's responsibility was to provide a well-regulated economy that guaranteed opportunity for citizens of ability.
Whigs and Democrats differed not only in their attitudes toward the market but also about how active the central government should be in people's lives. Despite Andrew Jackson's inclination to be a strong President, Democrats as a rule believed in limited government. Government's role in the economy was to promote competition by destroying monopolies' and special privileges. In keeping with this philosophy of limited government, Democrats also rejected the idea that moral beliefs were the proper sphere of government action. Religion and politics, they believed, should be kept clearly separate, and they generally opposed humanitarian legislation.
The Whigs, in contrast, viewed government power positively. They believed that it should be used to protect individual rights and public liberty, and that it had a special role where individual effort was ineffective. By regulating the economy and competition, the government could ensure equal opportunity. Indeed, for Whigs the concept of government promoting the general welfare went beyond the economy. In particular, Whigs in the northern sections of the United States also believed that government power should be used to foster the moral welfare of the country. They were much more likely to favor social-reform legislation and aid to education.
In some ways the social makeup of the two parties was similar. To be competitive in winning votes, Whigs and Democrats both had to have significant support among farmers, the largest group in society, and workers. Neither party could win an election by appealing exclusively to the rich or the poor. The Whigs, however, enjoyed disproportionate strength among the business and commercial classes. Whigs appealed to planters who needed credit to finance their cotton and rice trade in the world market, to farmers who were eager to sell their surpluses, and to workers who wished to improve themselves. Democrats attracted farmers isolated from the market or uncomfortable with it, workers alienated from the emerging industrial system, and rising entrepreneurs who wanted to break monopolies and open the economy to newcomers like themselves. The Whigs were strongest in the towns, cities, and those rural areas that were fully integrated into the market economy, whereas Democrats dominated areas of semisubsistence farmingthat were more isolated and languishing economically. | 1483.txt | 2 |
[
"Argument",
"Tendency",
"Example",
"Warning"
] | The word inclination in the passage is closest in meaning to | The development of the modern presidency in the United States began with Andrew Jackson who swept to power in 1829 at the head of the Democratic Party and served until 1837. During his administration, he immeasurably enlarged the power of the presidency. "The President is the direct representative of the American people," he lectured the Senate when it opposed him. "He was elected by the people, and is responsible to them." With this declaration, Jackson redefined the character of the presidential office and its relationship to the people.
During Jackson's second term, his opponents had gradually come together to form the Whig party. Whigs and Democrats held different attitudes toward the changes brought about by the market, banks, and commerce. The Democrats tended to view society as a continuing conflict between "the people"-farmers, planters, and workers-and a set of greedy aristocrats. This "paper money aristocracy" of bankers and investors manipulated the banking system for their own profit, Democrats claimed, and sapped the nation's virtue by encouraging speculation and the desire for sudden, unearned wealth. The Democrats wanted the rewards of the market without sacrificing the features of a simple agrarian republic. They wanted the wealth that the market offered without the competitive, changing society; the complex dealing; the dominance of urban centers; and the loss of independence that came with it.
Whigs, on the other hand, were more comfortable with the market. For them, commerce and economic development were agents of civilization. Nor did the Whigs envision any conflict in society between farmers and workers on the one hand and businesspeople and bankers on the other. Economic growth would benefit everyone by raising national income and expanding opportunity. The government's responsibility was to provide a well-regulated economy that guaranteed opportunity for citizens of ability.
Whigs and Democrats differed not only in their attitudes toward the market but also about how active the central government should be in people's lives. Despite Andrew Jackson's inclination to be a strong President, Democrats as a rule believed in limited government. Government's role in the economy was to promote competition by destroying monopolies' and special privileges. In keeping with this philosophy of limited government, Democrats also rejected the idea that moral beliefs were the proper sphere of government action. Religion and politics, they believed, should be kept clearly separate, and they generally opposed humanitarian legislation.
The Whigs, in contrast, viewed government power positively. They believed that it should be used to protect individual rights and public liberty, and that it had a special role where individual effort was ineffective. By regulating the economy and competition, the government could ensure equal opportunity. Indeed, for Whigs the concept of government promoting the general welfare went beyond the economy. In particular, Whigs in the northern sections of the United States also believed that government power should be used to foster the moral welfare of the country. They were much more likely to favor social-reform legislation and aid to education.
In some ways the social makeup of the two parties was similar. To be competitive in winning votes, Whigs and Democrats both had to have significant support among farmers, the largest group in society, and workers. Neither party could win an election by appealing exclusively to the rich or the poor. The Whigs, however, enjoyed disproportionate strength among the business and commercial classes. Whigs appealed to planters who needed credit to finance their cotton and rice trade in the world market, to farmers who were eager to sell their surpluses, and to workers who wished to improve themselves. Democrats attracted farmers isolated from the market or uncomfortable with it, workers alienated from the emerging industrial system, and rising entrepreneurs who wanted to break monopolies and open the economy to newcomers like themselves. The Whigs were strongest in the towns, cities, and those rural areas that were fully integrated into the market economy, whereas Democrats dominated areas of semisubsistence farmingthat were more isolated and languishing economically. | 1483.txt | 1 |
[
"Creating a state religion",
"Supporting humanitarian legislation",
"Destroying monopolies",
"Recommending particular moral beliefs"
] | According to paragraph 4, a Democrat would be most likely to support government action in which of the following areas? | The development of the modern presidency in the United States began with Andrew Jackson who swept to power in 1829 at the head of the Democratic Party and served until 1837. During his administration, he immeasurably enlarged the power of the presidency. "The President is the direct representative of the American people," he lectured the Senate when it opposed him. "He was elected by the people, and is responsible to them." With this declaration, Jackson redefined the character of the presidential office and its relationship to the people.
During Jackson's second term, his opponents had gradually come together to form the Whig party. Whigs and Democrats held different attitudes toward the changes brought about by the market, banks, and commerce. The Democrats tended to view society as a continuing conflict between "the people"-farmers, planters, and workers-and a set of greedy aristocrats. This "paper money aristocracy" of bankers and investors manipulated the banking system for their own profit, Democrats claimed, and sapped the nation's virtue by encouraging speculation and the desire for sudden, unearned wealth. The Democrats wanted the rewards of the market without sacrificing the features of a simple agrarian republic. They wanted the wealth that the market offered without the competitive, changing society; the complex dealing; the dominance of urban centers; and the loss of independence that came with it.
Whigs, on the other hand, were more comfortable with the market. For them, commerce and economic development were agents of civilization. Nor did the Whigs envision any conflict in society between farmers and workers on the one hand and businesspeople and bankers on the other. Economic growth would benefit everyone by raising national income and expanding opportunity. The government's responsibility was to provide a well-regulated economy that guaranteed opportunity for citizens of ability.
Whigs and Democrats differed not only in their attitudes toward the market but also about how active the central government should be in people's lives. Despite Andrew Jackson's inclination to be a strong President, Democrats as a rule believed in limited government. Government's role in the economy was to promote competition by destroying monopolies' and special privileges. In keeping with this philosophy of limited government, Democrats also rejected the idea that moral beliefs were the proper sphere of government action. Religion and politics, they believed, should be kept clearly separate, and they generally opposed humanitarian legislation.
The Whigs, in contrast, viewed government power positively. They believed that it should be used to protect individual rights and public liberty, and that it had a special role where individual effort was ineffective. By regulating the economy and competition, the government could ensure equal opportunity. Indeed, for Whigs the concept of government promoting the general welfare went beyond the economy. In particular, Whigs in the northern sections of the United States also believed that government power should be used to foster the moral welfare of the country. They were much more likely to favor social-reform legislation and aid to education.
In some ways the social makeup of the two parties was similar. To be competitive in winning votes, Whigs and Democrats both had to have significant support among farmers, the largest group in society, and workers. Neither party could win an election by appealing exclusively to the rich or the poor. The Whigs, however, enjoyed disproportionate strength among the business and commercial classes. Whigs appealed to planters who needed credit to finance their cotton and rice trade in the world market, to farmers who were eager to sell their surpluses, and to workers who wished to improve themselves. Democrats attracted farmers isolated from the market or uncomfortable with it, workers alienated from the emerging industrial system, and rising entrepreneurs who wanted to break monopolies and open the economy to newcomers like themselves. The Whigs were strongest in the towns, cities, and those rural areas that were fully integrated into the market economy, whereas Democrats dominated areas of semisubsistence farmingthat were more isolated and languishing economically. | 1483.txt | 2 |
[
"Power",
"Reality",
"Difficulty",
"Idea"
] | The word concept in the passage is closest in meaning to | The development of the modern presidency in the United States began with Andrew Jackson who swept to power in 1829 at the head of the Democratic Party and served until 1837. During his administration, he immeasurably enlarged the power of the presidency. "The President is the direct representative of the American people," he lectured the Senate when it opposed him. "He was elected by the people, and is responsible to them." With this declaration, Jackson redefined the character of the presidential office and its relationship to the people.
During Jackson's second term, his opponents had gradually come together to form the Whig party. Whigs and Democrats held different attitudes toward the changes brought about by the market, banks, and commerce. The Democrats tended to view society as a continuing conflict between "the people"-farmers, planters, and workers-and a set of greedy aristocrats. This "paper money aristocracy" of bankers and investors manipulated the banking system for their own profit, Democrats claimed, and sapped the nation's virtue by encouraging speculation and the desire for sudden, unearned wealth. The Democrats wanted the rewards of the market without sacrificing the features of a simple agrarian republic. They wanted the wealth that the market offered without the competitive, changing society; the complex dealing; the dominance of urban centers; and the loss of independence that came with it.
Whigs, on the other hand, were more comfortable with the market. For them, commerce and economic development were agents of civilization. Nor did the Whigs envision any conflict in society between farmers and workers on the one hand and businesspeople and bankers on the other. Economic growth would benefit everyone by raising national income and expanding opportunity. The government's responsibility was to provide a well-regulated economy that guaranteed opportunity for citizens of ability.
Whigs and Democrats differed not only in their attitudes toward the market but also about how active the central government should be in people's lives. Despite Andrew Jackson's inclination to be a strong President, Democrats as a rule believed in limited government. Government's role in the economy was to promote competition by destroying monopolies' and special privileges. In keeping with this philosophy of limited government, Democrats also rejected the idea that moral beliefs were the proper sphere of government action. Religion and politics, they believed, should be kept clearly separate, and they generally opposed humanitarian legislation.
The Whigs, in contrast, viewed government power positively. They believed that it should be used to protect individual rights and public liberty, and that it had a special role where individual effort was ineffective. By regulating the economy and competition, the government could ensure equal opportunity. Indeed, for Whigs the concept of government promoting the general welfare went beyond the economy. In particular, Whigs in the northern sections of the United States also believed that government power should be used to foster the moral welfare of the country. They were much more likely to favor social-reform legislation and aid to education.
In some ways the social makeup of the two parties was similar. To be competitive in winning votes, Whigs and Democrats both had to have significant support among farmers, the largest group in society, and workers. Neither party could win an election by appealing exclusively to the rich or the poor. The Whigs, however, enjoyed disproportionate strength among the business and commercial classes. Whigs appealed to planters who needed credit to finance their cotton and rice trade in the world market, to farmers who were eager to sell their surpluses, and to workers who wished to improve themselves. Democrats attracted farmers isolated from the market or uncomfortable with it, workers alienated from the emerging industrial system, and rising entrepreneurs who wanted to break monopolies and open the economy to newcomers like themselves. The Whigs were strongest in the towns, cities, and those rural areas that were fully integrated into the market economy, whereas Democrats dominated areas of semisubsistence farmingthat were more isolated and languishing economically. | 1483.txt | 3 |
[
"They were focused on issues of public liberty.",
"They caused some members to leave the Whig party.",
"They were unimportant to most Whigs.",
"They reflected regional interests."
] | Which of the following can be inferred from paragraph 5 about variations in political beliefs within the Whig Party? | The development of the modern presidency in the United States began with Andrew Jackson who swept to power in 1829 at the head of the Democratic Party and served until 1837. During his administration, he immeasurably enlarged the power of the presidency. "The President is the direct representative of the American people," he lectured the Senate when it opposed him. "He was elected by the people, and is responsible to them." With this declaration, Jackson redefined the character of the presidential office and its relationship to the people.
During Jackson's second term, his opponents had gradually come together to form the Whig party. Whigs and Democrats held different attitudes toward the changes brought about by the market, banks, and commerce. The Democrats tended to view society as a continuing conflict between "the people"-farmers, planters, and workers-and a set of greedy aristocrats. This "paper money aristocracy" of bankers and investors manipulated the banking system for their own profit, Democrats claimed, and sapped the nation's virtue by encouraging speculation and the desire for sudden, unearned wealth. The Democrats wanted the rewards of the market without sacrificing the features of a simple agrarian republic. They wanted the wealth that the market offered without the competitive, changing society; the complex dealing; the dominance of urban centers; and the loss of independence that came with it.
Whigs, on the other hand, were more comfortable with the market. For them, commerce and economic development were agents of civilization. Nor did the Whigs envision any conflict in society between farmers and workers on the one hand and businesspeople and bankers on the other. Economic growth would benefit everyone by raising national income and expanding opportunity. The government's responsibility was to provide a well-regulated economy that guaranteed opportunity for citizens of ability.
Whigs and Democrats differed not only in their attitudes toward the market but also about how active the central government should be in people's lives. Despite Andrew Jackson's inclination to be a strong President, Democrats as a rule believed in limited government. Government's role in the economy was to promote competition by destroying monopolies' and special privileges. In keeping with this philosophy of limited government, Democrats also rejected the idea that moral beliefs were the proper sphere of government action. Religion and politics, they believed, should be kept clearly separate, and they generally opposed humanitarian legislation.
The Whigs, in contrast, viewed government power positively. They believed that it should be used to protect individual rights and public liberty, and that it had a special role where individual effort was ineffective. By regulating the economy and competition, the government could ensure equal opportunity. Indeed, for Whigs the concept of government promoting the general welfare went beyond the economy. In particular, Whigs in the northern sections of the United States also believed that government power should be used to foster the moral welfare of the country. They were much more likely to favor social-reform legislation and aid to education.
In some ways the social makeup of the two parties was similar. To be competitive in winning votes, Whigs and Democrats both had to have significant support among farmers, the largest group in society, and workers. Neither party could win an election by appealing exclusively to the rich or the poor. The Whigs, however, enjoyed disproportionate strength among the business and commercial classes. Whigs appealed to planters who needed credit to finance their cotton and rice trade in the world market, to farmers who were eager to sell their surpluses, and to workers who wished to improve themselves. Democrats attracted farmers isolated from the market or uncomfortable with it, workers alienated from the emerging industrial system, and rising entrepreneurs who wanted to break monopolies and open the economy to newcomers like themselves. The Whigs were strongest in the towns, cities, and those rural areas that were fully integrated into the market economy, whereas Democrats dominated areas of semisubsistence farmingthat were more isolated and languishing economically. | 1483.txt | 3 |
[
"workers unhappy with the new industrial system",
"planters involved in international trade",
"rising entrepreneurs",
"individuals seeking to open the economy to newcomers"
] | According to paragraph 6, the Democrats were supported by all of the following groups EXCEPT | The development of the modern presidency in the United States began with Andrew Jackson who swept to power in 1829 at the head of the Democratic Party and served until 1837. During his administration, he immeasurably enlarged the power of the presidency. "The President is the direct representative of the American people," he lectured the Senate when it opposed him. "He was elected by the people, and is responsible to them." With this declaration, Jackson redefined the character of the presidential office and its relationship to the people.
During Jackson's second term, his opponents had gradually come together to form the Whig party. Whigs and Democrats held different attitudes toward the changes brought about by the market, banks, and commerce. The Democrats tended to view society as a continuing conflict between "the people"-farmers, planters, and workers-and a set of greedy aristocrats. This "paper money aristocracy" of bankers and investors manipulated the banking system for their own profit, Democrats claimed, and sapped the nation's virtue by encouraging speculation and the desire for sudden, unearned wealth. The Democrats wanted the rewards of the market without sacrificing the features of a simple agrarian republic. They wanted the wealth that the market offered without the competitive, changing society; the complex dealing; the dominance of urban centers; and the loss of independence that came with it.
Whigs, on the other hand, were more comfortable with the market. For them, commerce and economic development were agents of civilization. Nor did the Whigs envision any conflict in society between farmers and workers on the one hand and businesspeople and bankers on the other. Economic growth would benefit everyone by raising national income and expanding opportunity. The government's responsibility was to provide a well-regulated economy that guaranteed opportunity for citizens of ability.
Whigs and Democrats differed not only in their attitudes toward the market but also about how active the central government should be in people's lives. Despite Andrew Jackson's inclination to be a strong President, Democrats as a rule believed in limited government. Government's role in the economy was to promote competition by destroying monopolies' and special privileges. In keeping with this philosophy of limited government, Democrats also rejected the idea that moral beliefs were the proper sphere of government action. Religion and politics, they believed, should be kept clearly separate, and they generally opposed humanitarian legislation.
The Whigs, in contrast, viewed government power positively. They believed that it should be used to protect individual rights and public liberty, and that it had a special role where individual effort was ineffective. By regulating the economy and competition, the government could ensure equal opportunity. Indeed, for Whigs the concept of government promoting the general welfare went beyond the economy. In particular, Whigs in the northern sections of the United States also believed that government power should be used to foster the moral welfare of the country. They were much more likely to favor social-reform legislation and aid to education.
In some ways the social makeup of the two parties was similar. To be competitive in winning votes, Whigs and Democrats both had to have significant support among farmers, the largest group in society, and workers. Neither party could win an election by appealing exclusively to the rich or the poor. The Whigs, however, enjoyed disproportionate strength among the business and commercial classes. Whigs appealed to planters who needed credit to finance their cotton and rice trade in the world market, to farmers who were eager to sell their surpluses, and to workers who wished to improve themselves. Democrats attracted farmers isolated from the market or uncomfortable with it, workers alienated from the emerging industrial system, and rising entrepreneurs who wanted to break monopolies and open the economy to newcomers like themselves. The Whigs were strongest in the towns, cities, and those rural areas that were fully integrated into the market economy, whereas Democrats dominated areas of semisubsistence farmingthat were more isolated and languishing economically. | 1483.txt | 1 |
[
"their executives to be active",
"judges to rule out gene patenting",
"genes to be patentable",
"the BIO to issue a warning"
] | It can be learned from paragraph I that the biotech companies would like _ | In 2010. a federal judge shook America's biotech industry to its core. Companies had won patents for isolated DNA for decades-by 2005 some 20% of human genes were patented. But in March 2010 a judge ruled that genes were unpatentable. Executives were violently agitated. The Biotechnology Industry Organisation (BIO), a trade group, assured members that this was just a "preliminary step" in a longer battle.
On July 29th they were relieved, at least temporarily. A federal appeals court overturned the prior decision, ruling that Myriad Genetics could indeed hold patents to two genes that help forecast a woman's risk of breast cancer. The chief executive of Myriad, a company in Utah, said the ruling was a blessing to firms and patients alike.
But as companies continue their attempts at personalised medicine, the courts will remain rather busy. The Myriad case itself is probably not over. Critics make three main arguments against gene patents: a gene is a product of nature, so it may not be patented; gene patents suppress innovation rather than reward it; and patents' monopolies restrict access to genetic tests such as Myriad's. A growing number seem to agree. Last year a federal task-force urged reform for patents related to genetic tests. In October the Department of Justice filed a brief in the Myriad case, arguing that an isolated DNA molecule "is no less a product of nature... than are cotton fibres that have been separated from cotton seeds."
Despite the appeals court's decision, big questions remain unanswered. For example, it is unclear whether the sequencing of a whole genome violates the patents of individual genes within it. The case may yet reach the Supreme Court.
AS the industry advances, however, other suits may have an even greater impact. Companies are unlikely to file many more patents for human DNA molecules - most are already patented or in the public domain .firms are now studying how genes interact, looking for correlations that might be used to determine the causes of disease or predict a drug's efficacy. Companies are eager to win patents for 'connecting the dots', explains Hans Sauer, a lawyer for the BIO.
Their success may be determined by a suit related to this issue, brought by the Mayo Clinic, which the Supreme Court will hear in its next term. The BIO recently held a convention which included sessions to coach lawyers on the shifting landscape for patents. Each meeting was packed. | 3888.txt | 2 |
[
"genetic tests are not reliable",
"only man-made products are patentable",
"patents on genes depend much on innovations",
"courts should restrict access to genetic tests"
] | Those who are against gene patents believe that _ | In 2010. a federal judge shook America's biotech industry to its core. Companies had won patents for isolated DNA for decades-by 2005 some 20% of human genes were patented. But in March 2010 a judge ruled that genes were unpatentable. Executives were violently agitated. The Biotechnology Industry Organisation (BIO), a trade group, assured members that this was just a "preliminary step" in a longer battle.
On July 29th they were relieved, at least temporarily. A federal appeals court overturned the prior decision, ruling that Myriad Genetics could indeed hold patents to two genes that help forecast a woman's risk of breast cancer. The chief executive of Myriad, a company in Utah, said the ruling was a blessing to firms and patients alike.
But as companies continue their attempts at personalised medicine, the courts will remain rather busy. The Myriad case itself is probably not over. Critics make three main arguments against gene patents: a gene is a product of nature, so it may not be patented; gene patents suppress innovation rather than reward it; and patents' monopolies restrict access to genetic tests such as Myriad's. A growing number seem to agree. Last year a federal task-force urged reform for patents related to genetic tests. In October the Department of Justice filed a brief in the Myriad case, arguing that an isolated DNA molecule "is no less a product of nature... than are cotton fibres that have been separated from cotton seeds."
Despite the appeals court's decision, big questions remain unanswered. For example, it is unclear whether the sequencing of a whole genome violates the patents of individual genes within it. The case may yet reach the Supreme Court.
AS the industry advances, however, other suits may have an even greater impact. Companies are unlikely to file many more patents for human DNA molecules - most are already patented or in the public domain .firms are now studying how genes interact, looking for correlations that might be used to determine the causes of disease or predict a drug's efficacy. Companies are eager to win patents for 'connecting the dots', explains Hans Sauer, a lawyer for the BIO.
Their success may be determined by a suit related to this issue, brought by the Mayo Clinic, which the Supreme Court will hear in its next term. The BIO recently held a convention which included sessions to coach lawyers on the shifting landscape for patents. Each meeting was packed. | 3888.txt | 2 |
[
"establishing disease correlations",
"discovering gene interactions",
"drawing pictures of genes",
"identifying human DNA"
] | According to Hans Sauer, companies are eager to win patents for _ | In 2010. a federal judge shook America's biotech industry to its core. Companies had won patents for isolated DNA for decades-by 2005 some 20% of human genes were patented. But in March 2010 a judge ruled that genes were unpatentable. Executives were violently agitated. The Biotechnology Industry Organisation (BIO), a trade group, assured members that this was just a "preliminary step" in a longer battle.
On July 29th they were relieved, at least temporarily. A federal appeals court overturned the prior decision, ruling that Myriad Genetics could indeed hold patents to two genes that help forecast a woman's risk of breast cancer. The chief executive of Myriad, a company in Utah, said the ruling was a blessing to firms and patients alike.
But as companies continue their attempts at personalised medicine, the courts will remain rather busy. The Myriad case itself is probably not over. Critics make three main arguments against gene patents: a gene is a product of nature, so it may not be patented; gene patents suppress innovation rather than reward it; and patents' monopolies restrict access to genetic tests such as Myriad's. A growing number seem to agree. Last year a federal task-force urged reform for patents related to genetic tests. In October the Department of Justice filed a brief in the Myriad case, arguing that an isolated DNA molecule "is no less a product of nature... than are cotton fibres that have been separated from cotton seeds."
Despite the appeals court's decision, big questions remain unanswered. For example, it is unclear whether the sequencing of a whole genome violates the patents of individual genes within it. The case may yet reach the Supreme Court.
AS the industry advances, however, other suits may have an even greater impact. Companies are unlikely to file many more patents for human DNA molecules - most are already patented or in the public domain .firms are now studying how genes interact, looking for correlations that might be used to determine the causes of disease or predict a drug's efficacy. Companies are eager to win patents for 'connecting the dots', explains Hans Sauer, a lawyer for the BIO.
Their success may be determined by a suit related to this issue, brought by the Mayo Clinic, which the Supreme Court will hear in its next term. The BIO recently held a convention which included sessions to coach lawyers on the shifting landscape for patents. Each meeting was packed. | 3888.txt | 0 |
[
"the Supreme Court was authoritative",
"the BIO was a powerful organization",
"gene patenting was a great concern",
"lawyers were keen to attend conventions"
] | By saying "each meeting was packed"(line4,para6)the author means that _ | In 2010. a federal judge shook America's biotech industry to its core. Companies had won patents for isolated DNA for decades-by 2005 some 20% of human genes were patented. But in March 2010 a judge ruled that genes were unpatentable. Executives were violently agitated. The Biotechnology Industry Organisation (BIO), a trade group, assured members that this was just a "preliminary step" in a longer battle.
On July 29th they were relieved, at least temporarily. A federal appeals court overturned the prior decision, ruling that Myriad Genetics could indeed hold patents to two genes that help forecast a woman's risk of breast cancer. The chief executive of Myriad, a company in Utah, said the ruling was a blessing to firms and patients alike.
But as companies continue their attempts at personalised medicine, the courts will remain rather busy. The Myriad case itself is probably not over. Critics make three main arguments against gene patents: a gene is a product of nature, so it may not be patented; gene patents suppress innovation rather than reward it; and patents' monopolies restrict access to genetic tests such as Myriad's. A growing number seem to agree. Last year a federal task-force urged reform for patents related to genetic tests. In October the Department of Justice filed a brief in the Myriad case, arguing that an isolated DNA molecule "is no less a product of nature... than are cotton fibres that have been separated from cotton seeds."
Despite the appeals court's decision, big questions remain unanswered. For example, it is unclear whether the sequencing of a whole genome violates the patents of individual genes within it. The case may yet reach the Supreme Court.
AS the industry advances, however, other suits may have an even greater impact. Companies are unlikely to file many more patents for human DNA molecules - most are already patented or in the public domain .firms are now studying how genes interact, looking for correlations that might be used to determine the causes of disease or predict a drug's efficacy. Companies are eager to win patents for 'connecting the dots', explains Hans Sauer, a lawyer for the BIO.
Their success may be determined by a suit related to this issue, brought by the Mayo Clinic, which the Supreme Court will hear in its next term. The BIO recently held a convention which included sessions to coach lawyers on the shifting landscape for patents. Each meeting was packed. | 3888.txt | 2 |
[
"critical",
"supportive",
"scornful",
"objective"
] | Generally speaking, the author's attitude toward gene patenting is _ | In 2010. a federal judge shook America's biotech industry to its core. Companies had won patents for isolated DNA for decades-by 2005 some 20% of human genes were patented. But in March 2010 a judge ruled that genes were unpatentable. Executives were violently agitated. The Biotechnology Industry Organisation (BIO), a trade group, assured members that this was just a "preliminary step" in a longer battle.
On July 29th they were relieved, at least temporarily. A federal appeals court overturned the prior decision, ruling that Myriad Genetics could indeed hold patents to two genes that help forecast a woman's risk of breast cancer. The chief executive of Myriad, a company in Utah, said the ruling was a blessing to firms and patients alike.
But as companies continue their attempts at personalised medicine, the courts will remain rather busy. The Myriad case itself is probably not over. Critics make three main arguments against gene patents: a gene is a product of nature, so it may not be patented; gene patents suppress innovation rather than reward it; and patents' monopolies restrict access to genetic tests such as Myriad's. A growing number seem to agree. Last year a federal task-force urged reform for patents related to genetic tests. In October the Department of Justice filed a brief in the Myriad case, arguing that an isolated DNA molecule "is no less a product of nature... than are cotton fibres that have been separated from cotton seeds."
Despite the appeals court's decision, big questions remain unanswered. For example, it is unclear whether the sequencing of a whole genome violates the patents of individual genes within it. The case may yet reach the Supreme Court.
AS the industry advances, however, other suits may have an even greater impact. Companies are unlikely to file many more patents for human DNA molecules - most are already patented or in the public domain .firms are now studying how genes interact, looking for correlations that might be used to determine the causes of disease or predict a drug's efficacy. Companies are eager to win patents for 'connecting the dots', explains Hans Sauer, a lawyer for the BIO.
Their success may be determined by a suit related to this issue, brought by the Mayo Clinic, which the Supreme Court will hear in its next term. The BIO recently held a convention which included sessions to coach lawyers on the shifting landscape for patents. Each meeting was packed. | 3888.txt | 3 |
[
"go with a single railway ticket",
"listen to pop-music at the festival",
"sleep in the open",
"pack together in crowds"
] | In Britain it is very risky to _ . | People's tastes in recreation differ widely. At a recent festival of pop-music in the Isle of Wight, crowds of teenagers flocked to listen to their favorite singers and musicians. They went with single railway tickets and slept in the open, a very risky thing to do in the climate of Britain, even in August. They were packed together like sardines for four days. There were innumerable thieves, a gang of roughs tried several times to break things up, and police were everywhere. At the end of the festival many young fans found themselves broke, with no money left,and they had difficulty in getting back home. Most people would consider these conditions a nightmare of discomfort; the fans appeared to enjoy it all enormously.
Even in the overcrowded United Kingdom there are large tracts of open un-spoilt country, where people with more traditional tastes can go for quiet, and for the sense of freedom they derive from contact with nature. In the national parks especially, modern development of housing and industry is strictly controlled. Visitors may walk for miles through landscape of the greatest beauty and wildness, and often of considerable historic or scientific interest. Along the coasts of some of the maritime counties, public pathways have been created; these paths stretch for many miles along cliffs that look out on the Atlantic Ocean or the English Channel. Another path,lying inland, goes along the range of mountains in the north of England. It is called the Pennine Way. Here, the long-distance waller and the nature-lover can find much to enjoy, without feeling disturbed by large numbers of their fellows.
Yet few people make full use of the national parks established for everyone's benefit. The commonest thing nowadays is for family groups to motor out to a beautiful spot and park their cars in a lay-by ( ). A picnic basket is produced, along with a folding table and chairs, a kettle and a portable stove. They then settle down to a picnic in the lay-by beside the car. Apparently their idea of enjoyment is to get into the fresh air and amongst the country sights and sounds without having to wall a yard. They seem almost to like to hear and to smell the traffic. | 1135.txt | 2 |
[
"were arrested by the police",
"had spent most of their money",
"were sleeping out",
"became quite penniless"
] | At the end of the festival, many young fans _ . | People's tastes in recreation differ widely. At a recent festival of pop-music in the Isle of Wight, crowds of teenagers flocked to listen to their favorite singers and musicians. They went with single railway tickets and slept in the open, a very risky thing to do in the climate of Britain, even in August. They were packed together like sardines for four days. There were innumerable thieves, a gang of roughs tried several times to break things up, and police were everywhere. At the end of the festival many young fans found themselves broke, with no money left,and they had difficulty in getting back home. Most people would consider these conditions a nightmare of discomfort; the fans appeared to enjoy it all enormously.
Even in the overcrowded United Kingdom there are large tracts of open un-spoilt country, where people with more traditional tastes can go for quiet, and for the sense of freedom they derive from contact with nature. In the national parks especially, modern development of housing and industry is strictly controlled. Visitors may walk for miles through landscape of the greatest beauty and wildness, and often of considerable historic or scientific interest. Along the coasts of some of the maritime counties, public pathways have been created; these paths stretch for many miles along cliffs that look out on the Atlantic Ocean or the English Channel. Another path,lying inland, goes along the range of mountains in the north of England. It is called the Pennine Way. Here, the long-distance waller and the nature-lover can find much to enjoy, without feeling disturbed by large numbers of their fellows.
Yet few people make full use of the national parks established for everyone's benefit. The commonest thing nowadays is for family groups to motor out to a beautiful spot and park their cars in a lay-by ( ). A picnic basket is produced, along with a folding table and chairs, a kettle and a portable stove. They then settle down to a picnic in the lay-by beside the car. Apparently their idea of enjoyment is to get into the fresh air and amongst the country sights and sounds without having to wall a yard. They seem almost to like to hear and to smell the traffic. | 1135.txt | 3 |
[
"tracks through the open country",
"areas of country without soil",
"areas of countryside not developed",
"expanses of land where nobody works"
] | Even in the overcrowded United Kingdom there are large _ . | People's tastes in recreation differ widely. At a recent festival of pop-music in the Isle of Wight, crowds of teenagers flocked to listen to their favorite singers and musicians. They went with single railway tickets and slept in the open, a very risky thing to do in the climate of Britain, even in August. They were packed together like sardines for four days. There were innumerable thieves, a gang of roughs tried several times to break things up, and police were everywhere. At the end of the festival many young fans found themselves broke, with no money left,and they had difficulty in getting back home. Most people would consider these conditions a nightmare of discomfort; the fans appeared to enjoy it all enormously.
Even in the overcrowded United Kingdom there are large tracts of open un-spoilt country, where people with more traditional tastes can go for quiet, and for the sense of freedom they derive from contact with nature. In the national parks especially, modern development of housing and industry is strictly controlled. Visitors may walk for miles through landscape of the greatest beauty and wildness, and often of considerable historic or scientific interest. Along the coasts of some of the maritime counties, public pathways have been created; these paths stretch for many miles along cliffs that look out on the Atlantic Ocean or the English Channel. Another path,lying inland, goes along the range of mountains in the north of England. It is called the Pennine Way. Here, the long-distance waller and the nature-lover can find much to enjoy, without feeling disturbed by large numbers of their fellows.
Yet few people make full use of the national parks established for everyone's benefit. The commonest thing nowadays is for family groups to motor out to a beautiful spot and park their cars in a lay-by ( ). A picnic basket is produced, along with a folding table and chairs, a kettle and a portable stove. They then settle down to a picnic in the lay-by beside the car. Apparently their idea of enjoyment is to get into the fresh air and amongst the country sights and sounds without having to wall a yard. They seem almost to like to hear and to smell the traffic. | 1135.txt | 2 |
[
"commute to work",
"enjoy long-distance walking",
"wall to maritime counties",
"visit the historic or scenic sites"
] | Public pathways are created for people to _ . | People's tastes in recreation differ widely. At a recent festival of pop-music in the Isle of Wight, crowds of teenagers flocked to listen to their favorite singers and musicians. They went with single railway tickets and slept in the open, a very risky thing to do in the climate of Britain, even in August. They were packed together like sardines for four days. There were innumerable thieves, a gang of roughs tried several times to break things up, and police were everywhere. At the end of the festival many young fans found themselves broke, with no money left,and they had difficulty in getting back home. Most people would consider these conditions a nightmare of discomfort; the fans appeared to enjoy it all enormously.
Even in the overcrowded United Kingdom there are large tracts of open un-spoilt country, where people with more traditional tastes can go for quiet, and for the sense of freedom they derive from contact with nature. In the national parks especially, modern development of housing and industry is strictly controlled. Visitors may walk for miles through landscape of the greatest beauty and wildness, and often of considerable historic or scientific interest. Along the coasts of some of the maritime counties, public pathways have been created; these paths stretch for many miles along cliffs that look out on the Atlantic Ocean or the English Channel. Another path,lying inland, goes along the range of mountains in the north of England. It is called the Pennine Way. Here, the long-distance waller and the nature-lover can find much to enjoy, without feeling disturbed by large numbers of their fellows.
Yet few people make full use of the national parks established for everyone's benefit. The commonest thing nowadays is for family groups to motor out to a beautiful spot and park their cars in a lay-by ( ). A picnic basket is produced, along with a folding table and chairs, a kettle and a portable stove. They then settle down to a picnic in the lay-by beside the car. Apparently their idea of enjoyment is to get into the fresh air and amongst the country sights and sounds without having to wall a yard. They seem almost to like to hear and to smell the traffic. | 1135.txt | 1 |
[
"have meals out of doors by the road-side",
"go for a walk away from home",
"drive out past the beautiful places",
"hear and smell the animals"
] | Family groups nowadays like to _ . | People's tastes in recreation differ widely. At a recent festival of pop-music in the Isle of Wight, crowds of teenagers flocked to listen to their favorite singers and musicians. They went with single railway tickets and slept in the open, a very risky thing to do in the climate of Britain, even in August. They were packed together like sardines for four days. There were innumerable thieves, a gang of roughs tried several times to break things up, and police were everywhere. At the end of the festival many young fans found themselves broke, with no money left,and they had difficulty in getting back home. Most people would consider these conditions a nightmare of discomfort; the fans appeared to enjoy it all enormously.
Even in the overcrowded United Kingdom there are large tracts of open un-spoilt country, where people with more traditional tastes can go for quiet, and for the sense of freedom they derive from contact with nature. In the national parks especially, modern development of housing and industry is strictly controlled. Visitors may walk for miles through landscape of the greatest beauty and wildness, and often of considerable historic or scientific interest. Along the coasts of some of the maritime counties, public pathways have been created; these paths stretch for many miles along cliffs that look out on the Atlantic Ocean or the English Channel. Another path,lying inland, goes along the range of mountains in the north of England. It is called the Pennine Way. Here, the long-distance waller and the nature-lover can find much to enjoy, without feeling disturbed by large numbers of their fellows.
Yet few people make full use of the national parks established for everyone's benefit. The commonest thing nowadays is for family groups to motor out to a beautiful spot and park their cars in a lay-by ( ). A picnic basket is produced, along with a folding table and chairs, a kettle and a portable stove. They then settle down to a picnic in the lay-by beside the car. Apparently their idea of enjoyment is to get into the fresh air and amongst the country sights and sounds without having to wall a yard. They seem almost to like to hear and to smell the traffic. | 1135.txt | 0 |
[
"bigger and more",
"smaller and more",
"smaller and less",
"bigger and less"
] | Now the world seems to be exciting. | In today's age of fast travel, the world seems a smaller place---- and to some people, a less exciting place, Fifty years ago only a few English people and holidays abroad, People who didn't travel thought of other countries as very far away and different. For example, people thought the French all eat garlic, the Italians all eat spaghetti. and the Americans all drink Coca Cola, These definite ideas of other nationalities are called stereotypes. But do we have the same stereotypes today? People travel more, we all watch the same TV programmes, and ideas travel quickly too. Nowadays everyone eats garlic and spaghetti and drinks Coca Cola. Everyone listens to the same music. wears the same fashions , buys the same cars. They just do it in a different language! | 2089.txt | 2 |
[
"many",
"few",
"only some",
"a few"
] | Fifty years ago, English people travelled abroad. | In today's age of fast travel, the world seems a smaller place---- and to some people, a less exciting place, Fifty years ago only a few English people and holidays abroad, People who didn't travel thought of other countries as very far away and different. For example, people thought the French all eat garlic, the Italians all eat spaghetti. and the Americans all drink Coca Cola, These definite ideas of other nationalities are called stereotypes. But do we have the same stereotypes today? People travel more, we all watch the same TV programmes, and ideas travel quickly too. Nowadays everyone eats garlic and spaghetti and drinks Coca Cola. Everyone listens to the same music. wears the same fashions , buys the same cars. They just do it in a different language! | 2089.txt | 1 |
[
"near and different",
"near and the same",
"remote and very different",
"remote and the same"
] | People thought of other countries as. | In today's age of fast travel, the world seems a smaller place---- and to some people, a less exciting place, Fifty years ago only a few English people and holidays abroad, People who didn't travel thought of other countries as very far away and different. For example, people thought the French all eat garlic, the Italians all eat spaghetti. and the Americans all drink Coca Cola, These definite ideas of other nationalities are called stereotypes. But do we have the same stereotypes today? People travel more, we all watch the same TV programmes, and ideas travel quickly too. Nowadays everyone eats garlic and spaghetti and drinks Coca Cola. Everyone listens to the same music. wears the same fashions , buys the same cars. They just do it in a different language! | 2089.txt | 2 |
[
"have changed",
"are the same",
"are different",
"are almost the same"
] | Nowadays, people's ideas of other nationalities. | In today's age of fast travel, the world seems a smaller place---- and to some people, a less exciting place, Fifty years ago only a few English people and holidays abroad, People who didn't travel thought of other countries as very far away and different. For example, people thought the French all eat garlic, the Italians all eat spaghetti. and the Americans all drink Coca Cola, These definite ideas of other nationalities are called stereotypes. But do we have the same stereotypes today? People travel more, we all watch the same TV programmes, and ideas travel quickly too. Nowadays everyone eats garlic and spaghetti and drinks Coca Cola. Everyone listens to the same music. wears the same fashions , buys the same cars. They just do it in a different language! | 2089.txt | 2 |
[
"travel more",
"watch the same TV programmes",
"watch different TV programmes",
"travel more and watch the same TV programmes"
] | We don't have the same stereotypes because people _ . | In today's age of fast travel, the world seems a smaller place---- and to some people, a less exciting place, Fifty years ago only a few English people and holidays abroad, People who didn't travel thought of other countries as very far away and different. For example, people thought the French all eat garlic, the Italians all eat spaghetti. and the Americans all drink Coca Cola, These definite ideas of other nationalities are called stereotypes. But do we have the same stereotypes today? People travel more, we all watch the same TV programmes, and ideas travel quickly too. Nowadays everyone eats garlic and spaghetti and drinks Coca Cola. Everyone listens to the same music. wears the same fashions , buys the same cars. They just do it in a different language! | 2089.txt | 3 |
[
"A Big World",
"A Small World",
"An Exacting World",
"An Interesting World"
] | The best title for this passage would be. | In today's age of fast travel, the world seems a smaller place---- and to some people, a less exciting place, Fifty years ago only a few English people and holidays abroad, People who didn't travel thought of other countries as very far away and different. For example, people thought the French all eat garlic, the Italians all eat spaghetti. and the Americans all drink Coca Cola, These definite ideas of other nationalities are called stereotypes. But do we have the same stereotypes today? People travel more, we all watch the same TV programmes, and ideas travel quickly too. Nowadays everyone eats garlic and spaghetti and drinks Coca Cola. Everyone listens to the same music. wears the same fashions , buys the same cars. They just do it in a different language! | 2089.txt | 1 |
[
"Mysticism.",
"Religion.",
"Meditation.",
"Investment."
] | What is the most important factor in their doing business? | Meditation in Indonesian Businesse
It looked like a typical business meeting. Six men, neatly dressed in white shirts and ties filed into the boardroom of a small Jakarta company and sat down at a long table. But instead of consulting files or hearing reports, they closed their eyes and began to meditate, consulting the spirits of ancient Javanese kings. Mysticism touches almost every aspect of life in Indonesia and business is no exception. One of the meditators said his weekly meditation sessions are aimed mainly at bringing the peace of mind that makes for good decision-making. But the insight gained from mystic communication with spirits of wise kings has also helped boost the profits of his five companies.
Mysticism and profits have come together since the 13th century introduction of Islam to Indonesia by Indian Moslem merchants. Those devout traders, called `Wali Ullah'or `those close to God,'
energetically spread both trade and religion by adapting their appeals to the native mysticism of Java.
Legends attribute magic power of foreknowledge to the Wali Ullah. These powers were believed to be gained through meditation and fasting.
Businessman Hadisiko said his group fasts and meditates all night every Thursday to become closer to God and to contact the spirits of the great men of the past. `If we want to employ someone at the managerial level, we meditate together and often the message comes that this man can't hole onto money or he is untrustworthy. Or maybe the spirits will tell us he should be hired.'Hadiziko hastened to add that his companies also hold modern personnel management systems and that formal qualifications are essential for a candidate even to be considered. Perspective investments also are considered through mystic meditation. `With the mind relaxed and open, it is easier to be objective in judging the risk of a new venture. Meditation and contact with the wisdom of the old leaders sharpens your own insight and intuition. Then you have to apply that intuition to the information you have and work hard to be successful.'Mystic meditation helped reverse a business slide his companies experienced in the mid-1980. Operating with normal business procedures, he lost more than$3 millions in that year alone.
Meditation brought back his peace of mind. Putting the right persons in the right jobs and gaining confidence in his business decisions were the keys to a turning around that has brought expansion and profitability. The mysticism in Handspike' s boardroom is part of a growing movement in Indonesia called Kebatinanthe'search for the inner self.' One of his managers, Yusuf Soemado, who studied business administration at Harvard University, compared the idea of mystic management to western system of positive thinking. `Willpower and subconscious mind are recognized as important factors in business. Such approaches as psycho-cybernetics, Carnegie's think and growth rates, or the power of positive thinking are western attempts to tap the same higher intelligence that we contact through meditation,' he said. | 244.txt | 2 |
[
"The spirits of ancient Javanese kings.",
"Wali Ullah.",
"Old Kings.",
"Carnegie."
] | Whom do they consult? | Meditation in Indonesian Businesse
It looked like a typical business meeting. Six men, neatly dressed in white shirts and ties filed into the boardroom of a small Jakarta company and sat down at a long table. But instead of consulting files or hearing reports, they closed their eyes and began to meditate, consulting the spirits of ancient Javanese kings. Mysticism touches almost every aspect of life in Indonesia and business is no exception. One of the meditators said his weekly meditation sessions are aimed mainly at bringing the peace of mind that makes for good decision-making. But the insight gained from mystic communication with spirits of wise kings has also helped boost the profits of his five companies.
Mysticism and profits have come together since the 13th century introduction of Islam to Indonesia by Indian Moslem merchants. Those devout traders, called `Wali Ullah'or `those close to God,'
energetically spread both trade and religion by adapting their appeals to the native mysticism of Java.
Legends attribute magic power of foreknowledge to the Wali Ullah. These powers were believed to be gained through meditation and fasting.
Businessman Hadisiko said his group fasts and meditates all night every Thursday to become closer to God and to contact the spirits of the great men of the past. `If we want to employ someone at the managerial level, we meditate together and often the message comes that this man can't hole onto money or he is untrustworthy. Or maybe the spirits will tell us he should be hired.'Hadiziko hastened to add that his companies also hold modern personnel management systems and that formal qualifications are essential for a candidate even to be considered. Perspective investments also are considered through mystic meditation. `With the mind relaxed and open, it is easier to be objective in judging the risk of a new venture. Meditation and contact with the wisdom of the old leaders sharpens your own insight and intuition. Then you have to apply that intuition to the information you have and work hard to be successful.'Mystic meditation helped reverse a business slide his companies experienced in the mid-1980. Operating with normal business procedures, he lost more than$3 millions in that year alone.
Meditation brought back his peace of mind. Putting the right persons in the right jobs and gaining confidence in his business decisions were the keys to a turning around that has brought expansion and profitability. The mysticism in Handspike' s boardroom is part of a growing movement in Indonesia called Kebatinanthe'search for the inner self.' One of his managers, Yusuf Soemado, who studied business administration at Harvard University, compared the idea of mystic management to western system of positive thinking. `Willpower and subconscious mind are recognized as important factors in business. Such approaches as psycho-cybernetics, Carnegie's think and growth rates, or the power of positive thinking are western attempts to tap the same higher intelligence that we contact through meditation,' he said. | 244.txt | 0 |
[
"He thought Mysticism was not so good as expected.",
"To show they too focused on qualifications.",
"To show they hired qualified persons.",
"To show the possibility of combination of the scientific management with religion _ ."
] | Why did Hadisike hasten to add'his companies also hold modern personnel management systems'? | Meditation in Indonesian Businesse
It looked like a typical business meeting. Six men, neatly dressed in white shirts and ties filed into the boardroom of a small Jakarta company and sat down at a long table. But instead of consulting files or hearing reports, they closed their eyes and began to meditate, consulting the spirits of ancient Javanese kings. Mysticism touches almost every aspect of life in Indonesia and business is no exception. One of the meditators said his weekly meditation sessions are aimed mainly at bringing the peace of mind that makes for good decision-making. But the insight gained from mystic communication with spirits of wise kings has also helped boost the profits of his five companies.
Mysticism and profits have come together since the 13th century introduction of Islam to Indonesia by Indian Moslem merchants. Those devout traders, called `Wali Ullah'or `those close to God,'
energetically spread both trade and religion by adapting their appeals to the native mysticism of Java.
Legends attribute magic power of foreknowledge to the Wali Ullah. These powers were believed to be gained through meditation and fasting.
Businessman Hadisiko said his group fasts and meditates all night every Thursday to become closer to God and to contact the spirits of the great men of the past. `If we want to employ someone at the managerial level, we meditate together and often the message comes that this man can't hole onto money or he is untrustworthy. Or maybe the spirits will tell us he should be hired.'Hadiziko hastened to add that his companies also hold modern personnel management systems and that formal qualifications are essential for a candidate even to be considered. Perspective investments also are considered through mystic meditation. `With the mind relaxed and open, it is easier to be objective in judging the risk of a new venture. Meditation and contact with the wisdom of the old leaders sharpens your own insight and intuition. Then you have to apply that intuition to the information you have and work hard to be successful.'Mystic meditation helped reverse a business slide his companies experienced in the mid-1980. Operating with normal business procedures, he lost more than$3 millions in that year alone.
Meditation brought back his peace of mind. Putting the right persons in the right jobs and gaining confidence in his business decisions were the keys to a turning around that has brought expansion and profitability. The mysticism in Handspike' s boardroom is part of a growing movement in Indonesia called Kebatinanthe'search for the inner self.' One of his managers, Yusuf Soemado, who studied business administration at Harvard University, compared the idea of mystic management to western system of positive thinking. `Willpower and subconscious mind are recognized as important factors in business. Such approaches as psycho-cybernetics, Carnegie's think and growth rates, or the power of positive thinking are western attempts to tap the same higher intelligence that we contact through meditation,' he said. | 244.txt | 1 |
[
"to gain profit from the god.",
"to gain peace of mind to make decision.",
"to gain foreknowledge.",
"to gain objective conclusion."
] | According to the passage, the function of the meditation is | Meditation in Indonesian Businesse
It looked like a typical business meeting. Six men, neatly dressed in white shirts and ties filed into the boardroom of a small Jakarta company and sat down at a long table. But instead of consulting files or hearing reports, they closed their eyes and began to meditate, consulting the spirits of ancient Javanese kings. Mysticism touches almost every aspect of life in Indonesia and business is no exception. One of the meditators said his weekly meditation sessions are aimed mainly at bringing the peace of mind that makes for good decision-making. But the insight gained from mystic communication with spirits of wise kings has also helped boost the profits of his five companies.
Mysticism and profits have come together since the 13th century introduction of Islam to Indonesia by Indian Moslem merchants. Those devout traders, called `Wali Ullah'or `those close to God,'
energetically spread both trade and religion by adapting their appeals to the native mysticism of Java.
Legends attribute magic power of foreknowledge to the Wali Ullah. These powers were believed to be gained through meditation and fasting.
Businessman Hadisiko said his group fasts and meditates all night every Thursday to become closer to God and to contact the spirits of the great men of the past. `If we want to employ someone at the managerial level, we meditate together and often the message comes that this man can't hole onto money or he is untrustworthy. Or maybe the spirits will tell us he should be hired.'Hadiziko hastened to add that his companies also hold modern personnel management systems and that formal qualifications are essential for a candidate even to be considered. Perspective investments also are considered through mystic meditation. `With the mind relaxed and open, it is easier to be objective in judging the risk of a new venture. Meditation and contact with the wisdom of the old leaders sharpens your own insight and intuition. Then you have to apply that intuition to the information you have and work hard to be successful.'Mystic meditation helped reverse a business slide his companies experienced in the mid-1980. Operating with normal business procedures, he lost more than$3 millions in that year alone.
Meditation brought back his peace of mind. Putting the right persons in the right jobs and gaining confidence in his business decisions were the keys to a turning around that has brought expansion and profitability. The mysticism in Handspike' s boardroom is part of a growing movement in Indonesia called Kebatinanthe'search for the inner self.' One of his managers, Yusuf Soemado, who studied business administration at Harvard University, compared the idea of mystic management to western system of positive thinking. `Willpower and subconscious mind are recognized as important factors in business. Such approaches as psycho-cybernetics, Carnegie's think and growth rates, or the power of positive thinking are western attempts to tap the same higher intelligence that we contact through meditation,' he said. | 244.txt | 1 |
[
"Adopting the western way of doing business.",
"Ordinary way of doing business without meditation and fasting.",
"Contact with God.",
"Putting right persons in the right jobs."
] | What does'operating with normal business procedures'refer to? | Meditation in Indonesian Businesse
It looked like a typical business meeting. Six men, neatly dressed in white shirts and ties filed into the boardroom of a small Jakarta company and sat down at a long table. But instead of consulting files or hearing reports, they closed their eyes and began to meditate, consulting the spirits of ancient Javanese kings. Mysticism touches almost every aspect of life in Indonesia and business is no exception. One of the meditators said his weekly meditation sessions are aimed mainly at bringing the peace of mind that makes for good decision-making. But the insight gained from mystic communication with spirits of wise kings has also helped boost the profits of his five companies.
Mysticism and profits have come together since the 13th century introduction of Islam to Indonesia by Indian Moslem merchants. Those devout traders, called `Wali Ullah'or `those close to God,'
energetically spread both trade and religion by adapting their appeals to the native mysticism of Java.
Legends attribute magic power of foreknowledge to the Wali Ullah. These powers were believed to be gained through meditation and fasting.
Businessman Hadisiko said his group fasts and meditates all night every Thursday to become closer to God and to contact the spirits of the great men of the past. `If we want to employ someone at the managerial level, we meditate together and often the message comes that this man can't hole onto money or he is untrustworthy. Or maybe the spirits will tell us he should be hired.'Hadiziko hastened to add that his companies also hold modern personnel management systems and that formal qualifications are essential for a candidate even to be considered. Perspective investments also are considered through mystic meditation. `With the mind relaxed and open, it is easier to be objective in judging the risk of a new venture. Meditation and contact with the wisdom of the old leaders sharpens your own insight and intuition. Then you have to apply that intuition to the information you have and work hard to be successful.'Mystic meditation helped reverse a business slide his companies experienced in the mid-1980. Operating with normal business procedures, he lost more than$3 millions in that year alone.
Meditation brought back his peace of mind. Putting the right persons in the right jobs and gaining confidence in his business decisions were the keys to a turning around that has brought expansion and profitability. The mysticism in Handspike' s boardroom is part of a growing movement in Indonesia called Kebatinanthe'search for the inner self.' One of his managers, Yusuf Soemado, who studied business administration at Harvard University, compared the idea of mystic management to western system of positive thinking. `Willpower and subconscious mind are recognized as important factors in business. Such approaches as psycho-cybernetics, Carnegie's think and growth rates, or the power of positive thinking are western attempts to tap the same higher intelligence that we contact through meditation,' he said. | 244.txt | 1 |
[
"feels happy, thinking how nice his friends were to him",
"feels he might not have understood his friends' true feelings",
"think it a mistake to have broken up with his girl friend",
"is sorry that his friends let him down"
] | When the writer recalls some of the things that happened between him and his friends, he _ . | Language learning begins with listening. Children are greatly different in the amount of listening they do before they start speaking, and later starters are often long listeners.Most children willobeyspoken instructions some time before they can speak, though the word obey is hardly accurate as a description of the eager and delighted cooperation usually shown by the child.Before they can speak, many children will also ask questions by gesture and by making questioning noises.
Any attempt to study the development from the noises babies make to their first spoken words leads to considerable difficulties. It is agreed that they enjoy making noises, and that during the first few months one or two noises sort themselves as particularly expressive as delight, pain, friendliness, and so on. But since these cant be said to show the babys intention to communicate ,they can hardly be regarded as early forms of language. It is agreed, too, that from about three months they play with sounds for enjoyment, and that by six months they are able to add new words to their store. This self-imitationleads on to deliberateimitation of sounds made or words spoken to them by other people. The problem then arises as to the point at which one can say that these imitations can be considered as speech.
It is a problem we need to get out teeth into. The meaning of a word depends on what a particular person means by it in a particular situation and it is clear that what a child means by a word will change as he gains more experience of the world.Thus the use at seven months of mama as a greeting for his mother cannot be dismissed as a meaningless sound simply because he also uses it at other times for his father, his dog, or anything else he likes. Playful and meaningless imitation of what other people say continues after the child has begun to speak for himself, I doubt, however whether anything is gained when parents take advantage of this ability in an attempt to teach new sounds.
We can make mistakes at any age. Some mistakes we make are about money. but most mistakes are about people. "Did Jerry really care when I broke up with Helen?" "When I got that great job, did Jim, as a friend, really feel good about it? Or did he envy my luck?" "And was Paul friendly just because I had a car?" When we look back, doubts like these can make us feel bad.
But when we look back, it is too late.
Why do we go wrong about our friends, or our enemies? Sometimes what people say hides their real meanings. And if we do not really listen, we miss the feeling behind the words. Suppose someone tells you, "You're a lucky dog!"(!) Is he really on your side? If he says, "You're a lucky guy(，)!", that is being friendly. But "a lucky dog?" There is a bit of envy in those words. What he may be saying is that he does not think you deserve your luck.
"Just think of all the things you have to be thankful for" is another phrase that says one thing and means another. It could mean that the speaker is trying to get you to see your problem. But this phrase contains the thought that your problem is not at all important.
How can you tell the real meaning behind someone's words? One way is to take a good look at the person talking. Do his words fit the way he looks? Is what he says shown by the tone of voice? The look in his eyes? Stop and think. The minute you spend thinking about the real meaning of what people say to you may save your another mistake. | 2649.txt | 1 |
[
"the speaker is just friendly",
"this sentence suggests the same as \"You're a lucky guy!\"",
"the word \"dog\" should not be used to apply to people",
"sometimes the words show that the speaker is a bit envious"
] | When the writer talks about someone saying, "You're a lucky dog!", he is saying that _ . | Language learning begins with listening. Children are greatly different in the amount of listening they do before they start speaking, and later starters are often long listeners.Most children willobeyspoken instructions some time before they can speak, though the word obey is hardly accurate as a description of the eager and delighted cooperation usually shown by the child.Before they can speak, many children will also ask questions by gesture and by making questioning noises.
Any attempt to study the development from the noises babies make to their first spoken words leads to considerable difficulties. It is agreed that they enjoy making noises, and that during the first few months one or two noises sort themselves as particularly expressive as delight, pain, friendliness, and so on. But since these cant be said to show the babys intention to communicate ,they can hardly be regarded as early forms of language. It is agreed, too, that from about three months they play with sounds for enjoyment, and that by six months they are able to add new words to their store. This self-imitationleads on to deliberateimitation of sounds made or words spoken to them by other people. The problem then arises as to the point at which one can say that these imitations can be considered as speech.
It is a problem we need to get out teeth into. The meaning of a word depends on what a particular person means by it in a particular situation and it is clear that what a child means by a word will change as he gains more experience of the world.Thus the use at seven months of mama as a greeting for his mother cannot be dismissed as a meaningless sound simply because he also uses it at other times for his father, his dog, or anything else he likes. Playful and meaningless imitation of what other people say continues after the child has begun to speak for himself, I doubt, however whether anything is gained when parents take advantage of this ability in an attempt to teach new sounds.
We can make mistakes at any age. Some mistakes we make are about money. but most mistakes are about people. "Did Jerry really care when I broke up with Helen?" "When I got that great job, did Jim, as a friend, really feel good about it? Or did he envy my luck?" "And was Paul friendly just because I had a car?" When we look back, doubts like these can make us feel bad.
But when we look back, it is too late.
Why do we go wrong about our friends, or our enemies? Sometimes what people say hides their real meanings. And if we do not really listen, we miss the feeling behind the words. Suppose someone tells you, "You're a lucky dog!"(!) Is he really on your side? If he says, "You're a lucky guy(，)!", that is being friendly. But "a lucky dog?" There is a bit of envy in those words. What he may be saying is that he does not think you deserve your luck.
"Just think of all the things you have to be thankful for" is another phrase that says one thing and means another. It could mean that the speaker is trying to get you to see your problem. But this phrase contains the thought that your problem is not at all important.
How can you tell the real meaning behind someone's words? One way is to take a good look at the person talking. Do his words fit the way he looks? Is what he says shown by the tone of voice? The look in his eyes? Stop and think. The minute you spend thinking about the real meaning of what people say to you may save your another mistake. | 2649.txt | 3 |
[
"avoid mistakes about money and friends",
"get an idea of friendly people",
"avoid mistakes in understanding what people tell you",
"keep people friendly without trusting them"
] | This passage tries to tell you how to _ . | Language learning begins with listening. Children are greatly different in the amount of listening they do before they start speaking, and later starters are often long listeners.Most children willobeyspoken instructions some time before they can speak, though the word obey is hardly accurate as a description of the eager and delighted cooperation usually shown by the child.Before they can speak, many children will also ask questions by gesture and by making questioning noises.
Any attempt to study the development from the noises babies make to their first spoken words leads to considerable difficulties. It is agreed that they enjoy making noises, and that during the first few months one or two noises sort themselves as particularly expressive as delight, pain, friendliness, and so on. But since these cant be said to show the babys intention to communicate ,they can hardly be regarded as early forms of language. It is agreed, too, that from about three months they play with sounds for enjoyment, and that by six months they are able to add new words to their store. This self-imitationleads on to deliberateimitation of sounds made or words spoken to them by other people. The problem then arises as to the point at which one can say that these imitations can be considered as speech.
It is a problem we need to get out teeth into. The meaning of a word depends on what a particular person means by it in a particular situation and it is clear that what a child means by a word will change as he gains more experience of the world.Thus the use at seven months of mama as a greeting for his mother cannot be dismissed as a meaningless sound simply because he also uses it at other times for his father, his dog, or anything else he likes. Playful and meaningless imitation of what other people say continues after the child has begun to speak for himself, I doubt, however whether anything is gained when parents take advantage of this ability in an attempt to teach new sounds.
We can make mistakes at any age. Some mistakes we make are about money. but most mistakes are about people. "Did Jerry really care when I broke up with Helen?" "When I got that great job, did Jim, as a friend, really feel good about it? Or did he envy my luck?" "And was Paul friendly just because I had a car?" When we look back, doubts like these can make us feel bad.
But when we look back, it is too late.
Why do we go wrong about our friends, or our enemies? Sometimes what people say hides their real meanings. And if we do not really listen, we miss the feeling behind the words. Suppose someone tells you, "You're a lucky dog!"(!) Is he really on your side? If he says, "You're a lucky guy(，)!", that is being friendly. But "a lucky dog?" There is a bit of envy in those words. What he may be saying is that he does not think you deserve your luck.
"Just think of all the things you have to be thankful for" is another phrase that says one thing and means another. It could mean that the speaker is trying to get you to see your problem. But this phrase contains the thought that your problem is not at all important.
How can you tell the real meaning behind someone's words? One way is to take a good look at the person talking. Do his words fit the way he looks? Is what he says shown by the tone of voice? The look in his eyes? Stop and think. The minute you spend thinking about the real meaning of what people say to you may save your another mistake. | 2649.txt | 2 |
[
"everybody",
"nobody",
"all the people",
"not all the people"
] | The writer suggests that _ be trusted. | Language learning begins with listening. Children are greatly different in the amount of listening they do before they start speaking, and later starters are often long listeners.Most children willobeyspoken instructions some time before they can speak, though the word obey is hardly accurate as a description of the eager and delighted cooperation usually shown by the child.Before they can speak, many children will also ask questions by gesture and by making questioning noises.
Any attempt to study the development from the noises babies make to their first spoken words leads to considerable difficulties. It is agreed that they enjoy making noises, and that during the first few months one or two noises sort themselves as particularly expressive as delight, pain, friendliness, and so on. But since these cant be said to show the babys intention to communicate ,they can hardly be regarded as early forms of language. It is agreed, too, that from about three months they play with sounds for enjoyment, and that by six months they are able to add new words to their store. This self-imitationleads on to deliberateimitation of sounds made or words spoken to them by other people. The problem then arises as to the point at which one can say that these imitations can be considered as speech.
It is a problem we need to get out teeth into. The meaning of a word depends on what a particular person means by it in a particular situation and it is clear that what a child means by a word will change as he gains more experience of the world.Thus the use at seven months of mama as a greeting for his mother cannot be dismissed as a meaningless sound simply because he also uses it at other times for his father, his dog, or anything else he likes. Playful and meaningless imitation of what other people say continues after the child has begun to speak for himself, I doubt, however whether anything is gained when parents take advantage of this ability in an attempt to teach new sounds.
We can make mistakes at any age. Some mistakes we make are about money. but most mistakes are about people. "Did Jerry really care when I broke up with Helen?" "When I got that great job, did Jim, as a friend, really feel good about it? Or did he envy my luck?" "And was Paul friendly just because I had a car?" When we look back, doubts like these can make us feel bad.
But when we look back, it is too late.
Why do we go wrong about our friends, or our enemies? Sometimes what people say hides their real meanings. And if we do not really listen, we miss the feeling behind the words. Suppose someone tells you, "You're a lucky dog!"(!) Is he really on your side? If he says, "You're a lucky guy(，)!", that is being friendly. But "a lucky dog?" There is a bit of envy in those words. What he may be saying is that he does not think you deserve your luck.
"Just think of all the things you have to be thankful for" is another phrase that says one thing and means another. It could mean that the speaker is trying to get you to see your problem. But this phrase contains the thought that your problem is not at all important.
How can you tell the real meaning behind someone's words? One way is to take a good look at the person talking. Do his words fit the way he looks? Is what he says shown by the tone of voice? The look in his eyes? Stop and think. The minute you spend thinking about the real meaning of what people say to you may save your another mistake. | 2649.txt | 3 |
[
"he can't read or write",
"his parents haven't a good memory",
"he doesn't make good use of his memory",
"he doesn't use his arms or legs for some time"
] | Someone can't have a good memory if _. | If you do not use your arms or your legs for some time, they will become weak, and when you start using them again, they slowly become strong again. Everybody knows that. Yet many people do not seem to know that memory works in the same way.
When someone says that he has a good memory, he really means that he keeps his memory in practice by using it. When someone else says that his memory is poor, he really means that he does not give it enough chance to become strong.
If a friend says that his arms and legs are weak, we know that it is his own fault. But if he tells us that he has a poor memory, many of us think that his parents may be blamed, and few of us know that it is just his own fault. Have you ever found that some people can't read or write but usually they have better memories? This is because they cannot read or write and when they have to remember things, they cannot write them down in a small notebook. As a result, they have to remember days, names, songs and stories, so their memory is being exercised the whole time.
So if you want to have a good memory, learn from the people: practice remembering things in a way as other people do. | 624.txt | 2 |
[
"they will become thin",
"they will become weak",
"they begin to ache all over",
"you can't use them any more"
] | If you do not use your arms or legs for some time, _. | If you do not use your arms or your legs for some time, they will become weak, and when you start using them again, they slowly become strong again. Everybody knows that. Yet many people do not seem to know that memory works in the same way.
When someone says that he has a good memory, he really means that he keeps his memory in practice by using it. When someone else says that his memory is poor, he really means that he does not give it enough chance to become strong.
If a friend says that his arms and legs are weak, we know that it is his own fault. But if he tells us that he has a poor memory, many of us think that his parents may be blamed, and few of us know that it is just his own fault. Have you ever found that some people can't read or write but usually they have better memories? This is because they cannot read or write and when they have to remember things, they cannot write them down in a small notebook. As a result, they have to remember days, names, songs and stories, so their memory is being exercised the whole time.
So if you want to have a good memory, learn from the people: practice remembering things in a way as other people do. | 624.txt | 1 |
[
"Your memory needs chance for practice.",
"A good memory is inherited from parents.",
"Your memory works in the different ways as your arms or legs.",
"Don't learn to read and write if you want to have a good memory."
] | Which of the following statements is true? | If you do not use your arms or your legs for some time, they will become weak, and when you start using them again, they slowly become strong again. Everybody knows that. Yet many people do not seem to know that memory works in the same way.
When someone says that he has a good memory, he really means that he keeps his memory in practice by using it. When someone else says that his memory is poor, he really means that he does not give it enough chance to become strong.
If a friend says that his arms and legs are weak, we know that it is his own fault. But if he tells us that he has a poor memory, many of us think that his parents may be blamed, and few of us know that it is just his own fault. Have you ever found that some people can't read or write but usually they have better memories? This is because they cannot read or write and when they have to remember things, they cannot write them down in a small notebook. As a result, they have to remember days, names, songs and stories, so their memory is being exercised the whole time.
So if you want to have a good memory, learn from the people: practice remembering things in a way as other people do. | 624.txt | 0 |
[
"his own fault",
"his parents' fault",
"his teachers' fault",
"his friends' fault"
] | Few people know that if someone has a poor memory it is _. | If you do not use your arms or your legs for some time, they will become weak, and when you start using them again, they slowly become strong again. Everybody knows that. Yet many people do not seem to know that memory works in the same way.
When someone says that he has a good memory, he really means that he keeps his memory in practice by using it. When someone else says that his memory is poor, he really means that he does not give it enough chance to become strong.
If a friend says that his arms and legs are weak, we know that it is his own fault. But if he tells us that he has a poor memory, many of us think that his parents may be blamed, and few of us know that it is just his own fault. Have you ever found that some people can't read or write but usually they have better memories? This is because they cannot read or write and when they have to remember things, they cannot write them down in a small notebook. As a result, they have to remember days, names, songs and stories, so their memory is being exercised the whole time.
So if you want to have a good memory, learn from the people: practice remembering things in a way as other people do. | 624.txt | 0 |
[
"how to read and write well",
"how to have a good memory",
"how to use our arms or legs better",
"how to learn from the people who can't read or write"
] | The writer wants to tell us _. | If you do not use your arms or your legs for some time, they will become weak, and when you start using them again, they slowly become strong again. Everybody knows that. Yet many people do not seem to know that memory works in the same way.
When someone says that he has a good memory, he really means that he keeps his memory in practice by using it. When someone else says that his memory is poor, he really means that he does not give it enough chance to become strong.
If a friend says that his arms and legs are weak, we know that it is his own fault. But if he tells us that he has a poor memory, many of us think that his parents may be blamed, and few of us know that it is just his own fault. Have you ever found that some people can't read or write but usually they have better memories? This is because they cannot read or write and when they have to remember things, they cannot write them down in a small notebook. As a result, they have to remember days, names, songs and stories, so their memory is being exercised the whole time.
So if you want to have a good memory, learn from the people: practice remembering things in a way as other people do. | 624.txt | 1 |
[
"man can easily defeat the nature",
"tsunamis take place only in Japan",
"man's ability to cope with natural disasters is limited",
"the tsunami-damage in Japan is not so terrible"
] | The first paragraph tells us that _ . | It is a terrible illustration of man ' s weakness to nature .and the tsunami(^^) that struck the Japanese coast in March. 2011 has illustrated the difficulty of fighting against natural disasters, even for a prosperous nation.
Totally preventing tsunami-damage is impossible. But there is much that can be done to minimize damage and loss of life. Measures that can be taken include designing solid buildings, and developing early-warming systems, public education programs and evacuation( )strategics.Moreover, the approach of a tsunami is possibly picked up by the sensors of complicated international warming systems. Countries can use radio and television broadcasts as well as loudspeaker networks to warn the public.
But an early warming system depends on how far the tsunami strikes, if it's close by, the warning system is not going to be very effective. When people are faced with an unstoppable force like a tsunami the massive waves created by events like underwater earthquakes, the best course of action for them is lo get inland and to the higher
ground as quickly as possible. | 2498.txt | 2 |
[
"designing firm buildings 、",
"developing early-warning systems",
"developing evacuation strategics",
"keeping the public unaware of the seriousness of tsunamis"
] | To prevent tsunami-damage, the following measures can be taken EXCEPT _ | It is a terrible illustration of man ' s weakness to nature .and the tsunami(^^) that struck the Japanese coast in March. 2011 has illustrated the difficulty of fighting against natural disasters, even for a prosperous nation.
Totally preventing tsunami-damage is impossible. But there is much that can be done to minimize damage and loss of life. Measures that can be taken include designing solid buildings, and developing early-warming systems, public education programs and evacuation( )strategics.Moreover, the approach of a tsunami is possibly picked up by the sensors of complicated international warming systems. Countries can use radio and television broadcasts as well as loudspeaker networks to warn the public.
But an early warming system depends on how far the tsunami strikes, if it's close by, the warning system is not going to be very effective. When people are faced with an unstoppable force like a tsunami the massive waves created by events like underwater earthquakes, the best course of action for them is lo get inland and to the higher
ground as quickly as possible. | 2498.txt | 3 |
[
"Storms.",
"Massive waves.",
"Underwater earthquakes.",
"Floods"
] | According to the passage , which of the following can cause a tsunami _ ? | It is a terrible illustration of man ' s weakness to nature .and the tsunami(^^) that struck the Japanese coast in March. 2011 has illustrated the difficulty of fighting against natural disasters, even for a prosperous nation.
Totally preventing tsunami-damage is impossible. But there is much that can be done to minimize damage and loss of life. Measures that can be taken include designing solid buildings, and developing early-warming systems, public education programs and evacuation( )strategics.Moreover, the approach of a tsunami is possibly picked up by the sensors of complicated international warming systems. Countries can use radio and television broadcasts as well as loudspeaker networks to warn the public.
But an early warming system depends on how far the tsunami strikes, if it's close by, the warning system is not going to be very effective. When people are faced with an unstoppable force like a tsunami the massive waves created by events like underwater earthquakes, the best course of action for them is lo get inland and to the higher
ground as quickly as possible. | 2498.txt | 2 |
[
"listen to radio and television broadcasts for information",
"get inland and to the higher ground as quickly as possible",
"stay where they are",
"rely on the warning systems"
] | When a tsunami happens, the best course of action for people is to _ . | It is a terrible illustration of man ' s weakness to nature .and the tsunami(^^) that struck the Japanese coast in March. 2011 has illustrated the difficulty of fighting against natural disasters, even for a prosperous nation.
Totally preventing tsunami-damage is impossible. But there is much that can be done to minimize damage and loss of life. Measures that can be taken include designing solid buildings, and developing early-warming systems, public education programs and evacuation( )strategics.Moreover, the approach of a tsunami is possibly picked up by the sensors of complicated international warming systems. Countries can use radio and television broadcasts as well as loudspeaker networks to warn the public.
But an early warming system depends on how far the tsunami strikes, if it's close by, the warning system is not going to be very effective. When people are faced with an unstoppable force like a tsunami the massive waves created by events like underwater earthquakes, the best course of action for them is lo get inland and to the higher
ground as quickly as possible. | 2498.txt | 1 |
[
"Evolution of Sleep.",
"Two Types of Sleep.",
"The Original Function of Sleep.",
"Animals and Sleep."
] | Which of the following might be the best title for this passage? | Sleep is very ancient. In the electroencephalographic sense we share it with all the primates and almost all the other mammals and birds: it may extend back as far as the reptiles.
There is some evidence that the two types of sleep, dreaming and dreamless, depend on the life style. of the animal, and that predators are statistically much more likely to dream than prey, which are inturn much more likely to experience dreamless sleep. In dream sleep, the animal is powerfully immobilized and remarkably unresponsive to external stimuli. Dreamless sleep is much shallower, and we haveall witnessed cats or dogs cocking their ears to a sound when apparently fast asleep. The fact that deep dream sleep is rare among prey today seems clearly to be a product of natural selection, and it makes sensethat today, when sleep is highly evolved, the stupid animals are less frequently immobilized by deep sleepthan the smart ones. But why should they sleep deeply at all? Why should a state of such deep immobilization ever have evolved?
Perhaps one useful hint about the original function of sleep is to be found in the fact that dolphins and whales and aquatic mammals in general seem to sleep very little. There is, by and large, no place to hide in the ocean. Could it be that, rather than increasing an animal's vulnerability, Ray Meddis of London University has suggested this to be the case. It is conceivable that animals that are too stupid to be quite on their own initiative are, during periods of high risk, immobilized by the implacable arm of sleep. The point seems particularly clear for the young of predatory animals. This is an interesting notion and probably at least partly true. | 803.txt | 0 |
[
"able to prey even when they are in deep dream sleep",
"more likely to experience dream sleep",
"incapable of preying when immobilized by dreamless sleep",
"good at preying on stupid animals"
] | Predators are _ . | Sleep is very ancient. In the electroencephalographic sense we share it with all the primates and almost all the other mammals and birds: it may extend back as far as the reptiles.
There is some evidence that the two types of sleep, dreaming and dreamless, depend on the life style. of the animal, and that predators are statistically much more likely to dream than prey, which are inturn much more likely to experience dreamless sleep. In dream sleep, the animal is powerfully immobilized and remarkably unresponsive to external stimuli. Dreamless sleep is much shallower, and we haveall witnessed cats or dogs cocking their ears to a sound when apparently fast asleep. The fact that deep dream sleep is rare among prey today seems clearly to be a product of natural selection, and it makes sensethat today, when sleep is highly evolved, the stupid animals are less frequently immobilized by deep sleepthan the smart ones. But why should they sleep deeply at all? Why should a state of such deep immobilization ever have evolved?
Perhaps one useful hint about the original function of sleep is to be found in the fact that dolphins and whales and aquatic mammals in general seem to sleep very little. There is, by and large, no place to hide in the ocean. Could it be that, rather than increasing an animal's vulnerability, Ray Meddis of London University has suggested this to be the case. It is conceivable that animals that are too stupid to be quite on their own initiative are, during periods of high risk, immobilized by the implacable arm of sleep. The point seems particularly clear for the young of predatory animals. This is an interesting notion and probably at least partly true. | 803.txt | 1 |
[
"explain which animals are mammals",
"show the differences between mammals",
"illustrate how shallow dreamless sleep is",
"reveal how smart they are"
] | The example of dogs and cats in the second paragraph is intended to _• | Sleep is very ancient. In the electroencephalographic sense we share it with all the primates and almost all the other mammals and birds: it may extend back as far as the reptiles.
There is some evidence that the two types of sleep, dreaming and dreamless, depend on the life style. of the animal, and that predators are statistically much more likely to dream than prey, which are inturn much more likely to experience dreamless sleep. In dream sleep, the animal is powerfully immobilized and remarkably unresponsive to external stimuli. Dreamless sleep is much shallower, and we haveall witnessed cats or dogs cocking their ears to a sound when apparently fast asleep. The fact that deep dream sleep is rare among prey today seems clearly to be a product of natural selection, and it makes sensethat today, when sleep is highly evolved, the stupid animals are less frequently immobilized by deep sleepthan the smart ones. But why should they sleep deeply at all? Why should a state of such deep immobilization ever have evolved?
Perhaps one useful hint about the original function of sleep is to be found in the fact that dolphins and whales and aquatic mammals in general seem to sleep very little. There is, by and large, no place to hide in the ocean. Could it be that, rather than increasing an animal's vulnerability, Ray Meddis of London University has suggested this to be the case. It is conceivable that animals that are too stupid to be quite on their own initiative are, during periods of high risk, immobilized by the implacable arm of sleep. The point seems particularly clear for the young of predatory animals. This is an interesting notion and probably at least partly true. | 803.txt | 2 |
[
"not the result of natural selection",
"less likely to appear to primates",
"more protective to the animals",
"at a higher stage of evolution"
] | Compare with dreamless sleep, deep dream sleep is _ . | Sleep is very ancient. In the electroencephalographic sense we share it with all the primates and almost all the other mammals and birds: it may extend back as far as the reptiles.
There is some evidence that the two types of sleep, dreaming and dreamless, depend on the life style. of the animal, and that predators are statistically much more likely to dream than prey, which are inturn much more likely to experience dreamless sleep. In dream sleep, the animal is powerfully immobilized and remarkably unresponsive to external stimuli. Dreamless sleep is much shallower, and we haveall witnessed cats or dogs cocking their ears to a sound when apparently fast asleep. The fact that deep dream sleep is rare among prey today seems clearly to be a product of natural selection, and it makes sensethat today, when sleep is highly evolved, the stupid animals are less frequently immobilized by deep sleepthan the smart ones. But why should they sleep deeply at all? Why should a state of such deep immobilization ever have evolved?
Perhaps one useful hint about the original function of sleep is to be found in the fact that dolphins and whales and aquatic mammals in general seem to sleep very little. There is, by and large, no place to hide in the ocean. Could it be that, rather than increasing an animal's vulnerability, Ray Meddis of London University has suggested this to be the case. It is conceivable that animals that are too stupid to be quite on their own initiative are, during periods of high risk, immobilized by the implacable arm of sleep. The point seems particularly clear for the young of predatory animals. This is an interesting notion and probably at least partly true. | 803.txt | 3 |
[
"of their stupidity",
"of their vulnerability",
"there are possible dangers in the ocean",
"aquatic mammals do not need sleep"
] | According to some scientists' research findings, dolphins seldom sleep because _ . | Sleep is very ancient. In the electroencephalographic sense we share it with all the primates and almost all the other mammals and birds: it may extend back as far as the reptiles.
There is some evidence that the two types of sleep, dreaming and dreamless, depend on the life style. of the animal, and that predators are statistically much more likely to dream than prey, which are inturn much more likely to experience dreamless sleep. In dream sleep, the animal is powerfully immobilized and remarkably unresponsive to external stimuli. Dreamless sleep is much shallower, and we haveall witnessed cats or dogs cocking their ears to a sound when apparently fast asleep. The fact that deep dream sleep is rare among prey today seems clearly to be a product of natural selection, and it makes sensethat today, when sleep is highly evolved, the stupid animals are less frequently immobilized by deep sleepthan the smart ones. But why should they sleep deeply at all? Why should a state of such deep immobilization ever have evolved?
Perhaps one useful hint about the original function of sleep is to be found in the fact that dolphins and whales and aquatic mammals in general seem to sleep very little. There is, by and large, no place to hide in the ocean. Could it be that, rather than increasing an animal's vulnerability, Ray Meddis of London University has suggested this to be the case. It is conceivable that animals that are too stupid to be quite on their own initiative are, during periods of high risk, immobilized by the implacable arm of sleep. The point seems particularly clear for the young of predatory animals. This is an interesting notion and probably at least partly true. | 803.txt | 2 |
[
"Asbestos mined in Canada",
"Fireproof matter",
"A \"wonder\" mineral",
"A new roofing material"
] | Which title best expresses the main idea of this passage? | Although man has known asbestos for many hundreds of years, it was not until 160 years ago that it was mined for the first time on the North American continent. H. W. Johns, owner of a New York City Supply Shop for roofers, was responsible for(…) the opening of that first mine.
Mr. Johns was given a piece of asbestos which had been found in Italy. He experimented with the material and then showed its surprising powers to his customers. After putting on a pair of asbestos gloves, which looked much like ordinary work gloves, he took red-hot coals from the fireplace and played with them in his hands. How astonished the customers were to discover that he was not burned at all. You can well imagine that he had increasing business in asbestos roofing materials. However, because it was very expensive to transport (carry) them from Italy to the United States, Mr. Johns sent out a young scientist to seek a source nearer home. This young man found great vein, in the province of Quebec in Canada.
Ever since 1881 Quebec has led the world in the production of this unusual mineral, which is made up of magnesium, silicon, iron, and oxygen. When it is mined, the asbestos is heavy, just as you would expect a mineral to be. When it is separated, a strange thing happens; the rock breaks down into fine, soft, soapy fibres.
Scientists do not know why the rock can be separated easily into threads, but they have found thousands of uses of this fireproof material, of the so-called "cloth of stone". | 2931.txt | 2 |
[
"going into roofing business",
"carrying asbestos from Italy",
"sending a trained scientist",
"showing the use of asbestos gloves"
] | Johns proved his ability as a salesman by _ . | Although man has known asbestos for many hundreds of years, it was not until 160 years ago that it was mined for the first time on the North American continent. H. W. Johns, owner of a New York City Supply Shop for roofers, was responsible for(…) the opening of that first mine.
Mr. Johns was given a piece of asbestos which had been found in Italy. He experimented with the material and then showed its surprising powers to his customers. After putting on a pair of asbestos gloves, which looked much like ordinary work gloves, he took red-hot coals from the fireplace and played with them in his hands. How astonished the customers were to discover that he was not burned at all. You can well imagine that he had increasing business in asbestos roofing materials. However, because it was very expensive to transport (carry) them from Italy to the United States, Mr. Johns sent out a young scientist to seek a source nearer home. This young man found great vein, in the province of Quebec in Canada.
Ever since 1881 Quebec has led the world in the production of this unusual mineral, which is made up of magnesium, silicon, iron, and oxygen. When it is mined, the asbestos is heavy, just as you would expect a mineral to be. When it is separated, a strange thing happens; the rock breaks down into fine, soft, soapy fibres.
Scientists do not know why the rock can be separated easily into threads, but they have found thousands of uses of this fireproof material, of the so-called "cloth of stone". | 2931.txt | 3 |
[
"It is like thread.",
"It feels soapy.",
"It burns easily.",
"It is unusually heavy."
] | Which is the most important character of asbestos that the author wants to show us? | Although man has known asbestos for many hundreds of years, it was not until 160 years ago that it was mined for the first time on the North American continent. H. W. Johns, owner of a New York City Supply Shop for roofers, was responsible for(…) the opening of that first mine.
Mr. Johns was given a piece of asbestos which had been found in Italy. He experimented with the material and then showed its surprising powers to his customers. After putting on a pair of asbestos gloves, which looked much like ordinary work gloves, he took red-hot coals from the fireplace and played with them in his hands. How astonished the customers were to discover that he was not burned at all. You can well imagine that he had increasing business in asbestos roofing materials. However, because it was very expensive to transport (carry) them from Italy to the United States, Mr. Johns sent out a young scientist to seek a source nearer home. This young man found great vein, in the province of Quebec in Canada.
Ever since 1881 Quebec has led the world in the production of this unusual mineral, which is made up of magnesium, silicon, iron, and oxygen. When it is mined, the asbestos is heavy, just as you would expect a mineral to be. When it is separated, a strange thing happens; the rock breaks down into fine, soft, soapy fibres.
Scientists do not know why the rock can be separated easily into threads, but they have found thousands of uses of this fireproof material, of the so-called "cloth of stone". | 2931.txt | 0 |
[
"show the need for more scientists",
"compare asbestos with other minerals",
"increase the sales of asbestos",
"present facts about asbestos"
] | The author's main purpose in writing this passage was to _ . | Although man has known asbestos for many hundreds of years, it was not until 160 years ago that it was mined for the first time on the North American continent. H. W. Johns, owner of a New York City Supply Shop for roofers, was responsible for(…) the opening of that first mine.
Mr. Johns was given a piece of asbestos which had been found in Italy. He experimented with the material and then showed its surprising powers to his customers. After putting on a pair of asbestos gloves, which looked much like ordinary work gloves, he took red-hot coals from the fireplace and played with them in his hands. How astonished the customers were to discover that he was not burned at all. You can well imagine that he had increasing business in asbestos roofing materials. However, because it was very expensive to transport (carry) them from Italy to the United States, Mr. Johns sent out a young scientist to seek a source nearer home. This young man found great vein, in the province of Quebec in Canada.
Ever since 1881 Quebec has led the world in the production of this unusual mineral, which is made up of magnesium, silicon, iron, and oxygen. When it is mined, the asbestos is heavy, just as you would expect a mineral to be. When it is separated, a strange thing happens; the rock breaks down into fine, soft, soapy fibres.
Scientists do not know why the rock can be separated easily into threads, but they have found thousands of uses of this fireproof material, of the so-called "cloth of stone". | 2931.txt | 3 |
[
"The gender divide is a big concern of the general public.",
"Men and women understand economics quite differently.",
"The gap between male and female economists needs to be closed.",
"Male and female economists disagree widely on economic policy."
] | What is the finding of the new study? | A new study shows a large gender gap on economic policy among the nation's professional economists, a divide similar to the gender divide found in the general public.
"As a group, we are pro-market." says Ann Mari May. co-author of the study and a University of Nebraska economist. "But women are more likely to accept government regulation and involvement in economic activity than our male colleagues."
"It's very puzzling," says free market economist Veronique de Rugy of the Mercatus Center at George Mason University. "Not a day goes by that I don't ask myself why there are so few women economists on the free market side."
A native of France, de Rugy supported government intervention early in her life but changed her mind after studying economics. "We want many of the same things as liberals-less poverty, more health care-but have radically different ideas on how to achieve it."
Liberal economist Dean Baker, co-founder of the Center for Economic Policy and Research, says male economists have been on the inside of the profession, confirming each other's anti-regulation views. Women, as outsiders, "are more likely to think independently or at least see people outside of the economics profession as forming their peer group," he says.
The gender balance in economics is changing. One-third of economics doctorates now go to women. "More diversity is needed at the table when public policy is discussed," May says.
Economists do agree on some things. Female economists agree with men that Europe has too much regulation and that Wal-mart is good for society. Male economists agree with their female colleagues that military spending is too high.
The genders are most divorced from each other on the question of equality for women. Male economists overwhelmingly think the wage gap between men and women is largely the result of individuals' skills, experience and voluntary choices. Female economists overwhelmingly disagree by a margin of 4-to-1.
The biggest disagreement: 76% of women say faculty opportunities in economics favor men. Male economists point the opposite way: 80% say women are favored or the process is neutral. | 2552.txt | 3 |
[
"They are strongly against male domination in the economics profession.",
"They tend to support government intervention in economic activity.",
"They usually play an active role in public policy-making.",
"They are mostly strong advocates of free market economy."
] | What does Ann Mari May say about female economists? | A new study shows a large gender gap on economic policy among the nation's professional economists, a divide similar to the gender divide found in the general public.
"As a group, we are pro-market." says Ann Mari May. co-author of the study and a University of Nebraska economist. "But women are more likely to accept government regulation and involvement in economic activity than our male colleagues."
"It's very puzzling," says free market economist Veronique de Rugy of the Mercatus Center at George Mason University. "Not a day goes by that I don't ask myself why there are so few women economists on the free market side."
A native of France, de Rugy supported government intervention early in her life but changed her mind after studying economics. "We want many of the same things as liberals-less poverty, more health care-but have radically different ideas on how to achieve it."
Liberal economist Dean Baker, co-founder of the Center for Economic Policy and Research, says male economists have been on the inside of the profession, confirming each other's anti-regulation views. Women, as outsiders, "are more likely to think independently or at least see people outside of the economics profession as forming their peer group," he says.
The gender balance in economics is changing. One-third of economics doctorates now go to women. "More diversity is needed at the table when public policy is discussed," May says.
Economists do agree on some things. Female economists agree with men that Europe has too much regulation and that Wal-mart is good for society. Male economists agree with their female colleagues that military spending is too high.
The genders are most divorced from each other on the question of equality for women. Male economists overwhelmingly think the wage gap between men and women is largely the result of individuals' skills, experience and voluntary choices. Female economists overwhelmingly disagree by a margin of 4-to-1.
The biggest disagreement: 76% of women say faculty opportunities in economics favor men. Male economists point the opposite way: 80% say women are favored or the process is neutral. | 2552.txt | 1 |
[
"She represents most female economists' standpoint.",
"She devotes herself to eliminating women's poverty.",
"Her study of economics changed her view on government's role in economic activities.",
"Her academic background helped her get into the inner circle of the economics profession."
] | What do we learn about economist Veronique de Rugy? | A new study shows a large gender gap on economic policy among the nation's professional economists, a divide similar to the gender divide found in the general public.
"As a group, we are pro-market." says Ann Mari May. co-author of the study and a University of Nebraska economist. "But women are more likely to accept government regulation and involvement in economic activity than our male colleagues."
"It's very puzzling," says free market economist Veronique de Rugy of the Mercatus Center at George Mason University. "Not a day goes by that I don't ask myself why there are so few women economists on the free market side."
A native of France, de Rugy supported government intervention early in her life but changed her mind after studying economics. "We want many of the same things as liberals-less poverty, more health care-but have radically different ideas on how to achieve it."
Liberal economist Dean Baker, co-founder of the Center for Economic Policy and Research, says male economists have been on the inside of the profession, confirming each other's anti-regulation views. Women, as outsiders, "are more likely to think independently or at least see people outside of the economics profession as forming their peer group," he says.
The gender balance in economics is changing. One-third of economics doctorates now go to women. "More diversity is needed at the table when public policy is discussed," May says.
Economists do agree on some things. Female economists agree with men that Europe has too much regulation and that Wal-mart is good for society. Male economists agree with their female colleagues that military spending is too high.
The genders are most divorced from each other on the question of equality for women. Male economists overwhelmingly think the wage gap between men and women is largely the result of individuals' skills, experience and voluntary choices. Female economists overwhelmingly disagree by a margin of 4-to-1.
The biggest disagreement: 76% of women say faculty opportunities in economics favor men. Male economists point the opposite way: 80% say women are favored or the process is neutral. | 2552.txt | 2 |
[
"More female economists should get involved.",
"It should do justice to female economists' studies.",
"More attention should be paid to women's rights.",
"It should aim at sustainable development."
] | What does Ann Mari May imply about public policy-making? | A new study shows a large gender gap on economic policy among the nation's professional economists, a divide similar to the gender divide found in the general public.
"As a group, we are pro-market." says Ann Mari May. co-author of the study and a University of Nebraska economist. "But women are more likely to accept government regulation and involvement in economic activity than our male colleagues."
"It's very puzzling," says free market economist Veronique de Rugy of the Mercatus Center at George Mason University. "Not a day goes by that I don't ask myself why there are so few women economists on the free market side."
A native of France, de Rugy supported government intervention early in her life but changed her mind after studying economics. "We want many of the same things as liberals-less poverty, more health care-but have radically different ideas on how to achieve it."
Liberal economist Dean Baker, co-founder of the Center for Economic Policy and Research, says male economists have been on the inside of the profession, confirming each other's anti-regulation views. Women, as outsiders, "are more likely to think independently or at least see people outside of the economics profession as forming their peer group," he says.
The gender balance in economics is changing. One-third of economics doctorates now go to women. "More diversity is needed at the table when public policy is discussed," May says.
Economists do agree on some things. Female economists agree with men that Europe has too much regulation and that Wal-mart is good for society. Male economists agree with their female colleagues that military spending is too high.
The genders are most divorced from each other on the question of equality for women. Male economists overwhelmingly think the wage gap between men and women is largely the result of individuals' skills, experience and voluntary choices. Female economists overwhelmingly disagree by a margin of 4-to-1.
The biggest disagreement: 76% of women say faculty opportunities in economics favor men. Male economists point the opposite way: 80% say women are favored or the process is neutral. | 2552.txt | 0 |
[
"Government regulation.",
"Job creation.",
"Military spending.",
"Gender equality."
] | On what issue do male and female economists differ most? | A new study shows a large gender gap on economic policy among the nation's professional economists, a divide similar to the gender divide found in the general public.
"As a group, we are pro-market." says Ann Mari May. co-author of the study and a University of Nebraska economist. "But women are more likely to accept government regulation and involvement in economic activity than our male colleagues."
"It's very puzzling," says free market economist Veronique de Rugy of the Mercatus Center at George Mason University. "Not a day goes by that I don't ask myself why there are so few women economists on the free market side."
A native of France, de Rugy supported government intervention early in her life but changed her mind after studying economics. "We want many of the same things as liberals-less poverty, more health care-but have radically different ideas on how to achieve it."
Liberal economist Dean Baker, co-founder of the Center for Economic Policy and Research, says male economists have been on the inside of the profession, confirming each other's anti-regulation views. Women, as outsiders, "are more likely to think independently or at least see people outside of the economics profession as forming their peer group," he says.
The gender balance in economics is changing. One-third of economics doctorates now go to women. "More diversity is needed at the table when public policy is discussed," May says.
Economists do agree on some things. Female economists agree with men that Europe has too much regulation and that Wal-mart is good for society. Male economists agree with their female colleagues that military spending is too high.
The genders are most divorced from each other on the question of equality for women. Male economists overwhelmingly think the wage gap between men and women is largely the result of individuals' skills, experience and voluntary choices. Female economists overwhelmingly disagree by a margin of 4-to-1.
The biggest disagreement: 76% of women say faculty opportunities in economics favor men. Male economists point the opposite way: 80% say women are favored or the process is neutral. | 2552.txt | 3 |
[
"Why archaeologists study prehistoric pot making",
"How early pottery was made and decorated",
"The development of kilns used by early potters",
"The variety of decorations on Prehistoric pottery"
] | What does the passage mainly discuss? | Archaeological literature is rich in descriptions of pot making. Unlike modern industrial potters, prehistoric artisans created each of their pieces individually, using the simplest technology but demonstrating remarkable skill in making and adorning their vessels.
The clay used in prehistoric pot making was invariably selected with the utmost care: often it was traded over considerable distances. The consistency of the clay was crucial: it was pounded meticulously and mixed with water to make it entirely even in texture. By careful kneading, the potter removed the air bubbles and made the clay as plastic as possible, allowing it to be molded into shape as the pot was built up, When a pot is fired, it loses its water and can crack, so the potter added a temper to the clay, a substance that helped reduce shrinkage and cracking.
Since surface finishes provided a pleasing appearance and also improved the durability in day-to-day use, the potter smoothed the exterior surface of the pot with wet hands. Often a wet clay solution, known as a slip, was applied to the smooth surface. Brightly colored slips were often used and formed painted decorations on the vessel. In later times. Glazes came into use in some areas. A glaze is a form of slip that turns to a glasslike finish during high-temperature firing. When a slip was not applied, the vessel was allowed to dry slowly until the external surface was almost like leather in texture. It was then rubbed with a round stone or similar object to give it a shiny, hard surface. Some pots were adorned with incised or stamped decorations.
Most early pottery was then fired over open hearths. The vessels were covered with fast-burning wood; as it burned, the ashes would all around the pots and bake them evenly over a few hours. Far higher temperatures were attained in special ovens, known as kilns, which would not only bake the clay and remove its plasticity, but also dissolve carbons and iron compounds. Kilns were also used for glazing, when two firings were needed. Once fired, the pots were allowed to cool slowly, and small cracks were repaired before they were ready for use. | 4266.txt | 1 |
[
"heavily",
"initially",
"carefully",
"completely"
] | The word " meticulously" in line 7 is closest in meaning to | Archaeological literature is rich in descriptions of pot making. Unlike modern industrial potters, prehistoric artisans created each of their pieces individually, using the simplest technology but demonstrating remarkable skill in making and adorning their vessels.
The clay used in prehistoric pot making was invariably selected with the utmost care: often it was traded over considerable distances. The consistency of the clay was crucial: it was pounded meticulously and mixed with water to make it entirely even in texture. By careful kneading, the potter removed the air bubbles and made the clay as plastic as possible, allowing it to be molded into shape as the pot was built up, When a pot is fired, it loses its water and can crack, so the potter added a temper to the clay, a substance that helped reduce shrinkage and cracking.
Since surface finishes provided a pleasing appearance and also improved the durability in day-to-day use, the potter smoothed the exterior surface of the pot with wet hands. Often a wet clay solution, known as a slip, was applied to the smooth surface. Brightly colored slips were often used and formed painted decorations on the vessel. In later times. Glazes came into use in some areas. A glaze is a form of slip that turns to a glasslike finish during high-temperature firing. When a slip was not applied, the vessel was allowed to dry slowly until the external surface was almost like leather in texture. It was then rubbed with a round stone or similar object to give it a shiny, hard surface. Some pots were adorned with incised or stamped decorations.
Most early pottery was then fired over open hearths. The vessels were covered with fast-burning wood; as it burned, the ashes would all around the pots and bake them evenly over a few hours. Far higher temperatures were attained in special ovens, known as kilns, which would not only bake the clay and remove its plasticity, but also dissolve carbons and iron compounds. Kilns were also used for glazing, when two firings were needed. Once fired, the pots were allowed to cool slowly, and small cracks were repaired before they were ready for use. | 4266.txt | 2 |
[
"adding temper",
"removing the water",
"beating on the clay",
"mixing the clay with plastic substances"
] | Which of the following was a process used by prehistoric potters to improve the texture of the clay? | Archaeological literature is rich in descriptions of pot making. Unlike modern industrial potters, prehistoric artisans created each of their pieces individually, using the simplest technology but demonstrating remarkable skill in making and adorning their vessels.
The clay used in prehistoric pot making was invariably selected with the utmost care: often it was traded over considerable distances. The consistency of the clay was crucial: it was pounded meticulously and mixed with water to make it entirely even in texture. By careful kneading, the potter removed the air bubbles and made the clay as plastic as possible, allowing it to be molded into shape as the pot was built up, When a pot is fired, it loses its water and can crack, so the potter added a temper to the clay, a substance that helped reduce shrinkage and cracking.
Since surface finishes provided a pleasing appearance and also improved the durability in day-to-day use, the potter smoothed the exterior surface of the pot with wet hands. Often a wet clay solution, known as a slip, was applied to the smooth surface. Brightly colored slips were often used and formed painted decorations on the vessel. In later times. Glazes came into use in some areas. A glaze is a form of slip that turns to a glasslike finish during high-temperature firing. When a slip was not applied, the vessel was allowed to dry slowly until the external surface was almost like leather in texture. It was then rubbed with a round stone or similar object to give it a shiny, hard surface. Some pots were adorned with incised or stamped decorations.
Most early pottery was then fired over open hearths. The vessels were covered with fast-burning wood; as it burned, the ashes would all around the pots and bake them evenly over a few hours. Far higher temperatures were attained in special ovens, known as kilns, which would not only bake the clay and remove its plasticity, but also dissolve carbons and iron compounds. Kilns were also used for glazing, when two firings were needed. Once fired, the pots were allowed to cool slowly, and small cracks were repaired before they were ready for use. | 4266.txt | 2 |
[
"quality",
"endurance",
"adaptability",
"applicability"
] | The word "durability" in line 13 is closest in meaning to | Archaeological literature is rich in descriptions of pot making. Unlike modern industrial potters, prehistoric artisans created each of their pieces individually, using the simplest technology but demonstrating remarkable skill in making and adorning their vessels.
The clay used in prehistoric pot making was invariably selected with the utmost care: often it was traded over considerable distances. The consistency of the clay was crucial: it was pounded meticulously and mixed with water to make it entirely even in texture. By careful kneading, the potter removed the air bubbles and made the clay as plastic as possible, allowing it to be molded into shape as the pot was built up, When a pot is fired, it loses its water and can crack, so the potter added a temper to the clay, a substance that helped reduce shrinkage and cracking.
Since surface finishes provided a pleasing appearance and also improved the durability in day-to-day use, the potter smoothed the exterior surface of the pot with wet hands. Often a wet clay solution, known as a slip, was applied to the smooth surface. Brightly colored slips were often used and formed painted decorations on the vessel. In later times. Glazes came into use in some areas. A glaze is a form of slip that turns to a glasslike finish during high-temperature firing. When a slip was not applied, the vessel was allowed to dry slowly until the external surface was almost like leather in texture. It was then rubbed with a round stone or similar object to give it a shiny, hard surface. Some pots were adorned with incised or stamped decorations.
Most early pottery was then fired over open hearths. The vessels were covered with fast-burning wood; as it burned, the ashes would all around the pots and bake them evenly over a few hours. Far higher temperatures were attained in special ovens, known as kilns, which would not only bake the clay and remove its plasticity, but also dissolve carbons and iron compounds. Kilns were also used for glazing, when two firings were needed. Once fired, the pots were allowed to cool slowly, and small cracks were repaired before they were ready for use. | 4266.txt | 1 |
[
"Improve the appearance of the vessels",
"prevent the vessels from leaking",
"Help the vessels to dry more quickly",
"Give the vessels a leather like quality"
] | Prehistoric potters applied slips and glazes to their vessels in order to do which of the following? | Archaeological literature is rich in descriptions of pot making. Unlike modern industrial potters, prehistoric artisans created each of their pieces individually, using the simplest technology but demonstrating remarkable skill in making and adorning their vessels.
The clay used in prehistoric pot making was invariably selected with the utmost care: often it was traded over considerable distances. The consistency of the clay was crucial: it was pounded meticulously and mixed with water to make it entirely even in texture. By careful kneading, the potter removed the air bubbles and made the clay as plastic as possible, allowing it to be molded into shape as the pot was built up, When a pot is fired, it loses its water and can crack, so the potter added a temper to the clay, a substance that helped reduce shrinkage and cracking.
Since surface finishes provided a pleasing appearance and also improved the durability in day-to-day use, the potter smoothed the exterior surface of the pot with wet hands. Often a wet clay solution, known as a slip, was applied to the smooth surface. Brightly colored slips were often used and formed painted decorations on the vessel. In later times. Glazes came into use in some areas. A glaze is a form of slip that turns to a glasslike finish during high-temperature firing. When a slip was not applied, the vessel was allowed to dry slowly until the external surface was almost like leather in texture. It was then rubbed with a round stone or similar object to give it a shiny, hard surface. Some pots were adorned with incised or stamped decorations.
Most early pottery was then fired over open hearths. The vessels were covered with fast-burning wood; as it burned, the ashes would all around the pots and bake them evenly over a few hours. Far higher temperatures were attained in special ovens, known as kilns, which would not only bake the clay and remove its plasticity, but also dissolve carbons and iron compounds. Kilns were also used for glazing, when two firings were needed. Once fired, the pots were allowed to cool slowly, and small cracks were repaired before they were ready for use. | 4266.txt | 0 |
[
"Smoothing them with wet hands",
"Mixing the clay with colored solutions",
"Baking them at a very high temperature",
"Rubbing them with a smooth hard object"
] | Which of the following was a method used by some potters to give vessels a glassy finish? | Archaeological literature is rich in descriptions of pot making. Unlike modern industrial potters, prehistoric artisans created each of their pieces individually, using the simplest technology but demonstrating remarkable skill in making and adorning their vessels.
The clay used in prehistoric pot making was invariably selected with the utmost care: often it was traded over considerable distances. The consistency of the clay was crucial: it was pounded meticulously and mixed with water to make it entirely even in texture. By careful kneading, the potter removed the air bubbles and made the clay as plastic as possible, allowing it to be molded into shape as the pot was built up, When a pot is fired, it loses its water and can crack, so the potter added a temper to the clay, a substance that helped reduce shrinkage and cracking.
Since surface finishes provided a pleasing appearance and also improved the durability in day-to-day use, the potter smoothed the exterior surface of the pot with wet hands. Often a wet clay solution, known as a slip, was applied to the smooth surface. Brightly colored slips were often used and formed painted decorations on the vessel. In later times. Glazes came into use in some areas. A glaze is a form of slip that turns to a glasslike finish during high-temperature firing. When a slip was not applied, the vessel was allowed to dry slowly until the external surface was almost like leather in texture. It was then rubbed with a round stone or similar object to give it a shiny, hard surface. Some pots were adorned with incised or stamped decorations.
Most early pottery was then fired over open hearths. The vessels were covered with fast-burning wood; as it burned, the ashes would all around the pots and bake them evenly over a few hours. Far higher temperatures were attained in special ovens, known as kilns, which would not only bake the clay and remove its plasticity, but also dissolve carbons and iron compounds. Kilns were also used for glazing, when two firings were needed. Once fired, the pots were allowed to cool slowly, and small cracks were repaired before they were ready for use. | 4266.txt | 3 |
[
"designed",
"carved",
"detailed",
"painted"
] | The word "incised" in line 20 is closest in meaning to | Archaeological literature is rich in descriptions of pot making. Unlike modern industrial potters, prehistoric artisans created each of their pieces individually, using the simplest technology but demonstrating remarkable skill in making and adorning their vessels.
The clay used in prehistoric pot making was invariably selected with the utmost care: often it was traded over considerable distances. The consistency of the clay was crucial: it was pounded meticulously and mixed with water to make it entirely even in texture. By careful kneading, the potter removed the air bubbles and made the clay as plastic as possible, allowing it to be molded into shape as the pot was built up, When a pot is fired, it loses its water and can crack, so the potter added a temper to the clay, a substance that helped reduce shrinkage and cracking.
Since surface finishes provided a pleasing appearance and also improved the durability in day-to-day use, the potter smoothed the exterior surface of the pot with wet hands. Often a wet clay solution, known as a slip, was applied to the smooth surface. Brightly colored slips were often used and formed painted decorations on the vessel. In later times. Glazes came into use in some areas. A glaze is a form of slip that turns to a glasslike finish during high-temperature firing. When a slip was not applied, the vessel was allowed to dry slowly until the external surface was almost like leather in texture. It was then rubbed with a round stone or similar object to give it a shiny, hard surface. Some pots were adorned with incised or stamped decorations.
Most early pottery was then fired over open hearths. The vessels were covered with fast-burning wood; as it burned, the ashes would all around the pots and bake them evenly over a few hours. Far higher temperatures were attained in special ovens, known as kilns, which would not only bake the clay and remove its plasticity, but also dissolve carbons and iron compounds. Kilns were also used for glazing, when two firings were needed. Once fired, the pots were allowed to cool slowly, and small cracks were repaired before they were ready for use. | 4266.txt | 1 |
[
"kilns",
"firings",
"pots",
"cracks"
] | The word "they" in ling 27 refers to | Archaeological literature is rich in descriptions of pot making. Unlike modern industrial potters, prehistoric artisans created each of their pieces individually, using the simplest technology but demonstrating remarkable skill in making and adorning their vessels.
The clay used in prehistoric pot making was invariably selected with the utmost care: often it was traded over considerable distances. The consistency of the clay was crucial: it was pounded meticulously and mixed with water to make it entirely even in texture. By careful kneading, the potter removed the air bubbles and made the clay as plastic as possible, allowing it to be molded into shape as the pot was built up, When a pot is fired, it loses its water and can crack, so the potter added a temper to the clay, a substance that helped reduce shrinkage and cracking.
Since surface finishes provided a pleasing appearance and also improved the durability in day-to-day use, the potter smoothed the exterior surface of the pot with wet hands. Often a wet clay solution, known as a slip, was applied to the smooth surface. Brightly colored slips were often used and formed painted decorations on the vessel. In later times. Glazes came into use in some areas. A glaze is a form of slip that turns to a glasslike finish during high-temperature firing. When a slip was not applied, the vessel was allowed to dry slowly until the external surface was almost like leather in texture. It was then rubbed with a round stone or similar object to give it a shiny, hard surface. Some pots were adorned with incised or stamped decorations.
Most early pottery was then fired over open hearths. The vessels were covered with fast-burning wood; as it burned, the ashes would all around the pots and bake them evenly over a few hours. Far higher temperatures were attained in special ovens, known as kilns, which would not only bake the clay and remove its plasticity, but also dissolve carbons and iron compounds. Kilns were also used for glazing, when two firings were needed. Once fired, the pots were allowed to cool slowly, and small cracks were repaired before they were ready for use. | 4266.txt | 2 |
[
"required less wood for burning",
"reached higher temperatures",
"kept ashes away from the pots",
"baked vessels without cracking them"
] | According to the passage , the advantage of kilns over open fires was that the kilns | Archaeological literature is rich in descriptions of pot making. Unlike modern industrial potters, prehistoric artisans created each of their pieces individually, using the simplest technology but demonstrating remarkable skill in making and adorning their vessels.
The clay used in prehistoric pot making was invariably selected with the utmost care: often it was traded over considerable distances. The consistency of the clay was crucial: it was pounded meticulously and mixed with water to make it entirely even in texture. By careful kneading, the potter removed the air bubbles and made the clay as plastic as possible, allowing it to be molded into shape as the pot was built up, When a pot is fired, it loses its water and can crack, so the potter added a temper to the clay, a substance that helped reduce shrinkage and cracking.
Since surface finishes provided a pleasing appearance and also improved the durability in day-to-day use, the potter smoothed the exterior surface of the pot with wet hands. Often a wet clay solution, known as a slip, was applied to the smooth surface. Brightly colored slips were often used and formed painted decorations on the vessel. In later times. Glazes came into use in some areas. A glaze is a form of slip that turns to a glasslike finish during high-temperature firing. When a slip was not applied, the vessel was allowed to dry slowly until the external surface was almost like leather in texture. It was then rubbed with a round stone or similar object to give it a shiny, hard surface. Some pots were adorned with incised or stamped decorations.
Most early pottery was then fired over open hearths. The vessels were covered with fast-burning wood; as it burned, the ashes would all around the pots and bake them evenly over a few hours. Far higher temperatures were attained in special ovens, known as kilns, which would not only bake the clay and remove its plasticity, but also dissolve carbons and iron compounds. Kilns were also used for glazing, when two firings were needed. Once fired, the pots were allowed to cool slowly, and small cracks were repaired before they were ready for use. | 4266.txt | 1 |
[
"temper",
"glazes",
"kilns",
"compounds"
] | Look at the terms "temper" (line 10), "glazes" (line 16), "kilns" (line 24), and "compounds" (line 25). Which of these terms is NOT defined in the passage ? | Archaeological literature is rich in descriptions of pot making. Unlike modern industrial potters, prehistoric artisans created each of their pieces individually, using the simplest technology but demonstrating remarkable skill in making and adorning their vessels.
The clay used in prehistoric pot making was invariably selected with the utmost care: often it was traded over considerable distances. The consistency of the clay was crucial: it was pounded meticulously and mixed with water to make it entirely even in texture. By careful kneading, the potter removed the air bubbles and made the clay as plastic as possible, allowing it to be molded into shape as the pot was built up, When a pot is fired, it loses its water and can crack, so the potter added a temper to the clay, a substance that helped reduce shrinkage and cracking.
Since surface finishes provided a pleasing appearance and also improved the durability in day-to-day use, the potter smoothed the exterior surface of the pot with wet hands. Often a wet clay solution, known as a slip, was applied to the smooth surface. Brightly colored slips were often used and formed painted decorations on the vessel. In later times. Glazes came into use in some areas. A glaze is a form of slip that turns to a glasslike finish during high-temperature firing. When a slip was not applied, the vessel was allowed to dry slowly until the external surface was almost like leather in texture. It was then rubbed with a round stone or similar object to give it a shiny, hard surface. Some pots were adorned with incised or stamped decorations.
Most early pottery was then fired over open hearths. The vessels were covered with fast-burning wood; as it burned, the ashes would all around the pots and bake them evenly over a few hours. Far higher temperatures were attained in special ovens, known as kilns, which would not only bake the clay and remove its plasticity, but also dissolve carbons and iron compounds. Kilns were also used for glazing, when two firings were needed. Once fired, the pots were allowed to cool slowly, and small cracks were repaired before they were ready for use. | 4266.txt | 3 |
[
"prevent the clay from cracking",
"produce a more consistently baked pot",
"attain a very high temperature",
"give the vessel a glasslike finish"
] | The passage mentions that when pottery is fired under burning wood, the ashes help | Archaeological literature is rich in descriptions of pot making. Unlike modern industrial potters, prehistoric artisans created each of their pieces individually, using the simplest technology but demonstrating remarkable skill in making and adorning their vessels.
The clay used in prehistoric pot making was invariably selected with the utmost care: often it was traded over considerable distances. The consistency of the clay was crucial: it was pounded meticulously and mixed with water to make it entirely even in texture. By careful kneading, the potter removed the air bubbles and made the clay as plastic as possible, allowing it to be molded into shape as the pot was built up, When a pot is fired, it loses its water and can crack, so the potter added a temper to the clay, a substance that helped reduce shrinkage and cracking.
Since surface finishes provided a pleasing appearance and also improved the durability in day-to-day use, the potter smoothed the exterior surface of the pot with wet hands. Often a wet clay solution, known as a slip, was applied to the smooth surface. Brightly colored slips were often used and formed painted decorations on the vessel. In later times. Glazes came into use in some areas. A glaze is a form of slip that turns to a glasslike finish during high-temperature firing. When a slip was not applied, the vessel was allowed to dry slowly until the external surface was almost like leather in texture. It was then rubbed with a round stone or similar object to give it a shiny, hard surface. Some pots were adorned with incised or stamped decorations.
Most early pottery was then fired over open hearths. The vessels were covered with fast-burning wood; as it burned, the ashes would all around the pots and bake them evenly over a few hours. Far higher temperatures were attained in special ovens, known as kilns, which would not only bake the clay and remove its plasticity, but also dissolve carbons and iron compounds. Kilns were also used for glazing, when two firings were needed. Once fired, the pots were allowed to cool slowly, and small cracks were repaired before they were ready for use. | 4266.txt | 1 |
[
"A comparison of urban and rural life in the early twentieth century",
"The role of government in twentieth century urban renewal",
"Efforts to improve urban life in the early twentieth century",
"Methods of controlling urban growth in the twentieth century"
] | What does the passage mainly discuss? | Throughout the nineteenth century and into the twentieth, citizens of the United States maintained a bias against big cities. Most lived on farms and in small towns and believed cities to be centers of corruption, crime, poverty, and moral degradation. Their distrust was caused, in part, by a national ideology that proclaimed farming the greatest occupation and rural living superior to urban living. This attitude prevailed even as the number of urban dwellers increased and cities became an essential feature of the national landscape. Gradually, economic reality overcame ideology. Thousands abandoned the precarious life on the farm for more secure and better paying jobs in the city. But when these people migrated from the countryside, they carried their fears and suspicious with them. These new urbanities, already convinced that cities were overwhelmed with great problems, eagerly embraced the progressive reforms that promised to bring order out of the chaos of the city.
One of many reforms came in the area of public utilities. Water and sewerage systems were usually operated by municipal governments, but the gas and electric networks were privately owned. Reformers feared that the privately owned utility companies would charge exorbitant rates for these essential services and deliver them only to people who could afford them. Some city and state governments responded by regulating the utility companies, but a number of cities began to supply these services themselves. Proponents of these reforms argued that public ownership and regulation would insure widespread access to these utilities and guarantee a fair price.
While some reforms focused on government and public behavior, others looked at the cities as a whole. Civic leaders, convinced that physical environment influenced human behavior, argued that cities should develop master plans to guide their future growth and development. City planning was nothing new, but the rapid industrialization and urban growth of the late nineteenth century took place without any consideration for order. Urban renewal in the twentieth century followed several courses. Some cities introduced plans to completely rebuild the city core. Most other cities contented themselves with zoning plans for regulating future growth. Certain parts of town were restricted to residential use, while others were set aside for industrial or commercial development. | 2040.txt | 2 |
[
"diagonal",
"slope",
"distortion",
"prejudice"
] | The word "bias" in line 2 is closest in meaning to | Throughout the nineteenth century and into the twentieth, citizens of the United States maintained a bias against big cities. Most lived on farms and in small towns and believed cities to be centers of corruption, crime, poverty, and moral degradation. Their distrust was caused, in part, by a national ideology that proclaimed farming the greatest occupation and rural living superior to urban living. This attitude prevailed even as the number of urban dwellers increased and cities became an essential feature of the national landscape. Gradually, economic reality overcame ideology. Thousands abandoned the precarious life on the farm for more secure and better paying jobs in the city. But when these people migrated from the countryside, they carried their fears and suspicious with them. These new urbanities, already convinced that cities were overwhelmed with great problems, eagerly embraced the progressive reforms that promised to bring order out of the chaos of the city.
One of many reforms came in the area of public utilities. Water and sewerage systems were usually operated by municipal governments, but the gas and electric networks were privately owned. Reformers feared that the privately owned utility companies would charge exorbitant rates for these essential services and deliver them only to people who could afford them. Some city and state governments responded by regulating the utility companies, but a number of cities began to supply these services themselves. Proponents of these reforms argued that public ownership and regulation would insure widespread access to these utilities and guarantee a fair price.
While some reforms focused on government and public behavior, others looked at the cities as a whole. Civic leaders, convinced that physical environment influenced human behavior, argued that cities should develop master plans to guide their future growth and development. City planning was nothing new, but the rapid industrialization and urban growth of the late nineteenth century took place without any consideration for order. Urban renewal in the twentieth century followed several courses. Some cities introduced plans to completely rebuild the city core. Most other cities contented themselves with zoning plans for regulating future growth. Certain parts of town were restricted to residential use, while others were set aside for industrial or commercial development. | 2040.txt | 3 |
[
"were suspicious of their neighbors",
"were very proud of their lifestyle",
"believed city government had too much power",
"wanted to move to the cities"
] | The first paragraph suggests that most people who lived in rural areas | Throughout the nineteenth century and into the twentieth, citizens of the United States maintained a bias against big cities. Most lived on farms and in small towns and believed cities to be centers of corruption, crime, poverty, and moral degradation. Their distrust was caused, in part, by a national ideology that proclaimed farming the greatest occupation and rural living superior to urban living. This attitude prevailed even as the number of urban dwellers increased and cities became an essential feature of the national landscape. Gradually, economic reality overcame ideology. Thousands abandoned the precarious life on the farm for more secure and better paying jobs in the city. But when these people migrated from the countryside, they carried their fears and suspicious with them. These new urbanities, already convinced that cities were overwhelmed with great problems, eagerly embraced the progressive reforms that promised to bring order out of the chaos of the city.
One of many reforms came in the area of public utilities. Water and sewerage systems were usually operated by municipal governments, but the gas and electric networks were privately owned. Reformers feared that the privately owned utility companies would charge exorbitant rates for these essential services and deliver them only to people who could afford them. Some city and state governments responded by regulating the utility companies, but a number of cities began to supply these services themselves. Proponents of these reforms argued that public ownership and regulation would insure widespread access to these utilities and guarantee a fair price.
While some reforms focused on government and public behavior, others looked at the cities as a whole. Civic leaders, convinced that physical environment influenced human behavior, argued that cities should develop master plans to guide their future growth and development. City planning was nothing new, but the rapid industrialization and urban growth of the late nineteenth century took place without any consideration for order. Urban renewal in the twentieth century followed several courses. Some cities introduced plans to completely rebuild the city core. Most other cities contented themselves with zoning plans for regulating future growth. Certain parts of town were restricted to residential use, while others were set aside for industrial or commercial development. | 2040.txt | 1 |
[
"participate in the urban reform movement",
"seek financial security",
"comply with a government ordinance",
"avoid crime and corruption"
] | In the early twentieth century, many rural dwellers migrated to the city in order to | Throughout the nineteenth century and into the twentieth, citizens of the United States maintained a bias against big cities. Most lived on farms and in small towns and believed cities to be centers of corruption, crime, poverty, and moral degradation. Their distrust was caused, in part, by a national ideology that proclaimed farming the greatest occupation and rural living superior to urban living. This attitude prevailed even as the number of urban dwellers increased and cities became an essential feature of the national landscape. Gradually, economic reality overcame ideology. Thousands abandoned the precarious life on the farm for more secure and better paying jobs in the city. But when these people migrated from the countryside, they carried their fears and suspicious with them. These new urbanities, already convinced that cities were overwhelmed with great problems, eagerly embraced the progressive reforms that promised to bring order out of the chaos of the city.
One of many reforms came in the area of public utilities. Water and sewerage systems were usually operated by municipal governments, but the gas and electric networks were privately owned. Reformers feared that the privately owned utility companies would charge exorbitant rates for these essential services and deliver them only to people who could afford them. Some city and state governments responded by regulating the utility companies, but a number of cities began to supply these services themselves. Proponents of these reforms argued that public ownership and regulation would insure widespread access to these utilities and guarantee a fair price.
While some reforms focused on government and public behavior, others looked at the cities as a whole. Civic leaders, convinced that physical environment influenced human behavior, argued that cities should develop master plans to guide their future growth and development. City planning was nothing new, but the rapid industrialization and urban growth of the late nineteenth century took place without any consideration for order. Urban renewal in the twentieth century followed several courses. Some cities introduced plans to completely rebuild the city core. Most other cities contented themselves with zoning plans for regulating future growth. Certain parts of town were restricted to residential use, while others were set aside for industrial or commercial development. | 2040.txt | 1 |
[
"suggested",
"overestimated",
"demanded",
"welcomed"
] | The word "embraced" in line 11 is closest in meaning to | Throughout the nineteenth century and into the twentieth, citizens of the United States maintained a bias against big cities. Most lived on farms and in small towns and believed cities to be centers of corruption, crime, poverty, and moral degradation. Their distrust was caused, in part, by a national ideology that proclaimed farming the greatest occupation and rural living superior to urban living. This attitude prevailed even as the number of urban dwellers increased and cities became an essential feature of the national landscape. Gradually, economic reality overcame ideology. Thousands abandoned the precarious life on the farm for more secure and better paying jobs in the city. But when these people migrated from the countryside, they carried their fears and suspicious with them. These new urbanities, already convinced that cities were overwhelmed with great problems, eagerly embraced the progressive reforms that promised to bring order out of the chaos of the city.
One of many reforms came in the area of public utilities. Water and sewerage systems were usually operated by municipal governments, but the gas and electric networks were privately owned. Reformers feared that the privately owned utility companies would charge exorbitant rates for these essential services and deliver them only to people who could afford them. Some city and state governments responded by regulating the utility companies, but a number of cities began to supply these services themselves. Proponents of these reforms argued that public ownership and regulation would insure widespread access to these utilities and guarantee a fair price.
While some reforms focused on government and public behavior, others looked at the cities as a whole. Civic leaders, convinced that physical environment influenced human behavior, argued that cities should develop master plans to guide their future growth and development. City planning was nothing new, but the rapid industrialization and urban growth of the late nineteenth century took place without any consideration for order. Urban renewal in the twentieth century followed several courses. Some cities introduced plans to completely rebuild the city core. Most other cities contented themselves with zoning plans for regulating future growth. Certain parts of town were restricted to residential use, while others were set aside for industrial or commercial development. | 2040.txt | 3 |
[
"They feared the services would not be made available to all city dwellers.",
"They believed private ownership would slow economic growth",
"They did not trust the companies to obey the government regulations.",
"They wanted to ensure that the services would be provided to rural areas."
] | What concern did reformers have about privately owned utility companies? | Throughout the nineteenth century and into the twentieth, citizens of the United States maintained a bias against big cities. Most lived on farms and in small towns and believed cities to be centers of corruption, crime, poverty, and moral degradation. Their distrust was caused, in part, by a national ideology that proclaimed farming the greatest occupation and rural living superior to urban living. This attitude prevailed even as the number of urban dwellers increased and cities became an essential feature of the national landscape. Gradually, economic reality overcame ideology. Thousands abandoned the precarious life on the farm for more secure and better paying jobs in the city. But when these people migrated from the countryside, they carried their fears and suspicious with them. These new urbanities, already convinced that cities were overwhelmed with great problems, eagerly embraced the progressive reforms that promised to bring order out of the chaos of the city.
One of many reforms came in the area of public utilities. Water and sewerage systems were usually operated by municipal governments, but the gas and electric networks were privately owned. Reformers feared that the privately owned utility companies would charge exorbitant rates for these essential services and deliver them only to people who could afford them. Some city and state governments responded by regulating the utility companies, but a number of cities began to supply these services themselves. Proponents of these reforms argued that public ownership and regulation would insure widespread access to these utilities and guarantee a fair price.
While some reforms focused on government and public behavior, others looked at the cities as a whole. Civic leaders, convinced that physical environment influenced human behavior, argued that cities should develop master plans to guide their future growth and development. City planning was nothing new, but the rapid industrialization and urban growth of the late nineteenth century took place without any consideration for order. Urban renewal in the twentieth century followed several courses. Some cities introduced plans to completely rebuild the city core. Most other cities contented themselves with zoning plans for regulating future growth. Certain parts of town were restricted to residential use, while others were set aside for industrial or commercial development. | 2040.txt | 0 |
[
"additional",
"expensive",
"various",
"modified"
] | The word "exorbitant" in line 16 is closest in meaning to | Throughout the nineteenth century and into the twentieth, citizens of the United States maintained a bias against big cities. Most lived on farms and in small towns and believed cities to be centers of corruption, crime, poverty, and moral degradation. Their distrust was caused, in part, by a national ideology that proclaimed farming the greatest occupation and rural living superior to urban living. This attitude prevailed even as the number of urban dwellers increased and cities became an essential feature of the national landscape. Gradually, economic reality overcame ideology. Thousands abandoned the precarious life on the farm for more secure and better paying jobs in the city. But when these people migrated from the countryside, they carried their fears and suspicious with them. These new urbanities, already convinced that cities were overwhelmed with great problems, eagerly embraced the progressive reforms that promised to bring order out of the chaos of the city.
One of many reforms came in the area of public utilities. Water and sewerage systems were usually operated by municipal governments, but the gas and electric networks were privately owned. Reformers feared that the privately owned utility companies would charge exorbitant rates for these essential services and deliver them only to people who could afford them. Some city and state governments responded by regulating the utility companies, but a number of cities began to supply these services themselves. Proponents of these reforms argued that public ownership and regulation would insure widespread access to these utilities and guarantee a fair price.
While some reforms focused on government and public behavior, others looked at the cities as a whole. Civic leaders, convinced that physical environment influenced human behavior, argued that cities should develop master plans to guide their future growth and development. City planning was nothing new, but the rapid industrialization and urban growth of the late nineteenth century took place without any consideration for order. Urban renewal in the twentieth century followed several courses. Some cities introduced plans to completely rebuild the city core. Most other cities contented themselves with zoning plans for regulating future growth. Certain parts of town were restricted to residential use, while others were set aside for industrial or commercial development. | 2040.txt | 1 |
[
"local governments determined the rates charged by private utility companies",
"some utility companies were owned and operated by local governments",
"the availability of services was regulated by local government",
"private utility companies were required to pay a fee to local governments"
] | All of the following were the direct result of public utility reforms EXCEPT | Throughout the nineteenth century and into the twentieth, citizens of the United States maintained a bias against big cities. Most lived on farms and in small towns and believed cities to be centers of corruption, crime, poverty, and moral degradation. Their distrust was caused, in part, by a national ideology that proclaimed farming the greatest occupation and rural living superior to urban living. This attitude prevailed even as the number of urban dwellers increased and cities became an essential feature of the national landscape. Gradually, economic reality overcame ideology. Thousands abandoned the precarious life on the farm for more secure and better paying jobs in the city. But when these people migrated from the countryside, they carried their fears and suspicious with them. These new urbanities, already convinced that cities were overwhelmed with great problems, eagerly embraced the progressive reforms that promised to bring order out of the chaos of the city.
One of many reforms came in the area of public utilities. Water and sewerage systems were usually operated by municipal governments, but the gas and electric networks were privately owned. Reformers feared that the privately owned utility companies would charge exorbitant rates for these essential services and deliver them only to people who could afford them. Some city and state governments responded by regulating the utility companies, but a number of cities began to supply these services themselves. Proponents of these reforms argued that public ownership and regulation would insure widespread access to these utilities and guarantee a fair price.
While some reforms focused on government and public behavior, others looked at the cities as a whole. Civic leaders, convinced that physical environment influenced human behavior, argued that cities should develop master plans to guide their future growth and development. City planning was nothing new, but the rapid industrialization and urban growth of the late nineteenth century took place without any consideration for order. Urban renewal in the twentieth century followed several courses. Some cities introduced plans to completely rebuild the city core. Most other cities contented themselves with zoning plans for regulating future growth. Certain parts of town were restricted to residential use, while others were set aside for industrial or commercial development. | 2040.txt | 3 |
[
"Experts",
"Pioneers",
"Reviewers",
"Supporters"
] | The word "Proponents" in line 18 is closest in meaning to | Throughout the nineteenth century and into the twentieth, citizens of the United States maintained a bias against big cities. Most lived on farms and in small towns and believed cities to be centers of corruption, crime, poverty, and moral degradation. Their distrust was caused, in part, by a national ideology that proclaimed farming the greatest occupation and rural living superior to urban living. This attitude prevailed even as the number of urban dwellers increased and cities became an essential feature of the national landscape. Gradually, economic reality overcame ideology. Thousands abandoned the precarious life on the farm for more secure and better paying jobs in the city. But when these people migrated from the countryside, they carried their fears and suspicious with them. These new urbanities, already convinced that cities were overwhelmed with great problems, eagerly embraced the progressive reforms that promised to bring order out of the chaos of the city.
One of many reforms came in the area of public utilities. Water and sewerage systems were usually operated by municipal governments, but the gas and electric networks were privately owned. Reformers feared that the privately owned utility companies would charge exorbitant rates for these essential services and deliver them only to people who could afford them. Some city and state governments responded by regulating the utility companies, but a number of cities began to supply these services themselves. Proponents of these reforms argued that public ownership and regulation would insure widespread access to these utilities and guarantee a fair price.
While some reforms focused on government and public behavior, others looked at the cities as a whole. Civic leaders, convinced that physical environment influenced human behavior, argued that cities should develop master plans to guide their future growth and development. City planning was nothing new, but the rapid industrialization and urban growth of the late nineteenth century took place without any consideration for order. Urban renewal in the twentieth century followed several courses. Some cities introduced plans to completely rebuild the city core. Most other cities contented themselves with zoning plans for regulating future growth. Certain parts of town were restricted to residential use, while others were set aside for industrial or commercial development. | 2040.txt | 3 |
[
"To explain how fast urban growth led to poorly designed cities",
"To emphasize the economic importance of urban areas",
"To suggest that labor disputes had become an urban problem",
"To illustrate the need for construction of new factories"
] | Why does the author mention "industrialization" (line 24)? | Throughout the nineteenth century and into the twentieth, citizens of the United States maintained a bias against big cities. Most lived on farms and in small towns and believed cities to be centers of corruption, crime, poverty, and moral degradation. Their distrust was caused, in part, by a national ideology that proclaimed farming the greatest occupation and rural living superior to urban living. This attitude prevailed even as the number of urban dwellers increased and cities became an essential feature of the national landscape. Gradually, economic reality overcame ideology. Thousands abandoned the precarious life on the farm for more secure and better paying jobs in the city. But when these people migrated from the countryside, they carried their fears and suspicious with them. These new urbanities, already convinced that cities were overwhelmed with great problems, eagerly embraced the progressive reforms that promised to bring order out of the chaos of the city.
One of many reforms came in the area of public utilities. Water and sewerage systems were usually operated by municipal governments, but the gas and electric networks were privately owned. Reformers feared that the privately owned utility companies would charge exorbitant rates for these essential services and deliver them only to people who could afford them. Some city and state governments responded by regulating the utility companies, but a number of cities began to supply these services themselves. Proponents of these reforms argued that public ownership and regulation would insure widespread access to these utilities and guarantee a fair price.
While some reforms focused on government and public behavior, others looked at the cities as a whole. Civic leaders, convinced that physical environment influenced human behavior, argued that cities should develop master plans to guide their future growth and development. City planning was nothing new, but the rapid industrialization and urban growth of the late nineteenth century took place without any consideration for order. Urban renewal in the twentieth century followed several courses. Some cities introduced plans to completely rebuild the city core. Most other cities contented themselves with zoning plans for regulating future growth. Certain parts of town were restricted to residential use, while others were set aside for industrial or commercial development. | 2040.txt | 0 |
[
"it is absolutely necessary",
"it is a terrible threat to the whole of mankind",
"it played a vital part in defeating the Japanese",
"it was a wonderful invention"
] | We may infer that the writer's attitude towards the A-bomb is that _ . | The political background of the atomic scientists' work was the determination to defeat the Nazis. It was held-I think rightly-that a Nazi victory would be an appalling ( ) disaster. It was also held, in Western countries, that German scientists must be well advanced towards making an A-bomb, and that if they succeeded before the West did they would probably win the war. When the war was over, it was discovered, to the complete astonishment of both American and British Scientists, that the Germans were nowhere near success, and, as everybody knows, the Germans were defeated before any nuclear weapons had been made. But I do not think that nuclear scientists of the West can be blamed for thinking the work urgent and necessary. Even Einstein favored it.
When, however, the German war was finished the great majority of those scientists who had collaborated toward making the A-bomb considered that it should not be used against the Japanese, who were already on the verge of defeat and, in any case, did not constitute such a threat to the world as Hitler. Many of them made urgent representations to the American government advocating that, instead of using the bomb as a weapon of war, they should, after a public announcement, explode it in a desert, and that future control of nuclear energy should be placed in the hands of an international authority. Seven of the most famous of nuclear scientists drew up what is known as "the Franck Report" which they presented to the Secretary of War in June 1945. This is a very admirable and far-seeing document, and if it had won the assent of the politicians, none of our subsequent terrors would have arisen. | 2023.txt | 1 |
[
"the Germans had been defeated without the use of nuclear weapons",
"the Western countries had won before they had invented nuclear weapons",
"they thought the Germans would probably win the war",
"the Germans had made little progress in developing nuclear weapons"
] | The American and British scientists were astonished at the end of the Second World War against Germany because _ . | The political background of the atomic scientists' work was the determination to defeat the Nazis. It was held-I think rightly-that a Nazi victory would be an appalling ( ) disaster. It was also held, in Western countries, that German scientists must be well advanced towards making an A-bomb, and that if they succeeded before the West did they would probably win the war. When the war was over, it was discovered, to the complete astonishment of both American and British Scientists, that the Germans were nowhere near success, and, as everybody knows, the Germans were defeated before any nuclear weapons had been made. But I do not think that nuclear scientists of the West can be blamed for thinking the work urgent and necessary. Even Einstein favored it.
When, however, the German war was finished the great majority of those scientists who had collaborated toward making the A-bomb considered that it should not be used against the Japanese, who were already on the verge of defeat and, in any case, did not constitute such a threat to the world as Hitler. Many of them made urgent representations to the American government advocating that, instead of using the bomb as a weapon of war, they should, after a public announcement, explode it in a desert, and that future control of nuclear energy should be placed in the hands of an international authority. Seven of the most famous of nuclear scientists drew up what is known as "the Franck Report" which they presented to the Secretary of War in June 1945. This is a very admirable and far-seeing document, and if it had won the assent of the politicians, none of our subsequent terrors would have arisen. | 2023.txt | 3 |
[
"it was such a dangerous weapon",
"its use against the Japanese was unnecessary",
"it was a very inhumane weapon",
"the German war was finished"
] | According to the writer, most scientists who had helped in making the A-bomb considered that it should not be used against the Japanese because _ . | The political background of the atomic scientists' work was the determination to defeat the Nazis. It was held-I think rightly-that a Nazi victory would be an appalling ( ) disaster. It was also held, in Western countries, that German scientists must be well advanced towards making an A-bomb, and that if they succeeded before the West did they would probably win the war. When the war was over, it was discovered, to the complete astonishment of both American and British Scientists, that the Germans were nowhere near success, and, as everybody knows, the Germans were defeated before any nuclear weapons had been made. But I do not think that nuclear scientists of the West can be blamed for thinking the work urgent and necessary. Even Einstein favored it.
When, however, the German war was finished the great majority of those scientists who had collaborated toward making the A-bomb considered that it should not be used against the Japanese, who were already on the verge of defeat and, in any case, did not constitute such a threat to the world as Hitler. Many of them made urgent representations to the American government advocating that, instead of using the bomb as a weapon of war, they should, after a public announcement, explode it in a desert, and that future control of nuclear energy should be placed in the hands of an international authority. Seven of the most famous of nuclear scientists drew up what is known as "the Franck Report" which they presented to the Secretary of War in June 1945. This is a very admirable and far-seeing document, and if it had won the assent of the politicians, none of our subsequent terrors would have arisen. | 2023.txt | 1 |
[
"might not have agreed to develop the bomb if there had been no Nazi threat",
"would have developed the bomb even without the Nazi threat",
"would have made the bomb, under peace-time conditions, but only for the use of an international authority",
"developed the bomb because Einstein thought it urgent and necessary"
] | The passage implies, but does not directly say, that the nuclear scientists _ . | The political background of the atomic scientists' work was the determination to defeat the Nazis. It was held-I think rightly-that a Nazi victory would be an appalling ( ) disaster. It was also held, in Western countries, that German scientists must be well advanced towards making an A-bomb, and that if they succeeded before the West did they would probably win the war. When the war was over, it was discovered, to the complete astonishment of both American and British Scientists, that the Germans were nowhere near success, and, as everybody knows, the Germans were defeated before any nuclear weapons had been made. But I do not think that nuclear scientists of the West can be blamed for thinking the work urgent and necessary. Even Einstein favored it.
When, however, the German war was finished the great majority of those scientists who had collaborated toward making the A-bomb considered that it should not be used against the Japanese, who were already on the verge of defeat and, in any case, did not constitute such a threat to the world as Hitler. Many of them made urgent representations to the American government advocating that, instead of using the bomb as a weapon of war, they should, after a public announcement, explode it in a desert, and that future control of nuclear energy should be placed in the hands of an international authority. Seven of the most famous of nuclear scientists drew up what is known as "the Franck Report" which they presented to the Secretary of War in June 1945. This is a very admirable and far-seeing document, and if it had won the assent of the politicians, none of our subsequent terrors would have arisen. | 2023.txt | 0 |
[
"that nuclear weapons proved unnecessary",
"that the Franck Report, which recommended that the bomb should be placed in the hands of an international authority, was rejected",
"that many scientists tried, unsuccessfully, to persuade the politicians to abandon nuclear bombs, and place nuclear energy in the hands of an international authority",
"both A and C"
] | The main point in the second paragraph is _ . | The political background of the atomic scientists' work was the determination to defeat the Nazis. It was held-I think rightly-that a Nazi victory would be an appalling ( ) disaster. It was also held, in Western countries, that German scientists must be well advanced towards making an A-bomb, and that if they succeeded before the West did they would probably win the war. When the war was over, it was discovered, to the complete astonishment of both American and British Scientists, that the Germans were nowhere near success, and, as everybody knows, the Germans were defeated before any nuclear weapons had been made. But I do not think that nuclear scientists of the West can be blamed for thinking the work urgent and necessary. Even Einstein favored it.
When, however, the German war was finished the great majority of those scientists who had collaborated toward making the A-bomb considered that it should not be used against the Japanese, who were already on the verge of defeat and, in any case, did not constitute such a threat to the world as Hitler. Many of them made urgent representations to the American government advocating that, instead of using the bomb as a weapon of war, they should, after a public announcement, explode it in a desert, and that future control of nuclear energy should be placed in the hands of an international authority. Seven of the most famous of nuclear scientists drew up what is known as "the Franck Report" which they presented to the Secretary of War in June 1945. This is a very admirable and far-seeing document, and if it had won the assent of the politicians, none of our subsequent terrors would have arisen. | 2023.txt | 2 |
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