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[
"Schedule our time properly for efficiency.",
"Plan our weekends in a meaningful way.",
"Find time to relax however busy we are.",
"Avoid appearing busy when we are not."
] | What does the author advise us to do at the end of the passage? | It is the season for some frantic last-minute math-across the country, employees of all stripes are counting backward in an attempt to figure out just how much paid time-off they have left in their reserves. More of them, though, will skip those calculations altogether and just power through the holidays into 2017: More than half of American workers don't use up all of their allotted vacation days each year.
Not so long ago, people would have turned up their noses at that kind of dedication to the job. As marketing professors Silvia Bellezza, Neeru Paharia, and Anat Keinan recently explained in Harvard Business Review (HBR), leisure time was once seen as an indicator of high social status, something attainable only for those at the top. Since the middle of the 20th century, though, things have turned the opposite way-these days, punishing hours at your desk, rather than days off, are seen as the mark of someone important.
In a series of several experiments, the researchers illustrated just how much we've come to admire busyness, or at least the appearance of it. Volunteers read two passages, one about a man who led a life of leisure and another about a man who was over-worked and over-scheduled; when asked to determine which of the two had a higher social status, the majority of the participants said the latter. The same held true for people who used products that implied they were short on time: In one experiment, for example, customers of the grocery-delivery service Peapod were seen as of higher status than people who shopped at grocery stores that were equally expensive; in another, people wearing wireless headphones were considered further up on the social ladder than those wearing regular headphones, even when both were just used to listen to music.
In part, the authors wrote in HBR, this pattern may have to do with the way work itself has changed over the past several decades.
We think that the shift from leisure-as-status to busyness-as-status may be linked to the development of knowledge-intensive economics. In such economies, individuals who possess the human capital characteristics that employers or clients value (e. g. , competence and ambition) are expected to be in high demand and short supply on the job market. Thus, by telling others that we are busy and working all the time, we are implicitly suggesting that we are sought after, which enhances our perceived status.
Even if you feel tempted to sacrifice your own vacation days for fake busyness, though, at least consider leaving your weekends unscheduled. It's for your own good. | 2042.txt | 2 |
[
"from a father to his son",
"from a mother to her son",
"from a father to his daughter",
"from a mother to her daughter"
] | This is most probably a letter _ . | Hayden,
Congratulations on being 12! Wow, your 11's are over and after this year you will officially be a teenager.Happy Birthday boy! I'm so excited for you.
Last night at the dinner table I told you about how clearly I remember the day before you were born.I sat in front of that fireplace in our very first house in Rowlett, Texas, in 1996 and cried my eyes out before God.I cried because potentially, something could have been wrong with you, but even more than that, I believe I cried out to him because of the gift he was giving me.You are incredibly special Hayden Davis.You will make your mark on the world in amazing ways.I've always known that.I'm glad to be your father.
The gifts you receive today will give hints of our first big trip that will take place in January.Every quarter there will be a special, secret trip you and I will take up.Many times you won't know what's to come; I want you to trust me.Trust that I'm doing what's right for you and planning events that will be memories for years to come.
Every month I will sit down with you and talk to you about what it takes to live in this world and how to navigate life in a good way.And during these months my closest friends will teach you the most valuable lessons they've learned in life.They will also become your friends and confidants .
I will always believe in you and I'll always be right by your side cheering you on through each and every stage of your life on this Thanksgiving Day.I couldn't be more thankful to have you in my life.
I love you! | 3182.txt | 0 |
[
"Paragraph 1",
"Paragraph 2",
"Paragraph 3",
"Paragraph 4"
] | " Over this year we will go on a few journeys." is a sentence from the letter and should be put at the beginning of _ . | Hayden,
Congratulations on being 12! Wow, your 11's are over and after this year you will officially be a teenager.Happy Birthday boy! I'm so excited for you.
Last night at the dinner table I told you about how clearly I remember the day before you were born.I sat in front of that fireplace in our very first house in Rowlett, Texas, in 1996 and cried my eyes out before God.I cried because potentially, something could have been wrong with you, but even more than that, I believe I cried out to him because of the gift he was giving me.You are incredibly special Hayden Davis.You will make your mark on the world in amazing ways.I've always known that.I'm glad to be your father.
The gifts you receive today will give hints of our first big trip that will take place in January.Every quarter there will be a special, secret trip you and I will take up.Many times you won't know what's to come; I want you to trust me.Trust that I'm doing what's right for you and planning events that will be memories for years to come.
Every month I will sit down with you and talk to you about what it takes to live in this world and how to navigate life in a good way.And during these months my closest friends will teach you the most valuable lessons they've learned in life.They will also become your friends and confidants .
I will always believe in you and I'll always be right by your side cheering you on through each and every stage of your life on this Thanksgiving Day.I couldn't be more thankful to have you in my life.
I love you! | 3182.txt | 2 |
[
"The writer will arrange a secret trip every two months.",
"The writer wrote this letter in 2008.",
"The writer's child was born on Thanksgiving Day.",
"The writer's friends will help to educate his son."
] | Which of the following statements is NOT right about the writer? | Hayden,
Congratulations on being 12! Wow, your 11's are over and after this year you will officially be a teenager.Happy Birthday boy! I'm so excited for you.
Last night at the dinner table I told you about how clearly I remember the day before you were born.I sat in front of that fireplace in our very first house in Rowlett, Texas, in 1996 and cried my eyes out before God.I cried because potentially, something could have been wrong with you, but even more than that, I believe I cried out to him because of the gift he was giving me.You are incredibly special Hayden Davis.You will make your mark on the world in amazing ways.I've always known that.I'm glad to be your father.
The gifts you receive today will give hints of our first big trip that will take place in January.Every quarter there will be a special, secret trip you and I will take up.Many times you won't know what's to come; I want you to trust me.Trust that I'm doing what's right for you and planning events that will be memories for years to come.
Every month I will sit down with you and talk to you about what it takes to live in this world and how to navigate life in a good way.And during these months my closest friends will teach you the most valuable lessons they've learned in life.They will also become your friends and confidants .
I will always believe in you and I'll always be right by your side cheering you on through each and every stage of your life on this Thanksgiving Day.I couldn't be more thankful to have you in my life.
I love you! | 3182.txt | 0 |
[
"both anxious and terrified",
"both terrified and surprised",
"both delighted and surprised",
"both anxious and delighted"
] | When the writer "cried his eyes out", he felt _ . | Hayden,
Congratulations on being 12! Wow, your 11's are over and after this year you will officially be a teenager.Happy Birthday boy! I'm so excited for you.
Last night at the dinner table I told you about how clearly I remember the day before you were born.I sat in front of that fireplace in our very first house in Rowlett, Texas, in 1996 and cried my eyes out before God.I cried because potentially, something could have been wrong with you, but even more than that, I believe I cried out to him because of the gift he was giving me.You are incredibly special Hayden Davis.You will make your mark on the world in amazing ways.I've always known that.I'm glad to be your father.
The gifts you receive today will give hints of our first big trip that will take place in January.Every quarter there will be a special, secret trip you and I will take up.Many times you won't know what's to come; I want you to trust me.Trust that I'm doing what's right for you and planning events that will be memories for years to come.
Every month I will sit down with you and talk to you about what it takes to live in this world and how to navigate life in a good way.And during these months my closest friends will teach you the most valuable lessons they've learned in life.They will also become your friends and confidants .
I will always believe in you and I'll always be right by your side cheering you on through each and every stage of your life on this Thanksgiving Day.I couldn't be more thankful to have you in my life.
I love you! | 3182.txt | 3 |
[
"range of motor activity in neonates",
"frequency and duration of various stimuli",
"change in an infant's state following the introduction of a stimulus",
"range of an infant's visual field"
] | Paragraph 1 indicates that researchers use indirect methods primarily to observe the | In the study of perceptual abilities of infants, a number of techniques are used to determine infants' responses to various stimuli. Because they cannot verbalize or fill out questionnaires, indirect techniques of naturalistic observation are used as the primary means of determining what infants can see, hear, feel, and so forth. Each of these methods compares an infant's state prior to the introduction of a stimulus with its state during or immediately following the stimulus. The difference between the two measures provides the researcher with an indication of the level and duration of the response to the stimulus. For example, if a uniformly moving pattern of some sort is passed across the visual field of a neonate (newborn), repetitive following movements of the eye occur. The occurrence of these eye movements provides evidence that the moving pattern is perceived at some level by the newborn. Similarly, changes in the infant's general level of motor activity -turning the head, blinking the eyes, crying, and so forth - have been used by researchers as visual indicators of the infant's perceptual abilities.
Such techniques, however, have limitations. First, the observation may be unreliable in that two or more observers may not agree that the particular response occurred, or to what degree it occurred. Second, responses are difficult to quantify. Often the rapid and diffuse movements of the infant make it difficult to get an accurate record of the number of responses. The third, and most potent, limitation is that it is not possible to be certain that the infant's response was due to the stimulus presented or to a change from no stimulus to a stimulus. The infant may be responding to aspects of the stimulus different than those identified by the investigator. Therefore, when observational assessment is used as a technique for studying infant perceptual abilities, care must be taken not to overgeneralize from the data or to rely on one or two studies as conclusive evidence of a particular perceptual ability of the infant.
Observational assessment techniques have become much more sophisticated, reducing the limitations just presented. Film analysis of the infant's responses, heart and respiration rate monitors, and nonnutritive sucking devices are used as effective tools in understanding infant perception. Film analysis permits researchers to carefully study the infant's responses over and over and in slow motion. Precise measurements can be made of the length and frequency of the infant's attention between two stimuli. Heart and respiration monitors provide the investigator with the number of heartbeats or breaths taken when a new stimulus is presented. Numerical increases are used as quantifiable indicators of heightened interest in the new stimulus. Increases in nonnutritive sucking were first used as an assessment measure by researchers in 1969. They devised an apparatus that connected a baby's pacifier to a counting device. As stimuli were presented, changes in the infant's sucking behavior were recorded. Increases in the number of sucks were used as an indicator of the infant's attention to or preference for a given visual display.
Two additional techniques of studying infant perception have come into vogue. The first is the habituation-dishabituation technique, in which a single stimulus is presented repeatedly to the infant until there is a measurable decline (habituation) in whatever attending behavior is being observed. At that point a new stimulus is presented, and any recovery (dishabituation) in responsiveness is recorded. If the infant fails to dishabituate and continues to show habituation with the new stimulus, it is assumed that the baby is unable to perceive the new stimulus as different. The habituation-dishabituation paradigm has been used most extensively with studies of auditory and olfactory perception in infants. The second technique relies on evoked potentials, which are electrical brain responses that may be related to a particular stimulus because of where they originate. Changes in the electrical pattern of the brain indicate that the stimulus is getting through to the infant's central nervous system and eliciting some form of response.
Each of the preceding techniques provides the researcher with evidence that the infant can detect or discriminate between stimuli. With these sophisticated observational assessment and electro-physiological measures, we know that the neonate of only a few days is far more perceptive than previously suspected. However, these measures are only "indirect" indicators of the infant's perceptual abilities. | 817.txt | 2 |
[
"clearly",
"quickly",
"consistently",
"occasionally"
] | The word uniformly in the passage (Paragraph 1)is closest in meaning to | In the study of perceptual abilities of infants, a number of techniques are used to determine infants' responses to various stimuli. Because they cannot verbalize or fill out questionnaires, indirect techniques of naturalistic observation are used as the primary means of determining what infants can see, hear, feel, and so forth. Each of these methods compares an infant's state prior to the introduction of a stimulus with its state during or immediately following the stimulus. The difference between the two measures provides the researcher with an indication of the level and duration of the response to the stimulus. For example, if a uniformly moving pattern of some sort is passed across the visual field of a neonate (newborn), repetitive following movements of the eye occur. The occurrence of these eye movements provides evidence that the moving pattern is perceived at some level by the newborn. Similarly, changes in the infant's general level of motor activity -turning the head, blinking the eyes, crying, and so forth - have been used by researchers as visual indicators of the infant's perceptual abilities.
Such techniques, however, have limitations. First, the observation may be unreliable in that two or more observers may not agree that the particular response occurred, or to what degree it occurred. Second, responses are difficult to quantify. Often the rapid and diffuse movements of the infant make it difficult to get an accurate record of the number of responses. The third, and most potent, limitation is that it is not possible to be certain that the infant's response was due to the stimulus presented or to a change from no stimulus to a stimulus. The infant may be responding to aspects of the stimulus different than those identified by the investigator. Therefore, when observational assessment is used as a technique for studying infant perceptual abilities, care must be taken not to overgeneralize from the data or to rely on one or two studies as conclusive evidence of a particular perceptual ability of the infant.
Observational assessment techniques have become much more sophisticated, reducing the limitations just presented. Film analysis of the infant's responses, heart and respiration rate monitors, and nonnutritive sucking devices are used as effective tools in understanding infant perception. Film analysis permits researchers to carefully study the infant's responses over and over and in slow motion. Precise measurements can be made of the length and frequency of the infant's attention between two stimuli. Heart and respiration monitors provide the investigator with the number of heartbeats or breaths taken when a new stimulus is presented. Numerical increases are used as quantifiable indicators of heightened interest in the new stimulus. Increases in nonnutritive sucking were first used as an assessment measure by researchers in 1969. They devised an apparatus that connected a baby's pacifier to a counting device. As stimuli were presented, changes in the infant's sucking behavior were recorded. Increases in the number of sucks were used as an indicator of the infant's attention to or preference for a given visual display.
Two additional techniques of studying infant perception have come into vogue. The first is the habituation-dishabituation technique, in which a single stimulus is presented repeatedly to the infant until there is a measurable decline (habituation) in whatever attending behavior is being observed. At that point a new stimulus is presented, and any recovery (dishabituation) in responsiveness is recorded. If the infant fails to dishabituate and continues to show habituation with the new stimulus, it is assumed that the baby is unable to perceive the new stimulus as different. The habituation-dishabituation paradigm has been used most extensively with studies of auditory and olfactory perception in infants. The second technique relies on evoked potentials, which are electrical brain responses that may be related to a particular stimulus because of where they originate. Changes in the electrical pattern of the brain indicate that the stimulus is getting through to the infant's central nervous system and eliciting some form of response.
Each of the preceding techniques provides the researcher with evidence that the infant can detect or discriminate between stimuli. With these sophisticated observational assessment and electro-physiological measures, we know that the neonate of only a few days is far more perceptive than previously suspected. However, these measures are only "indirect" indicators of the infant's perceptual abilities. | 817.txt | 2 |
[
"To identify a response that indicates a neonate's perception of a stimulus",
"To explain why a neonate is capable of responding to stimuli only through repetitive movements",
"To argue that motor activity in a neonate may be random and unrelated to stimuli",
"To emphasize that responses to stimuli vary in infants according to age"
] | Why does the author mention repetitive following movements of the eye(Paragraph 1)? | In the study of perceptual abilities of infants, a number of techniques are used to determine infants' responses to various stimuli. Because they cannot verbalize or fill out questionnaires, indirect techniques of naturalistic observation are used as the primary means of determining what infants can see, hear, feel, and so forth. Each of these methods compares an infant's state prior to the introduction of a stimulus with its state during or immediately following the stimulus. The difference between the two measures provides the researcher with an indication of the level and duration of the response to the stimulus. For example, if a uniformly moving pattern of some sort is passed across the visual field of a neonate (newborn), repetitive following movements of the eye occur. The occurrence of these eye movements provides evidence that the moving pattern is perceived at some level by the newborn. Similarly, changes in the infant's general level of motor activity -turning the head, blinking the eyes, crying, and so forth - have been used by researchers as visual indicators of the infant's perceptual abilities.
Such techniques, however, have limitations. First, the observation may be unreliable in that two or more observers may not agree that the particular response occurred, or to what degree it occurred. Second, responses are difficult to quantify. Often the rapid and diffuse movements of the infant make it difficult to get an accurate record of the number of responses. The third, and most potent, limitation is that it is not possible to be certain that the infant's response was due to the stimulus presented or to a change from no stimulus to a stimulus. The infant may be responding to aspects of the stimulus different than those identified by the investigator. Therefore, when observational assessment is used as a technique for studying infant perceptual abilities, care must be taken not to overgeneralize from the data or to rely on one or two studies as conclusive evidence of a particular perceptual ability of the infant.
Observational assessment techniques have become much more sophisticated, reducing the limitations just presented. Film analysis of the infant's responses, heart and respiration rate monitors, and nonnutritive sucking devices are used as effective tools in understanding infant perception. Film analysis permits researchers to carefully study the infant's responses over and over and in slow motion. Precise measurements can be made of the length and frequency of the infant's attention between two stimuli. Heart and respiration monitors provide the investigator with the number of heartbeats or breaths taken when a new stimulus is presented. Numerical increases are used as quantifiable indicators of heightened interest in the new stimulus. Increases in nonnutritive sucking were first used as an assessment measure by researchers in 1969. They devised an apparatus that connected a baby's pacifier to a counting device. As stimuli were presented, changes in the infant's sucking behavior were recorded. Increases in the number of sucks were used as an indicator of the infant's attention to or preference for a given visual display.
Two additional techniques of studying infant perception have come into vogue. The first is the habituation-dishabituation technique, in which a single stimulus is presented repeatedly to the infant until there is a measurable decline (habituation) in whatever attending behavior is being observed. At that point a new stimulus is presented, and any recovery (dishabituation) in responsiveness is recorded. If the infant fails to dishabituate and continues to show habituation with the new stimulus, it is assumed that the baby is unable to perceive the new stimulus as different. The habituation-dishabituation paradigm has been used most extensively with studies of auditory and olfactory perception in infants. The second technique relies on evoked potentials, which are electrical brain responses that may be related to a particular stimulus because of where they originate. Changes in the electrical pattern of the brain indicate that the stimulus is getting through to the infant's central nervous system and eliciting some form of response.
Each of the preceding techniques provides the researcher with evidence that the infant can detect or discriminate between stimuli. With these sophisticated observational assessment and electro-physiological measures, we know that the neonate of only a few days is far more perceptive than previously suspected. However, these measures are only "indirect" indicators of the infant's perceptual abilities. | 817.txt | 0 |
[
"It is impossible to be certain of the actual cause of an infant's response.",
"Infants' responses, which occur quickly and diffusely, are often difficult to measure.",
"Infants do not respond well to stimuli presented in an unnatural laboratory setting.",
"It may be difficult for observers to agree on the presence or the degree of a response."
] | Which of the following is NOT mentioned in paragraph 2 as a problem in using the technique of direct observation? | In the study of perceptual abilities of infants, a number of techniques are used to determine infants' responses to various stimuli. Because they cannot verbalize or fill out questionnaires, indirect techniques of naturalistic observation are used as the primary means of determining what infants can see, hear, feel, and so forth. Each of these methods compares an infant's state prior to the introduction of a stimulus with its state during or immediately following the stimulus. The difference between the two measures provides the researcher with an indication of the level and duration of the response to the stimulus. For example, if a uniformly moving pattern of some sort is passed across the visual field of a neonate (newborn), repetitive following movements of the eye occur. The occurrence of these eye movements provides evidence that the moving pattern is perceived at some level by the newborn. Similarly, changes in the infant's general level of motor activity -turning the head, blinking the eyes, crying, and so forth - have been used by researchers as visual indicators of the infant's perceptual abilities.
Such techniques, however, have limitations. First, the observation may be unreliable in that two or more observers may not agree that the particular response occurred, or to what degree it occurred. Second, responses are difficult to quantify. Often the rapid and diffuse movements of the infant make it difficult to get an accurate record of the number of responses. The third, and most potent, limitation is that it is not possible to be certain that the infant's response was due to the stimulus presented or to a change from no stimulus to a stimulus. The infant may be responding to aspects of the stimulus different than those identified by the investigator. Therefore, when observational assessment is used as a technique for studying infant perceptual abilities, care must be taken not to overgeneralize from the data or to rely on one or two studies as conclusive evidence of a particular perceptual ability of the infant.
Observational assessment techniques have become much more sophisticated, reducing the limitations just presented. Film analysis of the infant's responses, heart and respiration rate monitors, and nonnutritive sucking devices are used as effective tools in understanding infant perception. Film analysis permits researchers to carefully study the infant's responses over and over and in slow motion. Precise measurements can be made of the length and frequency of the infant's attention between two stimuli. Heart and respiration monitors provide the investigator with the number of heartbeats or breaths taken when a new stimulus is presented. Numerical increases are used as quantifiable indicators of heightened interest in the new stimulus. Increases in nonnutritive sucking were first used as an assessment measure by researchers in 1969. They devised an apparatus that connected a baby's pacifier to a counting device. As stimuli were presented, changes in the infant's sucking behavior were recorded. Increases in the number of sucks were used as an indicator of the infant's attention to or preference for a given visual display.
Two additional techniques of studying infant perception have come into vogue. The first is the habituation-dishabituation technique, in which a single stimulus is presented repeatedly to the infant until there is a measurable decline (habituation) in whatever attending behavior is being observed. At that point a new stimulus is presented, and any recovery (dishabituation) in responsiveness is recorded. If the infant fails to dishabituate and continues to show habituation with the new stimulus, it is assumed that the baby is unable to perceive the new stimulus as different. The habituation-dishabituation paradigm has been used most extensively with studies of auditory and olfactory perception in infants. The second technique relies on evoked potentials, which are electrical brain responses that may be related to a particular stimulus because of where they originate. Changes in the electrical pattern of the brain indicate that the stimulus is getting through to the infant's central nervous system and eliciting some form of response.
Each of the preceding techniques provides the researcher with evidence that the infant can detect or discriminate between stimuli. With these sophisticated observational assessment and electro-physiological measures, we know that the neonate of only a few days is far more perceptive than previously suspected. However, these measures are only "indirect" indicators of the infant's perceptual abilities. | 817.txt | 2 |
[
"artificial",
"powerful",
"common",
"similar"
] | The word potent in the passage(paragraph 2)is closest in meaning to | In the study of perceptual abilities of infants, a number of techniques are used to determine infants' responses to various stimuli. Because they cannot verbalize or fill out questionnaires, indirect techniques of naturalistic observation are used as the primary means of determining what infants can see, hear, feel, and so forth. Each of these methods compares an infant's state prior to the introduction of a stimulus with its state during or immediately following the stimulus. The difference between the two measures provides the researcher with an indication of the level and duration of the response to the stimulus. For example, if a uniformly moving pattern of some sort is passed across the visual field of a neonate (newborn), repetitive following movements of the eye occur. The occurrence of these eye movements provides evidence that the moving pattern is perceived at some level by the newborn. Similarly, changes in the infant's general level of motor activity -turning the head, blinking the eyes, crying, and so forth - have been used by researchers as visual indicators of the infant's perceptual abilities.
Such techniques, however, have limitations. First, the observation may be unreliable in that two or more observers may not agree that the particular response occurred, or to what degree it occurred. Second, responses are difficult to quantify. Often the rapid and diffuse movements of the infant make it difficult to get an accurate record of the number of responses. The third, and most potent, limitation is that it is not possible to be certain that the infant's response was due to the stimulus presented or to a change from no stimulus to a stimulus. The infant may be responding to aspects of the stimulus different than those identified by the investigator. Therefore, when observational assessment is used as a technique for studying infant perceptual abilities, care must be taken not to overgeneralize from the data or to rely on one or two studies as conclusive evidence of a particular perceptual ability of the infant.
Observational assessment techniques have become much more sophisticated, reducing the limitations just presented. Film analysis of the infant's responses, heart and respiration rate monitors, and nonnutritive sucking devices are used as effective tools in understanding infant perception. Film analysis permits researchers to carefully study the infant's responses over and over and in slow motion. Precise measurements can be made of the length and frequency of the infant's attention between two stimuli. Heart and respiration monitors provide the investigator with the number of heartbeats or breaths taken when a new stimulus is presented. Numerical increases are used as quantifiable indicators of heightened interest in the new stimulus. Increases in nonnutritive sucking were first used as an assessment measure by researchers in 1969. They devised an apparatus that connected a baby's pacifier to a counting device. As stimuli were presented, changes in the infant's sucking behavior were recorded. Increases in the number of sucks were used as an indicator of the infant's attention to or preference for a given visual display.
Two additional techniques of studying infant perception have come into vogue. The first is the habituation-dishabituation technique, in which a single stimulus is presented repeatedly to the infant until there is a measurable decline (habituation) in whatever attending behavior is being observed. At that point a new stimulus is presented, and any recovery (dishabituation) in responsiveness is recorded. If the infant fails to dishabituate and continues to show habituation with the new stimulus, it is assumed that the baby is unable to perceive the new stimulus as different. The habituation-dishabituation paradigm has been used most extensively with studies of auditory and olfactory perception in infants. The second technique relies on evoked potentials, which are electrical brain responses that may be related to a particular stimulus because of where they originate. Changes in the electrical pattern of the brain indicate that the stimulus is getting through to the infant's central nervous system and eliciting some form of response.
Each of the preceding techniques provides the researcher with evidence that the infant can detect or discriminate between stimuli. With these sophisticated observational assessment and electro-physiological measures, we know that the neonate of only a few days is far more perceptive than previously suspected. However, these measures are only "indirect" indicators of the infant's perceptual abilities. | 817.txt | 1 |
[
"To explain why researchers must conduct more than one type of study when they are attempting to understand infant perception",
"To describe new techniques for observing infant perception that overcome problems identified in the previous paragraph",
"To present and evaluate the conclusions of various studies on infant perception",
"To point out the strengths and weaknesses of three new methods for quantifying an infant's reaction to stimuli"
] | What is the author's primary purpose in paragraph 3? | In the study of perceptual abilities of infants, a number of techniques are used to determine infants' responses to various stimuli. Because they cannot verbalize or fill out questionnaires, indirect techniques of naturalistic observation are used as the primary means of determining what infants can see, hear, feel, and so forth. Each of these methods compares an infant's state prior to the introduction of a stimulus with its state during or immediately following the stimulus. The difference between the two measures provides the researcher with an indication of the level and duration of the response to the stimulus. For example, if a uniformly moving pattern of some sort is passed across the visual field of a neonate (newborn), repetitive following movements of the eye occur. The occurrence of these eye movements provides evidence that the moving pattern is perceived at some level by the newborn. Similarly, changes in the infant's general level of motor activity -turning the head, blinking the eyes, crying, and so forth - have been used by researchers as visual indicators of the infant's perceptual abilities.
Such techniques, however, have limitations. First, the observation may be unreliable in that two or more observers may not agree that the particular response occurred, or to what degree it occurred. Second, responses are difficult to quantify. Often the rapid and diffuse movements of the infant make it difficult to get an accurate record of the number of responses. The third, and most potent, limitation is that it is not possible to be certain that the infant's response was due to the stimulus presented or to a change from no stimulus to a stimulus. The infant may be responding to aspects of the stimulus different than those identified by the investigator. Therefore, when observational assessment is used as a technique for studying infant perceptual abilities, care must be taken not to overgeneralize from the data or to rely on one or two studies as conclusive evidence of a particular perceptual ability of the infant.
Observational assessment techniques have become much more sophisticated, reducing the limitations just presented. Film analysis of the infant's responses, heart and respiration rate monitors, and nonnutritive sucking devices are used as effective tools in understanding infant perception. Film analysis permits researchers to carefully study the infant's responses over and over and in slow motion. Precise measurements can be made of the length and frequency of the infant's attention between two stimuli. Heart and respiration monitors provide the investigator with the number of heartbeats or breaths taken when a new stimulus is presented. Numerical increases are used as quantifiable indicators of heightened interest in the new stimulus. Increases in nonnutritive sucking were first used as an assessment measure by researchers in 1969. They devised an apparatus that connected a baby's pacifier to a counting device. As stimuli were presented, changes in the infant's sucking behavior were recorded. Increases in the number of sucks were used as an indicator of the infant's attention to or preference for a given visual display.
Two additional techniques of studying infant perception have come into vogue. The first is the habituation-dishabituation technique, in which a single stimulus is presented repeatedly to the infant until there is a measurable decline (habituation) in whatever attending behavior is being observed. At that point a new stimulus is presented, and any recovery (dishabituation) in responsiveness is recorded. If the infant fails to dishabituate and continues to show habituation with the new stimulus, it is assumed that the baby is unable to perceive the new stimulus as different. The habituation-dishabituation paradigm has been used most extensively with studies of auditory and olfactory perception in infants. The second technique relies on evoked potentials, which are electrical brain responses that may be related to a particular stimulus because of where they originate. Changes in the electrical pattern of the brain indicate that the stimulus is getting through to the infant's central nervous system and eliciting some form of response.
Each of the preceding techniques provides the researcher with evidence that the infant can detect or discriminate between stimuli. With these sophisticated observational assessment and electro-physiological measures, we know that the neonate of only a few days is far more perceptive than previously suspected. However, these measures are only "indirect" indicators of the infant's perceptual abilities. | 817.txt | 1 |
[
"visual",
"permanent",
"meaningful",
"measurable"
] | The word quantifiable in the passage(Paragraph 3)is closest in meaning to | In the study of perceptual abilities of infants, a number of techniques are used to determine infants' responses to various stimuli. Because they cannot verbalize or fill out questionnaires, indirect techniques of naturalistic observation are used as the primary means of determining what infants can see, hear, feel, and so forth. Each of these methods compares an infant's state prior to the introduction of a stimulus with its state during or immediately following the stimulus. The difference between the two measures provides the researcher with an indication of the level and duration of the response to the stimulus. For example, if a uniformly moving pattern of some sort is passed across the visual field of a neonate (newborn), repetitive following movements of the eye occur. The occurrence of these eye movements provides evidence that the moving pattern is perceived at some level by the newborn. Similarly, changes in the infant's general level of motor activity -turning the head, blinking the eyes, crying, and so forth - have been used by researchers as visual indicators of the infant's perceptual abilities.
Such techniques, however, have limitations. First, the observation may be unreliable in that two or more observers may not agree that the particular response occurred, or to what degree it occurred. Second, responses are difficult to quantify. Often the rapid and diffuse movements of the infant make it difficult to get an accurate record of the number of responses. The third, and most potent, limitation is that it is not possible to be certain that the infant's response was due to the stimulus presented or to a change from no stimulus to a stimulus. The infant may be responding to aspects of the stimulus different than those identified by the investigator. Therefore, when observational assessment is used as a technique for studying infant perceptual abilities, care must be taken not to overgeneralize from the data or to rely on one or two studies as conclusive evidence of a particular perceptual ability of the infant.
Observational assessment techniques have become much more sophisticated, reducing the limitations just presented. Film analysis of the infant's responses, heart and respiration rate monitors, and nonnutritive sucking devices are used as effective tools in understanding infant perception. Film analysis permits researchers to carefully study the infant's responses over and over and in slow motion. Precise measurements can be made of the length and frequency of the infant's attention between two stimuli. Heart and respiration monitors provide the investigator with the number of heartbeats or breaths taken when a new stimulus is presented. Numerical increases are used as quantifiable indicators of heightened interest in the new stimulus. Increases in nonnutritive sucking were first used as an assessment measure by researchers in 1969. They devised an apparatus that connected a baby's pacifier to a counting device. As stimuli were presented, changes in the infant's sucking behavior were recorded. Increases in the number of sucks were used as an indicator of the infant's attention to or preference for a given visual display.
Two additional techniques of studying infant perception have come into vogue. The first is the habituation-dishabituation technique, in which a single stimulus is presented repeatedly to the infant until there is a measurable decline (habituation) in whatever attending behavior is being observed. At that point a new stimulus is presented, and any recovery (dishabituation) in responsiveness is recorded. If the infant fails to dishabituate and continues to show habituation with the new stimulus, it is assumed that the baby is unable to perceive the new stimulus as different. The habituation-dishabituation paradigm has been used most extensively with studies of auditory and olfactory perception in infants. The second technique relies on evoked potentials, which are electrical brain responses that may be related to a particular stimulus because of where they originate. Changes in the electrical pattern of the brain indicate that the stimulus is getting through to the infant's central nervous system and eliciting some form of response.
Each of the preceding techniques provides the researcher with evidence that the infant can detect or discriminate between stimuli. With these sophisticated observational assessment and electro-physiological measures, we know that the neonate of only a few days is far more perceptive than previously suspected. However, these measures are only "indirect" indicators of the infant's perceptual abilities. | 817.txt | 3 |
[
"sucking behavior",
"heart rate",
"the number of breaths taken",
"eye movements"
] | Paragraph 3 mentions all of the following as indications of an infant's heightened interest in a new stimulus EXCEPT an increase in | In the study of perceptual abilities of infants, a number of techniques are used to determine infants' responses to various stimuli. Because they cannot verbalize or fill out questionnaires, indirect techniques of naturalistic observation are used as the primary means of determining what infants can see, hear, feel, and so forth. Each of these methods compares an infant's state prior to the introduction of a stimulus with its state during or immediately following the stimulus. The difference between the two measures provides the researcher with an indication of the level and duration of the response to the stimulus. For example, if a uniformly moving pattern of some sort is passed across the visual field of a neonate (newborn), repetitive following movements of the eye occur. The occurrence of these eye movements provides evidence that the moving pattern is perceived at some level by the newborn. Similarly, changes in the infant's general level of motor activity -turning the head, blinking the eyes, crying, and so forth - have been used by researchers as visual indicators of the infant's perceptual abilities.
Such techniques, however, have limitations. First, the observation may be unreliable in that two or more observers may not agree that the particular response occurred, or to what degree it occurred. Second, responses are difficult to quantify. Often the rapid and diffuse movements of the infant make it difficult to get an accurate record of the number of responses. The third, and most potent, limitation is that it is not possible to be certain that the infant's response was due to the stimulus presented or to a change from no stimulus to a stimulus. The infant may be responding to aspects of the stimulus different than those identified by the investigator. Therefore, when observational assessment is used as a technique for studying infant perceptual abilities, care must be taken not to overgeneralize from the data or to rely on one or two studies as conclusive evidence of a particular perceptual ability of the infant.
Observational assessment techniques have become much more sophisticated, reducing the limitations just presented. Film analysis of the infant's responses, heart and respiration rate monitors, and nonnutritive sucking devices are used as effective tools in understanding infant perception. Film analysis permits researchers to carefully study the infant's responses over and over and in slow motion. Precise measurements can be made of the length and frequency of the infant's attention between two stimuli. Heart and respiration monitors provide the investigator with the number of heartbeats or breaths taken when a new stimulus is presented. Numerical increases are used as quantifiable indicators of heightened interest in the new stimulus. Increases in nonnutritive sucking were first used as an assessment measure by researchers in 1969. They devised an apparatus that connected a baby's pacifier to a counting device. As stimuli were presented, changes in the infant's sucking behavior were recorded. Increases in the number of sucks were used as an indicator of the infant's attention to or preference for a given visual display.
Two additional techniques of studying infant perception have come into vogue. The first is the habituation-dishabituation technique, in which a single stimulus is presented repeatedly to the infant until there is a measurable decline (habituation) in whatever attending behavior is being observed. At that point a new stimulus is presented, and any recovery (dishabituation) in responsiveness is recorded. If the infant fails to dishabituate and continues to show habituation with the new stimulus, it is assumed that the baby is unable to perceive the new stimulus as different. The habituation-dishabituation paradigm has been used most extensively with studies of auditory and olfactory perception in infants. The second technique relies on evoked potentials, which are electrical brain responses that may be related to a particular stimulus because of where they originate. Changes in the electrical pattern of the brain indicate that the stimulus is getting through to the infant's central nervous system and eliciting some form of response.
Each of the preceding techniques provides the researcher with evidence that the infant can detect or discriminate between stimuli. With these sophisticated observational assessment and electro-physiological measures, we know that the neonate of only a few days is far more perceptive than previously suspected. However, these measures are only "indirect" indicators of the infant's perceptual abilities. | 817.txt | 3 |
[
"Dishabituation occurs with the introduction of a new stimulus.",
"Electrical responses in the infant's brain decline with each new stimulus.",
"Habituation is continued with the introduction of a new stimulus.",
"The infant displays little change in electrical brain responses."
] | According to paragraph 4, which of the following leads to the conclusion that infants are able to differentiate between stimuli in a habituation-dishabituation study? | In the study of perceptual abilities of infants, a number of techniques are used to determine infants' responses to various stimuli. Because they cannot verbalize or fill out questionnaires, indirect techniques of naturalistic observation are used as the primary means of determining what infants can see, hear, feel, and so forth. Each of these methods compares an infant's state prior to the introduction of a stimulus with its state during or immediately following the stimulus. The difference between the two measures provides the researcher with an indication of the level and duration of the response to the stimulus. For example, if a uniformly moving pattern of some sort is passed across the visual field of a neonate (newborn), repetitive following movements of the eye occur. The occurrence of these eye movements provides evidence that the moving pattern is perceived at some level by the newborn. Similarly, changes in the infant's general level of motor activity -turning the head, blinking the eyes, crying, and so forth - have been used by researchers as visual indicators of the infant's perceptual abilities.
Such techniques, however, have limitations. First, the observation may be unreliable in that two or more observers may not agree that the particular response occurred, or to what degree it occurred. Second, responses are difficult to quantify. Often the rapid and diffuse movements of the infant make it difficult to get an accurate record of the number of responses. The third, and most potent, limitation is that it is not possible to be certain that the infant's response was due to the stimulus presented or to a change from no stimulus to a stimulus. The infant may be responding to aspects of the stimulus different than those identified by the investigator. Therefore, when observational assessment is used as a technique for studying infant perceptual abilities, care must be taken not to overgeneralize from the data or to rely on one or two studies as conclusive evidence of a particular perceptual ability of the infant.
Observational assessment techniques have become much more sophisticated, reducing the limitations just presented. Film analysis of the infant's responses, heart and respiration rate monitors, and nonnutritive sucking devices are used as effective tools in understanding infant perception. Film analysis permits researchers to carefully study the infant's responses over and over and in slow motion. Precise measurements can be made of the length and frequency of the infant's attention between two stimuli. Heart and respiration monitors provide the investigator with the number of heartbeats or breaths taken when a new stimulus is presented. Numerical increases are used as quantifiable indicators of heightened interest in the new stimulus. Increases in nonnutritive sucking were first used as an assessment measure by researchers in 1969. They devised an apparatus that connected a baby's pacifier to a counting device. As stimuli were presented, changes in the infant's sucking behavior were recorded. Increases in the number of sucks were used as an indicator of the infant's attention to or preference for a given visual display.
Two additional techniques of studying infant perception have come into vogue. The first is the habituation-dishabituation technique, in which a single stimulus is presented repeatedly to the infant until there is a measurable decline (habituation) in whatever attending behavior is being observed. At that point a new stimulus is presented, and any recovery (dishabituation) in responsiveness is recorded. If the infant fails to dishabituate and continues to show habituation with the new stimulus, it is assumed that the baby is unable to perceive the new stimulus as different. The habituation-dishabituation paradigm has been used most extensively with studies of auditory and olfactory perception in infants. The second technique relies on evoked potentials, which are electrical brain responses that may be related to a particular stimulus because of where they originate. Changes in the electrical pattern of the brain indicate that the stimulus is getting through to the infant's central nervous system and eliciting some form of response.
Each of the preceding techniques provides the researcher with evidence that the infant can detect or discriminate between stimuli. With these sophisticated observational assessment and electro-physiological measures, we know that the neonate of only a few days is far more perceptive than previously suspected. However, these measures are only "indirect" indicators of the infant's perceptual abilities. | 817.txt | 0 |
[
"An infant's potential to respond to a stimulus may be related to the size of its brain.",
"Changes in the electrical patterns of an infant's brain are difficult to detect.",
"Different areas of an infant's brain respond to different types of stimuli.",
"An infant is unable to perceive more than one stimulus at a time."
] | In paragraph 4, what does the author suggest about the way an infant's brain perceives stimuli? | In the study of perceptual abilities of infants, a number of techniques are used to determine infants' responses to various stimuli. Because they cannot verbalize or fill out questionnaires, indirect techniques of naturalistic observation are used as the primary means of determining what infants can see, hear, feel, and so forth. Each of these methods compares an infant's state prior to the introduction of a stimulus with its state during or immediately following the stimulus. The difference between the two measures provides the researcher with an indication of the level and duration of the response to the stimulus. For example, if a uniformly moving pattern of some sort is passed across the visual field of a neonate (newborn), repetitive following movements of the eye occur. The occurrence of these eye movements provides evidence that the moving pattern is perceived at some level by the newborn. Similarly, changes in the infant's general level of motor activity -turning the head, blinking the eyes, crying, and so forth - have been used by researchers as visual indicators of the infant's perceptual abilities.
Such techniques, however, have limitations. First, the observation may be unreliable in that two or more observers may not agree that the particular response occurred, or to what degree it occurred. Second, responses are difficult to quantify. Often the rapid and diffuse movements of the infant make it difficult to get an accurate record of the number of responses. The third, and most potent, limitation is that it is not possible to be certain that the infant's response was due to the stimulus presented or to a change from no stimulus to a stimulus. The infant may be responding to aspects of the stimulus different than those identified by the investigator. Therefore, when observational assessment is used as a technique for studying infant perceptual abilities, care must be taken not to overgeneralize from the data or to rely on one or two studies as conclusive evidence of a particular perceptual ability of the infant.
Observational assessment techniques have become much more sophisticated, reducing the limitations just presented. Film analysis of the infant's responses, heart and respiration rate monitors, and nonnutritive sucking devices are used as effective tools in understanding infant perception. Film analysis permits researchers to carefully study the infant's responses over and over and in slow motion. Precise measurements can be made of the length and frequency of the infant's attention between two stimuli. Heart and respiration monitors provide the investigator with the number of heartbeats or breaths taken when a new stimulus is presented. Numerical increases are used as quantifiable indicators of heightened interest in the new stimulus. Increases in nonnutritive sucking were first used as an assessment measure by researchers in 1969. They devised an apparatus that connected a baby's pacifier to a counting device. As stimuli were presented, changes in the infant's sucking behavior were recorded. Increases in the number of sucks were used as an indicator of the infant's attention to or preference for a given visual display.
Two additional techniques of studying infant perception have come into vogue. The first is the habituation-dishabituation technique, in which a single stimulus is presented repeatedly to the infant until there is a measurable decline (habituation) in whatever attending behavior is being observed. At that point a new stimulus is presented, and any recovery (dishabituation) in responsiveness is recorded. If the infant fails to dishabituate and continues to show habituation with the new stimulus, it is assumed that the baby is unable to perceive the new stimulus as different. The habituation-dishabituation paradigm has been used most extensively with studies of auditory and olfactory perception in infants. The second technique relies on evoked potentials, which are electrical brain responses that may be related to a particular stimulus because of where they originate. Changes in the electrical pattern of the brain indicate that the stimulus is getting through to the infant's central nervous system and eliciting some form of response.
Each of the preceding techniques provides the researcher with evidence that the infant can detect or discriminate between stimuli. With these sophisticated observational assessment and electro-physiological measures, we know that the neonate of only a few days is far more perceptive than previously suspected. However, these measures are only "indirect" indicators of the infant's perceptual abilities. | 817.txt | 2 |
[
"infants find it difficult to perceive some types of stimuli",
"neonates of only a few days cannot yet discriminate between stimuli",
"observational assessment is less useful for studying infant perception than researchers previously believed",
"a neonate is able to perceive stimuli better than researchers once thought"
] | Paragraph 5 indicates that researchers who used the techniques described in the passage discovered that | In the study of perceptual abilities of infants, a number of techniques are used to determine infants' responses to various stimuli. Because they cannot verbalize or fill out questionnaires, indirect techniques of naturalistic observation are used as the primary means of determining what infants can see, hear, feel, and so forth. Each of these methods compares an infant's state prior to the introduction of a stimulus with its state during or immediately following the stimulus. The difference between the two measures provides the researcher with an indication of the level and duration of the response to the stimulus. For example, if a uniformly moving pattern of some sort is passed across the visual field of a neonate (newborn), repetitive following movements of the eye occur. The occurrence of these eye movements provides evidence that the moving pattern is perceived at some level by the newborn. Similarly, changes in the infant's general level of motor activity -turning the head, blinking the eyes, crying, and so forth - have been used by researchers as visual indicators of the infant's perceptual abilities.
Such techniques, however, have limitations. First, the observation may be unreliable in that two or more observers may not agree that the particular response occurred, or to what degree it occurred. Second, responses are difficult to quantify. Often the rapid and diffuse movements of the infant make it difficult to get an accurate record of the number of responses. The third, and most potent, limitation is that it is not possible to be certain that the infant's response was due to the stimulus presented or to a change from no stimulus to a stimulus. The infant may be responding to aspects of the stimulus different than those identified by the investigator. Therefore, when observational assessment is used as a technique for studying infant perceptual abilities, care must be taken not to overgeneralize from the data or to rely on one or two studies as conclusive evidence of a particular perceptual ability of the infant.
Observational assessment techniques have become much more sophisticated, reducing the limitations just presented. Film analysis of the infant's responses, heart and respiration rate monitors, and nonnutritive sucking devices are used as effective tools in understanding infant perception. Film analysis permits researchers to carefully study the infant's responses over and over and in slow motion. Precise measurements can be made of the length and frequency of the infant's attention between two stimuli. Heart and respiration monitors provide the investigator with the number of heartbeats or breaths taken when a new stimulus is presented. Numerical increases are used as quantifiable indicators of heightened interest in the new stimulus. Increases in nonnutritive sucking were first used as an assessment measure by researchers in 1969. They devised an apparatus that connected a baby's pacifier to a counting device. As stimuli were presented, changes in the infant's sucking behavior were recorded. Increases in the number of sucks were used as an indicator of the infant's attention to or preference for a given visual display.
Two additional techniques of studying infant perception have come into vogue. The first is the habituation-dishabituation technique, in which a single stimulus is presented repeatedly to the infant until there is a measurable decline (habituation) in whatever attending behavior is being observed. At that point a new stimulus is presented, and any recovery (dishabituation) in responsiveness is recorded. If the infant fails to dishabituate and continues to show habituation with the new stimulus, it is assumed that the baby is unable to perceive the new stimulus as different. The habituation-dishabituation paradigm has been used most extensively with studies of auditory and olfactory perception in infants. The second technique relies on evoked potentials, which are electrical brain responses that may be related to a particular stimulus because of where they originate. Changes in the electrical pattern of the brain indicate that the stimulus is getting through to the infant's central nervous system and eliciting some form of response.
Each of the preceding techniques provides the researcher with evidence that the infant can detect or discriminate between stimuli. With these sophisticated observational assessment and electro-physiological measures, we know that the neonate of only a few days is far more perceptive than previously suspected. However, these measures are only "indirect" indicators of the infant's perceptual abilities. | 817.txt | 3 |
[
"describes.",
"encourages.",
"delays.",
"requires."
] | The word "promotes" in the passage is closest in meaning to | Evolutionary biologists believe that speciation, the formation of a new species, often begins when some kind of physical barrier arises and divides a population of a single species into separate subpopulations. Physical separation between subpopulations promotes the formation of new species because once the members of one subpopulation can no longer mate with members of another subpopulation, they cannot exchange variant genes that arise in one of the subpopulations. In the absence of gene flow between the subpopulations, genetic differences between the groups begin to accumulate. Eventually the subpopulations become so genetically distinct that they cannot interbreed even if the physical barriers between them were removed. At this point the subpopulations have evolved into distinct species. This route to speciation is known as allopatry ("allo-" means "different", and "patria" means "homeland").
Allopatric speciation may be the main speciation route. This should not be surprising, since allopatry is pretty common. In general, the subpopulations of most species are separated from each other by some measurable distance. So even under normal situations the gene flow among the subpopulations is more of an intermittent trickle than a steady stream. In addition, barriers can rapidly arise and shut off the trickle. For example, in the 1800s a monstrous earthquake changed the course of the Mississippi River, a large river flowing in the central part of the United States of America. The change separated populations of insects now living along opposite shores, completely cutting off gene flow between them.
Geographic isolation can also proceed slowly, over great spans of time. We find evidence of such extended events in the fossil record, which affords glimpse into the breakup of formerly continuous environments. For example, during past ice ages, glaciers advanced down through North America and Europe and gradually cut off parts of populations from one another. When the glaciers retreated, the separated populations of plants and animals came into contact again. Some groups that had descended from the same parent population were no longer reproductively compatible - they had evolved into separate species. In other groups, however, genetic divergences had not proceeded so far, and the descendants could still interbreed - for them, reproductive isolation was not completed, and so speciation had not occurred.
Allopatric speciation can also be brought by the imperceptibly slow but colossal movements of the tectonic plates that make up Earth's surface. About 5 million years ago such geologic movements created the land bridge between North America and South America that we call the Isthmus of Panama . While previously the gap between the continents had allowed a free flow of water, now the isthmus presented a barrier that divided the Atlantic Ocean from the Pacific Ocean. This division set the stage for allopatric speciation among populations of fishes and other marine species.
In the 1980s, John Graves studied two populations of closely related fishes, one population from the Atlantic side of isthmus, the other from the Pacific side. He compared four enzymes found in the muscles of each population. Graves found that all four Pacific enzymes function better at lower temperatures than the four Atlantic versions of the same enzymes. This is significant because Pacific seawater if typically 2 to 3 degrees cooler than seawater on the Atlantic side of isthmus. Analysis by gel electrophoresis revealed slight differences in amino acid sequence of the enzymes of two of the four pairs. This is significant because the amino acid sequence of an enzyme is determined by genes.
Graves drew two conclusions from these observations. First, at least some of the observed differences between the enzymes of the Atlantic and Pacific fish populations were not random but were the result of evolutionary adaptation. Second, it appears that closely related populations of fishes on both sides of the isthmus are starting to genetically diverge from each other. Because Graves' study of geographically isolated populations of isthmus fishes offers a glimpse of the beginning of a process of gradual accumulation of mutations that are neutral or adaptive, divergences here might be evidence of allopatric speciation in process. | 3812.txt | 1 |
[
"The division of a population into subspecies.",
"The reuniting of separated populations after they have become distinct species.",
"The movement of a population to a new homeland.",
"The absence of gene flow between subpopulations."
] | According to paragraph 1, allopatric speciation involves which of the following? | Evolutionary biologists believe that speciation, the formation of a new species, often begins when some kind of physical barrier arises and divides a population of a single species into separate subpopulations. Physical separation between subpopulations promotes the formation of new species because once the members of one subpopulation can no longer mate with members of another subpopulation, they cannot exchange variant genes that arise in one of the subpopulations. In the absence of gene flow between the subpopulations, genetic differences between the groups begin to accumulate. Eventually the subpopulations become so genetically distinct that they cannot interbreed even if the physical barriers between them were removed. At this point the subpopulations have evolved into distinct species. This route to speciation is known as allopatry ("allo-" means "different", and "patria" means "homeland").
Allopatric speciation may be the main speciation route. This should not be surprising, since allopatry is pretty common. In general, the subpopulations of most species are separated from each other by some measurable distance. So even under normal situations the gene flow among the subpopulations is more of an intermittent trickle than a steady stream. In addition, barriers can rapidly arise and shut off the trickle. For example, in the 1800s a monstrous earthquake changed the course of the Mississippi River, a large river flowing in the central part of the United States of America. The change separated populations of insects now living along opposite shores, completely cutting off gene flow between them.
Geographic isolation can also proceed slowly, over great spans of time. We find evidence of such extended events in the fossil record, which affords glimpse into the breakup of formerly continuous environments. For example, during past ice ages, glaciers advanced down through North America and Europe and gradually cut off parts of populations from one another. When the glaciers retreated, the separated populations of plants and animals came into contact again. Some groups that had descended from the same parent population were no longer reproductively compatible - they had evolved into separate species. In other groups, however, genetic divergences had not proceeded so far, and the descendants could still interbreed - for them, reproductive isolation was not completed, and so speciation had not occurred.
Allopatric speciation can also be brought by the imperceptibly slow but colossal movements of the tectonic plates that make up Earth's surface. About 5 million years ago such geologic movements created the land bridge between North America and South America that we call the Isthmus of Panama . While previously the gap between the continents had allowed a free flow of water, now the isthmus presented a barrier that divided the Atlantic Ocean from the Pacific Ocean. This division set the stage for allopatric speciation among populations of fishes and other marine species.
In the 1980s, John Graves studied two populations of closely related fishes, one population from the Atlantic side of isthmus, the other from the Pacific side. He compared four enzymes found in the muscles of each population. Graves found that all four Pacific enzymes function better at lower temperatures than the four Atlantic versions of the same enzymes. This is significant because Pacific seawater if typically 2 to 3 degrees cooler than seawater on the Atlantic side of isthmus. Analysis by gel electrophoresis revealed slight differences in amino acid sequence of the enzymes of two of the four pairs. This is significant because the amino acid sequence of an enzyme is determined by genes.
Graves drew two conclusions from these observations. First, at least some of the observed differences between the enzymes of the Atlantic and Pacific fish populations were not random but were the result of evolutionary adaptation. Second, it appears that closely related populations of fishes on both sides of the isthmus are starting to genetically diverge from each other. Because Graves' study of geographically isolated populations of isthmus fishes offers a glimpse of the beginning of a process of gradual accumulation of mutations that are neutral or adaptive, divergences here might be evidence of allopatric speciation in process. | 3812.txt | 3 |
[
"To indicate how scientists are able to determine whether subpopulations of a species are allopatric.",
"To define what it means for a group of animals or plants to be a subpopulation.",
"To suggest that allopatric speciation is not the only route to subpopulation.",
"To help explain why allopatric speciation is a common way for new species to come about."
] | Why does the author provide the information that "the subpopulations of most species are separated from each other by some measurable distance"? | Evolutionary biologists believe that speciation, the formation of a new species, often begins when some kind of physical barrier arises and divides a population of a single species into separate subpopulations. Physical separation between subpopulations promotes the formation of new species because once the members of one subpopulation can no longer mate with members of another subpopulation, they cannot exchange variant genes that arise in one of the subpopulations. In the absence of gene flow between the subpopulations, genetic differences between the groups begin to accumulate. Eventually the subpopulations become so genetically distinct that they cannot interbreed even if the physical barriers between them were removed. At this point the subpopulations have evolved into distinct species. This route to speciation is known as allopatry ("allo-" means "different", and "patria" means "homeland").
Allopatric speciation may be the main speciation route. This should not be surprising, since allopatry is pretty common. In general, the subpopulations of most species are separated from each other by some measurable distance. So even under normal situations the gene flow among the subpopulations is more of an intermittent trickle than a steady stream. In addition, barriers can rapidly arise and shut off the trickle. For example, in the 1800s a monstrous earthquake changed the course of the Mississippi River, a large river flowing in the central part of the United States of America. The change separated populations of insects now living along opposite shores, completely cutting off gene flow between them.
Geographic isolation can also proceed slowly, over great spans of time. We find evidence of such extended events in the fossil record, which affords glimpse into the breakup of formerly continuous environments. For example, during past ice ages, glaciers advanced down through North America and Europe and gradually cut off parts of populations from one another. When the glaciers retreated, the separated populations of plants and animals came into contact again. Some groups that had descended from the same parent population were no longer reproductively compatible - they had evolved into separate species. In other groups, however, genetic divergences had not proceeded so far, and the descendants could still interbreed - for them, reproductive isolation was not completed, and so speciation had not occurred.
Allopatric speciation can also be brought by the imperceptibly slow but colossal movements of the tectonic plates that make up Earth's surface. About 5 million years ago such geologic movements created the land bridge between North America and South America that we call the Isthmus of Panama . While previously the gap between the continents had allowed a free flow of water, now the isthmus presented a barrier that divided the Atlantic Ocean from the Pacific Ocean. This division set the stage for allopatric speciation among populations of fishes and other marine species.
In the 1980s, John Graves studied two populations of closely related fishes, one population from the Atlantic side of isthmus, the other from the Pacific side. He compared four enzymes found in the muscles of each population. Graves found that all four Pacific enzymes function better at lower temperatures than the four Atlantic versions of the same enzymes. This is significant because Pacific seawater if typically 2 to 3 degrees cooler than seawater on the Atlantic side of isthmus. Analysis by gel electrophoresis revealed slight differences in amino acid sequence of the enzymes of two of the four pairs. This is significant because the amino acid sequence of an enzyme is determined by genes.
Graves drew two conclusions from these observations. First, at least some of the observed differences between the enzymes of the Atlantic and Pacific fish populations were not random but were the result of evolutionary adaptation. Second, it appears that closely related populations of fishes on both sides of the isthmus are starting to genetically diverge from each other. Because Graves' study of geographically isolated populations of isthmus fishes offers a glimpse of the beginning of a process of gradual accumulation of mutations that are neutral or adaptive, divergences here might be evidence of allopatric speciation in process. | 3812.txt | 3 |
[
"Become more significant.",
"Occur randomly.",
"Gradually increase in number.",
"Cause changes."
] | The word "accumulate" in the passage is closest in meaning to | Evolutionary biologists believe that speciation, the formation of a new species, often begins when some kind of physical barrier arises and divides a population of a single species into separate subpopulations. Physical separation between subpopulations promotes the formation of new species because once the members of one subpopulation can no longer mate with members of another subpopulation, they cannot exchange variant genes that arise in one of the subpopulations. In the absence of gene flow between the subpopulations, genetic differences between the groups begin to accumulate. Eventually the subpopulations become so genetically distinct that they cannot interbreed even if the physical barriers between them were removed. At this point the subpopulations have evolved into distinct species. This route to speciation is known as allopatry ("allo-" means "different", and "patria" means "homeland").
Allopatric speciation may be the main speciation route. This should not be surprising, since allopatry is pretty common. In general, the subpopulations of most species are separated from each other by some measurable distance. So even under normal situations the gene flow among the subpopulations is more of an intermittent trickle than a steady stream. In addition, barriers can rapidly arise and shut off the trickle. For example, in the 1800s a monstrous earthquake changed the course of the Mississippi River, a large river flowing in the central part of the United States of America. The change separated populations of insects now living along opposite shores, completely cutting off gene flow between them.
Geographic isolation can also proceed slowly, over great spans of time. We find evidence of such extended events in the fossil record, which affords glimpse into the breakup of formerly continuous environments. For example, during past ice ages, glaciers advanced down through North America and Europe and gradually cut off parts of populations from one another. When the glaciers retreated, the separated populations of plants and animals came into contact again. Some groups that had descended from the same parent population were no longer reproductively compatible - they had evolved into separate species. In other groups, however, genetic divergences had not proceeded so far, and the descendants could still interbreed - for them, reproductive isolation was not completed, and so speciation had not occurred.
Allopatric speciation can also be brought by the imperceptibly slow but colossal movements of the tectonic plates that make up Earth's surface. About 5 million years ago such geologic movements created the land bridge between North America and South America that we call the Isthmus of Panama . While previously the gap between the continents had allowed a free flow of water, now the isthmus presented a barrier that divided the Atlantic Ocean from the Pacific Ocean. This division set the stage for allopatric speciation among populations of fishes and other marine species.
In the 1980s, John Graves studied two populations of closely related fishes, one population from the Atlantic side of isthmus, the other from the Pacific side. He compared four enzymes found in the muscles of each population. Graves found that all four Pacific enzymes function better at lower temperatures than the four Atlantic versions of the same enzymes. This is significant because Pacific seawater if typically 2 to 3 degrees cooler than seawater on the Atlantic side of isthmus. Analysis by gel electrophoresis revealed slight differences in amino acid sequence of the enzymes of two of the four pairs. This is significant because the amino acid sequence of an enzyme is determined by genes.
Graves drew two conclusions from these observations. First, at least some of the observed differences between the enzymes of the Atlantic and Pacific fish populations were not random but were the result of evolutionary adaptation. Second, it appears that closely related populations of fishes on both sides of the isthmus are starting to genetically diverge from each other. Because Graves' study of geographically isolated populations of isthmus fishes offers a glimpse of the beginning of a process of gradual accumulation of mutations that are neutral or adaptive, divergences here might be evidence of allopatric speciation in process. | 3812.txt | 2 |
[
"To make the point that some kind of physical barrier separates the subpopulations of most species.",
"To support the claim that the condition of allopatry can sometimes arise in a short time.",
"To provide an example of a situation in which gene flow among the subpopulations of a species happens at a slow rate.",
"To explain why insects living along opposite shores of the Mississippi River are very different from each other."
] | In paragraph 2,why does the author mention that some insect populations were separated from each other by a change in the course of Mississippi River caused by an earthquake? | Evolutionary biologists believe that speciation, the formation of a new species, often begins when some kind of physical barrier arises and divides a population of a single species into separate subpopulations. Physical separation between subpopulations promotes the formation of new species because once the members of one subpopulation can no longer mate with members of another subpopulation, they cannot exchange variant genes that arise in one of the subpopulations. In the absence of gene flow between the subpopulations, genetic differences between the groups begin to accumulate. Eventually the subpopulations become so genetically distinct that they cannot interbreed even if the physical barriers between them were removed. At this point the subpopulations have evolved into distinct species. This route to speciation is known as allopatry ("allo-" means "different", and "patria" means "homeland").
Allopatric speciation may be the main speciation route. This should not be surprising, since allopatry is pretty common. In general, the subpopulations of most species are separated from each other by some measurable distance. So even under normal situations the gene flow among the subpopulations is more of an intermittent trickle than a steady stream. In addition, barriers can rapidly arise and shut off the trickle. For example, in the 1800s a monstrous earthquake changed the course of the Mississippi River, a large river flowing in the central part of the United States of America. The change separated populations of insects now living along opposite shores, completely cutting off gene flow between them.
Geographic isolation can also proceed slowly, over great spans of time. We find evidence of such extended events in the fossil record, which affords glimpse into the breakup of formerly continuous environments. For example, during past ice ages, glaciers advanced down through North America and Europe and gradually cut off parts of populations from one another. When the glaciers retreated, the separated populations of plants and animals came into contact again. Some groups that had descended from the same parent population were no longer reproductively compatible - they had evolved into separate species. In other groups, however, genetic divergences had not proceeded so far, and the descendants could still interbreed - for them, reproductive isolation was not completed, and so speciation had not occurred.
Allopatric speciation can also be brought by the imperceptibly slow but colossal movements of the tectonic plates that make up Earth's surface. About 5 million years ago such geologic movements created the land bridge between North America and South America that we call the Isthmus of Panama . While previously the gap between the continents had allowed a free flow of water, now the isthmus presented a barrier that divided the Atlantic Ocean from the Pacific Ocean. This division set the stage for allopatric speciation among populations of fishes and other marine species.
In the 1980s, John Graves studied two populations of closely related fishes, one population from the Atlantic side of isthmus, the other from the Pacific side. He compared four enzymes found in the muscles of each population. Graves found that all four Pacific enzymes function better at lower temperatures than the four Atlantic versions of the same enzymes. This is significant because Pacific seawater if typically 2 to 3 degrees cooler than seawater on the Atlantic side of isthmus. Analysis by gel electrophoresis revealed slight differences in amino acid sequence of the enzymes of two of the four pairs. This is significant because the amino acid sequence of an enzyme is determined by genes.
Graves drew two conclusions from these observations. First, at least some of the observed differences between the enzymes of the Atlantic and Pacific fish populations were not random but were the result of evolutionary adaptation. Second, it appears that closely related populations of fishes on both sides of the isthmus are starting to genetically diverge from each other. Because Graves' study of geographically isolated populations of isthmus fishes offers a glimpse of the beginning of a process of gradual accumulation of mutations that are neutral or adaptive, divergences here might be evidence of allopatric speciation in process. | 3812.txt | 1 |
[
"were reproductively isolated even after the glaciers disappeared.",
"had adjusted to the old conditions caused by the glaciers.",
"were able to survive being separated from their parent population.",
"had experienced some genetic divergences from their parent population."
] | According to paragraph 3, separation of subpopulations by glaciers resulted in speciation in those groups of plants and animals that | Evolutionary biologists believe that speciation, the formation of a new species, often begins when some kind of physical barrier arises and divides a population of a single species into separate subpopulations. Physical separation between subpopulations promotes the formation of new species because once the members of one subpopulation can no longer mate with members of another subpopulation, they cannot exchange variant genes that arise in one of the subpopulations. In the absence of gene flow between the subpopulations, genetic differences between the groups begin to accumulate. Eventually the subpopulations become so genetically distinct that they cannot interbreed even if the physical barriers between them were removed. At this point the subpopulations have evolved into distinct species. This route to speciation is known as allopatry ("allo-" means "different", and "patria" means "homeland").
Allopatric speciation may be the main speciation route. This should not be surprising, since allopatry is pretty common. In general, the subpopulations of most species are separated from each other by some measurable distance. So even under normal situations the gene flow among the subpopulations is more of an intermittent trickle than a steady stream. In addition, barriers can rapidly arise and shut off the trickle. For example, in the 1800s a monstrous earthquake changed the course of the Mississippi River, a large river flowing in the central part of the United States of America. The change separated populations of insects now living along opposite shores, completely cutting off gene flow between them.
Geographic isolation can also proceed slowly, over great spans of time. We find evidence of such extended events in the fossil record, which affords glimpse into the breakup of formerly continuous environments. For example, during past ice ages, glaciers advanced down through North America and Europe and gradually cut off parts of populations from one another. When the glaciers retreated, the separated populations of plants and animals came into contact again. Some groups that had descended from the same parent population were no longer reproductively compatible - they had evolved into separate species. In other groups, however, genetic divergences had not proceeded so far, and the descendants could still interbreed - for them, reproductive isolation was not completed, and so speciation had not occurred.
Allopatric speciation can also be brought by the imperceptibly slow but colossal movements of the tectonic plates that make up Earth's surface. About 5 million years ago such geologic movements created the land bridge between North America and South America that we call the Isthmus of Panama . While previously the gap between the continents had allowed a free flow of water, now the isthmus presented a barrier that divided the Atlantic Ocean from the Pacific Ocean. This division set the stage for allopatric speciation among populations of fishes and other marine species.
In the 1980s, John Graves studied two populations of closely related fishes, one population from the Atlantic side of isthmus, the other from the Pacific side. He compared four enzymes found in the muscles of each population. Graves found that all four Pacific enzymes function better at lower temperatures than the four Atlantic versions of the same enzymes. This is significant because Pacific seawater if typically 2 to 3 degrees cooler than seawater on the Atlantic side of isthmus. Analysis by gel electrophoresis revealed slight differences in amino acid sequence of the enzymes of two of the four pairs. This is significant because the amino acid sequence of an enzyme is determined by genes.
Graves drew two conclusions from these observations. First, at least some of the observed differences between the enzymes of the Atlantic and Pacific fish populations were not random but were the result of evolutionary adaptation. Second, it appears that closely related populations of fishes on both sides of the isthmus are starting to genetically diverge from each other. Because Graves' study of geographically isolated populations of isthmus fishes offers a glimpse of the beginning of a process of gradual accumulation of mutations that are neutral or adaptive, divergences here might be evidence of allopatric speciation in process. | 3812.txt | 0 |
[
"consistent.",
"gradual.",
"enormous.",
"effective."
] | The word "colossal" in the passage is closet in meaning to | Evolutionary biologists believe that speciation, the formation of a new species, often begins when some kind of physical barrier arises and divides a population of a single species into separate subpopulations. Physical separation between subpopulations promotes the formation of new species because once the members of one subpopulation can no longer mate with members of another subpopulation, they cannot exchange variant genes that arise in one of the subpopulations. In the absence of gene flow between the subpopulations, genetic differences between the groups begin to accumulate. Eventually the subpopulations become so genetically distinct that they cannot interbreed even if the physical barriers between them were removed. At this point the subpopulations have evolved into distinct species. This route to speciation is known as allopatry ("allo-" means "different", and "patria" means "homeland").
Allopatric speciation may be the main speciation route. This should not be surprising, since allopatry is pretty common. In general, the subpopulations of most species are separated from each other by some measurable distance. So even under normal situations the gene flow among the subpopulations is more of an intermittent trickle than a steady stream. In addition, barriers can rapidly arise and shut off the trickle. For example, in the 1800s a monstrous earthquake changed the course of the Mississippi River, a large river flowing in the central part of the United States of America. The change separated populations of insects now living along opposite shores, completely cutting off gene flow between them.
Geographic isolation can also proceed slowly, over great spans of time. We find evidence of such extended events in the fossil record, which affords glimpse into the breakup of formerly continuous environments. For example, during past ice ages, glaciers advanced down through North America and Europe and gradually cut off parts of populations from one another. When the glaciers retreated, the separated populations of plants and animals came into contact again. Some groups that had descended from the same parent population were no longer reproductively compatible - they had evolved into separate species. In other groups, however, genetic divergences had not proceeded so far, and the descendants could still interbreed - for them, reproductive isolation was not completed, and so speciation had not occurred.
Allopatric speciation can also be brought by the imperceptibly slow but colossal movements of the tectonic plates that make up Earth's surface. About 5 million years ago such geologic movements created the land bridge between North America and South America that we call the Isthmus of Panama . While previously the gap between the continents had allowed a free flow of water, now the isthmus presented a barrier that divided the Atlantic Ocean from the Pacific Ocean. This division set the stage for allopatric speciation among populations of fishes and other marine species.
In the 1980s, John Graves studied two populations of closely related fishes, one population from the Atlantic side of isthmus, the other from the Pacific side. He compared four enzymes found in the muscles of each population. Graves found that all four Pacific enzymes function better at lower temperatures than the four Atlantic versions of the same enzymes. This is significant because Pacific seawater if typically 2 to 3 degrees cooler than seawater on the Atlantic side of isthmus. Analysis by gel electrophoresis revealed slight differences in amino acid sequence of the enzymes of two of the four pairs. This is significant because the amino acid sequence of an enzyme is determined by genes.
Graves drew two conclusions from these observations. First, at least some of the observed differences between the enzymes of the Atlantic and Pacific fish populations were not random but were the result of evolutionary adaptation. Second, it appears that closely related populations of fishes on both sides of the isthmus are starting to genetically diverge from each other. Because Graves' study of geographically isolated populations of isthmus fishes offers a glimpse of the beginning of a process of gradual accumulation of mutations that are neutral or adaptive, divergences here might be evidence of allopatric speciation in process. | 3812.txt | 2 |
[
"The movements brought populations of certain fishes and marine organisms into contact with one another for the first time.",
"The movements transferred populations of fishes and other marine animals between the Pacific and Atlantic Oceans.",
"The movements created conditions that allowed water to flow more freely between the Pacific and Atlantic Oceans.",
"The movements created conditions for the formation of new species of fishes and other marine animals."
] | According to paragraph 4, which of the following is true of the geologic movements that brought about the Isthmus of Panama? | Evolutionary biologists believe that speciation, the formation of a new species, often begins when some kind of physical barrier arises and divides a population of a single species into separate subpopulations. Physical separation between subpopulations promotes the formation of new species because once the members of one subpopulation can no longer mate with members of another subpopulation, they cannot exchange variant genes that arise in one of the subpopulations. In the absence of gene flow between the subpopulations, genetic differences between the groups begin to accumulate. Eventually the subpopulations become so genetically distinct that they cannot interbreed even if the physical barriers between them were removed. At this point the subpopulations have evolved into distinct species. This route to speciation is known as allopatry ("allo-" means "different", and "patria" means "homeland").
Allopatric speciation may be the main speciation route. This should not be surprising, since allopatry is pretty common. In general, the subpopulations of most species are separated from each other by some measurable distance. So even under normal situations the gene flow among the subpopulations is more of an intermittent trickle than a steady stream. In addition, barriers can rapidly arise and shut off the trickle. For example, in the 1800s a monstrous earthquake changed the course of the Mississippi River, a large river flowing in the central part of the United States of America. The change separated populations of insects now living along opposite shores, completely cutting off gene flow between them.
Geographic isolation can also proceed slowly, over great spans of time. We find evidence of such extended events in the fossil record, which affords glimpse into the breakup of formerly continuous environments. For example, during past ice ages, glaciers advanced down through North America and Europe and gradually cut off parts of populations from one another. When the glaciers retreated, the separated populations of plants and animals came into contact again. Some groups that had descended from the same parent population were no longer reproductively compatible - they had evolved into separate species. In other groups, however, genetic divergences had not proceeded so far, and the descendants could still interbreed - for them, reproductive isolation was not completed, and so speciation had not occurred.
Allopatric speciation can also be brought by the imperceptibly slow but colossal movements of the tectonic plates that make up Earth's surface. About 5 million years ago such geologic movements created the land bridge between North America and South America that we call the Isthmus of Panama . While previously the gap between the continents had allowed a free flow of water, now the isthmus presented a barrier that divided the Atlantic Ocean from the Pacific Ocean. This division set the stage for allopatric speciation among populations of fishes and other marine species.
In the 1980s, John Graves studied two populations of closely related fishes, one population from the Atlantic side of isthmus, the other from the Pacific side. He compared four enzymes found in the muscles of each population. Graves found that all four Pacific enzymes function better at lower temperatures than the four Atlantic versions of the same enzymes. This is significant because Pacific seawater if typically 2 to 3 degrees cooler than seawater on the Atlantic side of isthmus. Analysis by gel electrophoresis revealed slight differences in amino acid sequence of the enzymes of two of the four pairs. This is significant because the amino acid sequence of an enzyme is determined by genes.
Graves drew two conclusions from these observations. First, at least some of the observed differences between the enzymes of the Atlantic and Pacific fish populations were not random but were the result of evolutionary adaptation. Second, it appears that closely related populations of fishes on both sides of the isthmus are starting to genetically diverge from each other. Because Graves' study of geographically isolated populations of isthmus fishes offers a glimpse of the beginning of a process of gradual accumulation of mutations that are neutral or adaptive, divergences here might be evidence of allopatric speciation in process. | 3812.txt | 3 |
[
"quality.",
"order.",
"function.",
"number."
] | The word "sequence" in the passage is closet in meaning to | Evolutionary biologists believe that speciation, the formation of a new species, often begins when some kind of physical barrier arises and divides a population of a single species into separate subpopulations. Physical separation between subpopulations promotes the formation of new species because once the members of one subpopulation can no longer mate with members of another subpopulation, they cannot exchange variant genes that arise in one of the subpopulations. In the absence of gene flow between the subpopulations, genetic differences between the groups begin to accumulate. Eventually the subpopulations become so genetically distinct that they cannot interbreed even if the physical barriers between them were removed. At this point the subpopulations have evolved into distinct species. This route to speciation is known as allopatry ("allo-" means "different", and "patria" means "homeland").
Allopatric speciation may be the main speciation route. This should not be surprising, since allopatry is pretty common. In general, the subpopulations of most species are separated from each other by some measurable distance. So even under normal situations the gene flow among the subpopulations is more of an intermittent trickle than a steady stream. In addition, barriers can rapidly arise and shut off the trickle. For example, in the 1800s a monstrous earthquake changed the course of the Mississippi River, a large river flowing in the central part of the United States of America. The change separated populations of insects now living along opposite shores, completely cutting off gene flow between them.
Geographic isolation can also proceed slowly, over great spans of time. We find evidence of such extended events in the fossil record, which affords glimpse into the breakup of formerly continuous environments. For example, during past ice ages, glaciers advanced down through North America and Europe and gradually cut off parts of populations from one another. When the glaciers retreated, the separated populations of plants and animals came into contact again. Some groups that had descended from the same parent population were no longer reproductively compatible - they had evolved into separate species. In other groups, however, genetic divergences had not proceeded so far, and the descendants could still interbreed - for them, reproductive isolation was not completed, and so speciation had not occurred.
Allopatric speciation can also be brought by the imperceptibly slow but colossal movements of the tectonic plates that make up Earth's surface. About 5 million years ago such geologic movements created the land bridge between North America and South America that we call the Isthmus of Panama . While previously the gap between the continents had allowed a free flow of water, now the isthmus presented a barrier that divided the Atlantic Ocean from the Pacific Ocean. This division set the stage for allopatric speciation among populations of fishes and other marine species.
In the 1980s, John Graves studied two populations of closely related fishes, one population from the Atlantic side of isthmus, the other from the Pacific side. He compared four enzymes found in the muscles of each population. Graves found that all four Pacific enzymes function better at lower temperatures than the four Atlantic versions of the same enzymes. This is significant because Pacific seawater if typically 2 to 3 degrees cooler than seawater on the Atlantic side of isthmus. Analysis by gel electrophoresis revealed slight differences in amino acid sequence of the enzymes of two of the four pairs. This is significant because the amino acid sequence of an enzyme is determined by genes.
Graves drew two conclusions from these observations. First, at least some of the observed differences between the enzymes of the Atlantic and Pacific fish populations were not random but were the result of evolutionary adaptation. Second, it appears that closely related populations of fishes on both sides of the isthmus are starting to genetically diverge from each other. Because Graves' study of geographically isolated populations of isthmus fishes offers a glimpse of the beginning of a process of gradual accumulation of mutations that are neutral or adaptive, divergences here might be evidence of allopatric speciation in process. | 3812.txt | 1 |
[
"there were slight genetic divergences between the two groups.",
"the Atlantic group of fishes were descended from the Pacific group of fishes.",
"the temperature of water on either side of the isthmus had changed.",
"genetic changes in the Atlantic group of fishes were more rapid and frequent than in the Pacific group of fishes."
] | According to paragraph 5, by comparing the enzymes from two related groups of fishes on opposite sides of the isthmus, Graves found evidence that | Evolutionary biologists believe that speciation, the formation of a new species, often begins when some kind of physical barrier arises and divides a population of a single species into separate subpopulations. Physical separation between subpopulations promotes the formation of new species because once the members of one subpopulation can no longer mate with members of another subpopulation, they cannot exchange variant genes that arise in one of the subpopulations. In the absence of gene flow between the subpopulations, genetic differences between the groups begin to accumulate. Eventually the subpopulations become so genetically distinct that they cannot interbreed even if the physical barriers between them were removed. At this point the subpopulations have evolved into distinct species. This route to speciation is known as allopatry ("allo-" means "different", and "patria" means "homeland").
Allopatric speciation may be the main speciation route. This should not be surprising, since allopatry is pretty common. In general, the subpopulations of most species are separated from each other by some measurable distance. So even under normal situations the gene flow among the subpopulations is more of an intermittent trickle than a steady stream. In addition, barriers can rapidly arise and shut off the trickle. For example, in the 1800s a monstrous earthquake changed the course of the Mississippi River, a large river flowing in the central part of the United States of America. The change separated populations of insects now living along opposite shores, completely cutting off gene flow between them.
Geographic isolation can also proceed slowly, over great spans of time. We find evidence of such extended events in the fossil record, which affords glimpse into the breakup of formerly continuous environments. For example, during past ice ages, glaciers advanced down through North America and Europe and gradually cut off parts of populations from one another. When the glaciers retreated, the separated populations of plants and animals came into contact again. Some groups that had descended from the same parent population were no longer reproductively compatible - they had evolved into separate species. In other groups, however, genetic divergences had not proceeded so far, and the descendants could still interbreed - for them, reproductive isolation was not completed, and so speciation had not occurred.
Allopatric speciation can also be brought by the imperceptibly slow but colossal movements of the tectonic plates that make up Earth's surface. About 5 million years ago such geologic movements created the land bridge between North America and South America that we call the Isthmus of Panama . While previously the gap between the continents had allowed a free flow of water, now the isthmus presented a barrier that divided the Atlantic Ocean from the Pacific Ocean. This division set the stage for allopatric speciation among populations of fishes and other marine species.
In the 1980s, John Graves studied two populations of closely related fishes, one population from the Atlantic side of isthmus, the other from the Pacific side. He compared four enzymes found in the muscles of each population. Graves found that all four Pacific enzymes function better at lower temperatures than the four Atlantic versions of the same enzymes. This is significant because Pacific seawater if typically 2 to 3 degrees cooler than seawater on the Atlantic side of isthmus. Analysis by gel electrophoresis revealed slight differences in amino acid sequence of the enzymes of two of the four pairs. This is significant because the amino acid sequence of an enzyme is determined by genes.
Graves drew two conclusions from these observations. First, at least some of the observed differences between the enzymes of the Atlantic and Pacific fish populations were not random but were the result of evolutionary adaptation. Second, it appears that closely related populations of fishes on both sides of the isthmus are starting to genetically diverge from each other. Because Graves' study of geographically isolated populations of isthmus fishes offers a glimpse of the beginning of a process of gradual accumulation of mutations that are neutral or adaptive, divergences here might be evidence of allopatric speciation in process. | 3812.txt | 0 |
[
"each of the Pacific enzymes works better in cooler waters.",
"the Enzymes of the Atlantic fish populations had not changed since the formation of the Isthmus of Panama.",
"gel electrophoresis showed that the changes benefited both the Atlantic and the Pacific fish populations.",
"the differences between the enzymes disappeared when the two fish populations were experimentally switched to other side of the isthmus."
] | It can be inferred from paragraph 5 and 6 that the reason Graves concluded that some of the differences between the Pacific and Atlantic enzymes were not random was that | Evolutionary biologists believe that speciation, the formation of a new species, often begins when some kind of physical barrier arises and divides a population of a single species into separate subpopulations. Physical separation between subpopulations promotes the formation of new species because once the members of one subpopulation can no longer mate with members of another subpopulation, they cannot exchange variant genes that arise in one of the subpopulations. In the absence of gene flow between the subpopulations, genetic differences between the groups begin to accumulate. Eventually the subpopulations become so genetically distinct that they cannot interbreed even if the physical barriers between them were removed. At this point the subpopulations have evolved into distinct species. This route to speciation is known as allopatry ("allo-" means "different", and "patria" means "homeland").
Allopatric speciation may be the main speciation route. This should not be surprising, since allopatry is pretty common. In general, the subpopulations of most species are separated from each other by some measurable distance. So even under normal situations the gene flow among the subpopulations is more of an intermittent trickle than a steady stream. In addition, barriers can rapidly arise and shut off the trickle. For example, in the 1800s a monstrous earthquake changed the course of the Mississippi River, a large river flowing in the central part of the United States of America. The change separated populations of insects now living along opposite shores, completely cutting off gene flow between them.
Geographic isolation can also proceed slowly, over great spans of time. We find evidence of such extended events in the fossil record, which affords glimpse into the breakup of formerly continuous environments. For example, during past ice ages, glaciers advanced down through North America and Europe and gradually cut off parts of populations from one another. When the glaciers retreated, the separated populations of plants and animals came into contact again. Some groups that had descended from the same parent population were no longer reproductively compatible - they had evolved into separate species. In other groups, however, genetic divergences had not proceeded so far, and the descendants could still interbreed - for them, reproductive isolation was not completed, and so speciation had not occurred.
Allopatric speciation can also be brought by the imperceptibly slow but colossal movements of the tectonic plates that make up Earth's surface. About 5 million years ago such geologic movements created the land bridge between North America and South America that we call the Isthmus of Panama . While previously the gap between the continents had allowed a free flow of water, now the isthmus presented a barrier that divided the Atlantic Ocean from the Pacific Ocean. This division set the stage for allopatric speciation among populations of fishes and other marine species.
In the 1980s, John Graves studied two populations of closely related fishes, one population from the Atlantic side of isthmus, the other from the Pacific side. He compared four enzymes found in the muscles of each population. Graves found that all four Pacific enzymes function better at lower temperatures than the four Atlantic versions of the same enzymes. This is significant because Pacific seawater if typically 2 to 3 degrees cooler than seawater on the Atlantic side of isthmus. Analysis by gel electrophoresis revealed slight differences in amino acid sequence of the enzymes of two of the four pairs. This is significant because the amino acid sequence of an enzyme is determined by genes.
Graves drew two conclusions from these observations. First, at least some of the observed differences between the enzymes of the Atlantic and Pacific fish populations were not random but were the result of evolutionary adaptation. Second, it appears that closely related populations of fishes on both sides of the isthmus are starting to genetically diverge from each other. Because Graves' study of geographically isolated populations of isthmus fishes offers a glimpse of the beginning of a process of gradual accumulation of mutations that are neutral or adaptive, divergences here might be evidence of allopatric speciation in process. | 3812.txt | 0 |
[
"search for suspects mobile phones without a warrant.",
"check suspects phone contents without being authorized.",
"prevent suspects from deleting their phone contents.",
"prohibit suspects from using their mobile phones."
] | The Supreme court, will work out whether, during an arrest, it is legitimate to | Just how much does the Constitution protect your digital data? The Supreme Court will now consider whether police can search the contents of a mobile phone without a warrant if the phone is on or around a person during an arrest.
California has asked the justices to refrain from a sweeping ruling, particularly one that upsets the old assumptions that authorities may search through the possessions of suspects at the time of their arrest. It is hard, the state argues, for judges to assess the implications of new and rapidly changing technologies.
The court would be recklessly modest if it followed Californias advice. Enough of the implications are discernable, even obvious, so that the justice can and should provide updated guidelines to police, lawyers and defendants.
They should start by discarding Californias lame argument that exploring the contents of a smartphone- a vast storehouse of digital information is similar to say, going through a suspects purse .The court has ruled that police dont violate the Fourth Amendment when they go through the wallet or pocketbook, of an arrestee without a warrant. But exploring ones smartphone is more like entering his or her home. A smartphone may contain an arrestees reading history, financial history, medical history and comprehensive records of recent correspondence. The development of cloud computing. meanwhile, has made that exploration so much the easier.
But the justices should not swallow Californias argument whole. New, disruptive technology sometimes demands novel applications of the Constitutions protections. Orin Kerr, a law professor, compares the explosion and accessibility of digital information in the 21st century with the establishment of automobile use as a digital necessity of life in the 20th: The justices had to specify novel rules for the new personal domain of the passenger car then; they must sort out how the Fourth Amendment applies to digital information now. | 3483.txt | 1 |
[
"tolerance.",
"indifference.",
"disapproval.",
"cautiousness."
] | The authors attitude toward Californias argument is one of | Just how much does the Constitution protect your digital data? The Supreme Court will now consider whether police can search the contents of a mobile phone without a warrant if the phone is on or around a person during an arrest.
California has asked the justices to refrain from a sweeping ruling, particularly one that upsets the old assumptions that authorities may search through the possessions of suspects at the time of their arrest. It is hard, the state argues, for judges to assess the implications of new and rapidly changing technologies.
The court would be recklessly modest if it followed Californias advice. Enough of the implications are discernable, even obvious, so that the justice can and should provide updated guidelines to police, lawyers and defendants.
They should start by discarding Californias lame argument that exploring the contents of a smartphone- a vast storehouse of digital information is similar to say, going through a suspects purse .The court has ruled that police dont violate the Fourth Amendment when they go through the wallet or pocketbook, of an arrestee without a warrant. But exploring ones smartphone is more like entering his or her home. A smartphone may contain an arrestees reading history, financial history, medical history and comprehensive records of recent correspondence. The development of cloud computing. meanwhile, has made that exploration so much the easier.
But the justices should not swallow Californias argument whole. New, disruptive technology sometimes demands novel applications of the Constitutions protections. Orin Kerr, a law professor, compares the explosion and accessibility of digital information in the 21st century with the establishment of automobile use as a digital necessity of life in the 20th: The justices had to specify novel rules for the new personal domain of the passenger car then; they must sort out how the Fourth Amendment applies to digital information now. | 3483.txt | 2 |
[
"getting into ones residence.",
"handing ones historical records.",
"scanning ones correspondences.",
"going through ones wallet."
] | The author believes that exploring ones phone content is comble to | Just how much does the Constitution protect your digital data? The Supreme Court will now consider whether police can search the contents of a mobile phone without a warrant if the phone is on or around a person during an arrest.
California has asked the justices to refrain from a sweeping ruling, particularly one that upsets the old assumptions that authorities may search through the possessions of suspects at the time of their arrest. It is hard, the state argues, for judges to assess the implications of new and rapidly changing technologies.
The court would be recklessly modest if it followed Californias advice. Enough of the implications are discernable, even obvious, so that the justice can and should provide updated guidelines to police, lawyers and defendants.
They should start by discarding Californias lame argument that exploring the contents of a smartphone- a vast storehouse of digital information is similar to say, going through a suspects purse .The court has ruled that police dont violate the Fourth Amendment when they go through the wallet or pocketbook, of an arrestee without a warrant. But exploring ones smartphone is more like entering his or her home. A smartphone may contain an arrestees reading history, financial history, medical history and comprehensive records of recent correspondence. The development of cloud computing. meanwhile, has made that exploration so much the easier.
But the justices should not swallow Californias argument whole. New, disruptive technology sometimes demands novel applications of the Constitutions protections. Orin Kerr, a law professor, compares the explosion and accessibility of digital information in the 21st century with the establishment of automobile use as a digital necessity of life in the 20th: The justices had to specify novel rules for the new personal domain of the passenger car then; they must sort out how the Fourth Amendment applies to digital information now. | 3483.txt | 0 |
[
"principles are hard to be clearly expressed.",
"the court is giving police less room for action.",
"phones are used to store sensitive information.",
"citizens privacy is not effective protected."
] | In graph 5 and 6, the author shows his concern that | Just how much does the Constitution protect your digital data? The Supreme Court will now consider whether police can search the contents of a mobile phone without a warrant if the phone is on or around a person during an arrest.
California has asked the justices to refrain from a sweeping ruling, particularly one that upsets the old assumptions that authorities may search through the possessions of suspects at the time of their arrest. It is hard, the state argues, for judges to assess the implications of new and rapidly changing technologies.
The court would be recklessly modest if it followed Californias advice. Enough of the implications are discernable, even obvious, so that the justice can and should provide updated guidelines to police, lawyers and defendants.
They should start by discarding Californias lame argument that exploring the contents of a smartphone- a vast storehouse of digital information is similar to say, going through a suspects purse .The court has ruled that police dont violate the Fourth Amendment when they go through the wallet or pocketbook, of an arrestee without a warrant. But exploring ones smartphone is more like entering his or her home. A smartphone may contain an arrestees reading history, financial history, medical history and comprehensive records of recent correspondence. The development of cloud computing. meanwhile, has made that exploration so much the easier.
But the justices should not swallow Californias argument whole. New, disruptive technology sometimes demands novel applications of the Constitutions protections. Orin Kerr, a law professor, compares the explosion and accessibility of digital information in the 21st century with the establishment of automobile use as a digital necessity of life in the 20th: The justices had to specify novel rules for the new personal domain of the passenger car then; they must sort out how the Fourth Amendment applies to digital information now. | 3483.txt | 3 |
[
"the Constitution should be implemented flexibly.",
"New technology requires reinterpretation of the Constitution.",
"Californias argument violates principles of the Constitution.",
"Principles of the Constitution should never be altered."
] | Orin Kerrs comparison is quoted to indicate that | Just how much does the Constitution protect your digital data? The Supreme Court will now consider whether police can search the contents of a mobile phone without a warrant if the phone is on or around a person during an arrest.
California has asked the justices to refrain from a sweeping ruling, particularly one that upsets the old assumptions that authorities may search through the possessions of suspects at the time of their arrest. It is hard, the state argues, for judges to assess the implications of new and rapidly changing technologies.
The court would be recklessly modest if it followed Californias advice. Enough of the implications are discernable, even obvious, so that the justice can and should provide updated guidelines to police, lawyers and defendants.
They should start by discarding Californias lame argument that exploring the contents of a smartphone- a vast storehouse of digital information is similar to say, going through a suspects purse .The court has ruled that police dont violate the Fourth Amendment when they go through the wallet or pocketbook, of an arrestee without a warrant. But exploring ones smartphone is more like entering his or her home. A smartphone may contain an arrestees reading history, financial history, medical history and comprehensive records of recent correspondence. The development of cloud computing. meanwhile, has made that exploration so much the easier.
But the justices should not swallow Californias argument whole. New, disruptive technology sometimes demands novel applications of the Constitutions protections. Orin Kerr, a law professor, compares the explosion and accessibility of digital information in the 21st century with the establishment of automobile use as a digital necessity of life in the 20th: The justices had to specify novel rules for the new personal domain of the passenger car then; they must sort out how the Fourth Amendment applies to digital information now. | 3483.txt | 1 |
[
"lost his father when he was young",
"worked hard before he read his father's letter",
"asked his father permission to believe in himself",
"knew execty at thing his father wanted him to do"
] | We learn from the text that the author. | My father was 44 and knew he wasn't going to male it to 45. He wrote me a letter and hoped that something in it would help me for the rest of my life.
Since the day 1 was 12 and first read his letter, some of his words have lived in my
beart. One it aways times out. "Right now, you are pretending to be a time-killer. But I know that one hay, you will do something great that will set you among the very best." Knowing that my dad believed in me gave me permission to believe in myself. "You will do something great." He didn't know what that would be, and neither did I, but at times in my life when I've felt proud of myself, I remember his words and wish he were here so I could ask. "Is this what you were talking about, Dad? Should I keep going?"
A long way frim 12 now, I realize hew would have been proud when I made any progress. Lately, thongn. I've come to believe he'd want me to move on to winat com next: to be nrood of and believe in, somebody else. It's time to start writing my own letters to my children. Our children look to us with the same unanswered question we had. Our kids don't hold back because they're afraid to fail. They're only afraid of failing us. They don't worry about being disappointed. Their fear-as mine was until my father's letter-is of being a disappointment.
Give your chikdren permission to succeed. They're witing for you to believe in them. I always knew way parents loved me. But trust my That elic will be more comlece, that love will be more real, and their belief in the nelces whi be greater if you write the words on their hearts; "Don't worry; you'll do something great." Not having that blessing from their parents may be the only thing holding them back. | 2308.txt | 0 |
[
"Children need their parents'letters.",
"Children are afraid to be disappointcd.",
"His children's fear of failure held them back.",
"His father's letter removed his fear of failing his parents."
] | What clis the hor tell us in the 3rd passgiaph? | My father was 44 and knew he wasn't going to male it to 45. He wrote me a letter and hoped that something in it would help me for the rest of my life.
Since the day 1 was 12 and first read his letter, some of his words have lived in my
beart. One it aways times out. "Right now, you are pretending to be a time-killer. But I know that one hay, you will do something great that will set you among the very best." Knowing that my dad believed in me gave me permission to believe in myself. "You will do something great." He didn't know what that would be, and neither did I, but at times in my life when I've felt proud of myself, I remember his words and wish he were here so I could ask. "Is this what you were talking about, Dad? Should I keep going?"
A long way frim 12 now, I realize hew would have been proud when I made any progress. Lately, thongn. I've come to believe he'd want me to move on to winat com next: to be nrood of and believe in, somebody else. It's time to start writing my own letters to my children. Our children look to us with the same unanswered question we had. Our kids don't hold back because they're afraid to fail. They're only afraid of failing us. They don't worry about being disappointed. Their fear-as mine was until my father's letter-is of being a disappointment.
Give your chikdren permission to succeed. They're witing for you to believe in them. I always knew way parents loved me. But trust my That elic will be more comlece, that love will be more real, and their belief in the nelces whi be greater if you write the words on their hearts; "Don't worry; you'll do something great." Not having that blessing from their parents may be the only thing holding them back. | 2308.txt | 3 |
[
"He got no access to success.",
"He wrote back to his father at 12.",
"He was surk his parents loved him.",
"He whce asked his father about the letter."
] | Which of the following is true of the author? | My father was 44 and knew he wasn't going to male it to 45. He wrote me a letter and hoped that something in it would help me for the rest of my life.
Since the day 1 was 12 and first read his letter, some of his words have lived in my
beart. One it aways times out. "Right now, you are pretending to be a time-killer. But I know that one hay, you will do something great that will set you among the very best." Knowing that my dad believed in me gave me permission to believe in myself. "You will do something great." He didn't know what that would be, and neither did I, but at times in my life when I've felt proud of myself, I remember his words and wish he were here so I could ask. "Is this what you were talking about, Dad? Should I keep going?"
A long way frim 12 now, I realize hew would have been proud when I made any progress. Lately, thongn. I've come to believe he'd want me to move on to winat com next: to be nrood of and believe in, somebody else. It's time to start writing my own letters to my children. Our children look to us with the same unanswered question we had. Our kids don't hold back because they're afraid to fail. They're only afraid of failing us. They don't worry about being disappointed. Their fear-as mine was until my father's letter-is of being a disappointment.
Give your chikdren permission to succeed. They're witing for you to believe in them. I always knew way parents loved me. But trust my That elic will be more comlece, that love will be more real, and their belief in the nelces whi be greater if you write the words on their hearts; "Don't worry; you'll do something great." Not having that blessing from their parents may be the only thing holding them back. | 2308.txt | 2 |
[
"describe children's thinking",
"answer some questions children have",
"stress the importance of communication",
"advise parents to encourage their children"
] | The main purpose of the text is to _ . | My father was 44 and knew he wasn't going to male it to 45. He wrote me a letter and hoped that something in it would help me for the rest of my life.
Since the day 1 was 12 and first read his letter, some of his words have lived in my
beart. One it aways times out. "Right now, you are pretending to be a time-killer. But I know that one hay, you will do something great that will set you among the very best." Knowing that my dad believed in me gave me permission to believe in myself. "You will do something great." He didn't know what that would be, and neither did I, but at times in my life when I've felt proud of myself, I remember his words and wish he were here so I could ask. "Is this what you were talking about, Dad? Should I keep going?"
A long way frim 12 now, I realize hew would have been proud when I made any progress. Lately, thongn. I've come to believe he'd want me to move on to winat com next: to be nrood of and believe in, somebody else. It's time to start writing my own letters to my children. Our children look to us with the same unanswered question we had. Our kids don't hold back because they're afraid to fail. They're only afraid of failing us. They don't worry about being disappointed. Their fear-as mine was until my father's letter-is of being a disappointment.
Give your chikdren permission to succeed. They're witing for you to believe in them. I always knew way parents loved me. But trust my That elic will be more comlece, that love will be more real, and their belief in the nelces whi be greater if you write the words on their hearts; "Don't worry; you'll do something great." Not having that blessing from their parents may be the only thing holding them back. | 2308.txt | 3 |
[
"Traffic accidents are mainly caused by motorists.",
"Thousands of people the world over are killed each year.",
"The laws of some countries about driving are too lax.",
"Only stricter traffic laws can prevent accidents."
] | The main idea of this passage is | Stricter Traffic Law can Prevent Accidents
From the health point of view we are living in a marvelous age. We are immunized from birth against many of the most dangerous diseases. A large number of once fatal illnesses can now be cured by modern drugs and surgery. It is almost certain that one day remedies will be found for the most stubborn remaining diseases. The expectation of life has increased enormously. But though the possibility of living a long and happy life is greater than ever before, every day we witness the incredible slaughter of men, women and children on the roads. Man versus the motor-car!It is a never-ending battle which man is losing. Thousands of people the world over are killed or horribly killed each year and we are quietly sitting back and letting it happen.
It has been rightly said that when a man is sitting behind a steering wheel, his car becomes the extension of his personality. There is no doubt that the motor-car often brings out a man's very worst qualities. People who are normally quiet and pleasant may become unrecognizable when they are behind a steering-wheel. They swear, they are ill-mannered and aggressive, willful as two-years-olds and utterly selfish. All their hidden frustrations, disappointments and jealousies seem to be brought to the surface by the act of driving.
The surprising thing is that society smiles so benignly on the motorist and seems to condone his behaviour. Everything is done for his convenience. Cities are allowed to become almost uninhabitable because of heavy tragic; towns are made ugly by huge car parks; the countryside is desecrated by road networks; and the mass annual slaughter becomes nothing more than a statistic, to be conveniently forgotten.
It is high time a world code were created to reduce this senseless waste of human life. With regard to driving, the laws of some countries are notoriously lax and even the strictest are not strict enough. A code which was universally accepted could only have a dramatically beneficial effect on the accident rate. Here are a few examples of some the things that might be done. The driving test should be standardized and made far more difficult than it is; all the drivers should be made to take a test every three years or so; the age at which young people are allowed to drive any vehicle should be raised to at least 21;all vehicles should be put through stringent annual tests for safety. Even the smallest amount of alcohol in the blood can impair a person' s driving ability. Present drinking and driving laws (where they exist) should be mad much stricter. Maximum and minimum speed limits should be imposed on all roads. Governments should lay down safety specifications for manufacturers, as has been done in the USA. All advertising stressing power and performance should be banned. These measures may sound inordinately harsh. But surely nothing should be considered as to severe if tit results in reducing the annual toll of human life. After all, the world is for human beings, not motor-cars. | 216.txt | 3 |
[
"Society smiles on the motorists.",
"Huge car parks are built in the cities and towns.",
"Victims of accidents are nothing.",
"Society condones their rude driving."
] | What does the author think of society toward motorists? | Stricter Traffic Law can Prevent Accidents
From the health point of view we are living in a marvelous age. We are immunized from birth against many of the most dangerous diseases. A large number of once fatal illnesses can now be cured by modern drugs and surgery. It is almost certain that one day remedies will be found for the most stubborn remaining diseases. The expectation of life has increased enormously. But though the possibility of living a long and happy life is greater than ever before, every day we witness the incredible slaughter of men, women and children on the roads. Man versus the motor-car!It is a never-ending battle which man is losing. Thousands of people the world over are killed or horribly killed each year and we are quietly sitting back and letting it happen.
It has been rightly said that when a man is sitting behind a steering wheel, his car becomes the extension of his personality. There is no doubt that the motor-car often brings out a man's very worst qualities. People who are normally quiet and pleasant may become unrecognizable when they are behind a steering-wheel. They swear, they are ill-mannered and aggressive, willful as two-years-olds and utterly selfish. All their hidden frustrations, disappointments and jealousies seem to be brought to the surface by the act of driving.
The surprising thing is that society smiles so benignly on the motorist and seems to condone his behaviour. Everything is done for his convenience. Cities are allowed to become almost uninhabitable because of heavy tragic; towns are made ugly by huge car parks; the countryside is desecrated by road networks; and the mass annual slaughter becomes nothing more than a statistic, to be conveniently forgotten.
It is high time a world code were created to reduce this senseless waste of human life. With regard to driving, the laws of some countries are notoriously lax and even the strictest are not strict enough. A code which was universally accepted could only have a dramatically beneficial effect on the accident rate. Here are a few examples of some the things that might be done. The driving test should be standardized and made far more difficult than it is; all the drivers should be made to take a test every three years or so; the age at which young people are allowed to drive any vehicle should be raised to at least 21;all vehicles should be put through stringent annual tests for safety. Even the smallest amount of alcohol in the blood can impair a person' s driving ability. Present drinking and driving laws (where they exist) should be mad much stricter. Maximum and minimum speed limits should be imposed on all roads. Governments should lay down safety specifications for manufacturers, as has been done in the USA. All advertising stressing power and performance should be banned. These measures may sound inordinately harsh. But surely nothing should be considered as to severe if tit results in reducing the annual toll of human life. After all, the world is for human beings, not motor-cars. | 216.txt | 3 |
[
"Driving can show his real self.",
"Driving can show the other part of his personality.",
"Driving can bring out his character.",
"His car embodies his temper."
] | Why does the author say:'his car becomes the extension of his personality?' | Stricter Traffic Law can Prevent Accidents
From the health point of view we are living in a marvelous age. We are immunized from birth against many of the most dangerous diseases. A large number of once fatal illnesses can now be cured by modern drugs and surgery. It is almost certain that one day remedies will be found for the most stubborn remaining diseases. The expectation of life has increased enormously. But though the possibility of living a long and happy life is greater than ever before, every day we witness the incredible slaughter of men, women and children on the roads. Man versus the motor-car!It is a never-ending battle which man is losing. Thousands of people the world over are killed or horribly killed each year and we are quietly sitting back and letting it happen.
It has been rightly said that when a man is sitting behind a steering wheel, his car becomes the extension of his personality. There is no doubt that the motor-car often brings out a man's very worst qualities. People who are normally quiet and pleasant may become unrecognizable when they are behind a steering-wheel. They swear, they are ill-mannered and aggressive, willful as two-years-olds and utterly selfish. All their hidden frustrations, disappointments and jealousies seem to be brought to the surface by the act of driving.
The surprising thing is that society smiles so benignly on the motorist and seems to condone his behaviour. Everything is done for his convenience. Cities are allowed to become almost uninhabitable because of heavy tragic; towns are made ugly by huge car parks; the countryside is desecrated by road networks; and the mass annual slaughter becomes nothing more than a statistic, to be conveniently forgotten.
It is high time a world code were created to reduce this senseless waste of human life. With regard to driving, the laws of some countries are notoriously lax and even the strictest are not strict enough. A code which was universally accepted could only have a dramatically beneficial effect on the accident rate. Here are a few examples of some the things that might be done. The driving test should be standardized and made far more difficult than it is; all the drivers should be made to take a test every three years or so; the age at which young people are allowed to drive any vehicle should be raised to at least 21;all vehicles should be put through stringent annual tests for safety. Even the smallest amount of alcohol in the blood can impair a person' s driving ability. Present drinking and driving laws (where they exist) should be mad much stricter. Maximum and minimum speed limits should be imposed on all roads. Governments should lay down safety specifications for manufacturers, as has been done in the USA. All advertising stressing power and performance should be banned. These measures may sound inordinately harsh. But surely nothing should be considered as to severe if tit results in reducing the annual toll of human life. After all, the world is for human beings, not motor-cars. | 216.txt | 0 |
[
"Build more highways.",
"Stricter driving tests.",
"Test drivers every three years.",
"raise age limit and lay down safety specifications."
] | Which of the followings is NOT mentioned as a way against traffic accidents? | Stricter Traffic Law can Prevent Accidents
From the health point of view we are living in a marvelous age. We are immunized from birth against many of the most dangerous diseases. A large number of once fatal illnesses can now be cured by modern drugs and surgery. It is almost certain that one day remedies will be found for the most stubborn remaining diseases. The expectation of life has increased enormously. But though the possibility of living a long and happy life is greater than ever before, every day we witness the incredible slaughter of men, women and children on the roads. Man versus the motor-car!It is a never-ending battle which man is losing. Thousands of people the world over are killed or horribly killed each year and we are quietly sitting back and letting it happen.
It has been rightly said that when a man is sitting behind a steering wheel, his car becomes the extension of his personality. There is no doubt that the motor-car often brings out a man's very worst qualities. People who are normally quiet and pleasant may become unrecognizable when they are behind a steering-wheel. They swear, they are ill-mannered and aggressive, willful as two-years-olds and utterly selfish. All their hidden frustrations, disappointments and jealousies seem to be brought to the surface by the act of driving.
The surprising thing is that society smiles so benignly on the motorist and seems to condone his behaviour. Everything is done for his convenience. Cities are allowed to become almost uninhabitable because of heavy tragic; towns are made ugly by huge car parks; the countryside is desecrated by road networks; and the mass annual slaughter becomes nothing more than a statistic, to be conveniently forgotten.
It is high time a world code were created to reduce this senseless waste of human life. With regard to driving, the laws of some countries are notoriously lax and even the strictest are not strict enough. A code which was universally accepted could only have a dramatically beneficial effect on the accident rate. Here are a few examples of some the things that might be done. The driving test should be standardized and made far more difficult than it is; all the drivers should be made to take a test every three years or so; the age at which young people are allowed to drive any vehicle should be raised to at least 21;all vehicles should be put through stringent annual tests for safety. Even the smallest amount of alcohol in the blood can impair a person' s driving ability. Present drinking and driving laws (where they exist) should be mad much stricter. Maximum and minimum speed limits should be imposed on all roads. Governments should lay down safety specifications for manufacturers, as has been done in the USA. All advertising stressing power and performance should be banned. These measures may sound inordinately harsh. But surely nothing should be considered as to severe if tit results in reducing the annual toll of human life. After all, the world is for human beings, not motor-cars. | 216.txt | 0 |
[
"ironical",
"critical",
"appealing",
"militant"
] | The attitude of the author is | Stricter Traffic Law can Prevent Accidents
From the health point of view we are living in a marvelous age. We are immunized from birth against many of the most dangerous diseases. A large number of once fatal illnesses can now be cured by modern drugs and surgery. It is almost certain that one day remedies will be found for the most stubborn remaining diseases. The expectation of life has increased enormously. But though the possibility of living a long and happy life is greater than ever before, every day we witness the incredible slaughter of men, women and children on the roads. Man versus the motor-car!It is a never-ending battle which man is losing. Thousands of people the world over are killed or horribly killed each year and we are quietly sitting back and letting it happen.
It has been rightly said that when a man is sitting behind a steering wheel, his car becomes the extension of his personality. There is no doubt that the motor-car often brings out a man's very worst qualities. People who are normally quiet and pleasant may become unrecognizable when they are behind a steering-wheel. They swear, they are ill-mannered and aggressive, willful as two-years-olds and utterly selfish. All their hidden frustrations, disappointments and jealousies seem to be brought to the surface by the act of driving.
The surprising thing is that society smiles so benignly on the motorist and seems to condone his behaviour. Everything is done for his convenience. Cities are allowed to become almost uninhabitable because of heavy tragic; towns are made ugly by huge car parks; the countryside is desecrated by road networks; and the mass annual slaughter becomes nothing more than a statistic, to be conveniently forgotten.
It is high time a world code were created to reduce this senseless waste of human life. With regard to driving, the laws of some countries are notoriously lax and even the strictest are not strict enough. A code which was universally accepted could only have a dramatically beneficial effect on the accident rate. Here are a few examples of some the things that might be done. The driving test should be standardized and made far more difficult than it is; all the drivers should be made to take a test every three years or so; the age at which young people are allowed to drive any vehicle should be raised to at least 21;all vehicles should be put through stringent annual tests for safety. Even the smallest amount of alcohol in the blood can impair a person' s driving ability. Present drinking and driving laws (where they exist) should be mad much stricter. Maximum and minimum speed limits should be imposed on all roads. Governments should lay down safety specifications for manufacturers, as has been done in the USA. All advertising stressing power and performance should be banned. These measures may sound inordinately harsh. But surely nothing should be considered as to severe if tit results in reducing the annual toll of human life. After all, the world is for human beings, not motor-cars. | 216.txt | 1 |
[
"The man's job was bike racing.",
"It was their only possession.",
"It was a nice Kona 18 speed.",
"They used it for work and daily life."
] | Why was the bike so important to the couple? | It was a winter morning, just a couple of weeks before Christmas 2005. While most people were warming up their cars, Trevor, my husband, had to get up early to ride his bike four kilometers away from home to work. On arrival, he parked his bike outside the back door as he usually does. After putting in 10 hours of labor, he returned to find his bike gone.
The bike, a black Kona 18 speed, was our only transport. Trevor used it to get to work, putting in 60-hour weeks to support his young family. And the bike was also used to get groceries，saving us from having to walk long distances from where we live.
I was so sad that someone would steal our bike that I wrote to the newspaper and told them our story. Shortly after that, several people in our area offered to help. One wonderful stranger even bought a bike, then called my husband to pick it up. Once again my husband had a way to get to and from his job. It really is an honor that a complete stranger would go out of their way for someone they have never met before.
People say that a smile can be passed from one person to another, but acts of kindness from strangers are even more so. This experience has had a spreading effect in our lives because it strengthened our faith in humanityas a whole. And it has influencedus to be more mindful of ways we, too, can share with others. No matter how big or how small, an act of kindness shows that someone cares. And the results can be everlasting. | 3396.txt | 1 |
[
"the couple worked 60 hours a week.",
"people were busy before Christmas",
"the stranger brought over the bike",
"life was hard for the young family."
] | We can infer from the text that _ . | It was a winter morning, just a couple of weeks before Christmas 2005. While most people were warming up their cars, Trevor, my husband, had to get up early to ride his bike four kilometers away from home to work. On arrival, he parked his bike outside the back door as he usually does. After putting in 10 hours of labor, he returned to find his bike gone.
The bike, a black Kona 18 speed, was our only transport. Trevor used it to get to work, putting in 60-hour weeks to support his young family. And the bike was also used to get groceries，saving us from having to walk long distances from where we live.
I was so sad that someone would steal our bike that I wrote to the newspaper and told them our story. Shortly after that, several people in our area offered to help. One wonderful stranger even bought a bike, then called my husband to pick it up. Once again my husband had a way to get to and from his job. It really is an honor that a complete stranger would go out of their way for someone they have never met before.
People say that a smile can be passed from one person to another, but acts of kindness from strangers are even more so. This experience has had a spreading effect in our lives because it strengthened our faith in humanityas a whole. And it has influencedus to be more mindful of ways we, too, can share with others. No matter how big or how small, an act of kindness shows that someone cares. And the results can be everlasting. | 3396.txt | 3 |
[
"From radio broadcasts.",
"From a newspaper.",
"From TV news.",
"From a stranger."
] | How did people get to know the couple's problem? | It was a winter morning, just a couple of weeks before Christmas 2005. While most people were warming up their cars, Trevor, my husband, had to get up early to ride his bike four kilometers away from home to work. On arrival, he parked his bike outside the back door as he usually does. After putting in 10 hours of labor, he returned to find his bike gone.
The bike, a black Kona 18 speed, was our only transport. Trevor used it to get to work, putting in 60-hour weeks to support his young family. And the bike was also used to get groceries，saving us from having to walk long distances from where we live.
I was so sad that someone would steal our bike that I wrote to the newspaper and told them our story. Shortly after that, several people in our area offered to help. One wonderful stranger even bought a bike, then called my husband to pick it up. Once again my husband had a way to get to and from his job. It really is an honor that a complete stranger would go out of their way for someone they have never met before.
People say that a smile can be passed from one person to another, but acts of kindness from strangers are even more so. This experience has had a spreading effect in our lives because it strengthened our faith in humanityas a whole. And it has influencedus to be more mindful of ways we, too, can share with others. No matter how big or how small, an act of kindness shows that someone cares. And the results can be everlasting. | 3396.txt | 1 |
[
"Strangers are usually of little help.",
"One should take care of their bike.",
"News reports make people famous.",
"An act of kindness can mean a lot."
] | What do the couple learn from their experience? | It was a winter morning, just a couple of weeks before Christmas 2005. While most people were warming up their cars, Trevor, my husband, had to get up early to ride his bike four kilometers away from home to work. On arrival, he parked his bike outside the back door as he usually does. After putting in 10 hours of labor, he returned to find his bike gone.
The bike, a black Kona 18 speed, was our only transport. Trevor used it to get to work, putting in 60-hour weeks to support his young family. And the bike was also used to get groceries，saving us from having to walk long distances from where we live.
I was so sad that someone would steal our bike that I wrote to the newspaper and told them our story. Shortly after that, several people in our area offered to help. One wonderful stranger even bought a bike, then called my husband to pick it up. Once again my husband had a way to get to and from his job. It really is an honor that a complete stranger would go out of their way for someone they have never met before.
People say that a smile can be passed from one person to another, but acts of kindness from strangers are even more so. This experience has had a spreading effect in our lives because it strengthened our faith in humanityas a whole. And it has influencedus to be more mindful of ways we, too, can share with others. No matter how big or how small, an act of kindness shows that someone cares. And the results can be everlasting. | 3396.txt | 2 |
[
"discuss the validity of a hypothesis",
"summarize a system of general principles",
"propose guidelines for future argument",
"stipulate conditions for acceptance of an interpretation"
] | The primary purpose of the passage is to | Initially the Vinaver theory that Malory's eight romances, once thought to be fundamentally unified, were in fact eight independent works produced both a sense of relief and an unpleasant shock. Vinaver's theory comfortably explained away the apparent contradictions of chronology and made each romance independently satisfying. It was, however, disagreeable to find that what had been thought of as one book was now eight books. Part of this response was the natural reaction to the disturbance of set ideas. Nevertheless, even now, after lengthy consideration of the theory's refined but legitimate observations, one cannot avoid the conclusion that the eight romances are only one work. It is not quite a matter of disagreeing with the theory of independence, but of rejecting its implications: that the romances may be taken in any or no particular order, that they have no cumulative effect, and that they are as separate as the works of a modern novelist. | 2016.txt | 0 |
[
"It gives a clearer understanding of the unity of Malory's romances.",
"It demonstrates the irrationality of considering Malory's romances to be unified.",
"It establishes acceptable links between Malory's romances and modern novels.",
"It makes valid and subtle comments about Malory's romances."
] | The author of the passage concedes which of the following about the Vinaver theory? | Initially the Vinaver theory that Malory's eight romances, once thought to be fundamentally unified, were in fact eight independent works produced both a sense of relief and an unpleasant shock. Vinaver's theory comfortably explained away the apparent contradictions of chronology and made each romance independently satisfying. It was, however, disagreeable to find that what had been thought of as one book was now eight books. Part of this response was the natural reaction to the disturbance of set ideas. Nevertheless, even now, after lengthy consideration of the theory's refined but legitimate observations, one cannot avoid the conclusion that the eight romances are only one work. It is not quite a matter of disagreeing with the theory of independence, but of rejecting its implications: that the romances may be taken in any or no particular order, that they have no cumulative effect, and that they are as separate as the works of a modern novelist. | 2016.txt | 3 |
[
"frequently misled by the inconsistencies in Malory's work",
"initially biased by previous interpretations of Malory's work",
"conceptually displeased by the general interpretation that Vinaver rejected",
"generally in agreement with Vinaver's comparisons between Malory and modern novelists"
] | It can be inferred from the passage that, in evaluating the Vinaver theory, some critics were | Initially the Vinaver theory that Malory's eight romances, once thought to be fundamentally unified, were in fact eight independent works produced both a sense of relief and an unpleasant shock. Vinaver's theory comfortably explained away the apparent contradictions of chronology and made each romance independently satisfying. It was, however, disagreeable to find that what had been thought of as one book was now eight books. Part of this response was the natural reaction to the disturbance of set ideas. Nevertheless, even now, after lengthy consideration of the theory's refined but legitimate observations, one cannot avoid the conclusion that the eight romances are only one work. It is not quite a matter of disagreeing with the theory of independence, but of rejecting its implications: that the romances may be taken in any or no particular order, that they have no cumulative effect, and that they are as separate as the works of a modern novelist. | 2016.txt | 1 |
[
"quoting the Teacher of the Year",
"citing an example",
"making an assumption",
"posing a contrast"
] | In the opening paragraph, the author introduces his topic by _ . | On this one point George W. Bush and Al Gore would agree: our schools need more Marilyn Whirrys. For 35 years, Whirry has inspired high school students to think deeply about great literature and to use its devices in their writing. She is the kind of teacher that students come back to visit decades later in her classroom in Manhattan Beach, Calif. Last May a national educators' group named her its Teacher of the Year. And with the nation's public schools planning to hire 2.5 million new teachers over the next decade, Whirry is excited that each presidential candidate is pushing ways to recruit, train and reward better teachers. " They're both talking about teacher quality," she says. " We have a real opportunity right now."
Bush's plan combines most existing federal funds for professional development and class-size reduction into a flexible new fund for teacher training and recruitment, and he adds $400 million a year in new money. Bush would allow states to spend the funds as they see fit-so long as they establish teacher-accountability systems. This is similar to what Ronald Reagan did in the 1980s. But then, says Emily Feistritzer, president of the Center for Education Information, " the money disappeared." Under Bush's plan, she says, " I worry that the money won't go where it's intended to once it reaches the states."
Bush would expand funding from $2. 4 million to $30 million for the Troops to Teachers program, which places veterans who want to teach in public schools. The program makes use of people like Arthur Moore, who retired in 1994 after 21 years in the Army and knew he wanted to teach. " There are a lot of people who would make excellent teachers but are discouraged by the bureaucracy of the certification process," says Moore, 45, who began teaching fourth grade in Baltimore and now tests students for special education. " Troops to Teachers is an excellent way to tap their potential by lowering the barriers." Bush would also expand loan forgiveness for math and science majors who teach in needy schools.
Gore's plan, endorsed by the teachers' unions, would spend $8 billion over 10 years to help recruit 1 million new teachers, with provisions for college aid, loan forgiveness and signing bonuses. Gore would spend an additional $8 billion to provide raises of as much as $5,000 each to teachers in poor districts that have adopted aggressive plans to improve teacher quality, plus as much as $10,000 each to teachers certified by a national board. Gore would also require states to ensure that all new teachers pass rigorous assessments. Says Feistritzer:" Gore's proposal might be a little excessive in the number of teachers he wants to recruit, but his teacher testing is exactly what we need." | 550.txt | 2 |
[
"be handicapped by the states",
"give the states too much freedom",
"help states recruit more teachers",
"be too flexible"
] | According to Emily Feistritzer, Bush's plan might _ . | On this one point George W. Bush and Al Gore would agree: our schools need more Marilyn Whirrys. For 35 years, Whirry has inspired high school students to think deeply about great literature and to use its devices in their writing. She is the kind of teacher that students come back to visit decades later in her classroom in Manhattan Beach, Calif. Last May a national educators' group named her its Teacher of the Year. And with the nation's public schools planning to hire 2.5 million new teachers over the next decade, Whirry is excited that each presidential candidate is pushing ways to recruit, train and reward better teachers. " They're both talking about teacher quality," she says. " We have a real opportunity right now."
Bush's plan combines most existing federal funds for professional development and class-size reduction into a flexible new fund for teacher training and recruitment, and he adds $400 million a year in new money. Bush would allow states to spend the funds as they see fit-so long as they establish teacher-accountability systems. This is similar to what Ronald Reagan did in the 1980s. But then, says Emily Feistritzer, president of the Center for Education Information, " the money disappeared." Under Bush's plan, she says, " I worry that the money won't go where it's intended to once it reaches the states."
Bush would expand funding from $2. 4 million to $30 million for the Troops to Teachers program, which places veterans who want to teach in public schools. The program makes use of people like Arthur Moore, who retired in 1994 after 21 years in the Army and knew he wanted to teach. " There are a lot of people who would make excellent teachers but are discouraged by the bureaucracy of the certification process," says Moore, 45, who began teaching fourth grade in Baltimore and now tests students for special education. " Troops to Teachers is an excellent way to tap their potential by lowering the barriers." Bush would also expand loan forgiveness for math and science majors who teach in needy schools.
Gore's plan, endorsed by the teachers' unions, would spend $8 billion over 10 years to help recruit 1 million new teachers, with provisions for college aid, loan forgiveness and signing bonuses. Gore would spend an additional $8 billion to provide raises of as much as $5,000 each to teachers in poor districts that have adopted aggressive plans to improve teacher quality, plus as much as $10,000 each to teachers certified by a national board. Gore would also require states to ensure that all new teachers pass rigorous assessments. Says Feistritzer:" Gore's proposal might be a little excessive in the number of teachers he wants to recruit, but his teacher testing is exactly what we need." | 550.txt | 0 |
[
"their lack of training and experience",
"their background",
"that they do not have the making of a teacher",
"the barriers in the certification process"
] | The basic problem many veterans encounter when they seek the teaching profession is _ . | On this one point George W. Bush and Al Gore would agree: our schools need more Marilyn Whirrys. For 35 years, Whirry has inspired high school students to think deeply about great literature and to use its devices in their writing. She is the kind of teacher that students come back to visit decades later in her classroom in Manhattan Beach, Calif. Last May a national educators' group named her its Teacher of the Year. And with the nation's public schools planning to hire 2.5 million new teachers over the next decade, Whirry is excited that each presidential candidate is pushing ways to recruit, train and reward better teachers. " They're both talking about teacher quality," she says. " We have a real opportunity right now."
Bush's plan combines most existing federal funds for professional development and class-size reduction into a flexible new fund for teacher training and recruitment, and he adds $400 million a year in new money. Bush would allow states to spend the funds as they see fit-so long as they establish teacher-accountability systems. This is similar to what Ronald Reagan did in the 1980s. But then, says Emily Feistritzer, president of the Center for Education Information, " the money disappeared." Under Bush's plan, she says, " I worry that the money won't go where it's intended to once it reaches the states."
Bush would expand funding from $2. 4 million to $30 million for the Troops to Teachers program, which places veterans who want to teach in public schools. The program makes use of people like Arthur Moore, who retired in 1994 after 21 years in the Army and knew he wanted to teach. " There are a lot of people who would make excellent teachers but are discouraged by the bureaucracy of the certification process," says Moore, 45, who began teaching fourth grade in Baltimore and now tests students for special education. " Troops to Teachers is an excellent way to tap their potential by lowering the barriers." Bush would also expand loan forgiveness for math and science majors who teach in needy schools.
Gore's plan, endorsed by the teachers' unions, would spend $8 billion over 10 years to help recruit 1 million new teachers, with provisions for college aid, loan forgiveness and signing bonuses. Gore would spend an additional $8 billion to provide raises of as much as $5,000 each to teachers in poor districts that have adopted aggressive plans to improve teacher quality, plus as much as $10,000 each to teachers certified by a national board. Gore would also require states to ensure that all new teachers pass rigorous assessments. Says Feistritzer:" Gore's proposal might be a little excessive in the number of teachers he wants to recruit, but his teacher testing is exactly what we need." | 550.txt | 3 |
[
"Gore's plan is better than Bush's plan",
"poor districts will receive more funding from Gore's plan",
"Gore's plan focuses on the number of teachers while Bush's plan on the accountability",
"Gore's plan gives qualified teachers generous paycheck"
] | From Paragraph 4 we can infer that _ . | On this one point George W. Bush and Al Gore would agree: our schools need more Marilyn Whirrys. For 35 years, Whirry has inspired high school students to think deeply about great literature and to use its devices in their writing. She is the kind of teacher that students come back to visit decades later in her classroom in Manhattan Beach, Calif. Last May a national educators' group named her its Teacher of the Year. And with the nation's public schools planning to hire 2.5 million new teachers over the next decade, Whirry is excited that each presidential candidate is pushing ways to recruit, train and reward better teachers. " They're both talking about teacher quality," she says. " We have a real opportunity right now."
Bush's plan combines most existing federal funds for professional development and class-size reduction into a flexible new fund for teacher training and recruitment, and he adds $400 million a year in new money. Bush would allow states to spend the funds as they see fit-so long as they establish teacher-accountability systems. This is similar to what Ronald Reagan did in the 1980s. But then, says Emily Feistritzer, president of the Center for Education Information, " the money disappeared." Under Bush's plan, she says, " I worry that the money won't go where it's intended to once it reaches the states."
Bush would expand funding from $2. 4 million to $30 million for the Troops to Teachers program, which places veterans who want to teach in public schools. The program makes use of people like Arthur Moore, who retired in 1994 after 21 years in the Army and knew he wanted to teach. " There are a lot of people who would make excellent teachers but are discouraged by the bureaucracy of the certification process," says Moore, 45, who began teaching fourth grade in Baltimore and now tests students for special education. " Troops to Teachers is an excellent way to tap their potential by lowering the barriers." Bush would also expand loan forgiveness for math and science majors who teach in needy schools.
Gore's plan, endorsed by the teachers' unions, would spend $8 billion over 10 years to help recruit 1 million new teachers, with provisions for college aid, loan forgiveness and signing bonuses. Gore would spend an additional $8 billion to provide raises of as much as $5,000 each to teachers in poor districts that have adopted aggressive plans to improve teacher quality, plus as much as $10,000 each to teachers certified by a national board. Gore would also require states to ensure that all new teachers pass rigorous assessments. Says Feistritzer:" Gore's proposal might be a little excessive in the number of teachers he wants to recruit, but his teacher testing is exactly what we need." | 550.txt | 3 |
[
"The competition between Bush and Gore.",
"Two presidential candidates' plans of teacher training, recruitment and rewarding.",
"The increasing importance of teaching profession.",
"The differences between Bush's plan and that of Gore's."
] | What is the passage mainly about? | On this one point George W. Bush and Al Gore would agree: our schools need more Marilyn Whirrys. For 35 years, Whirry has inspired high school students to think deeply about great literature and to use its devices in their writing. She is the kind of teacher that students come back to visit decades later in her classroom in Manhattan Beach, Calif. Last May a national educators' group named her its Teacher of the Year. And with the nation's public schools planning to hire 2.5 million new teachers over the next decade, Whirry is excited that each presidential candidate is pushing ways to recruit, train and reward better teachers. " They're both talking about teacher quality," she says. " We have a real opportunity right now."
Bush's plan combines most existing federal funds for professional development and class-size reduction into a flexible new fund for teacher training and recruitment, and he adds $400 million a year in new money. Bush would allow states to spend the funds as they see fit-so long as they establish teacher-accountability systems. This is similar to what Ronald Reagan did in the 1980s. But then, says Emily Feistritzer, president of the Center for Education Information, " the money disappeared." Under Bush's plan, she says, " I worry that the money won't go where it's intended to once it reaches the states."
Bush would expand funding from $2. 4 million to $30 million for the Troops to Teachers program, which places veterans who want to teach in public schools. The program makes use of people like Arthur Moore, who retired in 1994 after 21 years in the Army and knew he wanted to teach. " There are a lot of people who would make excellent teachers but are discouraged by the bureaucracy of the certification process," says Moore, 45, who began teaching fourth grade in Baltimore and now tests students for special education. " Troops to Teachers is an excellent way to tap their potential by lowering the barriers." Bush would also expand loan forgiveness for math and science majors who teach in needy schools.
Gore's plan, endorsed by the teachers' unions, would spend $8 billion over 10 years to help recruit 1 million new teachers, with provisions for college aid, loan forgiveness and signing bonuses. Gore would spend an additional $8 billion to provide raises of as much as $5,000 each to teachers in poor districts that have adopted aggressive plans to improve teacher quality, plus as much as $10,000 each to teachers certified by a national board. Gore would also require states to ensure that all new teachers pass rigorous assessments. Says Feistritzer:" Gore's proposal might be a little excessive in the number of teachers he wants to recruit, but his teacher testing is exactly what we need." | 550.txt | 1 |
[
"They are more likely to survive serious diseases today.",
"Their average life span has been considerably extended.",
"They have lived long enough to read this article.",
"They are sure to enjoy a longer and happier live."
] | Why does the author congratulate his male readers at the beginning of the passage? | If you are a male and you are reading this ,congratulations: you are a survivor .According to statistics .you are more than twice as likely to die of skin cancer than a woman ,and nine times more likely to die of AIDS. Assuming you make it to the end of your natural term, about 78 years for men in , you will die on average five years before a woman.
There are many reasons for this-typically, men take more risks than woman and are more likely to drink and smoke but perhaps more importantly, men don't go to the doctor.
"Men aren't seeing doctors as often as they should, " says Dr. Gullotta, "This is particularly so for the over-40s,when diseases tend to strike."
Gullotta says a healthy man should visit the doctor every year or two. For those over 45,it should be at least once a year.
Two months ago Gullotta saw a 50-year-old ma who had delayed doing anything about his smoker's cough for a year.
"When I finally saw him it had already spread and he has since died from lung cancer" he says, "Earlier detection and treatment may not have cured him, but it would have prolonged this life"
According to a recent survey, 95%of women aged between 15 and early 40s see a doctor once a year, compared to 70% of men in the same age group.
"A lot of men think they are invincible （）"Gullotta says "They only come in when a friend drops dead on the golf course and they think" Geez, if it could happen to him.
Then there is the ostrich approach," some men are scared of what might be there and would rather not know, " says Dr. Ross Cartmill.
"Most men get their cars serviced more regularly than they service their bodies," Cartmill says .He believes most diseases that commonly affect men could be addressed by preventive check-ups
Regular check-ups for men would inevitably place strain on the public purse, Cartmill says." But prevention is cheaper in the long run than having to treat the diseases. Besides, the ultimate cost is far greater: it is called premature death." | 1597.txt | 2 |
[
"men drink and smoke much more than women",
"men don't seek medical care as often as women",
"men aren't as cautions as women in face of danger",
"men are more likely to suffer from fatal diseases"
] | What does the author state is the most important reason men die five years earlier on average than women? | If you are a male and you are reading this ,congratulations: you are a survivor .According to statistics .you are more than twice as likely to die of skin cancer than a woman ,and nine times more likely to die of AIDS. Assuming you make it to the end of your natural term, about 78 years for men in , you will die on average five years before a woman.
There are many reasons for this-typically, men take more risks than woman and are more likely to drink and smoke but perhaps more importantly, men don't go to the doctor.
"Men aren't seeing doctors as often as they should, " says Dr. Gullotta, "This is particularly so for the over-40s,when diseases tend to strike."
Gullotta says a healthy man should visit the doctor every year or two. For those over 45,it should be at least once a year.
Two months ago Gullotta saw a 50-year-old ma who had delayed doing anything about his smoker's cough for a year.
"When I finally saw him it had already spread and he has since died from lung cancer" he says, "Earlier detection and treatment may not have cured him, but it would have prolonged this life"
According to a recent survey, 95%of women aged between 15 and early 40s see a doctor once a year, compared to 70% of men in the same age group.
"A lot of men think they are invincible （）"Gullotta says "They only come in when a friend drops dead on the golf course and they think" Geez, if it could happen to him.
Then there is the ostrich approach," some men are scared of what might be there and would rather not know, " says Dr. Ross Cartmill.
"Most men get their cars serviced more regularly than they service their bodies," Cartmill says .He believes most diseases that commonly affect men could be addressed by preventive check-ups
Regular check-ups for men would inevitably place strain on the public purse, Cartmill says." But prevention is cheaper in the long run than having to treat the diseases. Besides, the ultimate cost is far greater: it is called premature death." | 1597.txt | 1 |
[
"it could happen to me, too",
"I should avoid playing golf",
"I should consider myself lucky",
"it would be a big misfortune"
] | Which of the following best completes the sentence "Geez, if it could happen to him,…'(line2,para,8)? | If you are a male and you are reading this ,congratulations: you are a survivor .According to statistics .you are more than twice as likely to die of skin cancer than a woman ,and nine times more likely to die of AIDS. Assuming you make it to the end of your natural term, about 78 years for men in , you will die on average five years before a woman.
There are many reasons for this-typically, men take more risks than woman and are more likely to drink and smoke but perhaps more importantly, men don't go to the doctor.
"Men aren't seeing doctors as often as they should, " says Dr. Gullotta, "This is particularly so for the over-40s,when diseases tend to strike."
Gullotta says a healthy man should visit the doctor every year or two. For those over 45,it should be at least once a year.
Two months ago Gullotta saw a 50-year-old ma who had delayed doing anything about his smoker's cough for a year.
"When I finally saw him it had already spread and he has since died from lung cancer" he says, "Earlier detection and treatment may not have cured him, but it would have prolonged this life"
According to a recent survey, 95%of women aged between 15 and early 40s see a doctor once a year, compared to 70% of men in the same age group.
"A lot of men think they are invincible （）"Gullotta says "They only come in when a friend drops dead on the golf course and they think" Geez, if it could happen to him.
Then there is the ostrich approach," some men are scared of what might be there and would rather not know, " says Dr. Ross Cartmill.
"Most men get their cars serviced more regularly than they service their bodies," Cartmill says .He believes most diseases that commonly affect men could be addressed by preventive check-ups
Regular check-ups for men would inevitably place strain on the public purse, Cartmill says." But prevention is cheaper in the long run than having to treat the diseases. Besides, the ultimate cost is far greater: it is called premature death." | 1597.txt | 0 |
[
"a casual attitude towards one's health conditions",
"a new therapy for certain psychological problems",
"refusal to get medical treatment for fear of the pain involved",
"unwillingness to find out about one's disease because of fear"
] | what does Dr. Ross Cartmill mean by "the ostrich approach"(line q para.9) | If you are a male and you are reading this ,congratulations: you are a survivor .According to statistics .you are more than twice as likely to die of skin cancer than a woman ,and nine times more likely to die of AIDS. Assuming you make it to the end of your natural term, about 78 years for men in , you will die on average five years before a woman.
There are many reasons for this-typically, men take more risks than woman and are more likely to drink and smoke but perhaps more importantly, men don't go to the doctor.
"Men aren't seeing doctors as often as they should, " says Dr. Gullotta, "This is particularly so for the over-40s,when diseases tend to strike."
Gullotta says a healthy man should visit the doctor every year or two. For those over 45,it should be at least once a year.
Two months ago Gullotta saw a 50-year-old ma who had delayed doing anything about his smoker's cough for a year.
"When I finally saw him it had already spread and he has since died from lung cancer" he says, "Earlier detection and treatment may not have cured him, but it would have prolonged this life"
According to a recent survey, 95%of women aged between 15 and early 40s see a doctor once a year, compared to 70% of men in the same age group.
"A lot of men think they are invincible （）"Gullotta says "They only come in when a friend drops dead on the golf course and they think" Geez, if it could happen to him.
Then there is the ostrich approach," some men are scared of what might be there and would rather not know, " says Dr. Ross Cartmill.
"Most men get their cars serviced more regularly than they service their bodies," Cartmill says .He believes most diseases that commonly affect men could be addressed by preventive check-ups
Regular check-ups for men would inevitably place strain on the public purse, Cartmill says." But prevention is cheaper in the long run than having to treat the diseases. Besides, the ultimate cost is far greater: it is called premature death." | 1597.txt | 3 |
[
"They may increase public expenses",
"They will save money in the long run",
"They may cause psychological strains on men",
"They will enable men to live as long as women"
] | What does Cartmill say about regular check-ups for men? | If you are a male and you are reading this ,congratulations: you are a survivor .According to statistics .you are more than twice as likely to die of skin cancer than a woman ,and nine times more likely to die of AIDS. Assuming you make it to the end of your natural term, about 78 years for men in , you will die on average five years before a woman.
There are many reasons for this-typically, men take more risks than woman and are more likely to drink and smoke but perhaps more importantly, men don't go to the doctor.
"Men aren't seeing doctors as often as they should, " says Dr. Gullotta, "This is particularly so for the over-40s,when diseases tend to strike."
Gullotta says a healthy man should visit the doctor every year or two. For those over 45,it should be at least once a year.
Two months ago Gullotta saw a 50-year-old ma who had delayed doing anything about his smoker's cough for a year.
"When I finally saw him it had already spread and he has since died from lung cancer" he says, "Earlier detection and treatment may not have cured him, but it would have prolonged this life"
According to a recent survey, 95%of women aged between 15 and early 40s see a doctor once a year, compared to 70% of men in the same age group.
"A lot of men think they are invincible （）"Gullotta says "They only come in when a friend drops dead on the golf course and they think" Geez, if it could happen to him.
Then there is the ostrich approach," some men are scared of what might be there and would rather not know, " says Dr. Ross Cartmill.
"Most men get their cars serviced more regularly than they service their bodies," Cartmill says .He believes most diseases that commonly affect men could be addressed by preventive check-ups
Regular check-ups for men would inevitably place strain on the public purse, Cartmill says." But prevention is cheaper in the long run than having to treat the diseases. Besides, the ultimate cost is far greater: it is called premature death." | 1597.txt | 1 |
[
"One's hair growth has to do with the amount of water they drink.",
"A person's hair may reveal where they have lived.",
"Hair analysis accurately identifies criminal suspects.",
"The chemical composition of hair varies from person to person."
] | What is the scientists' new discovery? | Scientists have devised a way to determine roughly where a person has lived using a strand of hair, a technique that could help track the movements of criminal suspects or unidentified murder victims.
The method relies on measuring how chemical variations in drinking water show up in people's hair.
"You're what you eat and drink, and that's recorded in your hair," said Thure Cerling, a geologist at the .
While diet is relatively identical, water supplies vary. The differences result from weather patterns. The chemical composition of rainfall changes slightly as rain clouds move.
Most hydrogen and oxygen atoms in water are stable, but traces of both elements are also present as heavier isotopes . The heaviest rain falls first. As a result, storms that form over the Pacific deliver heavier water to than to .
Similar patterns exist throughout the By measuring the proportion of heavier hydrogen and oxygen isotopes along a strand of hair, scientists can construct a geographic timeline. Each inch of hair corresponds to about two months.
Cerling's team collected tap water samples from 600 cities and constructed a map of the regional differences. They checked the accuracy of the map by testing 200 hair samples collected from 65 barber shops.
They were able to accurately place the hair samples in broad regions roughly corresponding to the movement of rain systems.
"It's not good for pinpointing ," Cerling said. "It's good for eliminating many possibilities."
Todd Park, a local detective, said the method has helped him learn more about an unidentified woman whose skeleton was found near .
The woman was 5 feet tall. Police recovered 26 bones, a T-shirt and several strands of hair.
When Park heard about the research, he gave the hair samples to the researchers. Chemical testing showed that over the two years before her death, she moved about every two months.
She stayed in the Northwest, although the test could not be more specific than somewhere between eastern and western .
"It's still a substantial area," Park said. "But it narrows it way down for me." | 1761.txt | 1 |
[
"Food and drink affect one's personality development.",
"Food and drink preferences vary with individuals.",
"Food and drink leave traces in one's body tissues.",
"Food and drink are indispensable to one's existence."
] | What does the author mean by "You're what you eat and drink" (Line 1, Para. 3)? | Scientists have devised a way to determine roughly where a person has lived using a strand of hair, a technique that could help track the movements of criminal suspects or unidentified murder victims.
The method relies on measuring how chemical variations in drinking water show up in people's hair.
"You're what you eat and drink, and that's recorded in your hair," said Thure Cerling, a geologist at the .
While diet is relatively identical, water supplies vary. The differences result from weather patterns. The chemical composition of rainfall changes slightly as rain clouds move.
Most hydrogen and oxygen atoms in water are stable, but traces of both elements are also present as heavier isotopes . The heaviest rain falls first. As a result, storms that form over the Pacific deliver heavier water to than to .
Similar patterns exist throughout the By measuring the proportion of heavier hydrogen and oxygen isotopes along a strand of hair, scientists can construct a geographic timeline. Each inch of hair corresponds to about two months.
Cerling's team collected tap water samples from 600 cities and constructed a map of the regional differences. They checked the accuracy of the map by testing 200 hair samples collected from 65 barber shops.
They were able to accurately place the hair samples in broad regions roughly corresponding to the movement of rain systems.
"It's not good for pinpointing ," Cerling said. "It's good for eliminating many possibilities."
Todd Park, a local detective, said the method has helped him learn more about an unidentified woman whose skeleton was found near .
The woman was 5 feet tall. Police recovered 26 bones, a T-shirt and several strands of hair.
When Park heard about the research, he gave the hair samples to the researchers. Chemical testing showed that over the two years before her death, she moved about every two months.
She stayed in the Northwest, although the test could not be more specific than somewhere between eastern and western .
"It's still a substantial area," Park said. "But it narrows it way down for me." | 1761.txt | 2 |
[
"There is much more rainfall in than in .",
"The water it delivers becomes lighter when it moves inland.",
"Its chemical composition is less stable than in other areas.",
"It gathers more light isotopes as it moves eastward."
] | What is said about the rainfall in 's West? | Scientists have devised a way to determine roughly where a person has lived using a strand of hair, a technique that could help track the movements of criminal suspects or unidentified murder victims.
The method relies on measuring how chemical variations in drinking water show up in people's hair.
"You're what you eat and drink, and that's recorded in your hair," said Thure Cerling, a geologist at the .
While diet is relatively identical, water supplies vary. The differences result from weather patterns. The chemical composition of rainfall changes slightly as rain clouds move.
Most hydrogen and oxygen atoms in water are stable, but traces of both elements are also present as heavier isotopes . The heaviest rain falls first. As a result, storms that form over the Pacific deliver heavier water to than to .
Similar patterns exist throughout the By measuring the proportion of heavier hydrogen and oxygen isotopes along a strand of hair, scientists can construct a geographic timeline. Each inch of hair corresponds to about two months.
Cerling's team collected tap water samples from 600 cities and constructed a map of the regional differences. They checked the accuracy of the map by testing 200 hair samples collected from 65 barber shops.
They were able to accurately place the hair samples in broad regions roughly corresponding to the movement of rain systems.
"It's not good for pinpointing ," Cerling said. "It's good for eliminating many possibilities."
Todd Park, a local detective, said the method has helped him learn more about an unidentified woman whose skeleton was found near .
The woman was 5 feet tall. Police recovered 26 bones, a T-shirt and several strands of hair.
When Park heard about the research, he gave the hair samples to the researchers. Chemical testing showed that over the two years before her death, she moved about every two months.
She stayed in the Northwest, although the test could not be more specific than somewhere between eastern and western .
"It's still a substantial area," Park said. "But it narrows it way down for me." | 1761.txt | 1 |
[
"A map showing the regional differences of tap water.",
"A collection of hair samples from various barber shops.",
"A method to measure the amount of water in human hair.",
"A chart illustrating the movement of the rain system."
] | What did Cerling's team produce in their research? | Scientists have devised a way to determine roughly where a person has lived using a strand of hair, a technique that could help track the movements of criminal suspects or unidentified murder victims.
The method relies on measuring how chemical variations in drinking water show up in people's hair.
"You're what you eat and drink, and that's recorded in your hair," said Thure Cerling, a geologist at the .
While diet is relatively identical, water supplies vary. The differences result from weather patterns. The chemical composition of rainfall changes slightly as rain clouds move.
Most hydrogen and oxygen atoms in water are stable, but traces of both elements are also present as heavier isotopes . The heaviest rain falls first. As a result, storms that form over the Pacific deliver heavier water to than to .
Similar patterns exist throughout the By measuring the proportion of heavier hydrogen and oxygen isotopes along a strand of hair, scientists can construct a geographic timeline. Each inch of hair corresponds to about two months.
Cerling's team collected tap water samples from 600 cities and constructed a map of the regional differences. They checked the accuracy of the map by testing 200 hair samples collected from 65 barber shops.
They were able to accurately place the hair samples in broad regions roughly corresponding to the movement of rain systems.
"It's not good for pinpointing ," Cerling said. "It's good for eliminating many possibilities."
Todd Park, a local detective, said the method has helped him learn more about an unidentified woman whose skeleton was found near .
The woman was 5 feet tall. Police recovered 26 bones, a T-shirt and several strands of hair.
When Park heard about the research, he gave the hair samples to the researchers. Chemical testing showed that over the two years before her death, she moved about every two months.
She stayed in the Northwest, although the test could not be more specific than somewhere between eastern and western .
"It's still a substantial area," Park said. "But it narrows it way down for me." | 1761.txt | 0 |
[
"It helps analyze the quality of water in different regions.",
"It helps the police determine where a crime is committed.",
"It helps the police narrow down possibilities in detective work.",
"It helps identify the drinking habits of the person under investigation."
] | What is the practical value of Cerling's research? | Scientists have devised a way to determine roughly where a person has lived using a strand of hair, a technique that could help track the movements of criminal suspects or unidentified murder victims.
The method relies on measuring how chemical variations in drinking water show up in people's hair.
"You're what you eat and drink, and that's recorded in your hair," said Thure Cerling, a geologist at the .
While diet is relatively identical, water supplies vary. The differences result from weather patterns. The chemical composition of rainfall changes slightly as rain clouds move.
Most hydrogen and oxygen atoms in water are stable, but traces of both elements are also present as heavier isotopes . The heaviest rain falls first. As a result, storms that form over the Pacific deliver heavier water to than to .
Similar patterns exist throughout the By measuring the proportion of heavier hydrogen and oxygen isotopes along a strand of hair, scientists can construct a geographic timeline. Each inch of hair corresponds to about two months.
Cerling's team collected tap water samples from 600 cities and constructed a map of the regional differences. They checked the accuracy of the map by testing 200 hair samples collected from 65 barber shops.
They were able to accurately place the hair samples in broad regions roughly corresponding to the movement of rain systems.
"It's not good for pinpointing ," Cerling said. "It's good for eliminating many possibilities."
Todd Park, a local detective, said the method has helped him learn more about an unidentified woman whose skeleton was found near .
The woman was 5 feet tall. Police recovered 26 bones, a T-shirt and several strands of hair.
When Park heard about the research, he gave the hair samples to the researchers. Chemical testing showed that over the two years before her death, she moved about every two months.
She stayed in the Northwest, although the test could not be more specific than somewhere between eastern and western .
"It's still a substantial area," Park said. "But it narrows it way down for me." | 1761.txt | 2 |
[
"they offer their help",
"they receive others' help",
"they feel others' kindness",
"they show their weakness"
] | The author has discovered that people will feel happy when _ . | In the animal kingdom, weakness can bring about aggression in other animals. This sometimes happens with humans also. But I have found that my weakness brings out the kindness in people. I see it every day when people hold doors for me, pour cream into my cofffee, or help me to put on my coat.
And I have discovered that it makes them happy.
From my wheelchair experience, I see the best in people,but sometimes I was sad because those who appear independent miss the kindness I see daily.
They don't get to see this soft side of others. Often, we try every way possible to avoid showing our weakness, which includes a lot of pretending. But only when we stop pretending we're brave or strong do we allow people to show the kindness that's in them.
Last month, when I was driving home on a busy highway, I began to feel unwell and drove more slowly than usual. People behind me began to get impatient and angry, with some speeding up alongside me, horningor even shouting at me. At that moment, I decided to do something I had never done in twenty-four of driving I put on the flashlights and drove on at a really low speed.
No more angry shouts and no more horns!
When I put on my flashlights, I was saying to the other drivers, "I have a problem here, I am weak and doing the best I can," And everyone understood. Several times, I saw drivers who wanted to pass. They couldn't get around me because of the stream of passing traffic. But instead of getting impatient and angry, they waited, knowing the driver in front of them was in some way weak.
Sometimes weakness call for us to act strong and brave even when we don't that those far between. More often, it would be better if we don't pretend to feel strong when we feel weak or pretend that we are brave when we're scared. | 3202.txt | 0 |
[
"he has a soft heart",
"he relies much on others",
"some people pretend to be kind",
"some people fail to see the kindness in others"
] | The author feels sad sometimes because _ . | In the animal kingdom, weakness can bring about aggression in other animals. This sometimes happens with humans also. But I have found that my weakness brings out the kindness in people. I see it every day when people hold doors for me, pour cream into my cofffee, or help me to put on my coat.
And I have discovered that it makes them happy.
From my wheelchair experience, I see the best in people,but sometimes I was sad because those who appear independent miss the kindness I see daily.
They don't get to see this soft side of others. Often, we try every way possible to avoid showing our weakness, which includes a lot of pretending. But only when we stop pretending we're brave or strong do we allow people to show the kindness that's in them.
Last month, when I was driving home on a busy highway, I began to feel unwell and drove more slowly than usual. People behind me began to get impatient and angry, with some speeding up alongside me, horningor even shouting at me. At that moment, I decided to do something I had never done in twenty-four of driving I put on the flashlights and drove on at a really low speed.
No more angry shouts and no more horns!
When I put on my flashlights, I was saying to the other drivers, "I have a problem here, I am weak and doing the best I can," And everyone understood. Several times, I saw drivers who wanted to pass. They couldn't get around me because of the stream of passing traffic. But instead of getting impatient and angry, they waited, knowing the driver in front of them was in some way weak.
Sometimes weakness call for us to act strong and brave even when we don't that those far between. More often, it would be better if we don't pretend to feel strong when we feel weak or pretend that we are brave when we're scared. | 3202.txt | 3 |
[
"They speed up to pass.",
"They waited with patience.",
"They tried their best to help.",
"They put on their flashlights too."
] | What did the other drivers do when they saw the flashlights? | In the animal kingdom, weakness can bring about aggression in other animals. This sometimes happens with humans also. But I have found that my weakness brings out the kindness in people. I see it every day when people hold doors for me, pour cream into my cofffee, or help me to put on my coat.
And I have discovered that it makes them happy.
From my wheelchair experience, I see the best in people,but sometimes I was sad because those who appear independent miss the kindness I see daily.
They don't get to see this soft side of others. Often, we try every way possible to avoid showing our weakness, which includes a lot of pretending. But only when we stop pretending we're brave or strong do we allow people to show the kindness that's in them.
Last month, when I was driving home on a busy highway, I began to feel unwell and drove more slowly than usual. People behind me began to get impatient and angry, with some speeding up alongside me, horningor even shouting at me. At that moment, I decided to do something I had never done in twenty-four of driving I put on the flashlights and drove on at a really low speed.
No more angry shouts and no more horns!
When I put on my flashlights, I was saying to the other drivers, "I have a problem here, I am weak and doing the best I can," And everyone understood. Several times, I saw drivers who wanted to pass. They couldn't get around me because of the stream of passing traffic. But instead of getting impatient and angry, they waited, knowing the driver in front of them was in some way weak.
Sometimes weakness call for us to act strong and brave even when we don't that those far between. More often, it would be better if we don't pretend to feel strong when we feel weak or pretend that we are brave when we're scared. | 3202.txt | 1 |
[
"handle problems by ourselves",
"accept help from others",
"admit our weakness",
"show our bravery"
] | In this passage, the author advises us to _ . | In the animal kingdom, weakness can bring about aggression in other animals. This sometimes happens with humans also. But I have found that my weakness brings out the kindness in people. I see it every day when people hold doors for me, pour cream into my cofffee, or help me to put on my coat.
And I have discovered that it makes them happy.
From my wheelchair experience, I see the best in people,but sometimes I was sad because those who appear independent miss the kindness I see daily.
They don't get to see this soft side of others. Often, we try every way possible to avoid showing our weakness, which includes a lot of pretending. But only when we stop pretending we're brave or strong do we allow people to show the kindness that's in them.
Last month, when I was driving home on a busy highway, I began to feel unwell and drove more slowly than usual. People behind me began to get impatient and angry, with some speeding up alongside me, horningor even shouting at me. At that moment, I decided to do something I had never done in twenty-four of driving I put on the flashlights and drove on at a really low speed.
No more angry shouts and no more horns!
When I put on my flashlights, I was saying to the other drivers, "I have a problem here, I am weak and doing the best I can," And everyone understood. Several times, I saw drivers who wanted to pass. They couldn't get around me because of the stream of passing traffic. But instead of getting impatient and angry, they waited, knowing the driver in front of them was in some way weak.
Sometimes weakness call for us to act strong and brave even when we don't that those far between. More often, it would be better if we don't pretend to feel strong when we feel weak or pretend that we are brave when we're scared. | 3202.txt | 2 |
[
"A Wheelchair Experience.",
"Weakness and Kindness.",
"Weakness and Strength",
"A Driving Experience"
] | Which of the following is the best title for the passage? | In the animal kingdom, weakness can bring about aggression in other animals. This sometimes happens with humans also. But I have found that my weakness brings out the kindness in people. I see it every day when people hold doors for me, pour cream into my cofffee, or help me to put on my coat.
And I have discovered that it makes them happy.
From my wheelchair experience, I see the best in people,but sometimes I was sad because those who appear independent miss the kindness I see daily.
They don't get to see this soft side of others. Often, we try every way possible to avoid showing our weakness, which includes a lot of pretending. But only when we stop pretending we're brave or strong do we allow people to show the kindness that's in them.
Last month, when I was driving home on a busy highway, I began to feel unwell and drove more slowly than usual. People behind me began to get impatient and angry, with some speeding up alongside me, horningor even shouting at me. At that moment, I decided to do something I had never done in twenty-four of driving I put on the flashlights and drove on at a really low speed.
No more angry shouts and no more horns!
When I put on my flashlights, I was saying to the other drivers, "I have a problem here, I am weak and doing the best I can," And everyone understood. Several times, I saw drivers who wanted to pass. They couldn't get around me because of the stream of passing traffic. But instead of getting impatient and angry, they waited, knowing the driver in front of them was in some way weak.
Sometimes weakness call for us to act strong and brave even when we don't that those far between. More often, it would be better if we don't pretend to feel strong when we feel weak or pretend that we are brave when we're scared. | 3202.txt | 2 |
[
"the hunters wanted to see the pictures",
"the painters were animal lovers",
"the painters wanted to show imagination",
"the pictures were thought to be helpful"
] | Pictures of animals were painted on the walls of caves in France and Spain because _ . | About 5,000 years ago, the Egyptians and other people in the Near East began to use pictures as kind of writing. They drew simple pictures or signs to represent things and ideas, and also to represent the sounds of their language. The signs these people used became a kind of alphabet.
The Egyptians used to record information and to tell stories by putting picture writing and pictures together. When an important person died, scenes and stories from his life were painted and carved on the walls of the place where he was buried. Some of these pictures are like modern comic strip stories. It has been said that Egypt is the home of the comic strip. But, for the Egyptians, pictures still had magic power. So they did not try to make their way of writing simple. The ordinary people could not understand it.
By the year 1,000 BC, people who lived in the area around the Mediterranean Sea had developed a simpler system of writing. The signs they used were very easy to write, and there were fewer of them than in the Egyptian system. This was because each sign, or letter, represented only one sound in their language. The Greeks developed this system and formed the letters of the Greek alphabet. The Romans copied the idea, and the Roman alphabet is now used all over the world.
These days, we can write down a story, or record information, without using pictures. But we still need pictures of all kinds: drawing, photographs, signs and diagrams. We find them everywhere: in books and newspapers, in the street, and on the walls of the places where we live and work. Pictures help us to understand and remember things more easily, and they can make a story much more interesting. | 28.txt | 3 |
[
"the former was easy to write",
"there were fewer signs in the former",
"the former was easy to pronounce",
"each sign stood for only one sound"
] | The Greek alphabet was simpler than the Egyptian system for all the following reasons EXCEPT that _ . | About 5,000 years ago, the Egyptians and other people in the Near East began to use pictures as kind of writing. They drew simple pictures or signs to represent things and ideas, and also to represent the sounds of their language. The signs these people used became a kind of alphabet.
The Egyptians used to record information and to tell stories by putting picture writing and pictures together. When an important person died, scenes and stories from his life were painted and carved on the walls of the place where he was buried. Some of these pictures are like modern comic strip stories. It has been said that Egypt is the home of the comic strip. But, for the Egyptians, pictures still had magic power. So they did not try to make their way of writing simple. The ordinary people could not understand it.
By the year 1,000 BC, people who lived in the area around the Mediterranean Sea had developed a simpler system of writing. The signs they used were very easy to write, and there were fewer of them than in the Egyptian system. This was because each sign, or letter, represented only one sound in their language. The Greeks developed this system and formed the letters of the Greek alphabet. The Romans copied the idea, and the Roman alphabet is now used all over the world.
These days, we can write down a story, or record information, without using pictures. But we still need pictures of all kinds: drawing, photographs, signs and diagrams. We find them everywhere: in books and newspapers, in the street, and on the walls of the places where we live and work. Pictures help us to understand and remember things more easily, and they can make a story much more interesting. | 28.txt | 2 |
[
"The Egyptian signs later became a particular alphabet.",
"The Egyptians liked to write comic strip stories.",
"The Roman alphabet was developed from the Egyptian one.",
"The Greeks copied their writing system from the Egyptians."
] | Which of the following statements is TRUE? | About 5,000 years ago, the Egyptians and other people in the Near East began to use pictures as kind of writing. They drew simple pictures or signs to represent things and ideas, and also to represent the sounds of their language. The signs these people used became a kind of alphabet.
The Egyptians used to record information and to tell stories by putting picture writing and pictures together. When an important person died, scenes and stories from his life were painted and carved on the walls of the place where he was buried. Some of these pictures are like modern comic strip stories. It has been said that Egypt is the home of the comic strip. But, for the Egyptians, pictures still had magic power. So they did not try to make their way of writing simple. The ordinary people could not understand it.
By the year 1,000 BC, people who lived in the area around the Mediterranean Sea had developed a simpler system of writing. The signs they used were very easy to write, and there were fewer of them than in the Egyptian system. This was because each sign, or letter, represented only one sound in their language. The Greeks developed this system and formed the letters of the Greek alphabet. The Romans copied the idea, and the Roman alphabet is now used all over the world.
These days, we can write down a story, or record information, without using pictures. But we still need pictures of all kinds: drawing, photographs, signs and diagrams. We find them everywhere: in books and newspapers, in the street, and on the walls of the places where we live and work. Pictures help us to understand and remember things more easily, and they can make a story much more interesting. | 28.txt | 0 |
[
"should be made comprehensible",
"should be made interesting",
"are of much use in our life",
"have disappeared from our life"
] | In the last paragraph, the author thinks that pictures _ . | About 5,000 years ago, the Egyptians and other people in the Near East began to use pictures as kind of writing. They drew simple pictures or signs to represent things and ideas, and also to represent the sounds of their language. The signs these people used became a kind of alphabet.
The Egyptians used to record information and to tell stories by putting picture writing and pictures together. When an important person died, scenes and stories from his life were painted and carved on the walls of the place where he was buried. Some of these pictures are like modern comic strip stories. It has been said that Egypt is the home of the comic strip. But, for the Egyptians, pictures still had magic power. So they did not try to make their way of writing simple. The ordinary people could not understand it.
By the year 1,000 BC, people who lived in the area around the Mediterranean Sea had developed a simpler system of writing. The signs they used were very easy to write, and there were fewer of them than in the Egyptian system. This was because each sign, or letter, represented only one sound in their language. The Greeks developed this system and formed the letters of the Greek alphabet. The Romans copied the idea, and the Roman alphabet is now used all over the world.
These days, we can write down a story, or record information, without using pictures. But we still need pictures of all kinds: drawing, photographs, signs and diagrams. We find them everywhere: in books and newspapers, in the street, and on the walls of the places where we live and work. Pictures help us to understand and remember things more easily, and they can make a story much more interesting. | 28.txt | 2 |
[
"the changes in the attitudes of the people",
"the degree of changes of people's opinions",
"the result of the experiment",
"the difference in people's characters"
] | The psychologists are particularly interested in _ . | It is well known that when an individual joins a group he tends to accept the group's standards of behavior and thinking. Many illustrations could be given of this from everyday life, but what is of particular interest to psychologists is the extent to which people's judgments and opinions can be changed as a result of group pressure. Asch and others noticed that people in a group will agree to statements that are contrary to the evidence of their senses. It would be a mistake to think that only particular changeable people are chosen to take part in experiments of this type. Usually highly intelligent and independent people are used.
In a typical experiment, this is what may happen. The experimenter asks for volunteers to join a group which is investigating visual perception. The victims are not, therefore, aware of the real purpose of the experiment. Each volunteer is taken to a room where he finds a group of about seven people who are collaborating with the experimenter. The group is shown a standard card which contains a single line. They are then asked to look at a second card. This has three lines on it. One is obviously longer than the line on the first card, one is shorter and one the same length. They have to say which line on the second card is the same length as the line on the standard card. The other members of the group answer first but what the volunteer does not know is that they have been told to pick one of the wrong lines. When his turn comes he is faced with the unanimous opinion of the rest of the group-all the others have chosen line A but he quite clearly sees line B as correct. What will he do? According to Asch, more than half of the victims chosen will change their opinion. What is equally surprising is that, when interviewed about their answers, most explained that they know the group choice was incorrect but that they yield to the pressure of the group because they thought they must be suffering from an optical illusion, or because they were afraid of being different. | 749.txt | 1 |
[
"stubborn and independent",
"intelligent",
"ignorant and docile",
"capable of reasoning"
] | People who are usually chosen to take part in the experiments are _ . | It is well known that when an individual joins a group he tends to accept the group's standards of behavior and thinking. Many illustrations could be given of this from everyday life, but what is of particular interest to psychologists is the extent to which people's judgments and opinions can be changed as a result of group pressure. Asch and others noticed that people in a group will agree to statements that are contrary to the evidence of their senses. It would be a mistake to think that only particular changeable people are chosen to take part in experiments of this type. Usually highly intelligent and independent people are used.
In a typical experiment, this is what may happen. The experimenter asks for volunteers to join a group which is investigating visual perception. The victims are not, therefore, aware of the real purpose of the experiment. Each volunteer is taken to a room where he finds a group of about seven people who are collaborating with the experimenter. The group is shown a standard card which contains a single line. They are then asked to look at a second card. This has three lines on it. One is obviously longer than the line on the first card, one is shorter and one the same length. They have to say which line on the second card is the same length as the line on the standard card. The other members of the group answer first but what the volunteer does not know is that they have been told to pick one of the wrong lines. When his turn comes he is faced with the unanimous opinion of the rest of the group-all the others have chosen line A but he quite clearly sees line B as correct. What will he do? According to Asch, more than half of the victims chosen will change their opinion. What is equally surprising is that, when interviewed about their answers, most explained that they know the group choice was incorrect but that they yield to the pressure of the group because they thought they must be suffering from an optical illusion, or because they were afraid of being different. | 749.txt | 3 |
[
"The experimenter and all the members of the group except the victim know the purpose of the experiment.",
"All of them know the purpose of the experiment.",
"Only the experimenter knows the purpose of the experiment.",
"Only the victim knows the purpose of the experiment."
] | Which of the following statements is TRUE? | It is well known that when an individual joins a group he tends to accept the group's standards of behavior and thinking. Many illustrations could be given of this from everyday life, but what is of particular interest to psychologists is the extent to which people's judgments and opinions can be changed as a result of group pressure. Asch and others noticed that people in a group will agree to statements that are contrary to the evidence of their senses. It would be a mistake to think that only particular changeable people are chosen to take part in experiments of this type. Usually highly intelligent and independent people are used.
In a typical experiment, this is what may happen. The experimenter asks for volunteers to join a group which is investigating visual perception. The victims are not, therefore, aware of the real purpose of the experiment. Each volunteer is taken to a room where he finds a group of about seven people who are collaborating with the experimenter. The group is shown a standard card which contains a single line. They are then asked to look at a second card. This has three lines on it. One is obviously longer than the line on the first card, one is shorter and one the same length. They have to say which line on the second card is the same length as the line on the standard card. The other members of the group answer first but what the volunteer does not know is that they have been told to pick one of the wrong lines. When his turn comes he is faced with the unanimous opinion of the rest of the group-all the others have chosen line A but he quite clearly sees line B as correct. What will he do? According to Asch, more than half of the victims chosen will change their opinion. What is equally surprising is that, when interviewed about their answers, most explained that they know the group choice was incorrect but that they yield to the pressure of the group because they thought they must be suffering from an optical illusion, or because they were afraid of being different. | 749.txt | 2 |
[
"someone in the group changed their opinion",
"they thought their eyes must be deceived",
"they thought the group choice was correct.",
"they had been told about the answer"
] | More than half of the victims changed their opinion because _ . | It is well known that when an individual joins a group he tends to accept the group's standards of behavior and thinking. Many illustrations could be given of this from everyday life, but what is of particular interest to psychologists is the extent to which people's judgments and opinions can be changed as a result of group pressure. Asch and others noticed that people in a group will agree to statements that are contrary to the evidence of their senses. It would be a mistake to think that only particular changeable people are chosen to take part in experiments of this type. Usually highly intelligent and independent people are used.
In a typical experiment, this is what may happen. The experimenter asks for volunteers to join a group which is investigating visual perception. The victims are not, therefore, aware of the real purpose of the experiment. Each volunteer is taken to a room where he finds a group of about seven people who are collaborating with the experimenter. The group is shown a standard card which contains a single line. They are then asked to look at a second card. This has three lines on it. One is obviously longer than the line on the first card, one is shorter and one the same length. They have to say which line on the second card is the same length as the line on the standard card. The other members of the group answer first but what the volunteer does not know is that they have been told to pick one of the wrong lines. When his turn comes he is faced with the unanimous opinion of the rest of the group-all the others have chosen line A but he quite clearly sees line B as correct. What will he do? According to Asch, more than half of the victims chosen will change their opinion. What is equally surprising is that, when interviewed about their answers, most explained that they know the group choice was incorrect but that they yield to the pressure of the group because they thought they must be suffering from an optical illusion, or because they were afraid of being different. | 749.txt | 1 |
[
"illustrate the influence of the group's pressure on individual's behavior",
"invite more volunteers to join in Asch's experiment",
"tell the audience how to perform psychological experiment",
"encourage people to act against the group's opinion"
] | The purpose of the author in writing this passage is to _ . | It is well known that when an individual joins a group he tends to accept the group's standards of behavior and thinking. Many illustrations could be given of this from everyday life, but what is of particular interest to psychologists is the extent to which people's judgments and opinions can be changed as a result of group pressure. Asch and others noticed that people in a group will agree to statements that are contrary to the evidence of their senses. It would be a mistake to think that only particular changeable people are chosen to take part in experiments of this type. Usually highly intelligent and independent people are used.
In a typical experiment, this is what may happen. The experimenter asks for volunteers to join a group which is investigating visual perception. The victims are not, therefore, aware of the real purpose of the experiment. Each volunteer is taken to a room where he finds a group of about seven people who are collaborating with the experimenter. The group is shown a standard card which contains a single line. They are then asked to look at a second card. This has three lines on it. One is obviously longer than the line on the first card, one is shorter and one the same length. They have to say which line on the second card is the same length as the line on the standard card. The other members of the group answer first but what the volunteer does not know is that they have been told to pick one of the wrong lines. When his turn comes he is faced with the unanimous opinion of the rest of the group-all the others have chosen line A but he quite clearly sees line B as correct. What will he do? According to Asch, more than half of the victims chosen will change their opinion. What is equally surprising is that, when interviewed about their answers, most explained that they know the group choice was incorrect but that they yield to the pressure of the group because they thought they must be suffering from an optical illusion, or because they were afraid of being different. | 749.txt | 0 |
[
"The power of music.",
"The harms of noises.",
"The magic of sound.",
"The discovery of infrasonic waves."
] | What could be the best title of the passage? | Music is one of the most beautiful forms of artistic expressions ever invented. In movies and plays, music has an added function: it not only moves people but also can shock people.
Our eardrums can withstand sound within 20 to 80 decibels ( ) . Once sound exceeds this limit, even beautiful music will become car-splitting noise and harm health. A strong blast ( ) of high sound can twist and break a solid iron sheet. High sound of 150 decibels can kill a healthy rat.
In movies, sometimes the hero can produce a sound that ordinary people can't hear and only those who have the same ability can feel. In nature, there is actually sound that is beyond our hearing. In physics, the sound that exceeds 20,000 hz is called ultrasonic . Dolphins,whales and bats can make such high-frequency sound. It does no harm to health.
Sound less than 20 hz is called infrasonic ( ) waves. When we move, the air will vibrate.
The vibration of air can produce infrasonic waves. As the frequency of infrasonic waves is close to that of people's internal organs, infrasonic wave may cause resonance in human bodies. As a result, people's vision may weaken and internal organs may rupture . However, whether an infrasonic wave can be used as a weapon depends on its intensity. If its intensity is very low, it won't damage internal organs or a person's health. If the intensity of infrasonic wave exceeds 160 decibels, it is extremely harmful. When wind blows at a force of 3 or 4 over the sea, it will produce infrasonic waves of several decibels. Only typhoons can produce infrasonic waves of over 100 decibels. At present, scientists can only produce infrasonic weapons in the lab with the help of advanced scientific tools and powerful electric power. | 1280.txt | 2 |
[
"It may be harmful to people's health.",
"It always cheers people up.",
"It is very often difficult to understand.",
"It sounds better when it is loud enough."
] | What does the author say about music? | Music is one of the most beautiful forms of artistic expressions ever invented. In movies and plays, music has an added function: it not only moves people but also can shock people.
Our eardrums can withstand sound within 20 to 80 decibels ( ) . Once sound exceeds this limit, even beautiful music will become car-splitting noise and harm health. A strong blast ( ) of high sound can twist and break a solid iron sheet. High sound of 150 decibels can kill a healthy rat.
In movies, sometimes the hero can produce a sound that ordinary people can't hear and only those who have the same ability can feel. In nature, there is actually sound that is beyond our hearing. In physics, the sound that exceeds 20,000 hz is called ultrasonic . Dolphins,whales and bats can make such high-frequency sound. It does no harm to health.
Sound less than 20 hz is called infrasonic ( ) waves. When we move, the air will vibrate.
The vibration of air can produce infrasonic waves. As the frequency of infrasonic waves is close to that of people's internal organs, infrasonic wave may cause resonance in human bodies. As a result, people's vision may weaken and internal organs may rupture . However, whether an infrasonic wave can be used as a weapon depends on its intensity. If its intensity is very low, it won't damage internal organs or a person's health. If the intensity of infrasonic wave exceeds 160 decibels, it is extremely harmful. When wind blows at a force of 3 or 4 over the sea, it will produce infrasonic waves of several decibels. Only typhoons can produce infrasonic waves of over 100 decibels. At present, scientists can only produce infrasonic weapons in the lab with the help of advanced scientific tools and powerful electric power. | 1280.txt | 0 |
[
"of nature is the most beautiful",
"of high intensity benefits animals",
"in movies is pleasing to the ear",
"over 80 decibels is harmful to people"
] | It is ture that the sound_ . | Music is one of the most beautiful forms of artistic expressions ever invented. In movies and plays, music has an added function: it not only moves people but also can shock people.
Our eardrums can withstand sound within 20 to 80 decibels ( ) . Once sound exceeds this limit, even beautiful music will become car-splitting noise and harm health. A strong blast ( ) of high sound can twist and break a solid iron sheet. High sound of 150 decibels can kill a healthy rat.
In movies, sometimes the hero can produce a sound that ordinary people can't hear and only those who have the same ability can feel. In nature, there is actually sound that is beyond our hearing. In physics, the sound that exceeds 20,000 hz is called ultrasonic . Dolphins,whales and bats can make such high-frequency sound. It does no harm to health.
Sound less than 20 hz is called infrasonic ( ) waves. When we move, the air will vibrate.
The vibration of air can produce infrasonic waves. As the frequency of infrasonic waves is close to that of people's internal organs, infrasonic wave may cause resonance in human bodies. As a result, people's vision may weaken and internal organs may rupture . However, whether an infrasonic wave can be used as a weapon depends on its intensity. If its intensity is very low, it won't damage internal organs or a person's health. If the intensity of infrasonic wave exceeds 160 decibels, it is extremely harmful. When wind blows at a force of 3 or 4 over the sea, it will produce infrasonic waves of several decibels. Only typhoons can produce infrasonic waves of over 100 decibels. At present, scientists can only produce infrasonic weapons in the lab with the help of advanced scientific tools and powerful electric power. | 1280.txt | 3 |
[
"is very loud",
"does harm to people's health",
"is produced by the hero in movies",
"cannot be heard by people"
] | An ultrasonic sound_ . | Music is one of the most beautiful forms of artistic expressions ever invented. In movies and plays, music has an added function: it not only moves people but also can shock people.
Our eardrums can withstand sound within 20 to 80 decibels ( ) . Once sound exceeds this limit, even beautiful music will become car-splitting noise and harm health. A strong blast ( ) of high sound can twist and break a solid iron sheet. High sound of 150 decibels can kill a healthy rat.
In movies, sometimes the hero can produce a sound that ordinary people can't hear and only those who have the same ability can feel. In nature, there is actually sound that is beyond our hearing. In physics, the sound that exceeds 20,000 hz is called ultrasonic . Dolphins,whales and bats can make such high-frequency sound. It does no harm to health.
Sound less than 20 hz is called infrasonic ( ) waves. When we move, the air will vibrate.
The vibration of air can produce infrasonic waves. As the frequency of infrasonic waves is close to that of people's internal organs, infrasonic wave may cause resonance in human bodies. As a result, people's vision may weaken and internal organs may rupture . However, whether an infrasonic wave can be used as a weapon depends on its intensity. If its intensity is very low, it won't damage internal organs or a person's health. If the intensity of infrasonic wave exceeds 160 decibels, it is extremely harmful. When wind blows at a force of 3 or 4 over the sea, it will produce infrasonic waves of several decibels. Only typhoons can produce infrasonic waves of over 100 decibels. At present, scientists can only produce infrasonic weapons in the lab with the help of advanced scientific tools and powerful electric power. | 1280.txt | 3 |
[
"are harmless to people's health",
"exist in people's intemal organs",
"can be used as deadly weapons",
"can improve eyesight"
] | It can be found from the last paragraph that infrasonic waves _ . | Music is one of the most beautiful forms of artistic expressions ever invented. In movies and plays, music has an added function: it not only moves people but also can shock people.
Our eardrums can withstand sound within 20 to 80 decibels ( ) . Once sound exceeds this limit, even beautiful music will become car-splitting noise and harm health. A strong blast ( ) of high sound can twist and break a solid iron sheet. High sound of 150 decibels can kill a healthy rat.
In movies, sometimes the hero can produce a sound that ordinary people can't hear and only those who have the same ability can feel. In nature, there is actually sound that is beyond our hearing. In physics, the sound that exceeds 20,000 hz is called ultrasonic . Dolphins,whales and bats can make such high-frequency sound. It does no harm to health.
Sound less than 20 hz is called infrasonic ( ) waves. When we move, the air will vibrate.
The vibration of air can produce infrasonic waves. As the frequency of infrasonic waves is close to that of people's internal organs, infrasonic wave may cause resonance in human bodies. As a result, people's vision may weaken and internal organs may rupture . However, whether an infrasonic wave can be used as a weapon depends on its intensity. If its intensity is very low, it won't damage internal organs or a person's health. If the intensity of infrasonic wave exceeds 160 decibels, it is extremely harmful. When wind blows at a force of 3 or 4 over the sea, it will produce infrasonic waves of several decibels. Only typhoons can produce infrasonic waves of over 100 decibels. At present, scientists can only produce infrasonic weapons in the lab with the help of advanced scientific tools and powerful electric power. | 1280.txt | 2 |
[
"the changing of the weather in southern Africa",
"the warming of waters in the Pacific Ocean",
"the weather which brings droughtto Africa",
"the weather phenomenonthat brings heavy rains to Africa"
] | El Nino is known as _ . | Scientists around the world have been studying thewarming of waters in the Pacific Ocean known as ElNino. The appearance of El Nino is known to affectthe weather around the world. Scientists still do notcompletely understand it. Yet they now find theycan use it to tell about the future in different areas ofthe world.
One example is the work of two scientists at Columbia University in New York, Mark Cane andGordon Eshel. A scientist of Zimbabwe, Roger Buckland worked with them. They have foundthat when El Nino appears, Zimbabwe has little or no rain. This means corn crops in Zimbabweare poor. The last El Nino was in 1991 to 1993.That was when southeastern Africa suffered aserious lack of rain.
The scientists wrote about their recent work in the publication Nature. Their computer programcan tell when an El Nino will develop up to a year before it does. They suggest that this couldprovide an effective early warning system for southern Africa, and could prevent many peoplefrom starving. | 2477.txt | 1 |
[
"they can provide a kind of early warning to the place that will suffer from drought",
"they can tell why Zimbabwe has little or no rain",
"they can do some research work in this field.",
"they can put all this information into their computers."
] | Scientists study El Nino in order that _ . | Scientists around the world have been studying thewarming of waters in the Pacific Ocean known as ElNino. The appearance of El Nino is known to affectthe weather around the world. Scientists still do notcompletely understand it. Yet they now find theycan use it to tell about the future in different areas ofthe world.
One example is the work of two scientists at Columbia University in New York, Mark Cane andGordon Eshel. A scientist of Zimbabwe, Roger Buckland worked with them. They have foundthat when El Nino appears, Zimbabwe has little or no rain. This means corn crops in Zimbabweare poor. The last El Nino was in 1991 to 1993.That was when southeastern Africa suffered aserious lack of rain.
The scientists wrote about their recent work in the publication Nature. Their computer programcan tell when an El Nino will develop up to a year before it does. They suggest that this couldprovide an effective early warning system for southern Africa, and could prevent many peoplefrom starving. | 2477.txt | 0 |
[
"Scientists come to understand how El Nino appears.",
"Three scientists from the U.S.A. work on this subject.",
"Southern Africa suffered a serious drought and many people died from hunger.",
"El Nino has something to do with Zimbabwe's crops."
] | Which of the following is true according to the article? | Scientists around the world have been studying thewarming of waters in the Pacific Ocean known as ElNino. The appearance of El Nino is known to affectthe weather around the world. Scientists still do notcompletely understand it. Yet they now find theycan use it to tell about the future in different areas ofthe world.
One example is the work of two scientists at Columbia University in New York, Mark Cane andGordon Eshel. A scientist of Zimbabwe, Roger Buckland worked with them. They have foundthat when El Nino appears, Zimbabwe has little or no rain. This means corn crops in Zimbabweare poor. The last El Nino was in 1991 to 1993.That was when southeastern Africa suffered aserious lack of rain.
The scientists wrote about their recent work in the publication Nature. Their computer programcan tell when an El Nino will develop up to a year before it does. They suggest that this couldprovide an effective early warning system for southern Africa, and could prevent many peoplefrom starving. | 2477.txt | 3 |
[
"The computer is used in this research work.",
"Scientists know when an El Nino appears by means of computer program.",
"The scientists published their results of the research work.",
"Nature is the name of the article written recently by the scientists."
] | Which of the following is not true according to the article? | Scientists around the world have been studying thewarming of waters in the Pacific Ocean known as ElNino. The appearance of El Nino is known to affectthe weather around the world. Scientists still do notcompletely understand it. Yet they now find theycan use it to tell about the future in different areas ofthe world.
One example is the work of two scientists at Columbia University in New York, Mark Cane andGordon Eshel. A scientist of Zimbabwe, Roger Buckland worked with them. They have foundthat when El Nino appears, Zimbabwe has little or no rain. This means corn crops in Zimbabweare poor. The last El Nino was in 1991 to 1993.That was when southeastern Africa suffered aserious lack of rain.
The scientists wrote about their recent work in the publication Nature. Their computer programcan tell when an El Nino will develop up to a year before it does. They suggest that this couldprovide an effective early warning system for southern Africa, and could prevent many peoplefrom starving. | 2477.txt | 3 |
[
"Appearance of El Nino Predictable",
"Drought in Zimbabwe",
"Early warning system",
"Weather in Africa"
] | Choose the best title for this article. | Scientists around the world have been studying thewarming of waters in the Pacific Ocean known as ElNino. The appearance of El Nino is known to affectthe weather around the world. Scientists still do notcompletely understand it. Yet they now find theycan use it to tell about the future in different areas ofthe world.
One example is the work of two scientists at Columbia University in New York, Mark Cane andGordon Eshel. A scientist of Zimbabwe, Roger Buckland worked with them. They have foundthat when El Nino appears, Zimbabwe has little or no rain. This means corn crops in Zimbabweare poor. The last El Nino was in 1991 to 1993.That was when southeastern Africa suffered aserious lack of rain.
The scientists wrote about their recent work in the publication Nature. Their computer programcan tell when an El Nino will develop up to a year before it does. They suggest that this couldprovide an effective early warning system for southern Africa, and could prevent many peoplefrom starving. | 2477.txt | 0 |
[
"a plea to save the English parish church.",
"on the ups and downs of the English parish church.",
"about the change of design and style of the English parish church.",
"on the history of the English parish church since the beginning of Christianity."
] | The book mentioned in this passage is most probably _ | Here is a plea to save the English parish church, still standing after the convulsions of the Reformation, the English civil war and social alteration. Roy Strong would like to see the churches preserved, just as he strove to preserve English country houses and country gardens while he was director of the Victoria and Albert Museum in London in the 1970s.
Early worship by Christians was deeply spiritual, ritualistic and physical. Images of saints adorned the walls of the church, where parishioners came for all the sacraments that represented the life cycle of ordinary people. Feast days and saints' days were many, the congregation stood during services, coming and going, talking and kneeling. The building boom of elaborately beautiful churches reached its height in the 14th and 15th centuries.
The Reformation began in the 1530s, but lasted way beyond Thomas Cromwell's dissolution of the monasteries, with the government of evangelical Edward VI continuing the work of stripping the churches and banning ritual. Worshippers were ordered to cease their devotions to images or relics, or "kissing or licking the same". What the parishioner lost was enormous. The church was the meeting place for the community as well as a place of worship. Churchgoers were left to stare at a whitewashed wall, or an empty niche where a statue of the Virgin once stood. People were forced to give up religious ceremonies practised for 1,000 years. It is surprising how little rebellion there was.
Yet these upheavals were nothing, Sir Roy claims, in comparison to the puritanical purges of the civil war, during the mid-1600s, which devastated not only the fabric of the church but also the social communion of the congregation. Moreover, the loss of income, particularly from banning the making and selling of church ales, meant that the buildings started to crumble. The book's illustrations show churches stripped bare and others in which the gaudy tombs of the elite have replaced images of saints. A reusable coffin from the civil-war period (shown above) is an unfortunate early sign of recycling.
The Georgian era was not just a peaceful one for the church, but also an apparently lackadaisical one. Churches were restored and "exuded the light and clarity of the age of Enlightenment". Most welcome of all, there was a return to music, introduced gently, so as not to bear the faintest whiff of popery. The aristocracy ran the parish church, their tenant farmers and workers making up the congregation. Plaques and family pews proliferated; the gentry even had their own fireplaces in some churches. They nearly always grabbed the job of clergyman for their sons. One historian called it "the age of negligence", as the clergy distanced themselves from the congregation and absented themselves from their pastoral ministry.
Sir Roy ends with the church facing an uncertain future in the 21st century. He does indeed cover the whole story in a relatively "little" book. For his account of the Reformation, he draws from Eamon Duffy's "The Stripping of the Altars" (Yale, 1992). And this is ideal further reading for those keen to find out more. | 3587.txt | 1 |
[
"The Reformation was not ended until Thomas Cromwell's dissolution of the monasteries.",
"The government of Edward VI was not against the Reformation.",
"The Reformation was carried out so as to banish the religious belief.",
"The Reformation was causing less damage than the civil war to the church."
] | Which one of the following statements is TRUE of the Reformation? | Here is a plea to save the English parish church, still standing after the convulsions of the Reformation, the English civil war and social alteration. Roy Strong would like to see the churches preserved, just as he strove to preserve English country houses and country gardens while he was director of the Victoria and Albert Museum in London in the 1970s.
Early worship by Christians was deeply spiritual, ritualistic and physical. Images of saints adorned the walls of the church, where parishioners came for all the sacraments that represented the life cycle of ordinary people. Feast days and saints' days were many, the congregation stood during services, coming and going, talking and kneeling. The building boom of elaborately beautiful churches reached its height in the 14th and 15th centuries.
The Reformation began in the 1530s, but lasted way beyond Thomas Cromwell's dissolution of the monasteries, with the government of evangelical Edward VI continuing the work of stripping the churches and banning ritual. Worshippers were ordered to cease their devotions to images or relics, or "kissing or licking the same". What the parishioner lost was enormous. The church was the meeting place for the community as well as a place of worship. Churchgoers were left to stare at a whitewashed wall, or an empty niche where a statue of the Virgin once stood. People were forced to give up religious ceremonies practised for 1,000 years. It is surprising how little rebellion there was.
Yet these upheavals were nothing, Sir Roy claims, in comparison to the puritanical purges of the civil war, during the mid-1600s, which devastated not only the fabric of the church but also the social communion of the congregation. Moreover, the loss of income, particularly from banning the making and selling of church ales, meant that the buildings started to crumble. The book's illustrations show churches stripped bare and others in which the gaudy tombs of the elite have replaced images of saints. A reusable coffin from the civil-war period (shown above) is an unfortunate early sign of recycling.
The Georgian era was not just a peaceful one for the church, but also an apparently lackadaisical one. Churches were restored and "exuded the light and clarity of the age of Enlightenment". Most welcome of all, there was a return to music, introduced gently, so as not to bear the faintest whiff of popery. The aristocracy ran the parish church, their tenant farmers and workers making up the congregation. Plaques and family pews proliferated; the gentry even had their own fireplaces in some churches. They nearly always grabbed the job of clergyman for their sons. One historian called it "the age of negligence", as the clergy distanced themselves from the congregation and absented themselves from their pastoral ministry.
Sir Roy ends with the church facing an uncertain future in the 21st century. He does indeed cover the whole story in a relatively "little" book. For his account of the Reformation, he draws from Eamon Duffy's "The Stripping of the Altars" (Yale, 1992). And this is ideal further reading for those keen to find out more. | 3587.txt | 1 |
[
"destroying the social communion of the church.",
"cutting off the earnings of the church.",
"devastated the buildings.",
"banning the sale of church ales."
] | The puritanical purges in civil war are different from the Reformation in affecting the church in the following aspects except _ | Here is a plea to save the English parish church, still standing after the convulsions of the Reformation, the English civil war and social alteration. Roy Strong would like to see the churches preserved, just as he strove to preserve English country houses and country gardens while he was director of the Victoria and Albert Museum in London in the 1970s.
Early worship by Christians was deeply spiritual, ritualistic and physical. Images of saints adorned the walls of the church, where parishioners came for all the sacraments that represented the life cycle of ordinary people. Feast days and saints' days were many, the congregation stood during services, coming and going, talking and kneeling. The building boom of elaborately beautiful churches reached its height in the 14th and 15th centuries.
The Reformation began in the 1530s, but lasted way beyond Thomas Cromwell's dissolution of the monasteries, with the government of evangelical Edward VI continuing the work of stripping the churches and banning ritual. Worshippers were ordered to cease their devotions to images or relics, or "kissing or licking the same". What the parishioner lost was enormous. The church was the meeting place for the community as well as a place of worship. Churchgoers were left to stare at a whitewashed wall, or an empty niche where a statue of the Virgin once stood. People were forced to give up religious ceremonies practised for 1,000 years. It is surprising how little rebellion there was.
Yet these upheavals were nothing, Sir Roy claims, in comparison to the puritanical purges of the civil war, during the mid-1600s, which devastated not only the fabric of the church but also the social communion of the congregation. Moreover, the loss of income, particularly from banning the making and selling of church ales, meant that the buildings started to crumble. The book's illustrations show churches stripped bare and others in which the gaudy tombs of the elite have replaced images of saints. A reusable coffin from the civil-war period (shown above) is an unfortunate early sign of recycling.
The Georgian era was not just a peaceful one for the church, but also an apparently lackadaisical one. Churches were restored and "exuded the light and clarity of the age of Enlightenment". Most welcome of all, there was a return to music, introduced gently, so as not to bear the faintest whiff of popery. The aristocracy ran the parish church, their tenant farmers and workers making up the congregation. Plaques and family pews proliferated; the gentry even had their own fireplaces in some churches. They nearly always grabbed the job of clergyman for their sons. One historian called it "the age of negligence", as the clergy distanced themselves from the congregation and absented themselves from their pastoral ministry.
Sir Roy ends with the church facing an uncertain future in the 21st century. He does indeed cover the whole story in a relatively "little" book. For his account of the Reformation, he draws from Eamon Duffy's "The Stripping of the Altars" (Yale, 1992). And this is ideal further reading for those keen to find out more. | 3587.txt | 2 |
[
"the aristocracy neglected the presence of the clergy.",
"the clergy did not function their duty.",
"the churches were neglected by the Reformation.",
"the aristocracy disregarded the original ceremonies."
] | The Georgian ear was called by one historian as "the age of negligence" because _ | Here is a plea to save the English parish church, still standing after the convulsions of the Reformation, the English civil war and social alteration. Roy Strong would like to see the churches preserved, just as he strove to preserve English country houses and country gardens while he was director of the Victoria and Albert Museum in London in the 1970s.
Early worship by Christians was deeply spiritual, ritualistic and physical. Images of saints adorned the walls of the church, where parishioners came for all the sacraments that represented the life cycle of ordinary people. Feast days and saints' days were many, the congregation stood during services, coming and going, talking and kneeling. The building boom of elaborately beautiful churches reached its height in the 14th and 15th centuries.
The Reformation began in the 1530s, but lasted way beyond Thomas Cromwell's dissolution of the monasteries, with the government of evangelical Edward VI continuing the work of stripping the churches and banning ritual. Worshippers were ordered to cease their devotions to images or relics, or "kissing or licking the same". What the parishioner lost was enormous. The church was the meeting place for the community as well as a place of worship. Churchgoers were left to stare at a whitewashed wall, or an empty niche where a statue of the Virgin once stood. People were forced to give up religious ceremonies practised for 1,000 years. It is surprising how little rebellion there was.
Yet these upheavals were nothing, Sir Roy claims, in comparison to the puritanical purges of the civil war, during the mid-1600s, which devastated not only the fabric of the church but also the social communion of the congregation. Moreover, the loss of income, particularly from banning the making and selling of church ales, meant that the buildings started to crumble. The book's illustrations show churches stripped bare and others in which the gaudy tombs of the elite have replaced images of saints. A reusable coffin from the civil-war period (shown above) is an unfortunate early sign of recycling.
The Georgian era was not just a peaceful one for the church, but also an apparently lackadaisical one. Churches were restored and "exuded the light and clarity of the age of Enlightenment". Most welcome of all, there was a return to music, introduced gently, so as not to bear the faintest whiff of popery. The aristocracy ran the parish church, their tenant farmers and workers making up the congregation. Plaques and family pews proliferated; the gentry even had their own fireplaces in some churches. They nearly always grabbed the job of clergyman for their sons. One historian called it "the age of negligence", as the clergy distanced themselves from the congregation and absented themselves from their pastoral ministry.
Sir Roy ends with the church facing an uncertain future in the 21st century. He does indeed cover the whole story in a relatively "little" book. For his account of the Reformation, he draws from Eamon Duffy's "The Stripping of the Altars" (Yale, 1992). And this is ideal further reading for those keen to find out more. | 3587.txt | 1 |
[
"\"The Stripping of the Altars\".",
"Sir Roy's \"little\" book.",
"Sir Roy's account of the Reformation.",
"the history of the parish church."
] | In the last sentence of this passage, "this" refers to _ | Here is a plea to save the English parish church, still standing after the convulsions of the Reformation, the English civil war and social alteration. Roy Strong would like to see the churches preserved, just as he strove to preserve English country houses and country gardens while he was director of the Victoria and Albert Museum in London in the 1970s.
Early worship by Christians was deeply spiritual, ritualistic and physical. Images of saints adorned the walls of the church, where parishioners came for all the sacraments that represented the life cycle of ordinary people. Feast days and saints' days were many, the congregation stood during services, coming and going, talking and kneeling. The building boom of elaborately beautiful churches reached its height in the 14th and 15th centuries.
The Reformation began in the 1530s, but lasted way beyond Thomas Cromwell's dissolution of the monasteries, with the government of evangelical Edward VI continuing the work of stripping the churches and banning ritual. Worshippers were ordered to cease their devotions to images or relics, or "kissing or licking the same". What the parishioner lost was enormous. The church was the meeting place for the community as well as a place of worship. Churchgoers were left to stare at a whitewashed wall, or an empty niche where a statue of the Virgin once stood. People were forced to give up religious ceremonies practised for 1,000 years. It is surprising how little rebellion there was.
Yet these upheavals were nothing, Sir Roy claims, in comparison to the puritanical purges of the civil war, during the mid-1600s, which devastated not only the fabric of the church but also the social communion of the congregation. Moreover, the loss of income, particularly from banning the making and selling of church ales, meant that the buildings started to crumble. The book's illustrations show churches stripped bare and others in which the gaudy tombs of the elite have replaced images of saints. A reusable coffin from the civil-war period (shown above) is an unfortunate early sign of recycling.
The Georgian era was not just a peaceful one for the church, but also an apparently lackadaisical one. Churches were restored and "exuded the light and clarity of the age of Enlightenment". Most welcome of all, there was a return to music, introduced gently, so as not to bear the faintest whiff of popery. The aristocracy ran the parish church, their tenant farmers and workers making up the congregation. Plaques and family pews proliferated; the gentry even had their own fireplaces in some churches. They nearly always grabbed the job of clergyman for their sons. One historian called it "the age of negligence", as the clergy distanced themselves from the congregation and absented themselves from their pastoral ministry.
Sir Roy ends with the church facing an uncertain future in the 21st century. He does indeed cover the whole story in a relatively "little" book. For his account of the Reformation, he draws from Eamon Duffy's "The Stripping of the Altars" (Yale, 1992). And this is ideal further reading for those keen to find out more. | 3587.txt | 0 |
[
"transform electricity into light through chemical reaction with the gas inside the bulb.",
"seal the rupture of the structure of the bulb so as to prevent potential failure.",
"connect the glass housing with the lighting device.",
"seal the bulbs into the lighting system to ensure that the bulb's normal function."
] | The function of electrodes in the traditional lamp is to _ | Although it symbolises a bright idea, the traditional incandescent light bulb is a dud. It wastes huge amounts of electricity, radiating 95% of the energy it consumes as heat rather than light. Its life is also relatively short, culminating in a dull pop as its filament fractures. Now a team of researchers has devised a light bulb that is not only much more energy-efficient-it is also expected to last longer than the devices into which it is inserted. Moreover, the lamp could be used for rear-projection televisions as well as general illumination.
The trick to a longer life, for light bulbs at least, is to ensure that the lamp has no electrodes. Although electrodes are undeniably convenient for plugging bulbs directly into the lighting system, they are also the main reason why lamps fail. The electrodes wear out. They can react chemically with the gas inside the light bulb, making it grow dimmer. They are also difficult to seal into the structure of the bulb, making the rupture of these seals another potential source of failure.
Scientists working for Ceravision, a company based in Milton Keynes, in Britain, have designed a new form of lamp that eliminates the need for electrodes. Their device uses microwaves to transform electricity into light. It consists of a relatively small lump of aluminium oxide into which a hole has been bored. When the aluminium oxide is bombarded with microwaves generated from the same sort of device that powers a microwave oven, a concentrated electric field is created inside the void.
If a cylindrical capsule containing a suitable gas is inserted into the hole, the atoms of the gas become ionised. As electrons accelerate in the electric field, they gain energy that they pass on to the atoms and molecules of the gas as they collide with them, creating a glowing plasma. The resulting light is bright, and the process is energy-efficient. Indeed, whereas traditional light bulbs emit just 5% of their energy as light, and fluorescent tubes about 15%, the Ceravision lamp has an efficiency greater than 50%.
Because the lamp has no filament, the scientists who developed it think it will last for thousands of hours of use-in other words, for decades. Moreover, the light it generates comes from what is almost a single point, which means that the bulbs can be used in projectors and televisions. Because of this, the light is much more directional and the lamp could thus prove more efficient than bulbs that scatter light in all directions. Its long life would make the new light ideal for buildings in which the architecture makes changing light bulbs complicated and expensive. The lamps' small size makes them comparable to light-emitting diodes but the new lamp generates much brighter light than those semiconductor devices do. A single microwave generator can be used to power several lamps.
Another environmental advantage of the new design is that it does not need mercury, a highly toxic metal found in most of the bulbs used today, including energy-saving fluorescent bulbs, fluorescent tubes and the high-pressure bulbs used in projectors. And Ceravision also reckons it should be cheap to make. With lighting accounting for some 20% of electricity use worldwide, switching to a more efficient system could both save energy and reduce emissions of climate-changing greenhouse gases. | 3473.txt | 1 |
[
"No electricity is conducted into the lamp from outside.",
"The energy is created by the collision of the electrons and atoms and molecules of the gas.",
"The light is created by the ionized atoms of the gas.",
"The electricity is created as the atoms of the gas are ionized."
] | Which one of the following statements is TURE of the design principle of the new lamp? | Although it symbolises a bright idea, the traditional incandescent light bulb is a dud. It wastes huge amounts of electricity, radiating 95% of the energy it consumes as heat rather than light. Its life is also relatively short, culminating in a dull pop as its filament fractures. Now a team of researchers has devised a light bulb that is not only much more energy-efficient-it is also expected to last longer than the devices into which it is inserted. Moreover, the lamp could be used for rear-projection televisions as well as general illumination.
The trick to a longer life, for light bulbs at least, is to ensure that the lamp has no electrodes. Although electrodes are undeniably convenient for plugging bulbs directly into the lighting system, they are also the main reason why lamps fail. The electrodes wear out. They can react chemically with the gas inside the light bulb, making it grow dimmer. They are also difficult to seal into the structure of the bulb, making the rupture of these seals another potential source of failure.
Scientists working for Ceravision, a company based in Milton Keynes, in Britain, have designed a new form of lamp that eliminates the need for electrodes. Their device uses microwaves to transform electricity into light. It consists of a relatively small lump of aluminium oxide into which a hole has been bored. When the aluminium oxide is bombarded with microwaves generated from the same sort of device that powers a microwave oven, a concentrated electric field is created inside the void.
If a cylindrical capsule containing a suitable gas is inserted into the hole, the atoms of the gas become ionised. As electrons accelerate in the electric field, they gain energy that they pass on to the atoms and molecules of the gas as they collide with them, creating a glowing plasma. The resulting light is bright, and the process is energy-efficient. Indeed, whereas traditional light bulbs emit just 5% of their energy as light, and fluorescent tubes about 15%, the Ceravision lamp has an efficiency greater than 50%.
Because the lamp has no filament, the scientists who developed it think it will last for thousands of hours of use-in other words, for decades. Moreover, the light it generates comes from what is almost a single point, which means that the bulbs can be used in projectors and televisions. Because of this, the light is much more directional and the lamp could thus prove more efficient than bulbs that scatter light in all directions. Its long life would make the new light ideal for buildings in which the architecture makes changing light bulbs complicated and expensive. The lamps' small size makes them comparable to light-emitting diodes but the new lamp generates much brighter light than those semiconductor devices do. A single microwave generator can be used to power several lamps.
Another environmental advantage of the new design is that it does not need mercury, a highly toxic metal found in most of the bulbs used today, including energy-saving fluorescent bulbs, fluorescent tubes and the high-pressure bulbs used in projectors. And Ceravision also reckons it should be cheap to make. With lighting accounting for some 20% of electricity use worldwide, switching to a more efficient system could both save energy and reduce emissions of climate-changing greenhouse gases. | 3473.txt | 0 |
[
"the light it generates focuses on one direction indeed of scatter light.",
"the light it generates is more concentrated.",
"only microwave acts as the power supplier for the lamp.",
"the light it generates is more bright."
] | The new type of lamp can be energy-efficient because of the following reason except _ | Although it symbolises a bright idea, the traditional incandescent light bulb is a dud. It wastes huge amounts of electricity, radiating 95% of the energy it consumes as heat rather than light. Its life is also relatively short, culminating in a dull pop as its filament fractures. Now a team of researchers has devised a light bulb that is not only much more energy-efficient-it is also expected to last longer than the devices into which it is inserted. Moreover, the lamp could be used for rear-projection televisions as well as general illumination.
The trick to a longer life, for light bulbs at least, is to ensure that the lamp has no electrodes. Although electrodes are undeniably convenient for plugging bulbs directly into the lighting system, they are also the main reason why lamps fail. The electrodes wear out. They can react chemically with the gas inside the light bulb, making it grow dimmer. They are also difficult to seal into the structure of the bulb, making the rupture of these seals another potential source of failure.
Scientists working for Ceravision, a company based in Milton Keynes, in Britain, have designed a new form of lamp that eliminates the need for electrodes. Their device uses microwaves to transform electricity into light. It consists of a relatively small lump of aluminium oxide into which a hole has been bored. When the aluminium oxide is bombarded with microwaves generated from the same sort of device that powers a microwave oven, a concentrated electric field is created inside the void.
If a cylindrical capsule containing a suitable gas is inserted into the hole, the atoms of the gas become ionised. As electrons accelerate in the electric field, they gain energy that they pass on to the atoms and molecules of the gas as they collide with them, creating a glowing plasma. The resulting light is bright, and the process is energy-efficient. Indeed, whereas traditional light bulbs emit just 5% of their energy as light, and fluorescent tubes about 15%, the Ceravision lamp has an efficiency greater than 50%.
Because the lamp has no filament, the scientists who developed it think it will last for thousands of hours of use-in other words, for decades. Moreover, the light it generates comes from what is almost a single point, which means that the bulbs can be used in projectors and televisions. Because of this, the light is much more directional and the lamp could thus prove more efficient than bulbs that scatter light in all directions. Its long life would make the new light ideal for buildings in which the architecture makes changing light bulbs complicated and expensive. The lamps' small size makes them comparable to light-emitting diodes but the new lamp generates much brighter light than those semiconductor devices do. A single microwave generator can be used to power several lamps.
Another environmental advantage of the new design is that it does not need mercury, a highly toxic metal found in most of the bulbs used today, including energy-saving fluorescent bulbs, fluorescent tubes and the high-pressure bulbs used in projectors. And Ceravision also reckons it should be cheap to make. With lighting accounting for some 20% of electricity use worldwide, switching to a more efficient system could both save energy and reduce emissions of climate-changing greenhouse gases. | 3473.txt | 0 |
[
"the new light bulbs are not so complicated nor expensive.",
"the new light bulbs are more advantageous than the semiconductor devices.",
"the new light bulbs can last for a much longer time.",
"the new light bulbs makes light changing easier and cheaper."
] | The new light is ideal for some special buildings mentioned in the passage because _ | Although it symbolises a bright idea, the traditional incandescent light bulb is a dud. It wastes huge amounts of electricity, radiating 95% of the energy it consumes as heat rather than light. Its life is also relatively short, culminating in a dull pop as its filament fractures. Now a team of researchers has devised a light bulb that is not only much more energy-efficient-it is also expected to last longer than the devices into which it is inserted. Moreover, the lamp could be used for rear-projection televisions as well as general illumination.
The trick to a longer life, for light bulbs at least, is to ensure that the lamp has no electrodes. Although electrodes are undeniably convenient for plugging bulbs directly into the lighting system, they are also the main reason why lamps fail. The electrodes wear out. They can react chemically with the gas inside the light bulb, making it grow dimmer. They are also difficult to seal into the structure of the bulb, making the rupture of these seals another potential source of failure.
Scientists working for Ceravision, a company based in Milton Keynes, in Britain, have designed a new form of lamp that eliminates the need for electrodes. Their device uses microwaves to transform electricity into light. It consists of a relatively small lump of aluminium oxide into which a hole has been bored. When the aluminium oxide is bombarded with microwaves generated from the same sort of device that powers a microwave oven, a concentrated electric field is created inside the void.
If a cylindrical capsule containing a suitable gas is inserted into the hole, the atoms of the gas become ionised. As electrons accelerate in the electric field, they gain energy that they pass on to the atoms and molecules of the gas as they collide with them, creating a glowing plasma. The resulting light is bright, and the process is energy-efficient. Indeed, whereas traditional light bulbs emit just 5% of their energy as light, and fluorescent tubes about 15%, the Ceravision lamp has an efficiency greater than 50%.
Because the lamp has no filament, the scientists who developed it think it will last for thousands of hours of use-in other words, for decades. Moreover, the light it generates comes from what is almost a single point, which means that the bulbs can be used in projectors and televisions. Because of this, the light is much more directional and the lamp could thus prove more efficient than bulbs that scatter light in all directions. Its long life would make the new light ideal for buildings in which the architecture makes changing light bulbs complicated and expensive. The lamps' small size makes them comparable to light-emitting diodes but the new lamp generates much brighter light than those semiconductor devices do. A single microwave generator can be used to power several lamps.
Another environmental advantage of the new design is that it does not need mercury, a highly toxic metal found in most of the bulbs used today, including energy-saving fluorescent bulbs, fluorescent tubes and the high-pressure bulbs used in projectors. And Ceravision also reckons it should be cheap to make. With lighting accounting for some 20% of electricity use worldwide, switching to a more efficient system could both save energy and reduce emissions of climate-changing greenhouse gases. | 3473.txt | 3 |
[
"It is environment friendly.",
"It can be made at a lower cost.",
"It is safer for people.",
"It is multi-purpose."
] | Which one of the following is NOT the advantage of this new lamp? | Although it symbolises a bright idea, the traditional incandescent light bulb is a dud. It wastes huge amounts of electricity, radiating 95% of the energy it consumes as heat rather than light. Its life is also relatively short, culminating in a dull pop as its filament fractures. Now a team of researchers has devised a light bulb that is not only much more energy-efficient-it is also expected to last longer than the devices into which it is inserted. Moreover, the lamp could be used for rear-projection televisions as well as general illumination.
The trick to a longer life, for light bulbs at least, is to ensure that the lamp has no electrodes. Although electrodes are undeniably convenient for plugging bulbs directly into the lighting system, they are also the main reason why lamps fail. The electrodes wear out. They can react chemically with the gas inside the light bulb, making it grow dimmer. They are also difficult to seal into the structure of the bulb, making the rupture of these seals another potential source of failure.
Scientists working for Ceravision, a company based in Milton Keynes, in Britain, have designed a new form of lamp that eliminates the need for electrodes. Their device uses microwaves to transform electricity into light. It consists of a relatively small lump of aluminium oxide into which a hole has been bored. When the aluminium oxide is bombarded with microwaves generated from the same sort of device that powers a microwave oven, a concentrated electric field is created inside the void.
If a cylindrical capsule containing a suitable gas is inserted into the hole, the atoms of the gas become ionised. As electrons accelerate in the electric field, they gain energy that they pass on to the atoms and molecules of the gas as they collide with them, creating a glowing plasma. The resulting light is bright, and the process is energy-efficient. Indeed, whereas traditional light bulbs emit just 5% of their energy as light, and fluorescent tubes about 15%, the Ceravision lamp has an efficiency greater than 50%.
Because the lamp has no filament, the scientists who developed it think it will last for thousands of hours of use-in other words, for decades. Moreover, the light it generates comes from what is almost a single point, which means that the bulbs can be used in projectors and televisions. Because of this, the light is much more directional and the lamp could thus prove more efficient than bulbs that scatter light in all directions. Its long life would make the new light ideal for buildings in which the architecture makes changing light bulbs complicated and expensive. The lamps' small size makes them comparable to light-emitting diodes but the new lamp generates much brighter light than those semiconductor devices do. A single microwave generator can be used to power several lamps.
Another environmental advantage of the new design is that it does not need mercury, a highly toxic metal found in most of the bulbs used today, including energy-saving fluorescent bulbs, fluorescent tubes and the high-pressure bulbs used in projectors. And Ceravision also reckons it should be cheap to make. With lighting accounting for some 20% of electricity use worldwide, switching to a more efficient system could both save energy and reduce emissions of climate-changing greenhouse gases. | 3473.txt | 3 |
[
"The images of the Walt Disney Co. are deeply rooted in kids' heart.",
"The Dream Desk is just like a super toy.",
"The computer system is designed specifically for kids.",
"Kids can use the computer system for games and doing homework."
] | How can the Walt Disney Co. make a computer system popular with the kids? | Just over 20 years ago, IBM introduced the PC jr. Derided as awkward and underpowered, the PC jr. Never caught on with kids or parents. But then again, IBM didn't have the Mouse behind it.
Backed by a posse of Mickey, Minnie, and Pluto, the Walt Disney Co. is looking to do what IBM never could: successfully market a computer system designed specifically for kids. The Disney Dream Desk PC（$600）and its complementary big-eared, 14.1-inch monitor（$300）are aimed at kids ranging from 6 to 12 years old. But even though the system is embellished with images of Mickey and software featuring Donald Duck and Goofy, the Dream Desk is more than a toy.
Using Microsoft Windows XP, the Disney system is based on an Intel Celeron D processor and comes with a 40-gigabyte hard drive plus a combination CD burner and DVD player-serious enough hardware to manage games or homework. As an added feature, there's a stylus that sits in a cradle built into the keyboard. The stylus is a more comfortable pointing device than a mouse for little hands, and it also lets children create their own digital sketches.
Teaching tool. On the software side, Disney has included a trio of creativity programs called Disney Flix, Pix, and Mix that lets kids create their own movies, add Disney characters to digital pictures, and compose music. For parents worried about the World Wild Web, Disney has included a Content Protect program that prevents curious tykes from visiting sites you'd rather they not view. And if you suspect they are using the Net more for games than research, the program will even track your children's surfing and report back to you.
By and large, the Disney system succeeds with the Dream Desk. Design elements like the monitor's mouseketeer ears, which conceal speakers, certainly grabbed my 22-month-old daughter's attention. But while she may have enjoyed" playing with Mickey," parents may wonder if computers for kids are a help or hindrance when it comes to learning. " The danger is that people tend to replace actual human instruction with these computers," says Reid Lyon, chief of the Child Development and Behavior Branch of the National Institute of Child Health and Human Development at the National Institutes of Health. According to Lyon, computers are a fine tool to help kids learn-as long as there's parental participation.
Parents looking for educational titles on the Dream Desk will have to shop elsewhere. Furthermore, the total system price is about $150 more than comparably equipped plain-Jane PCs, and some elements of the Disney PC could be improved. Making the LCD monitor touch sensitive would be a nice addition for kids, as would a clear cover to protect the screen from sticky little fingers. In addition, some parents may bridle at the brazen commercialism of having a large orange button on the system's keyboard that takes kids directly to Disney's $9.95-a-month Toontown online game.
On the other hand, what parent hasn't succumbed to a son or daughter's desire for a SpongeBob toy, Spiderman lunchbox, or Dora backpack? And while this PC may have big ears, it's not just some Mickey Mouse computer. | 494.txt | 2 |
[
"Learning and playing are perfectly combined in this computer system.",
"The hardware is enough for the use of a kid.",
"The software takes the kids' needs and parents' worry into consideration.",
"The Dream Desk decorated with the image of Mickey catches the kids' eyes."
] | Which of the following is NOT the description of the Dream Desk? | Just over 20 years ago, IBM introduced the PC jr. Derided as awkward and underpowered, the PC jr. Never caught on with kids or parents. But then again, IBM didn't have the Mouse behind it.
Backed by a posse of Mickey, Minnie, and Pluto, the Walt Disney Co. is looking to do what IBM never could: successfully market a computer system designed specifically for kids. The Disney Dream Desk PC（$600）and its complementary big-eared, 14.1-inch monitor（$300）are aimed at kids ranging from 6 to 12 years old. But even though the system is embellished with images of Mickey and software featuring Donald Duck and Goofy, the Dream Desk is more than a toy.
Using Microsoft Windows XP, the Disney system is based on an Intel Celeron D processor and comes with a 40-gigabyte hard drive plus a combination CD burner and DVD player-serious enough hardware to manage games or homework. As an added feature, there's a stylus that sits in a cradle built into the keyboard. The stylus is a more comfortable pointing device than a mouse for little hands, and it also lets children create their own digital sketches.
Teaching tool. On the software side, Disney has included a trio of creativity programs called Disney Flix, Pix, and Mix that lets kids create their own movies, add Disney characters to digital pictures, and compose music. For parents worried about the World Wild Web, Disney has included a Content Protect program that prevents curious tykes from visiting sites you'd rather they not view. And if you suspect they are using the Net more for games than research, the program will even track your children's surfing and report back to you.
By and large, the Disney system succeeds with the Dream Desk. Design elements like the monitor's mouseketeer ears, which conceal speakers, certainly grabbed my 22-month-old daughter's attention. But while she may have enjoyed" playing with Mickey," parents may wonder if computers for kids are a help or hindrance when it comes to learning. " The danger is that people tend to replace actual human instruction with these computers," says Reid Lyon, chief of the Child Development and Behavior Branch of the National Institute of Child Health and Human Development at the National Institutes of Health. According to Lyon, computers are a fine tool to help kids learn-as long as there's parental participation.
Parents looking for educational titles on the Dream Desk will have to shop elsewhere. Furthermore, the total system price is about $150 more than comparably equipped plain-Jane PCs, and some elements of the Disney PC could be improved. Making the LCD monitor touch sensitive would be a nice addition for kids, as would a clear cover to protect the screen from sticky little fingers. In addition, some parents may bridle at the brazen commercialism of having a large orange button on the system's keyboard that takes kids directly to Disney's $9.95-a-month Toontown online game.
On the other hand, what parent hasn't succumbed to a son or daughter's desire for a SpongeBob toy, Spiderman lunchbox, or Dora backpack? And while this PC may have big ears, it's not just some Mickey Mouse computer. | 494.txt | 0 |
[
"Not allowing the kids to visit the inappropriate websites.",
"Using the computer to arouse kids' interest in learning.",
"Fully exploring the potential function of the computer.",
"Working together with their kids."
] | How can the parents take full advantage of the computer in the learning of their kids? | Just over 20 years ago, IBM introduced the PC jr. Derided as awkward and underpowered, the PC jr. Never caught on with kids or parents. But then again, IBM didn't have the Mouse behind it.
Backed by a posse of Mickey, Minnie, and Pluto, the Walt Disney Co. is looking to do what IBM never could: successfully market a computer system designed specifically for kids. The Disney Dream Desk PC（$600）and its complementary big-eared, 14.1-inch monitor（$300）are aimed at kids ranging from 6 to 12 years old. But even though the system is embellished with images of Mickey and software featuring Donald Duck and Goofy, the Dream Desk is more than a toy.
Using Microsoft Windows XP, the Disney system is based on an Intel Celeron D processor and comes with a 40-gigabyte hard drive plus a combination CD burner and DVD player-serious enough hardware to manage games or homework. As an added feature, there's a stylus that sits in a cradle built into the keyboard. The stylus is a more comfortable pointing device than a mouse for little hands, and it also lets children create their own digital sketches.
Teaching tool. On the software side, Disney has included a trio of creativity programs called Disney Flix, Pix, and Mix that lets kids create their own movies, add Disney characters to digital pictures, and compose music. For parents worried about the World Wild Web, Disney has included a Content Protect program that prevents curious tykes from visiting sites you'd rather they not view. And if you suspect they are using the Net more for games than research, the program will even track your children's surfing and report back to you.
By and large, the Disney system succeeds with the Dream Desk. Design elements like the monitor's mouseketeer ears, which conceal speakers, certainly grabbed my 22-month-old daughter's attention. But while she may have enjoyed" playing with Mickey," parents may wonder if computers for kids are a help or hindrance when it comes to learning. " The danger is that people tend to replace actual human instruction with these computers," says Reid Lyon, chief of the Child Development and Behavior Branch of the National Institute of Child Health and Human Development at the National Institutes of Health. According to Lyon, computers are a fine tool to help kids learn-as long as there's parental participation.
Parents looking for educational titles on the Dream Desk will have to shop elsewhere. Furthermore, the total system price is about $150 more than comparably equipped plain-Jane PCs, and some elements of the Disney PC could be improved. Making the LCD monitor touch sensitive would be a nice addition for kids, as would a clear cover to protect the screen from sticky little fingers. In addition, some parents may bridle at the brazen commercialism of having a large orange button on the system's keyboard that takes kids directly to Disney's $9.95-a-month Toontown online game.
On the other hand, what parent hasn't succumbed to a son or daughter's desire for a SpongeBob toy, Spiderman lunchbox, or Dora backpack? And while this PC may have big ears, it's not just some Mickey Mouse computer. | 494.txt | 3 |
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