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[
"habitat destruction.",
"continental movement.",
"fierce interspecies competition.",
"changes in Earth's temperature."
] | According to paragraph 3, each of the following has been proposed as a possible cause of mass extinctions EXCEPT | Cases in which many species become extinct within a geologically short interval of time are called mass extinctions. There was one such event at the end of the Cretaceous period (around 70 million years ago). There was another, even larger, mass extinction at the end of the Permian period (around 250 million years ago). The Permian event has attracted much less attention than other mass extinctions because mostly unfamiliar species perished at that time.
The fossil record shows at least five mass extinctions in which many families of marine organisms died out. The rates of extinction happening today are as great as the rates during these mass extinctions. Many scientists have therefore concluded that a sixth great mass extinction is currently in progress.
What could cause such high rates of extinction? There are several hypotheses, including warming or cooling of Earth, changes in seasonal fluctuations or ocean currents, and changing positions of the continents. Biological hypotheses include ecological changes brought about by the evolution of cooperation between insects and flowering plants or of bottom-feeding predators in the oceans. Some of the proposed mechanisms required a very brief period during which all extinctions suddenly took place; other mechanisms would be more likely to have taken place more gradually, over an extended period, or at different times on different continents. Some hypotheses fail to account for simultaneous extinctions on land and in the seas. Each mass extinction may have had a different cause. Evidence points to hunting by humans and habitat destruction as the likely causes for the current mass extinction.
American paleontologists David Raup and John Sepkoski, who have studied extinction rates in a number of fossil groups, suggest that episodes of increased extinction have recurred periodically, approximately every 26 million years since the mid-Cretaceous period. The late Cretaceous extinction of the dinosaurs and ammonoids was just one of the more drastic in a whole series of such recurrent extinction episodes. The possibility that mass extinctions may recur periodically has given rise to such hypotheses as that of a companion star with a long-period orbit deflecting other bodies from their normal orbits, making some of them fall to Earth as meteors and causing widespread devastation upon impact.
Of the various hypotheses attempting to account for the late Cretaceous extinctions, the one that has attracted the most attention in recent years is the asteroid-impact hypothesis first suggested by Luis and Walter Alvarez. According to this hypothesis, Earth collided with an asteroid with an estimated diameter of 10 kilometers, or with several asteroids, the combined mass of which was comparable. The force of collision spewed large amounts of debris into the atmosphere, darkening the skies for several years before the finer particles settled. The reduced level of photosynthesis led to a massive decline in plant life of all kinds, and this caused massive starvation first of herbivores and subsequently of carnivores. The mass extinction would have occurred very suddenly under this hypothesis.
One interesting test of the Alvarez hypothesis is based on the presence of the rare-earth element iridium (Ir). Earth's crust contains very little of this element, but most asteroids contain a lot more. Debris thrown into the atmosphere by an asteroid collision would presumably contain large amounts of iridium, and atmospheric currents would carry this material all over the globe. A search of sedimentary deposits that span the boundary between the Cretaceous and Tertiary periods shows that there is a dramatic increase in the abundance of iridium briefly and precisely at this boundary. This iridium anomaly offers strong support for the Alvarez hypothesis even though no asteroid itself has ever been recovered.
An asteroid of this size would be expected to leave an immense crater, even if the asteroid itself was disintegrated by the impact. The intense heat of the impact would produce heat-shocked quartz in many types of rock. Also, large blocks thrown aside by the impact would form secondary craters surrounding the main crater. To date, several such secondary craters have been found along Mexico's Yucatan Peninsula, and heat-shocked quartz has been found both in Mexico and in Haiti. A location called Chicxulub, along the Yucatan coast, has been suggested as the primary impact site. | 708.txt | 2 |
[
"Scientists know the exact causes of most mass extinctions.",
"Mass extinctions are unlikely to happen again in the future.",
"Insects, flowering plants, and bottom-feeding predators in the oceans tend to be the first organisms to disappear during episodes of mass extinctions.",
"Some mass extinctions occurred on land and in the seas at the same time."
] | Paragraph 3 supports which of the following ideas about mass extinctions? | Cases in which many species become extinct within a geologically short interval of time are called mass extinctions. There was one such event at the end of the Cretaceous period (around 70 million years ago). There was another, even larger, mass extinction at the end of the Permian period (around 250 million years ago). The Permian event has attracted much less attention than other mass extinctions because mostly unfamiliar species perished at that time.
The fossil record shows at least five mass extinctions in which many families of marine organisms died out. The rates of extinction happening today are as great as the rates during these mass extinctions. Many scientists have therefore concluded that a sixth great mass extinction is currently in progress.
What could cause such high rates of extinction? There are several hypotheses, including warming or cooling of Earth, changes in seasonal fluctuations or ocean currents, and changing positions of the continents. Biological hypotheses include ecological changes brought about by the evolution of cooperation between insects and flowering plants or of bottom-feeding predators in the oceans. Some of the proposed mechanisms required a very brief period during which all extinctions suddenly took place; other mechanisms would be more likely to have taken place more gradually, over an extended period, or at different times on different continents. Some hypotheses fail to account for simultaneous extinctions on land and in the seas. Each mass extinction may have had a different cause. Evidence points to hunting by humans and habitat destruction as the likely causes for the current mass extinction.
American paleontologists David Raup and John Sepkoski, who have studied extinction rates in a number of fossil groups, suggest that episodes of increased extinction have recurred periodically, approximately every 26 million years since the mid-Cretaceous period. The late Cretaceous extinction of the dinosaurs and ammonoids was just one of the more drastic in a whole series of such recurrent extinction episodes. The possibility that mass extinctions may recur periodically has given rise to such hypotheses as that of a companion star with a long-period orbit deflecting other bodies from their normal orbits, making some of them fall to Earth as meteors and causing widespread devastation upon impact.
Of the various hypotheses attempting to account for the late Cretaceous extinctions, the one that has attracted the most attention in recent years is the asteroid-impact hypothesis first suggested by Luis and Walter Alvarez. According to this hypothesis, Earth collided with an asteroid with an estimated diameter of 10 kilometers, or with several asteroids, the combined mass of which was comparable. The force of collision spewed large amounts of debris into the atmosphere, darkening the skies for several years before the finer particles settled. The reduced level of photosynthesis led to a massive decline in plant life of all kinds, and this caused massive starvation first of herbivores and subsequently of carnivores. The mass extinction would have occurred very suddenly under this hypothesis.
One interesting test of the Alvarez hypothesis is based on the presence of the rare-earth element iridium (Ir). Earth's crust contains very little of this element, but most asteroids contain a lot more. Debris thrown into the atmosphere by an asteroid collision would presumably contain large amounts of iridium, and atmospheric currents would carry this material all over the globe. A search of sedimentary deposits that span the boundary between the Cretaceous and Tertiary periods shows that there is a dramatic increase in the abundance of iridium briefly and precisely at this boundary. This iridium anomaly offers strong support for the Alvarez hypothesis even though no asteroid itself has ever been recovered.
An asteroid of this size would be expected to leave an immense crater, even if the asteroid itself was disintegrated by the impact. The intense heat of the impact would produce heat-shocked quartz in many types of rock. Also, large blocks thrown aside by the impact would form secondary craters surrounding the main crater. To date, several such secondary craters have been found along Mexico's Yucatan Peninsula, and heat-shocked quartz has been found both in Mexico and in Haiti. A location called Chicxulub, along the Yucatan coast, has been suggested as the primary impact site. | 708.txt | 3 |
[
"Their location.",
"Their frequency.",
"Their duration.",
"Their severity."
] | According to paragraph 4, what aspect of extinction episodes does the companion-star hypothesis supposedly clarify? | Cases in which many species become extinct within a geologically short interval of time are called mass extinctions. There was one such event at the end of the Cretaceous period (around 70 million years ago). There was another, even larger, mass extinction at the end of the Permian period (around 250 million years ago). The Permian event has attracted much less attention than other mass extinctions because mostly unfamiliar species perished at that time.
The fossil record shows at least five mass extinctions in which many families of marine organisms died out. The rates of extinction happening today are as great as the rates during these mass extinctions. Many scientists have therefore concluded that a sixth great mass extinction is currently in progress.
What could cause such high rates of extinction? There are several hypotheses, including warming or cooling of Earth, changes in seasonal fluctuations or ocean currents, and changing positions of the continents. Biological hypotheses include ecological changes brought about by the evolution of cooperation between insects and flowering plants or of bottom-feeding predators in the oceans. Some of the proposed mechanisms required a very brief period during which all extinctions suddenly took place; other mechanisms would be more likely to have taken place more gradually, over an extended period, or at different times on different continents. Some hypotheses fail to account for simultaneous extinctions on land and in the seas. Each mass extinction may have had a different cause. Evidence points to hunting by humans and habitat destruction as the likely causes for the current mass extinction.
American paleontologists David Raup and John Sepkoski, who have studied extinction rates in a number of fossil groups, suggest that episodes of increased extinction have recurred periodically, approximately every 26 million years since the mid-Cretaceous period. The late Cretaceous extinction of the dinosaurs and ammonoids was just one of the more drastic in a whole series of such recurrent extinction episodes. The possibility that mass extinctions may recur periodically has given rise to such hypotheses as that of a companion star with a long-period orbit deflecting other bodies from their normal orbits, making some of them fall to Earth as meteors and causing widespread devastation upon impact.
Of the various hypotheses attempting to account for the late Cretaceous extinctions, the one that has attracted the most attention in recent years is the asteroid-impact hypothesis first suggested by Luis and Walter Alvarez. According to this hypothesis, Earth collided with an asteroid with an estimated diameter of 10 kilometers, or with several asteroids, the combined mass of which was comparable. The force of collision spewed large amounts of debris into the atmosphere, darkening the skies for several years before the finer particles settled. The reduced level of photosynthesis led to a massive decline in plant life of all kinds, and this caused massive starvation first of herbivores and subsequently of carnivores. The mass extinction would have occurred very suddenly under this hypothesis.
One interesting test of the Alvarez hypothesis is based on the presence of the rare-earth element iridium (Ir). Earth's crust contains very little of this element, but most asteroids contain a lot more. Debris thrown into the atmosphere by an asteroid collision would presumably contain large amounts of iridium, and atmospheric currents would carry this material all over the globe. A search of sedimentary deposits that span the boundary between the Cretaceous and Tertiary periods shows that there is a dramatic increase in the abundance of iridium briefly and precisely at this boundary. This iridium anomaly offers strong support for the Alvarez hypothesis even though no asteroid itself has ever been recovered.
An asteroid of this size would be expected to leave an immense crater, even if the asteroid itself was disintegrated by the impact. The intense heat of the impact would produce heat-shocked quartz in many types of rock. Also, large blocks thrown aside by the impact would form secondary craters surrounding the main crater. To date, several such secondary craters have been found along Mexico's Yucatan Peninsula, and heat-shocked quartz has been found both in Mexico and in Haiti. A location called Chicxulub, along the Yucatan coast, has been suggested as the primary impact site. | 708.txt | 1 |
[
"describe.",
"challenge.",
"explain.",
"test."
] | The phrase account for in the passage(Paragraph 5)is closest in meaning to | Cases in which many species become extinct within a geologically short interval of time are called mass extinctions. There was one such event at the end of the Cretaceous period (around 70 million years ago). There was another, even larger, mass extinction at the end of the Permian period (around 250 million years ago). The Permian event has attracted much less attention than other mass extinctions because mostly unfamiliar species perished at that time.
The fossil record shows at least five mass extinctions in which many families of marine organisms died out. The rates of extinction happening today are as great as the rates during these mass extinctions. Many scientists have therefore concluded that a sixth great mass extinction is currently in progress.
What could cause such high rates of extinction? There are several hypotheses, including warming or cooling of Earth, changes in seasonal fluctuations or ocean currents, and changing positions of the continents. Biological hypotheses include ecological changes brought about by the evolution of cooperation between insects and flowering plants or of bottom-feeding predators in the oceans. Some of the proposed mechanisms required a very brief period during which all extinctions suddenly took place; other mechanisms would be more likely to have taken place more gradually, over an extended period, or at different times on different continents. Some hypotheses fail to account for simultaneous extinctions on land and in the seas. Each mass extinction may have had a different cause. Evidence points to hunting by humans and habitat destruction as the likely causes for the current mass extinction.
American paleontologists David Raup and John Sepkoski, who have studied extinction rates in a number of fossil groups, suggest that episodes of increased extinction have recurred periodically, approximately every 26 million years since the mid-Cretaceous period. The late Cretaceous extinction of the dinosaurs and ammonoids was just one of the more drastic in a whole series of such recurrent extinction episodes. The possibility that mass extinctions may recur periodically has given rise to such hypotheses as that of a companion star with a long-period orbit deflecting other bodies from their normal orbits, making some of them fall to Earth as meteors and causing widespread devastation upon impact.
Of the various hypotheses attempting to account for the late Cretaceous extinctions, the one that has attracted the most attention in recent years is the asteroid-impact hypothesis first suggested by Luis and Walter Alvarez. According to this hypothesis, Earth collided with an asteroid with an estimated diameter of 10 kilometers, or with several asteroids, the combined mass of which was comparable. The force of collision spewed large amounts of debris into the atmosphere, darkening the skies for several years before the finer particles settled. The reduced level of photosynthesis led to a massive decline in plant life of all kinds, and this caused massive starvation first of herbivores and subsequently of carnivores. The mass extinction would have occurred very suddenly under this hypothesis.
One interesting test of the Alvarez hypothesis is based on the presence of the rare-earth element iridium (Ir). Earth's crust contains very little of this element, but most asteroids contain a lot more. Debris thrown into the atmosphere by an asteroid collision would presumably contain large amounts of iridium, and atmospheric currents would carry this material all over the globe. A search of sedimentary deposits that span the boundary between the Cretaceous and Tertiary periods shows that there is a dramatic increase in the abundance of iridium briefly and precisely at this boundary. This iridium anomaly offers strong support for the Alvarez hypothesis even though no asteroid itself has ever been recovered.
An asteroid of this size would be expected to leave an immense crater, even if the asteroid itself was disintegrated by the impact. The intense heat of the impact would produce heat-shocked quartz in many types of rock. Also, large blocks thrown aside by the impact would form secondary craters surrounding the main crater. To date, several such secondary craters have been found along Mexico's Yucatan Peninsula, and heat-shocked quartz has been found both in Mexico and in Haiti. A location called Chicxulub, along the Yucatan coast, has been suggested as the primary impact site. | 708.txt | 2 |
[
"Its occurrence in a few locations on Earth against several locations on other planets.",
"Its occurrence in limited quantities on Earth against its abundance in asteroids.",
"Its ability to remain solid at extremely high temperatures.",
"Its ease of detection even in very small amounts."
] | According to paragraph 6, what made iridium a useful test of the Alvarez hypothesis? | Cases in which many species become extinct within a geologically short interval of time are called mass extinctions. There was one such event at the end of the Cretaceous period (around 70 million years ago). There was another, even larger, mass extinction at the end of the Permian period (around 250 million years ago). The Permian event has attracted much less attention than other mass extinctions because mostly unfamiliar species perished at that time.
The fossil record shows at least five mass extinctions in which many families of marine organisms died out. The rates of extinction happening today are as great as the rates during these mass extinctions. Many scientists have therefore concluded that a sixth great mass extinction is currently in progress.
What could cause such high rates of extinction? There are several hypotheses, including warming or cooling of Earth, changes in seasonal fluctuations or ocean currents, and changing positions of the continents. Biological hypotheses include ecological changes brought about by the evolution of cooperation between insects and flowering plants or of bottom-feeding predators in the oceans. Some of the proposed mechanisms required a very brief period during which all extinctions suddenly took place; other mechanisms would be more likely to have taken place more gradually, over an extended period, or at different times on different continents. Some hypotheses fail to account for simultaneous extinctions on land and in the seas. Each mass extinction may have had a different cause. Evidence points to hunting by humans and habitat destruction as the likely causes for the current mass extinction.
American paleontologists David Raup and John Sepkoski, who have studied extinction rates in a number of fossil groups, suggest that episodes of increased extinction have recurred periodically, approximately every 26 million years since the mid-Cretaceous period. The late Cretaceous extinction of the dinosaurs and ammonoids was just one of the more drastic in a whole series of such recurrent extinction episodes. The possibility that mass extinctions may recur periodically has given rise to such hypotheses as that of a companion star with a long-period orbit deflecting other bodies from their normal orbits, making some of them fall to Earth as meteors and causing widespread devastation upon impact.
Of the various hypotheses attempting to account for the late Cretaceous extinctions, the one that has attracted the most attention in recent years is the asteroid-impact hypothesis first suggested by Luis and Walter Alvarez. According to this hypothesis, Earth collided with an asteroid with an estimated diameter of 10 kilometers, or with several asteroids, the combined mass of which was comparable. The force of collision spewed large amounts of debris into the atmosphere, darkening the skies for several years before the finer particles settled. The reduced level of photosynthesis led to a massive decline in plant life of all kinds, and this caused massive starvation first of herbivores and subsequently of carnivores. The mass extinction would have occurred very suddenly under this hypothesis.
One interesting test of the Alvarez hypothesis is based on the presence of the rare-earth element iridium (Ir). Earth's crust contains very little of this element, but most asteroids contain a lot more. Debris thrown into the atmosphere by an asteroid collision would presumably contain large amounts of iridium, and atmospheric currents would carry this material all over the globe. A search of sedimentary deposits that span the boundary between the Cretaceous and Tertiary periods shows that there is a dramatic increase in the abundance of iridium briefly and precisely at this boundary. This iridium anomaly offers strong support for the Alvarez hypothesis even though no asteroid itself has ever been recovered.
An asteroid of this size would be expected to leave an immense crater, even if the asteroid itself was disintegrated by the impact. The intense heat of the impact would produce heat-shocked quartz in many types of rock. Also, large blocks thrown aside by the impact would form secondary craters surrounding the main crater. To date, several such secondary craters have been found along Mexico's Yucatan Peninsula, and heat-shocked quartz has been found both in Mexico and in Haiti. A location called Chicxulub, along the Yucatan coast, has been suggested as the primary impact site. | 708.txt | 1 |
[
"The importance of the indirect evidence for a large asteroid.",
"The fact that no evidence supports the asteroid impact hypothesis.",
"The reason many researchers reject the Alvarez hypothesis.",
"The responsibility of scientists for not making the effort to discover the asteroid itself."
] | In stating that no asteroid itself has ever been recovered, the author emphasizes which of the following? | Cases in which many species become extinct within a geologically short interval of time are called mass extinctions. There was one such event at the end of the Cretaceous period (around 70 million years ago). There was another, even larger, mass extinction at the end of the Permian period (around 250 million years ago). The Permian event has attracted much less attention than other mass extinctions because mostly unfamiliar species perished at that time.
The fossil record shows at least five mass extinctions in which many families of marine organisms died out. The rates of extinction happening today are as great as the rates during these mass extinctions. Many scientists have therefore concluded that a sixth great mass extinction is currently in progress.
What could cause such high rates of extinction? There are several hypotheses, including warming or cooling of Earth, changes in seasonal fluctuations or ocean currents, and changing positions of the continents. Biological hypotheses include ecological changes brought about by the evolution of cooperation between insects and flowering plants or of bottom-feeding predators in the oceans. Some of the proposed mechanisms required a very brief period during which all extinctions suddenly took place; other mechanisms would be more likely to have taken place more gradually, over an extended period, or at different times on different continents. Some hypotheses fail to account for simultaneous extinctions on land and in the seas. Each mass extinction may have had a different cause. Evidence points to hunting by humans and habitat destruction as the likely causes for the current mass extinction.
American paleontologists David Raup and John Sepkoski, who have studied extinction rates in a number of fossil groups, suggest that episodes of increased extinction have recurred periodically, approximately every 26 million years since the mid-Cretaceous period. The late Cretaceous extinction of the dinosaurs and ammonoids was just one of the more drastic in a whole series of such recurrent extinction episodes. The possibility that mass extinctions may recur periodically has given rise to such hypotheses as that of a companion star with a long-period orbit deflecting other bodies from their normal orbits, making some of them fall to Earth as meteors and causing widespread devastation upon impact.
Of the various hypotheses attempting to account for the late Cretaceous extinctions, the one that has attracted the most attention in recent years is the asteroid-impact hypothesis first suggested by Luis and Walter Alvarez. According to this hypothesis, Earth collided with an asteroid with an estimated diameter of 10 kilometers, or with several asteroids, the combined mass of which was comparable. The force of collision spewed large amounts of debris into the atmosphere, darkening the skies for several years before the finer particles settled. The reduced level of photosynthesis led to a massive decline in plant life of all kinds, and this caused massive starvation first of herbivores and subsequently of carnivores. The mass extinction would have occurred very suddenly under this hypothesis.
One interesting test of the Alvarez hypothesis is based on the presence of the rare-earth element iridium (Ir). Earth's crust contains very little of this element, but most asteroids contain a lot more. Debris thrown into the atmosphere by an asteroid collision would presumably contain large amounts of iridium, and atmospheric currents would carry this material all over the globe. A search of sedimentary deposits that span the boundary between the Cretaceous and Tertiary periods shows that there is a dramatic increase in the abundance of iridium briefly and precisely at this boundary. This iridium anomaly offers strong support for the Alvarez hypothesis even though no asteroid itself has ever been recovered.
An asteroid of this size would be expected to leave an immense crater, even if the asteroid itself was disintegrated by the impact. The intense heat of the impact would produce heat-shocked quartz in many types of rock. Also, large blocks thrown aside by the impact would form secondary craters surrounding the main crater. To date, several such secondary craters have been found along Mexico's Yucatan Peninsula, and heat-shocked quartz has been found both in Mexico and in Haiti. A location called Chicxulub, along the Yucatan coast, has been suggested as the primary impact site. | 708.txt | 0 |
[
"sudden.",
"unusual.",
"immediate.",
"extreme."
] | The word intense(Paragraph 7)in the passage is closest in meaning to | Cases in which many species become extinct within a geologically short interval of time are called mass extinctions. There was one such event at the end of the Cretaceous period (around 70 million years ago). There was another, even larger, mass extinction at the end of the Permian period (around 250 million years ago). The Permian event has attracted much less attention than other mass extinctions because mostly unfamiliar species perished at that time.
The fossil record shows at least five mass extinctions in which many families of marine organisms died out. The rates of extinction happening today are as great as the rates during these mass extinctions. Many scientists have therefore concluded that a sixth great mass extinction is currently in progress.
What could cause such high rates of extinction? There are several hypotheses, including warming or cooling of Earth, changes in seasonal fluctuations or ocean currents, and changing positions of the continents. Biological hypotheses include ecological changes brought about by the evolution of cooperation between insects and flowering plants or of bottom-feeding predators in the oceans. Some of the proposed mechanisms required a very brief period during which all extinctions suddenly took place; other mechanisms would be more likely to have taken place more gradually, over an extended period, or at different times on different continents. Some hypotheses fail to account for simultaneous extinctions on land and in the seas. Each mass extinction may have had a different cause. Evidence points to hunting by humans and habitat destruction as the likely causes for the current mass extinction.
American paleontologists David Raup and John Sepkoski, who have studied extinction rates in a number of fossil groups, suggest that episodes of increased extinction have recurred periodically, approximately every 26 million years since the mid-Cretaceous period. The late Cretaceous extinction of the dinosaurs and ammonoids was just one of the more drastic in a whole series of such recurrent extinction episodes. The possibility that mass extinctions may recur periodically has given rise to such hypotheses as that of a companion star with a long-period orbit deflecting other bodies from their normal orbits, making some of them fall to Earth as meteors and causing widespread devastation upon impact.
Of the various hypotheses attempting to account for the late Cretaceous extinctions, the one that has attracted the most attention in recent years is the asteroid-impact hypothesis first suggested by Luis and Walter Alvarez. According to this hypothesis, Earth collided with an asteroid with an estimated diameter of 10 kilometers, or with several asteroids, the combined mass of which was comparable. The force of collision spewed large amounts of debris into the atmosphere, darkening the skies for several years before the finer particles settled. The reduced level of photosynthesis led to a massive decline in plant life of all kinds, and this caused massive starvation first of herbivores and subsequently of carnivores. The mass extinction would have occurred very suddenly under this hypothesis.
One interesting test of the Alvarez hypothesis is based on the presence of the rare-earth element iridium (Ir). Earth's crust contains very little of this element, but most asteroids contain a lot more. Debris thrown into the atmosphere by an asteroid collision would presumably contain large amounts of iridium, and atmospheric currents would carry this material all over the globe. A search of sedimentary deposits that span the boundary between the Cretaceous and Tertiary periods shows that there is a dramatic increase in the abundance of iridium briefly and precisely at this boundary. This iridium anomaly offers strong support for the Alvarez hypothesis even though no asteroid itself has ever been recovered.
An asteroid of this size would be expected to leave an immense crater, even if the asteroid itself was disintegrated by the impact. The intense heat of the impact would produce heat-shocked quartz in many types of rock. Also, large blocks thrown aside by the impact would form secondary craters surrounding the main crater. To date, several such secondary craters have been found along Mexico's Yucatan Peninsula, and heat-shocked quartz has been found both in Mexico and in Haiti. A location called Chicxulub, along the Yucatan coast, has been suggested as the primary impact site. | 708.txt | 3 |
[
"It proposes a decisive new test of the Alvarez hypothesis.",
"It presents additional supporting evidence for the Alvarez hypothesis.",
"It explains why evidence relating to the Alvarez hypothesis is hard to find.",
"It shows how recent evidence has raised doubts about the Alvarez hypothesis."
] | What is the purpose of paragraph 7 in the passage? | Cases in which many species become extinct within a geologically short interval of time are called mass extinctions. There was one such event at the end of the Cretaceous period (around 70 million years ago). There was another, even larger, mass extinction at the end of the Permian period (around 250 million years ago). The Permian event has attracted much less attention than other mass extinctions because mostly unfamiliar species perished at that time.
The fossil record shows at least five mass extinctions in which many families of marine organisms died out. The rates of extinction happening today are as great as the rates during these mass extinctions. Many scientists have therefore concluded that a sixth great mass extinction is currently in progress.
What could cause such high rates of extinction? There are several hypotheses, including warming or cooling of Earth, changes in seasonal fluctuations or ocean currents, and changing positions of the continents. Biological hypotheses include ecological changes brought about by the evolution of cooperation between insects and flowering plants or of bottom-feeding predators in the oceans. Some of the proposed mechanisms required a very brief period during which all extinctions suddenly took place; other mechanisms would be more likely to have taken place more gradually, over an extended period, or at different times on different continents. Some hypotheses fail to account for simultaneous extinctions on land and in the seas. Each mass extinction may have had a different cause. Evidence points to hunting by humans and habitat destruction as the likely causes for the current mass extinction.
American paleontologists David Raup and John Sepkoski, who have studied extinction rates in a number of fossil groups, suggest that episodes of increased extinction have recurred periodically, approximately every 26 million years since the mid-Cretaceous period. The late Cretaceous extinction of the dinosaurs and ammonoids was just one of the more drastic in a whole series of such recurrent extinction episodes. The possibility that mass extinctions may recur periodically has given rise to such hypotheses as that of a companion star with a long-period orbit deflecting other bodies from their normal orbits, making some of them fall to Earth as meteors and causing widespread devastation upon impact.
Of the various hypotheses attempting to account for the late Cretaceous extinctions, the one that has attracted the most attention in recent years is the asteroid-impact hypothesis first suggested by Luis and Walter Alvarez. According to this hypothesis, Earth collided with an asteroid with an estimated diameter of 10 kilometers, or with several asteroids, the combined mass of which was comparable. The force of collision spewed large amounts of debris into the atmosphere, darkening the skies for several years before the finer particles settled. The reduced level of photosynthesis led to a massive decline in plant life of all kinds, and this caused massive starvation first of herbivores and subsequently of carnivores. The mass extinction would have occurred very suddenly under this hypothesis.
One interesting test of the Alvarez hypothesis is based on the presence of the rare-earth element iridium (Ir). Earth's crust contains very little of this element, but most asteroids contain a lot more. Debris thrown into the atmosphere by an asteroid collision would presumably contain large amounts of iridium, and atmospheric currents would carry this material all over the globe. A search of sedimentary deposits that span the boundary between the Cretaceous and Tertiary periods shows that there is a dramatic increase in the abundance of iridium briefly and precisely at this boundary. This iridium anomaly offers strong support for the Alvarez hypothesis even though no asteroid itself has ever been recovered.
An asteroid of this size would be expected to leave an immense crater, even if the asteroid itself was disintegrated by the impact. The intense heat of the impact would produce heat-shocked quartz in many types of rock. Also, large blocks thrown aside by the impact would form secondary craters surrounding the main crater. To date, several such secondary craters have been found along Mexico's Yucatan Peninsula, and heat-shocked quartz has been found both in Mexico and in Haiti. A location called Chicxulub, along the Yucatan coast, has been suggested as the primary impact site. | 708.txt | 1 |
[
"He used a strangely potent ingredient in a food supplement.",
"He created a drink containing alcohol without breaking law.",
"He became notorious because of the coca drink he developed.",
"He risked breaking local law to make a drink with coca leaves."
] | What do we learn about chemist John Pemberton? | You may have heard that Coca-Cola once contained an ingredient capable of sparking particular devotion in consumers: cocaine. The "Coca" in the name referred to the extracts of coca leaf that the drink's originator, chemist John Pemberton, mixed with his sugary syrup . At the time, coca leaf extract mixed with wine was a common tonic , and Pemberton's sweet brew was a way to get around local laws prohibiting the sale of alcohol. But the other half of the name presents another ingredient, less infamous , perhaps, but also strangely potent: the kola nut.
In West Africa, people have long chewed kola nuts as stimulants, because they contain caffeine that also occurs naturally in tea, coffee, and chocolate. They also have heart stimulants.
Historian Paul Lovejoy relates that the cultivation of kola nuts in West Africa is hundreds of years old. The leafy, spreading trees were planted on graves and as part of traditional rituals. Even though the nuts, which need to stay moist, can be somewhat delicate to transport, traders carried them hundreds of miles throughout the forests and grasslands.
Europeans did not know of them until the 1500s, when Portuguese ships arrived on the coast of what is now Sierra Leone. And while the Portuguese took part in the trade, ferrying nuts down the coast along with other goods, by 1620, when English explorer Richard Jobson made his way up the Gambia, the nuts were still peculiar to his eyes.
By the late 19th century, kola nuts were being shipped by the tonne to Europe and the US. Many made their way into medicines, intended as a kind of energy boost. One such popular medicinal drink was Vin Mariani, a French product consisting of coca extract mixed with red wine. It was created by a French chemist, Angelo Mariani, in 1863. So when Pemberton created his drink, it represented an ongoing trend. When cocaine eventually fell from grace as a beverage ingredient, kola-extract colas became popular.
The first year it was available, Coca-Cola averaged nine servings a day across all the Atlanta soda fountains where it was sold. As it grew more popular, the company sold rights to bottle the soda, so it could travel easily. Today about 1.9 billion Cokes are purchased daily. It's become so iconic that attempts to change its taste in 1985-sweetening it in a move projected to boost sales-proved disastrous, with widespread anger from consumers. "Coca-Cola Classic" returned to store shelves just three months after the "New Coke" was released.
These days, the Coca-Cola recipe is a closely guarded secret. But it's said to no longer contain kola nut extract, relying instead on artificial imitations to achieve the flavour. | 1963.txt | 3 |
[
"Their commercial value was first discovered by Portuguese settlers.",
"They contain some kind of energy boost not found in any other food.",
"Many were shipped to Europe in the late 19th century for medicinal use.",
"They were strange to the Europeans when first imported from West Africa."
] | What does the passage say about kola nuts? | You may have heard that Coca-Cola once contained an ingredient capable of sparking particular devotion in consumers: cocaine. The "Coca" in the name referred to the extracts of coca leaf that the drink's originator, chemist John Pemberton, mixed with his sugary syrup . At the time, coca leaf extract mixed with wine was a common tonic , and Pemberton's sweet brew was a way to get around local laws prohibiting the sale of alcohol. But the other half of the name presents another ingredient, less infamous , perhaps, but also strangely potent: the kola nut.
In West Africa, people have long chewed kola nuts as stimulants, because they contain caffeine that also occurs naturally in tea, coffee, and chocolate. They also have heart stimulants.
Historian Paul Lovejoy relates that the cultivation of kola nuts in West Africa is hundreds of years old. The leafy, spreading trees were planted on graves and as part of traditional rituals. Even though the nuts, which need to stay moist, can be somewhat delicate to transport, traders carried them hundreds of miles throughout the forests and grasslands.
Europeans did not know of them until the 1500s, when Portuguese ships arrived on the coast of what is now Sierra Leone. And while the Portuguese took part in the trade, ferrying nuts down the coast along with other goods, by 1620, when English explorer Richard Jobson made his way up the Gambia, the nuts were still peculiar to his eyes.
By the late 19th century, kola nuts were being shipped by the tonne to Europe and the US. Many made their way into medicines, intended as a kind of energy boost. One such popular medicinal drink was Vin Mariani, a French product consisting of coca extract mixed with red wine. It was created by a French chemist, Angelo Mariani, in 1863. So when Pemberton created his drink, it represented an ongoing trend. When cocaine eventually fell from grace as a beverage ingredient, kola-extract colas became popular.
The first year it was available, Coca-Cola averaged nine servings a day across all the Atlanta soda fountains where it was sold. As it grew more popular, the company sold rights to bottle the soda, so it could travel easily. Today about 1.9 billion Cokes are purchased daily. It's become so iconic that attempts to change its taste in 1985-sweetening it in a move projected to boost sales-proved disastrous, with widespread anger from consumers. "Coca-Cola Classic" returned to store shelves just three months after the "New Coke" was released.
These days, the Coca-Cola recipe is a closely guarded secret. But it's said to no longer contain kola nut extract, relying instead on artificial imitations to achieve the flavour. | 1963.txt | 2 |
[
"Cocaine had become notorious.",
"Alcoholic drinks were prohibited.",
"Fountains were set up to sell them.",
"Rights were sold to bottle the soda."
] | How come kola-extract colas became popular? | You may have heard that Coca-Cola once contained an ingredient capable of sparking particular devotion in consumers: cocaine. The "Coca" in the name referred to the extracts of coca leaf that the drink's originator, chemist John Pemberton, mixed with his sugary syrup . At the time, coca leaf extract mixed with wine was a common tonic , and Pemberton's sweet brew was a way to get around local laws prohibiting the sale of alcohol. But the other half of the name presents another ingredient, less infamous , perhaps, but also strangely potent: the kola nut.
In West Africa, people have long chewed kola nuts as stimulants, because they contain caffeine that also occurs naturally in tea, coffee, and chocolate. They also have heart stimulants.
Historian Paul Lovejoy relates that the cultivation of kola nuts in West Africa is hundreds of years old. The leafy, spreading trees were planted on graves and as part of traditional rituals. Even though the nuts, which need to stay moist, can be somewhat delicate to transport, traders carried them hundreds of miles throughout the forests and grasslands.
Europeans did not know of them until the 1500s, when Portuguese ships arrived on the coast of what is now Sierra Leone. And while the Portuguese took part in the trade, ferrying nuts down the coast along with other goods, by 1620, when English explorer Richard Jobson made his way up the Gambia, the nuts were still peculiar to his eyes.
By the late 19th century, kola nuts were being shipped by the tonne to Europe and the US. Many made their way into medicines, intended as a kind of energy boost. One such popular medicinal drink was Vin Mariani, a French product consisting of coca extract mixed with red wine. It was created by a French chemist, Angelo Mariani, in 1863. So when Pemberton created his drink, it represented an ongoing trend. When cocaine eventually fell from grace as a beverage ingredient, kola-extract colas became popular.
The first year it was available, Coca-Cola averaged nine servings a day across all the Atlanta soda fountains where it was sold. As it grew more popular, the company sold rights to bottle the soda, so it could travel easily. Today about 1.9 billion Cokes are purchased daily. It's become so iconic that attempts to change its taste in 1985-sweetening it in a move projected to boost sales-proved disastrous, with widespread anger from consumers. "Coca-Cola Classic" returned to store shelves just three months after the "New Coke" was released.
These days, the Coca-Cola recipe is a closely guarded secret. But it's said to no longer contain kola nut extract, relying instead on artificial imitations to achieve the flavour. | 1963.txt | 0 |
[
"It was so designed as to create addiction in consumers.",
"It still relies on traditional kola nut extract.",
"It has become more popular among the old.",
"It has remained virtually unchanged since its creation."
] | What is known about the taste of Coca-Cola? | You may have heard that Coca-Cola once contained an ingredient capable of sparking particular devotion in consumers: cocaine. The "Coca" in the name referred to the extracts of coca leaf that the drink's originator, chemist John Pemberton, mixed with his sugary syrup . At the time, coca leaf extract mixed with wine was a common tonic , and Pemberton's sweet brew was a way to get around local laws prohibiting the sale of alcohol. But the other half of the name presents another ingredient, less infamous , perhaps, but also strangely potent: the kola nut.
In West Africa, people have long chewed kola nuts as stimulants, because they contain caffeine that also occurs naturally in tea, coffee, and chocolate. They also have heart stimulants.
Historian Paul Lovejoy relates that the cultivation of kola nuts in West Africa is hundreds of years old. The leafy, spreading trees were planted on graves and as part of traditional rituals. Even though the nuts, which need to stay moist, can be somewhat delicate to transport, traders carried them hundreds of miles throughout the forests and grasslands.
Europeans did not know of them until the 1500s, when Portuguese ships arrived on the coast of what is now Sierra Leone. And while the Portuguese took part in the trade, ferrying nuts down the coast along with other goods, by 1620, when English explorer Richard Jobson made his way up the Gambia, the nuts were still peculiar to his eyes.
By the late 19th century, kola nuts were being shipped by the tonne to Europe and the US. Many made their way into medicines, intended as a kind of energy boost. One such popular medicinal drink was Vin Mariani, a French product consisting of coca extract mixed with red wine. It was created by a French chemist, Angelo Mariani, in 1863. So when Pemberton created his drink, it represented an ongoing trend. When cocaine eventually fell from grace as a beverage ingredient, kola-extract colas became popular.
The first year it was available, Coca-Cola averaged nine servings a day across all the Atlanta soda fountains where it was sold. As it grew more popular, the company sold rights to bottle the soda, so it could travel easily. Today about 1.9 billion Cokes are purchased daily. It's become so iconic that attempts to change its taste in 1985-sweetening it in a move projected to boost sales-proved disastrous, with widespread anger from consumers. "Coca-Cola Classic" returned to store shelves just three months after the "New Coke" was released.
These days, the Coca-Cola recipe is a closely guarded secret. But it's said to no longer contain kola nut extract, relying instead on artificial imitations to achieve the flavour. | 1963.txt | 3 |
[
"The evolution of Coca-Cola.",
"The success story of Coca-Cola.",
"The medicinal value of Coca-Cola.",
"The business strategy of Coca-Cola."
] | What is the passage mainly about? | You may have heard that Coca-Cola once contained an ingredient capable of sparking particular devotion in consumers: cocaine. The "Coca" in the name referred to the extracts of coca leaf that the drink's originator, chemist John Pemberton, mixed with his sugary syrup . At the time, coca leaf extract mixed with wine was a common tonic , and Pemberton's sweet brew was a way to get around local laws prohibiting the sale of alcohol. But the other half of the name presents another ingredient, less infamous , perhaps, but also strangely potent: the kola nut.
In West Africa, people have long chewed kola nuts as stimulants, because they contain caffeine that also occurs naturally in tea, coffee, and chocolate. They also have heart stimulants.
Historian Paul Lovejoy relates that the cultivation of kola nuts in West Africa is hundreds of years old. The leafy, spreading trees were planted on graves and as part of traditional rituals. Even though the nuts, which need to stay moist, can be somewhat delicate to transport, traders carried them hundreds of miles throughout the forests and grasslands.
Europeans did not know of them until the 1500s, when Portuguese ships arrived on the coast of what is now Sierra Leone. And while the Portuguese took part in the trade, ferrying nuts down the coast along with other goods, by 1620, when English explorer Richard Jobson made his way up the Gambia, the nuts were still peculiar to his eyes.
By the late 19th century, kola nuts were being shipped by the tonne to Europe and the US. Many made their way into medicines, intended as a kind of energy boost. One such popular medicinal drink was Vin Mariani, a French product consisting of coca extract mixed with red wine. It was created by a French chemist, Angelo Mariani, in 1863. So when Pemberton created his drink, it represented an ongoing trend. When cocaine eventually fell from grace as a beverage ingredient, kola-extract colas became popular.
The first year it was available, Coca-Cola averaged nine servings a day across all the Atlanta soda fountains where it was sold. As it grew more popular, the company sold rights to bottle the soda, so it could travel easily. Today about 1.9 billion Cokes are purchased daily. It's become so iconic that attempts to change its taste in 1985-sweetening it in a move projected to boost sales-proved disastrous, with widespread anger from consumers. "Coca-Cola Classic" returned to store shelves just three months after the "New Coke" was released.
These days, the Coca-Cola recipe is a closely guarded secret. But it's said to no longer contain kola nut extract, relying instead on artificial imitations to achieve the flavour. | 1963.txt | 0 |
[
"To show the inability of trains to compete with planes with respect to speed and convenience.",
"To stress the influence of the automobile on 's standard of convenience.",
"To emphasize the function of travel agencies in market promotion.",
"To illustrate the important role of persuasive communication in changing consumer attitudes."
] | What's the author's purpose in writing this passage? | Amtrak was experiencing a downswing in ridership along the lines comprising its rail system. Of major concern to Amtrak and its advertising agency DDB Needham, were the long-distance western routes where ridership had been declining significantly.] At one time, trains were the only practical way to cross the vast areas of the west. Trains were fast, very luxurious, and quite convenient compared to other forms of transportation existing at the time. However, times change and the automobile became 's standard of convenience. Also, air travel had easily established itself as the fastest method of traveling great distances. Therefore, the task for DDB Needham was to encourage consumers to consider other aspects of train travel in order to change their attitudes and increase the likelihood that trains would be considered for travel in the west.
Two portions of the total market were targeted: 1) anxious fliers-those concerned with safety, relaxation, and cleanliness and 2) travel-lovers-those viewing themselves as relaxed, casual, and interested in the travel experience as part of their vacation. The agency then developed a campaign that focused on travel experiences such as freedom, escape, relaxation, and enjoyment of the great western outdoors. It stressed experiences gained by using the trains and portrayed western train trips as wonderful adventures.
Advertisements showed pictures of the beautiful scenery that could be enjoyed along some of the more famous western routes and emphasized the romantic names of some of these trains (Empire Builder, etc.). These ads were strategically placed among family-oriented TV shows and programs involving nature and in order to most effectively reach target audiences. Results were impressive. The Empire Builder, which was focused on in one ad, enjoyed a 15 percent increase in profits on its to route. | 828.txt | 3 |
[
"trains were not suitable for short distance passenger transportation",
"trains were not the fastest and most convenient form of transportation",
"trains were not as fast and convenient as they used to be",
"trains could not compete with planes in terms of luxury and convenience"
] | It can be inferred from the passage that the drop in Amtrak ridership was due to the fact that _ . | Amtrak was experiencing a downswing in ridership along the lines comprising its rail system. Of major concern to Amtrak and its advertising agency DDB Needham, were the long-distance western routes where ridership had been declining significantly.] At one time, trains were the only practical way to cross the vast areas of the west. Trains were fast, very luxurious, and quite convenient compared to other forms of transportation existing at the time. However, times change and the automobile became 's standard of convenience. Also, air travel had easily established itself as the fastest method of traveling great distances. Therefore, the task for DDB Needham was to encourage consumers to consider other aspects of train travel in order to change their attitudes and increase the likelihood that trains would be considered for travel in the west.
Two portions of the total market were targeted: 1) anxious fliers-those concerned with safety, relaxation, and cleanliness and 2) travel-lovers-those viewing themselves as relaxed, casual, and interested in the travel experience as part of their vacation. The agency then developed a campaign that focused on travel experiences such as freedom, escape, relaxation, and enjoyment of the great western outdoors. It stressed experiences gained by using the trains and portrayed western train trips as wonderful adventures.
Advertisements showed pictures of the beautiful scenery that could be enjoyed along some of the more famous western routes and emphasized the romantic names of some of these trains (Empire Builder, etc.). These ads were strategically placed among family-oriented TV shows and programs involving nature and in order to most effectively reach target audiences. Results were impressive. The Empire Builder, which was focused on in one ad, enjoyed a 15 percent increase in profits on its to route. | 828.txt | 1 |
[
"the freedom and convenience provided on trains",
"the practical aspects of train travel",
"the adventurous aspects of train trips",
"the safety and cleanliness of train trips"
] | To encourage consumers to travel by train, DDB Needham emphasized _ . | Amtrak was experiencing a downswing in ridership along the lines comprising its rail system. Of major concern to Amtrak and its advertising agency DDB Needham, were the long-distance western routes where ridership had been declining significantly.] At one time, trains were the only practical way to cross the vast areas of the west. Trains were fast, very luxurious, and quite convenient compared to other forms of transportation existing at the time. However, times change and the automobile became 's standard of convenience. Also, air travel had easily established itself as the fastest method of traveling great distances. Therefore, the task for DDB Needham was to encourage consumers to consider other aspects of train travel in order to change their attitudes and increase the likelihood that trains would be considered for travel in the west.
Two portions of the total market were targeted: 1) anxious fliers-those concerned with safety, relaxation, and cleanliness and 2) travel-lovers-those viewing themselves as relaxed, casual, and interested in the travel experience as part of their vacation. The agency then developed a campaign that focused on travel experiences such as freedom, escape, relaxation, and enjoyment of the great western outdoors. It stressed experiences gained by using the trains and portrayed western train trips as wonderful adventures.
Advertisements showed pictures of the beautiful scenery that could be enjoyed along some of the more famous western routes and emphasized the romantic names of some of these trains (Empire Builder, etc.). These ads were strategically placed among family-oriented TV shows and programs involving nature and in order to most effectively reach target audiences. Results were impressive. The Empire Builder, which was focused on in one ad, enjoyed a 15 percent increase in profits on its to route. | 828.txt | 2 |
[
"they could focus on meaningful travel experiences",
"they could increase the effectiveness of the TV programs",
"their profits could be increased by some 15 percent",
"most travel-lovers and nervous fliers were believed to be among the audiences"
] | The train ads were placed among family-oriented TV programs involving nature and because _ . | Amtrak was experiencing a downswing in ridership along the lines comprising its rail system. Of major concern to Amtrak and its advertising agency DDB Needham, were the long-distance western routes where ridership had been declining significantly.] At one time, trains were the only practical way to cross the vast areas of the west. Trains were fast, very luxurious, and quite convenient compared to other forms of transportation existing at the time. However, times change and the automobile became 's standard of convenience. Also, air travel had easily established itself as the fastest method of traveling great distances. Therefore, the task for DDB Needham was to encourage consumers to consider other aspects of train travel in order to change their attitudes and increase the likelihood that trains would be considered for travel in the west.
Two portions of the total market were targeted: 1) anxious fliers-those concerned with safety, relaxation, and cleanliness and 2) travel-lovers-those viewing themselves as relaxed, casual, and interested in the travel experience as part of their vacation. The agency then developed a campaign that focused on travel experiences such as freedom, escape, relaxation, and enjoyment of the great western outdoors. It stressed experiences gained by using the trains and portrayed western train trips as wonderful adventures.
Advertisements showed pictures of the beautiful scenery that could be enjoyed along some of the more famous western routes and emphasized the romantic names of some of these trains (Empire Builder, etc.). These ads were strategically placed among family-oriented TV shows and programs involving nature and in order to most effectively reach target audiences. Results were impressive. The Empire Builder, which was focused on in one ad, enjoyed a 15 percent increase in profits on its to route. | 828.txt | 3 |
[
"the attractiveness of its name and route was effectively advertised",
"it provided an exciting travel experience",
"its passengers could enjoy the great western outdoors",
"it was widely advertised in newspapers and magazines in Chicago and Seattle"
] | According to the passage, the Empire Builder enjoyed an increase in ridership and profits because _ . | Amtrak was experiencing a downswing in ridership along the lines comprising its rail system. Of major concern to Amtrak and its advertising agency DDB Needham, were the long-distance western routes where ridership had been declining significantly.] At one time, trains were the only practical way to cross the vast areas of the west. Trains were fast, very luxurious, and quite convenient compared to other forms of transportation existing at the time. However, times change and the automobile became 's standard of convenience. Also, air travel had easily established itself as the fastest method of traveling great distances. Therefore, the task for DDB Needham was to encourage consumers to consider other aspects of train travel in order to change their attitudes and increase the likelihood that trains would be considered for travel in the west.
Two portions of the total market were targeted: 1) anxious fliers-those concerned with safety, relaxation, and cleanliness and 2) travel-lovers-those viewing themselves as relaxed, casual, and interested in the travel experience as part of their vacation. The agency then developed a campaign that focused on travel experiences such as freedom, escape, relaxation, and enjoyment of the great western outdoors. It stressed experiences gained by using the trains and portrayed western train trips as wonderful adventures.
Advertisements showed pictures of the beautiful scenery that could be enjoyed along some of the more famous western routes and emphasized the romantic names of some of these trains (Empire Builder, etc.). These ads were strategically placed among family-oriented TV shows and programs involving nature and in order to most effectively reach target audiences. Results were impressive. The Empire Builder, which was focused on in one ad, enjoyed a 15 percent increase in profits on its to route. | 828.txt | 0 |
[
"cut off.",
"viewed.",
"protected.",
"rescued."
] | The word "severed" in the passage (paragraph 1) is closest in meaning to | In the late nineteenth century, political and social changes were occurring rapidly in Siam (now ThailanD. The old ruling families were being displaced by an evolving centralized government. These families were pensioned off (given a sum of money to live on) or simply had their revenues taken away or restricted; their sons were enticed away to schools for district officers, later to be posted in some faraway province; and the old patron-client relations that had bound together local societies simply disintegrated. Local rulers could no longer protect their relatives and attendants in legal cases, and with the ending in 1905 of the practice of forcing peasant farmers to work part-time for local rulers, the rulers no longer had a regular base for relations with rural populations. The old local ruling families, then, were severed from their traditional social context.
The same situation viewed from the perspective of the rural population is even more complex. According to the government's first census of the rural population, taken in 1905, there were about thirty thousand villages in Siam. This was probably a large increase over the figure even two or three decades earlier, during the late 1800s. It is difficult to imagine it now, but Siam's Central Plain in the late 1800s was nowhere near as densely settled as it is today. There were still forests closely surrounding Bangkok into the last half of the nineteenth century, and even at century's end there were wild elephants and tigers roaming the countryside only twenty or thirty miles away.
Much population movement involved the opening up of new lands for rice cultivation. Two things made this possible and encouraged it to happen. First, the opening of the kingdom to the full force of international trade by the Bowring Treaty (1855) rapidly encouraged economic specialization in the growing of rice, mainly to feed the rice-deficient portions of Asia (India and China in particular). The average annual volume of rice exported from Siam grew from under 60 million kilograms per year in the late 1850s to more than 660 million kilograms per year at the turn of the century; and over the same period the average price per kilogram doubled. During the same period, the area planted in rice increased from about 230,000 acres to more than350,000 acres. This growth was achieve as the result of the collective decisions of thousands of peasants families to expand the amount of land they cultivated, clear and plant new land, or adopt more intensive methods of agriculture.
They were able to do so because of our second consideration. They were relatively freer than they had been half a century earlier. Over the course of the Fifth Reign (1868 - 1910), the ties that bound rural people to the aristocracy and local ruling elites were greatly reduced. Peasants now paid a tax on individuals instead of being required to render labor service to the government. Under these conditions, it made good sense to thousands of peasant families to in effect work full-time at what they had been able to do only part-time previously because of the requirement to work for the government: grow rice for the marketplace.
Numerous changes accompanied these developments. The rural population both dispersed and grew, and was probably less homogeneous and more mobile than it had been a generation earlier. The villages became more vulnerable to arbitrary treatment by government bureaucrats as local elites now had less control over them.By the early twentieth century, as government modernization in a sense caught up with what had been happening in the countryside since the 1870s, the government bureaucracy intruded more and more into village life. Provincial police began to appear, along with district officers and cattle registration and land deeds and registration for compulsory military service. Village handicrafts diminished or died out completely as people bought imported consumer goods, like cloth and tools, instead of making them themselves. More economic variation took shape in rural villages, as some grew prosperous from farming while others did not. As well as can be measured, rural standards of living improved in the Fifth Reign. But the statistical averages mean little when measured against the harsh realities of peasant life. | 3759.txt | 0 |
[
"Their incomes were reduced.",
"Their sons were posted as district officers in distant provinces.",
"They could sell lands that had traditionally belonged to them.",
"They had less control over the rural populations."
] | According to paragraph 1, the situation for Siam's old ruling families changed in all of the following ways EXCEPT: | In the late nineteenth century, political and social changes were occurring rapidly in Siam (now ThailanD. The old ruling families were being displaced by an evolving centralized government. These families were pensioned off (given a sum of money to live on) or simply had their revenues taken away or restricted; their sons were enticed away to schools for district officers, later to be posted in some faraway province; and the old patron-client relations that had bound together local societies simply disintegrated. Local rulers could no longer protect their relatives and attendants in legal cases, and with the ending in 1905 of the practice of forcing peasant farmers to work part-time for local rulers, the rulers no longer had a regular base for relations with rural populations. The old local ruling families, then, were severed from their traditional social context.
The same situation viewed from the perspective of the rural population is even more complex. According to the government's first census of the rural population, taken in 1905, there were about thirty thousand villages in Siam. This was probably a large increase over the figure even two or three decades earlier, during the late 1800s. It is difficult to imagine it now, but Siam's Central Plain in the late 1800s was nowhere near as densely settled as it is today. There were still forests closely surrounding Bangkok into the last half of the nineteenth century, and even at century's end there were wild elephants and tigers roaming the countryside only twenty or thirty miles away.
Much population movement involved the opening up of new lands for rice cultivation. Two things made this possible and encouraged it to happen. First, the opening of the kingdom to the full force of international trade by the Bowring Treaty (1855) rapidly encouraged economic specialization in the growing of rice, mainly to feed the rice-deficient portions of Asia (India and China in particular). The average annual volume of rice exported from Siam grew from under 60 million kilograms per year in the late 1850s to more than 660 million kilograms per year at the turn of the century; and over the same period the average price per kilogram doubled. During the same period, the area planted in rice increased from about 230,000 acres to more than350,000 acres. This growth was achieve as the result of the collective decisions of thousands of peasants families to expand the amount of land they cultivated, clear and plant new land, or adopt more intensive methods of agriculture.
They were able to do so because of our second consideration. They were relatively freer than they had been half a century earlier. Over the course of the Fifth Reign (1868 - 1910), the ties that bound rural people to the aristocracy and local ruling elites were greatly reduced. Peasants now paid a tax on individuals instead of being required to render labor service to the government. Under these conditions, it made good sense to thousands of peasant families to in effect work full-time at what they had been able to do only part-time previously because of the requirement to work for the government: grow rice for the marketplace.
Numerous changes accompanied these developments. The rural population both dispersed and grew, and was probably less homogeneous and more mobile than it had been a generation earlier. The villages became more vulnerable to arbitrary treatment by government bureaucrats as local elites now had less control over them.By the early twentieth century, as government modernization in a sense caught up with what had been happening in the countryside since the 1870s, the government bureaucracy intruded more and more into village life. Provincial police began to appear, along with district officers and cattle registration and land deeds and registration for compulsory military service. Village handicrafts diminished or died out completely as people bought imported consumer goods, like cloth and tools, instead of making them themselves. More economic variation took shape in rural villages, as some grew prosperous from farming while others did not. As well as can be measured, rural standards of living improved in the Fifth Reign. But the statistical averages mean little when measured against the harsh realities of peasant life. | 3759.txt | 2 |
[
"Its urban population began to migrate out of the cities and into the country.",
"Its Central Plain was almost as densely populated as it is today.",
"It was so rural that wild elephants and tigers sometimes roamed Bangkok.",
"It had many more villages than it did in the late 1800s."
] | According to paragraph 2, which of the following was true of Siam in 1905? | In the late nineteenth century, political and social changes were occurring rapidly in Siam (now ThailanD. The old ruling families were being displaced by an evolving centralized government. These families were pensioned off (given a sum of money to live on) or simply had their revenues taken away or restricted; their sons were enticed away to schools for district officers, later to be posted in some faraway province; and the old patron-client relations that had bound together local societies simply disintegrated. Local rulers could no longer protect their relatives and attendants in legal cases, and with the ending in 1905 of the practice of forcing peasant farmers to work part-time for local rulers, the rulers no longer had a regular base for relations with rural populations. The old local ruling families, then, were severed from their traditional social context.
The same situation viewed from the perspective of the rural population is even more complex. According to the government's first census of the rural population, taken in 1905, there were about thirty thousand villages in Siam. This was probably a large increase over the figure even two or three decades earlier, during the late 1800s. It is difficult to imagine it now, but Siam's Central Plain in the late 1800s was nowhere near as densely settled as it is today. There were still forests closely surrounding Bangkok into the last half of the nineteenth century, and even at century's end there were wild elephants and tigers roaming the countryside only twenty or thirty miles away.
Much population movement involved the opening up of new lands for rice cultivation. Two things made this possible and encouraged it to happen. First, the opening of the kingdom to the full force of international trade by the Bowring Treaty (1855) rapidly encouraged economic specialization in the growing of rice, mainly to feed the rice-deficient portions of Asia (India and China in particular). The average annual volume of rice exported from Siam grew from under 60 million kilograms per year in the late 1850s to more than 660 million kilograms per year at the turn of the century; and over the same period the average price per kilogram doubled. During the same period, the area planted in rice increased from about 230,000 acres to more than350,000 acres. This growth was achieve as the result of the collective decisions of thousands of peasants families to expand the amount of land they cultivated, clear and plant new land, or adopt more intensive methods of agriculture.
They were able to do so because of our second consideration. They were relatively freer than they had been half a century earlier. Over the course of the Fifth Reign (1868 - 1910), the ties that bound rural people to the aristocracy and local ruling elites were greatly reduced. Peasants now paid a tax on individuals instead of being required to render labor service to the government. Under these conditions, it made good sense to thousands of peasant families to in effect work full-time at what they had been able to do only part-time previously because of the requirement to work for the government: grow rice for the marketplace.
Numerous changes accompanied these developments. The rural population both dispersed and grew, and was probably less homogeneous and more mobile than it had been a generation earlier. The villages became more vulnerable to arbitrary treatment by government bureaucrats as local elites now had less control over them.By the early twentieth century, as government modernization in a sense caught up with what had been happening in the countryside since the 1870s, the government bureaucracy intruded more and more into village life. Provincial police began to appear, along with district officers and cattle registration and land deeds and registration for compulsory military service. Village handicrafts diminished or died out completely as people bought imported consumer goods, like cloth and tools, instead of making them themselves. More economic variation took shape in rural villages, as some grew prosperous from farming while others did not. As well as can be measured, rural standards of living improved in the Fifth Reign. But the statistical averages mean little when measured against the harsh realities of peasant life. | 3759.txt | 3 |
[
"the parts that consume rice.",
"the parts that do not have enough rice.",
"the parts where rice is grown.",
"the parts that depend primarily on rice."
] | The phrase "rice-deficient portions" in the passage (paragraph 3) is closest in meaning to | In the late nineteenth century, political and social changes were occurring rapidly in Siam (now ThailanD. The old ruling families were being displaced by an evolving centralized government. These families were pensioned off (given a sum of money to live on) or simply had their revenues taken away or restricted; their sons were enticed away to schools for district officers, later to be posted in some faraway province; and the old patron-client relations that had bound together local societies simply disintegrated. Local rulers could no longer protect their relatives and attendants in legal cases, and with the ending in 1905 of the practice of forcing peasant farmers to work part-time for local rulers, the rulers no longer had a regular base for relations with rural populations. The old local ruling families, then, were severed from their traditional social context.
The same situation viewed from the perspective of the rural population is even more complex. According to the government's first census of the rural population, taken in 1905, there were about thirty thousand villages in Siam. This was probably a large increase over the figure even two or three decades earlier, during the late 1800s. It is difficult to imagine it now, but Siam's Central Plain in the late 1800s was nowhere near as densely settled as it is today. There were still forests closely surrounding Bangkok into the last half of the nineteenth century, and even at century's end there were wild elephants and tigers roaming the countryside only twenty or thirty miles away.
Much population movement involved the opening up of new lands for rice cultivation. Two things made this possible and encouraged it to happen. First, the opening of the kingdom to the full force of international trade by the Bowring Treaty (1855) rapidly encouraged economic specialization in the growing of rice, mainly to feed the rice-deficient portions of Asia (India and China in particular). The average annual volume of rice exported from Siam grew from under 60 million kilograms per year in the late 1850s to more than 660 million kilograms per year at the turn of the century; and over the same period the average price per kilogram doubled. During the same period, the area planted in rice increased from about 230,000 acres to more than350,000 acres. This growth was achieve as the result of the collective decisions of thousands of peasants families to expand the amount of land they cultivated, clear and plant new land, or adopt more intensive methods of agriculture.
They were able to do so because of our second consideration. They were relatively freer than they had been half a century earlier. Over the course of the Fifth Reign (1868 - 1910), the ties that bound rural people to the aristocracy and local ruling elites were greatly reduced. Peasants now paid a tax on individuals instead of being required to render labor service to the government. Under these conditions, it made good sense to thousands of peasant families to in effect work full-time at what they had been able to do only part-time previously because of the requirement to work for the government: grow rice for the marketplace.
Numerous changes accompanied these developments. The rural population both dispersed and grew, and was probably less homogeneous and more mobile than it had been a generation earlier. The villages became more vulnerable to arbitrary treatment by government bureaucrats as local elites now had less control over them.By the early twentieth century, as government modernization in a sense caught up with what had been happening in the countryside since the 1870s, the government bureaucracy intruded more and more into village life. Provincial police began to appear, along with district officers and cattle registration and land deeds and registration for compulsory military service. Village handicrafts diminished or died out completely as people bought imported consumer goods, like cloth and tools, instead of making them themselves. More economic variation took shape in rural villages, as some grew prosperous from farming while others did not. As well as can be measured, rural standards of living improved in the Fifth Reign. But the statistical averages mean little when measured against the harsh realities of peasant life. | 3759.txt | 1 |
[
"an increase in the price of rice.",
"an increase in the amount of rice leaving Siam.",
"an increase in the nutritional quality of the rice grown.",
"an increase in the amount of land used for rice production."
] | Paragraph 3 mentions all of the following as signs of economic growth in Siam EXCEPT | In the late nineteenth century, political and social changes were occurring rapidly in Siam (now ThailanD. The old ruling families were being displaced by an evolving centralized government. These families were pensioned off (given a sum of money to live on) or simply had their revenues taken away or restricted; their sons were enticed away to schools for district officers, later to be posted in some faraway province; and the old patron-client relations that had bound together local societies simply disintegrated. Local rulers could no longer protect their relatives and attendants in legal cases, and with the ending in 1905 of the practice of forcing peasant farmers to work part-time for local rulers, the rulers no longer had a regular base for relations with rural populations. The old local ruling families, then, were severed from their traditional social context.
The same situation viewed from the perspective of the rural population is even more complex. According to the government's first census of the rural population, taken in 1905, there were about thirty thousand villages in Siam. This was probably a large increase over the figure even two or three decades earlier, during the late 1800s. It is difficult to imagine it now, but Siam's Central Plain in the late 1800s was nowhere near as densely settled as it is today. There were still forests closely surrounding Bangkok into the last half of the nineteenth century, and even at century's end there were wild elephants and tigers roaming the countryside only twenty or thirty miles away.
Much population movement involved the opening up of new lands for rice cultivation. Two things made this possible and encouraged it to happen. First, the opening of the kingdom to the full force of international trade by the Bowring Treaty (1855) rapidly encouraged economic specialization in the growing of rice, mainly to feed the rice-deficient portions of Asia (India and China in particular). The average annual volume of rice exported from Siam grew from under 60 million kilograms per year in the late 1850s to more than 660 million kilograms per year at the turn of the century; and over the same period the average price per kilogram doubled. During the same period, the area planted in rice increased from about 230,000 acres to more than350,000 acres. This growth was achieve as the result of the collective decisions of thousands of peasants families to expand the amount of land they cultivated, clear and plant new land, or adopt more intensive methods of agriculture.
They were able to do so because of our second consideration. They were relatively freer than they had been half a century earlier. Over the course of the Fifth Reign (1868 - 1910), the ties that bound rural people to the aristocracy and local ruling elites were greatly reduced. Peasants now paid a tax on individuals instead of being required to render labor service to the government. Under these conditions, it made good sense to thousands of peasant families to in effect work full-time at what they had been able to do only part-time previously because of the requirement to work for the government: grow rice for the marketplace.
Numerous changes accompanied these developments. The rural population both dispersed and grew, and was probably less homogeneous and more mobile than it had been a generation earlier. The villages became more vulnerable to arbitrary treatment by government bureaucrats as local elites now had less control over them.By the early twentieth century, as government modernization in a sense caught up with what had been happening in the countryside since the 1870s, the government bureaucracy intruded more and more into village life. Provincial police began to appear, along with district officers and cattle registration and land deeds and registration for compulsory military service. Village handicrafts diminished or died out completely as people bought imported consumer goods, like cloth and tools, instead of making them themselves. More economic variation took shape in rural villages, as some grew prosperous from farming while others did not. As well as can be measured, rural standards of living improved in the Fifth Reign. But the statistical averages mean little when measured against the harsh realities of peasant life. | 3759.txt | 2 |
[
"growing varieties of rice that produced greater yields.",
"forming collective farms by joining together with other farm families.",
"planting rice in areas that had previously remained unplanted.",
"hiring laborers to help them tend their fields."
] | According to paragraph 3, farming families increased the amount of rice they grew in part by | In the late nineteenth century, political and social changes were occurring rapidly in Siam (now ThailanD. The old ruling families were being displaced by an evolving centralized government. These families were pensioned off (given a sum of money to live on) or simply had their revenues taken away or restricted; their sons were enticed away to schools for district officers, later to be posted in some faraway province; and the old patron-client relations that had bound together local societies simply disintegrated. Local rulers could no longer protect their relatives and attendants in legal cases, and with the ending in 1905 of the practice of forcing peasant farmers to work part-time for local rulers, the rulers no longer had a regular base for relations with rural populations. The old local ruling families, then, were severed from their traditional social context.
The same situation viewed from the perspective of the rural population is even more complex. According to the government's first census of the rural population, taken in 1905, there were about thirty thousand villages in Siam. This was probably a large increase over the figure even two or three decades earlier, during the late 1800s. It is difficult to imagine it now, but Siam's Central Plain in the late 1800s was nowhere near as densely settled as it is today. There were still forests closely surrounding Bangkok into the last half of the nineteenth century, and even at century's end there were wild elephants and tigers roaming the countryside only twenty or thirty miles away.
Much population movement involved the opening up of new lands for rice cultivation. Two things made this possible and encouraged it to happen. First, the opening of the kingdom to the full force of international trade by the Bowring Treaty (1855) rapidly encouraged economic specialization in the growing of rice, mainly to feed the rice-deficient portions of Asia (India and China in particular). The average annual volume of rice exported from Siam grew from under 60 million kilograms per year in the late 1850s to more than 660 million kilograms per year at the turn of the century; and over the same period the average price per kilogram doubled. During the same period, the area planted in rice increased from about 230,000 acres to more than350,000 acres. This growth was achieve as the result of the collective decisions of thousands of peasants families to expand the amount of land they cultivated, clear and plant new land, or adopt more intensive methods of agriculture.
They were able to do so because of our second consideration. They were relatively freer than they had been half a century earlier. Over the course of the Fifth Reign (1868 - 1910), the ties that bound rural people to the aristocracy and local ruling elites were greatly reduced. Peasants now paid a tax on individuals instead of being required to render labor service to the government. Under these conditions, it made good sense to thousands of peasant families to in effect work full-time at what they had been able to do only part-time previously because of the requirement to work for the government: grow rice for the marketplace.
Numerous changes accompanied these developments. The rural population both dispersed and grew, and was probably less homogeneous and more mobile than it had been a generation earlier. The villages became more vulnerable to arbitrary treatment by government bureaucrats as local elites now had less control over them.By the early twentieth century, as government modernization in a sense caught up with what had been happening in the countryside since the 1870s, the government bureaucracy intruded more and more into village life. Provincial police began to appear, along with district officers and cattle registration and land deeds and registration for compulsory military service. Village handicrafts diminished or died out completely as people bought imported consumer goods, like cloth and tools, instead of making them themselves. More economic variation took shape in rural villages, as some grew prosperous from farming while others did not. As well as can be measured, rural standards of living improved in the Fifth Reign. But the statistical averages mean little when measured against the harsh realities of peasant life. | 3759.txt | 2 |
[
"Rural people became more closely connected to the aristocracy.",
"Rural people spent more time growing rice for profit.",
"The government began to pay the laborers who grew rice for it.",
"The government introduced a special tax on rice."
] | According to paragraph 4, what happened after the government ended the practice of requiring rural people to perform labor for it? | In the late nineteenth century, political and social changes were occurring rapidly in Siam (now ThailanD. The old ruling families were being displaced by an evolving centralized government. These families were pensioned off (given a sum of money to live on) or simply had their revenues taken away or restricted; their sons were enticed away to schools for district officers, later to be posted in some faraway province; and the old patron-client relations that had bound together local societies simply disintegrated. Local rulers could no longer protect their relatives and attendants in legal cases, and with the ending in 1905 of the practice of forcing peasant farmers to work part-time for local rulers, the rulers no longer had a regular base for relations with rural populations. The old local ruling families, then, were severed from their traditional social context.
The same situation viewed from the perspective of the rural population is even more complex. According to the government's first census of the rural population, taken in 1905, there were about thirty thousand villages in Siam. This was probably a large increase over the figure even two or three decades earlier, during the late 1800s. It is difficult to imagine it now, but Siam's Central Plain in the late 1800s was nowhere near as densely settled as it is today. There were still forests closely surrounding Bangkok into the last half of the nineteenth century, and even at century's end there were wild elephants and tigers roaming the countryside only twenty or thirty miles away.
Much population movement involved the opening up of new lands for rice cultivation. Two things made this possible and encouraged it to happen. First, the opening of the kingdom to the full force of international trade by the Bowring Treaty (1855) rapidly encouraged economic specialization in the growing of rice, mainly to feed the rice-deficient portions of Asia (India and China in particular). The average annual volume of rice exported from Siam grew from under 60 million kilograms per year in the late 1850s to more than 660 million kilograms per year at the turn of the century; and over the same period the average price per kilogram doubled. During the same period, the area planted in rice increased from about 230,000 acres to more than350,000 acres. This growth was achieve as the result of the collective decisions of thousands of peasants families to expand the amount of land they cultivated, clear and plant new land, or adopt more intensive methods of agriculture.
They were able to do so because of our second consideration. They were relatively freer than they had been half a century earlier. Over the course of the Fifth Reign (1868 - 1910), the ties that bound rural people to the aristocracy and local ruling elites were greatly reduced. Peasants now paid a tax on individuals instead of being required to render labor service to the government. Under these conditions, it made good sense to thousands of peasant families to in effect work full-time at what they had been able to do only part-time previously because of the requirement to work for the government: grow rice for the marketplace.
Numerous changes accompanied these developments. The rural population both dispersed and grew, and was probably less homogeneous and more mobile than it had been a generation earlier. The villages became more vulnerable to arbitrary treatment by government bureaucrats as local elites now had less control over them.By the early twentieth century, as government modernization in a sense caught up with what had been happening in the countryside since the 1870s, the government bureaucracy intruded more and more into village life. Provincial police began to appear, along with district officers and cattle registration and land deeds and registration for compulsory military service. Village handicrafts diminished or died out completely as people bought imported consumer goods, like cloth and tools, instead of making them themselves. More economic variation took shape in rural villages, as some grew prosperous from farming while others did not. As well as can be measured, rural standards of living improved in the Fifth Reign. But the statistical averages mean little when measured against the harsh realities of peasant life. | 3759.txt | 1 |
[
"Paragraph 4 provides further evidence of the economic growth of Siam discussed in paragraph 3.",
"Paragraph 4 continues the discussion begun in paragraph 3 of farming improvements that led to economic growth.",
"Paragraph 4 examines a particular effect of the Bowring Treaty mentioned in paragraph 3.",
"Paragraph 4 discusses the second of two factors that contributed to the expansion of rice farming mentioned in paragraph 3."
] | Which of the following best describes the relationship between paragraphs 3 and 4 in the passage? | In the late nineteenth century, political and social changes were occurring rapidly in Siam (now ThailanD. The old ruling families were being displaced by an evolving centralized government. These families were pensioned off (given a sum of money to live on) or simply had their revenues taken away or restricted; their sons were enticed away to schools for district officers, later to be posted in some faraway province; and the old patron-client relations that had bound together local societies simply disintegrated. Local rulers could no longer protect their relatives and attendants in legal cases, and with the ending in 1905 of the practice of forcing peasant farmers to work part-time for local rulers, the rulers no longer had a regular base for relations with rural populations. The old local ruling families, then, were severed from their traditional social context.
The same situation viewed from the perspective of the rural population is even more complex. According to the government's first census of the rural population, taken in 1905, there were about thirty thousand villages in Siam. This was probably a large increase over the figure even two or three decades earlier, during the late 1800s. It is difficult to imagine it now, but Siam's Central Plain in the late 1800s was nowhere near as densely settled as it is today. There were still forests closely surrounding Bangkok into the last half of the nineteenth century, and even at century's end there were wild elephants and tigers roaming the countryside only twenty or thirty miles away.
Much population movement involved the opening up of new lands for rice cultivation. Two things made this possible and encouraged it to happen. First, the opening of the kingdom to the full force of international trade by the Bowring Treaty (1855) rapidly encouraged economic specialization in the growing of rice, mainly to feed the rice-deficient portions of Asia (India and China in particular). The average annual volume of rice exported from Siam grew from under 60 million kilograms per year in the late 1850s to more than 660 million kilograms per year at the turn of the century; and over the same period the average price per kilogram doubled. During the same period, the area planted in rice increased from about 230,000 acres to more than350,000 acres. This growth was achieve as the result of the collective decisions of thousands of peasants families to expand the amount of land they cultivated, clear and plant new land, or adopt more intensive methods of agriculture.
They were able to do so because of our second consideration. They were relatively freer than they had been half a century earlier. Over the course of the Fifth Reign (1868 - 1910), the ties that bound rural people to the aristocracy and local ruling elites were greatly reduced. Peasants now paid a tax on individuals instead of being required to render labor service to the government. Under these conditions, it made good sense to thousands of peasant families to in effect work full-time at what they had been able to do only part-time previously because of the requirement to work for the government: grow rice for the marketplace.
Numerous changes accompanied these developments. The rural population both dispersed and grew, and was probably less homogeneous and more mobile than it had been a generation earlier. The villages became more vulnerable to arbitrary treatment by government bureaucrats as local elites now had less control over them.By the early twentieth century, as government modernization in a sense caught up with what had been happening in the countryside since the 1870s, the government bureaucracy intruded more and more into village life. Provincial police began to appear, along with district officers and cattle registration and land deeds and registration for compulsory military service. Village handicrafts diminished or died out completely as people bought imported consumer goods, like cloth and tools, instead of making them themselves. More economic variation took shape in rural villages, as some grew prosperous from farming while others did not. As well as can be measured, rural standards of living improved in the Fifth Reign. But the statistical averages mean little when measured against the harsh realities of peasant life. | 3759.txt | 3 |
[
"spread out.",
"gained power.",
"adapted.",
"specialized."
] | The word "dispersed" in the passage (paragraph 5) is closest in meaning to | In the late nineteenth century, political and social changes were occurring rapidly in Siam (now ThailanD. The old ruling families were being displaced by an evolving centralized government. These families were pensioned off (given a sum of money to live on) or simply had their revenues taken away or restricted; their sons were enticed away to schools for district officers, later to be posted in some faraway province; and the old patron-client relations that had bound together local societies simply disintegrated. Local rulers could no longer protect their relatives and attendants in legal cases, and with the ending in 1905 of the practice of forcing peasant farmers to work part-time for local rulers, the rulers no longer had a regular base for relations with rural populations. The old local ruling families, then, were severed from their traditional social context.
The same situation viewed from the perspective of the rural population is even more complex. According to the government's first census of the rural population, taken in 1905, there were about thirty thousand villages in Siam. This was probably a large increase over the figure even two or three decades earlier, during the late 1800s. It is difficult to imagine it now, but Siam's Central Plain in the late 1800s was nowhere near as densely settled as it is today. There were still forests closely surrounding Bangkok into the last half of the nineteenth century, and even at century's end there were wild elephants and tigers roaming the countryside only twenty or thirty miles away.
Much population movement involved the opening up of new lands for rice cultivation. Two things made this possible and encouraged it to happen. First, the opening of the kingdom to the full force of international trade by the Bowring Treaty (1855) rapidly encouraged economic specialization in the growing of rice, mainly to feed the rice-deficient portions of Asia (India and China in particular). The average annual volume of rice exported from Siam grew from under 60 million kilograms per year in the late 1850s to more than 660 million kilograms per year at the turn of the century; and over the same period the average price per kilogram doubled. During the same period, the area planted in rice increased from about 230,000 acres to more than350,000 acres. This growth was achieve as the result of the collective decisions of thousands of peasants families to expand the amount of land they cultivated, clear and plant new land, or adopt more intensive methods of agriculture.
They were able to do so because of our second consideration. They were relatively freer than they had been half a century earlier. Over the course of the Fifth Reign (1868 - 1910), the ties that bound rural people to the aristocracy and local ruling elites were greatly reduced. Peasants now paid a tax on individuals instead of being required to render labor service to the government. Under these conditions, it made good sense to thousands of peasant families to in effect work full-time at what they had been able to do only part-time previously because of the requirement to work for the government: grow rice for the marketplace.
Numerous changes accompanied these developments. The rural population both dispersed and grew, and was probably less homogeneous and more mobile than it had been a generation earlier. The villages became more vulnerable to arbitrary treatment by government bureaucrats as local elites now had less control over them.By the early twentieth century, as government modernization in a sense caught up with what had been happening in the countryside since the 1870s, the government bureaucracy intruded more and more into village life. Provincial police began to appear, along with district officers and cattle registration and land deeds and registration for compulsory military service. Village handicrafts diminished or died out completely as people bought imported consumer goods, like cloth and tools, instead of making them themselves. More economic variation took shape in rural villages, as some grew prosperous from farming while others did not. As well as can be measured, rural standards of living improved in the Fifth Reign. But the statistical averages mean little when measured against the harsh realities of peasant life. | 3759.txt | 0 |
[
"foreign.",
"formal.",
"required.",
"preferred."
] | The word "compulsory" in the passage (paragraph 5) is closest in meaning to | In the late nineteenth century, political and social changes were occurring rapidly in Siam (now ThailanD. The old ruling families were being displaced by an evolving centralized government. These families were pensioned off (given a sum of money to live on) or simply had their revenues taken away or restricted; their sons were enticed away to schools for district officers, later to be posted in some faraway province; and the old patron-client relations that had bound together local societies simply disintegrated. Local rulers could no longer protect their relatives and attendants in legal cases, and with the ending in 1905 of the practice of forcing peasant farmers to work part-time for local rulers, the rulers no longer had a regular base for relations with rural populations. The old local ruling families, then, were severed from their traditional social context.
The same situation viewed from the perspective of the rural population is even more complex. According to the government's first census of the rural population, taken in 1905, there were about thirty thousand villages in Siam. This was probably a large increase over the figure even two or three decades earlier, during the late 1800s. It is difficult to imagine it now, but Siam's Central Plain in the late 1800s was nowhere near as densely settled as it is today. There were still forests closely surrounding Bangkok into the last half of the nineteenth century, and even at century's end there were wild elephants and tigers roaming the countryside only twenty or thirty miles away.
Much population movement involved the opening up of new lands for rice cultivation. Two things made this possible and encouraged it to happen. First, the opening of the kingdom to the full force of international trade by the Bowring Treaty (1855) rapidly encouraged economic specialization in the growing of rice, mainly to feed the rice-deficient portions of Asia (India and China in particular). The average annual volume of rice exported from Siam grew from under 60 million kilograms per year in the late 1850s to more than 660 million kilograms per year at the turn of the century; and over the same period the average price per kilogram doubled. During the same period, the area planted in rice increased from about 230,000 acres to more than350,000 acres. This growth was achieve as the result of the collective decisions of thousands of peasants families to expand the amount of land they cultivated, clear and plant new land, or adopt more intensive methods of agriculture.
They were able to do so because of our second consideration. They were relatively freer than they had been half a century earlier. Over the course of the Fifth Reign (1868 - 1910), the ties that bound rural people to the aristocracy and local ruling elites were greatly reduced. Peasants now paid a tax on individuals instead of being required to render labor service to the government. Under these conditions, it made good sense to thousands of peasant families to in effect work full-time at what they had been able to do only part-time previously because of the requirement to work for the government: grow rice for the marketplace.
Numerous changes accompanied these developments. The rural population both dispersed and grew, and was probably less homogeneous and more mobile than it had been a generation earlier. The villages became more vulnerable to arbitrary treatment by government bureaucrats as local elites now had less control over them.By the early twentieth century, as government modernization in a sense caught up with what had been happening in the countryside since the 1870s, the government bureaucracy intruded more and more into village life. Provincial police began to appear, along with district officers and cattle registration and land deeds and registration for compulsory military service. Village handicrafts diminished or died out completely as people bought imported consumer goods, like cloth and tools, instead of making them themselves. More economic variation took shape in rural villages, as some grew prosperous from farming while others did not. As well as can be measured, rural standards of living improved in the Fifth Reign. But the statistical averages mean little when measured against the harsh realities of peasant life. | 3759.txt | 2 |
[
"They were forced to spend most of the profits from rice growing on registrations required by the government.",
"Their lives remained very difficult even though statistics suggest that their quality of life improved.",
"The non-farmers among them were helped by the government more than the farmers among them were.",
"They were more prosperous when they were ruled by local elites than when they were ruled by the more modern government of the Fifth Reign."
] | According to paragraph 5, which of the following was true of Siam's rural people during the Fifth Reign? | In the late nineteenth century, political and social changes were occurring rapidly in Siam (now ThailanD. The old ruling families were being displaced by an evolving centralized government. These families were pensioned off (given a sum of money to live on) or simply had their revenues taken away or restricted; their sons were enticed away to schools for district officers, later to be posted in some faraway province; and the old patron-client relations that had bound together local societies simply disintegrated. Local rulers could no longer protect their relatives and attendants in legal cases, and with the ending in 1905 of the practice of forcing peasant farmers to work part-time for local rulers, the rulers no longer had a regular base for relations with rural populations. The old local ruling families, then, were severed from their traditional social context.
The same situation viewed from the perspective of the rural population is even more complex. According to the government's first census of the rural population, taken in 1905, there were about thirty thousand villages in Siam. This was probably a large increase over the figure even two or three decades earlier, during the late 1800s. It is difficult to imagine it now, but Siam's Central Plain in the late 1800s was nowhere near as densely settled as it is today. There were still forests closely surrounding Bangkok into the last half of the nineteenth century, and even at century's end there were wild elephants and tigers roaming the countryside only twenty or thirty miles away.
Much population movement involved the opening up of new lands for rice cultivation. Two things made this possible and encouraged it to happen. First, the opening of the kingdom to the full force of international trade by the Bowring Treaty (1855) rapidly encouraged economic specialization in the growing of rice, mainly to feed the rice-deficient portions of Asia (India and China in particular). The average annual volume of rice exported from Siam grew from under 60 million kilograms per year in the late 1850s to more than 660 million kilograms per year at the turn of the century; and over the same period the average price per kilogram doubled. During the same period, the area planted in rice increased from about 230,000 acres to more than350,000 acres. This growth was achieve as the result of the collective decisions of thousands of peasants families to expand the amount of land they cultivated, clear and plant new land, or adopt more intensive methods of agriculture.
They were able to do so because of our second consideration. They were relatively freer than they had been half a century earlier. Over the course of the Fifth Reign (1868 - 1910), the ties that bound rural people to the aristocracy and local ruling elites were greatly reduced. Peasants now paid a tax on individuals instead of being required to render labor service to the government. Under these conditions, it made good sense to thousands of peasant families to in effect work full-time at what they had been able to do only part-time previously because of the requirement to work for the government: grow rice for the marketplace.
Numerous changes accompanied these developments. The rural population both dispersed and grew, and was probably less homogeneous and more mobile than it had been a generation earlier. The villages became more vulnerable to arbitrary treatment by government bureaucrats as local elites now had less control over them.By the early twentieth century, as government modernization in a sense caught up with what had been happening in the countryside since the 1870s, the government bureaucracy intruded more and more into village life. Provincial police began to appear, along with district officers and cattle registration and land deeds and registration for compulsory military service. Village handicrafts diminished or died out completely as people bought imported consumer goods, like cloth and tools, instead of making them themselves. More economic variation took shape in rural villages, as some grew prosperous from farming while others did not. As well as can be measured, rural standards of living improved in the Fifth Reign. But the statistical averages mean little when measured against the harsh realities of peasant life. | 3759.txt | 1 |
[
"requiring the people to register their cattle and land.",
"requiring the people to buy certain kinds of imported goods.",
"discouraging the people from making handicrafts and tools.",
"encouraging more people to take up farming."
] | According to paragraph 5, the government bureaucracy intruded in village life by | In the late nineteenth century, political and social changes were occurring rapidly in Siam (now ThailanD. The old ruling families were being displaced by an evolving centralized government. These families were pensioned off (given a sum of money to live on) or simply had their revenues taken away or restricted; their sons were enticed away to schools for district officers, later to be posted in some faraway province; and the old patron-client relations that had bound together local societies simply disintegrated. Local rulers could no longer protect their relatives and attendants in legal cases, and with the ending in 1905 of the practice of forcing peasant farmers to work part-time for local rulers, the rulers no longer had a regular base for relations with rural populations. The old local ruling families, then, were severed from their traditional social context.
The same situation viewed from the perspective of the rural population is even more complex. According to the government's first census of the rural population, taken in 1905, there were about thirty thousand villages in Siam. This was probably a large increase over the figure even two or three decades earlier, during the late 1800s. It is difficult to imagine it now, but Siam's Central Plain in the late 1800s was nowhere near as densely settled as it is today. There were still forests closely surrounding Bangkok into the last half of the nineteenth century, and even at century's end there were wild elephants and tigers roaming the countryside only twenty or thirty miles away.
Much population movement involved the opening up of new lands for rice cultivation. Two things made this possible and encouraged it to happen. First, the opening of the kingdom to the full force of international trade by the Bowring Treaty (1855) rapidly encouraged economic specialization in the growing of rice, mainly to feed the rice-deficient portions of Asia (India and China in particular). The average annual volume of rice exported from Siam grew from under 60 million kilograms per year in the late 1850s to more than 660 million kilograms per year at the turn of the century; and over the same period the average price per kilogram doubled. During the same period, the area planted in rice increased from about 230,000 acres to more than350,000 acres. This growth was achieve as the result of the collective decisions of thousands of peasants families to expand the amount of land they cultivated, clear and plant new land, or adopt more intensive methods of agriculture.
They were able to do so because of our second consideration. They were relatively freer than they had been half a century earlier. Over the course of the Fifth Reign (1868 - 1910), the ties that bound rural people to the aristocracy and local ruling elites were greatly reduced. Peasants now paid a tax on individuals instead of being required to render labor service to the government. Under these conditions, it made good sense to thousands of peasant families to in effect work full-time at what they had been able to do only part-time previously because of the requirement to work for the government: grow rice for the marketplace.
Numerous changes accompanied these developments. The rural population both dispersed and grew, and was probably less homogeneous and more mobile than it had been a generation earlier. The villages became more vulnerable to arbitrary treatment by government bureaucrats as local elites now had less control over them.By the early twentieth century, as government modernization in a sense caught up with what had been happening in the countryside since the 1870s, the government bureaucracy intruded more and more into village life. Provincial police began to appear, along with district officers and cattle registration and land deeds and registration for compulsory military service. Village handicrafts diminished or died out completely as people bought imported consumer goods, like cloth and tools, instead of making them themselves. More economic variation took shape in rural villages, as some grew prosperous from farming while others did not. As well as can be measured, rural standards of living improved in the Fifth Reign. But the statistical averages mean little when measured against the harsh realities of peasant life. | 3759.txt | 0 |
[
"Rely on the precise language of art history whendeveloping scripts for films on art.",
"Rely on dramatic narrative and music to set afilm's tone and style.",
"Recognize that a work of art by itself can becompelling enough to hold a viewer's attention",
"Depend more strongly on narration instead ofcamera movements to guide the viewer's gaze."
] | The passage suggests that a filmmaker desiring toenhance viewers' perceptions of art should do which ofthe following? | In 1923 the innovative Russian filmmaker Dziga Vertov described filmmaking as a process that leads viewers toward a "fresh perception of the world." Vertov's description of filmmaking should apply to films on the subject of art. Yet films on art have not had a powerful and pervasive effect on the way we see.
Publications on art flourish, but these books and articles do not necessarily succeed in teaching us to see more deeply or more clearly. Much writing in art history advances the discourse in the field but is unlikely to inform the eye of one unfamiliar with its polemics. Films, however, with their capacity to present material visually and to reach a broader audience, have the potential to enhance visual literacy (the ability to identify the details that characterize a particular style) more effectively than publications can. Unfortunately, few of the hundred or so films on art that are made each year in the United States are broadcast nationally on prime- time television.
The fact that films on art are rarely seen on prime-time television may be due not only to limitations on distribution but also to the shortcomings of many such films. Some of these shortcomings can be attributed to the failure of art historians and filmmakers to collaborate closely enough when making films on art. These professionals are able, within their respective disciplines, to increase our aware- ness of visual forms. For close collaboration to occur, professionals in each discipline need to recognize that films on art can be both educational and entertaining, but this will require compromise on both sides.
A filmmaker who is creating a film about the work of an artist should not follow the standards set by rock videos and advertising. Filmmakers need to resist the impulse to move the camera quickly from detail to detail for fear of boring the viewer, to frame the image for the sake of drama alone, to add music for fear of silence. Filmmakers are aware that an art object demands concentration and, at the same time, are concerned that it may not be compelling enoughβand so they hope to provide relief by interposing "real" scenes that bear only a tangential relationship to the subject. But a work of art needs to be explored on its own terms. On the other hand, art historians need to trust that one can indicate and analyze, not solely with words, but also by directing the viewer's gaze. The specialized written language of art history needs to be relinquished or at least tempered for the screen. Only an effective collaboration between filmmakers and art historians can create films that will enhance viewers' perceptions of art. | 1912.txt | 2 |
[
"provide an example of how films can be used toinfluence perceptions",
"present evidence to support the argument thatfilms have been used successfully to influenceviewers' perceptions",
"introduce the notion that film can influence howviewers see",
"contrast a traditional view of the uses of filmwith a more modern view"
] | The author of the passage refers to Vertov in the first paragraph most probably in order to | In 1923 the innovative Russian filmmaker Dziga Vertov described filmmaking as a process that leads viewers toward a "fresh perception of the world." Vertov's description of filmmaking should apply to films on the subject of art. Yet films on art have not had a powerful and pervasive effect on the way we see.
Publications on art flourish, but these books and articles do not necessarily succeed in teaching us to see more deeply or more clearly. Much writing in art history advances the discourse in the field but is unlikely to inform the eye of one unfamiliar with its polemics. Films, however, with their capacity to present material visually and to reach a broader audience, have the potential to enhance visual literacy (the ability to identify the details that characterize a particular style) more effectively than publications can. Unfortunately, few of the hundred or so films on art that are made each year in the United States are broadcast nationally on prime- time television.
The fact that films on art are rarely seen on prime-time television may be due not only to limitations on distribution but also to the shortcomings of many such films. Some of these shortcomings can be attributed to the failure of art historians and filmmakers to collaborate closely enough when making films on art. These professionals are able, within their respective disciplines, to increase our aware- ness of visual forms. For close collaboration to occur, professionals in each discipline need to recognize that films on art can be both educational and entertaining, but this will require compromise on both sides.
A filmmaker who is creating a film about the work of an artist should not follow the standards set by rock videos and advertising. Filmmakers need to resist the impulse to move the camera quickly from detail to detail for fear of boring the viewer, to frame the image for the sake of drama alone, to add music for fear of silence. Filmmakers are aware that an art object demands concentration and, at the same time, are concerned that it may not be compelling enoughβand so they hope to provide relief by interposing "real" scenes that bear only a tangential relationship to the subject. But a work of art needs to be explored on its own terms. On the other hand, art historians need to trust that one can indicate and analyze, not solely with words, but also by directing the viewer's gaze. The specialized written language of art history needs to be relinquished or at least tempered for the screen. Only an effective collaboration between filmmakers and art historians can create films that will enhance viewers' perceptions of art. | 1912.txt | 2 |
[
"An observation about an unsatisfactory situationis offered, the reasons for the situation are dis- cussed, and then ways to change it are suggested",
"Two opinions regarding a controversial phenom- enon are contrasted, supporting evidence foreach is presented, and then the two opinions arereconciled.",
"Criticism of a point of view is discussed, thecriticism is answered, and then the criticism isapplied to another point of view.",
"A point of view is described, evidence supportingthe view is provided, and then a summary ispresented."
] | Which of the following best describes the organization of the passage? | In 1923 the innovative Russian filmmaker Dziga Vertov described filmmaking as a process that leads viewers toward a "fresh perception of the world." Vertov's description of filmmaking should apply to films on the subject of art. Yet films on art have not had a powerful and pervasive effect on the way we see.
Publications on art flourish, but these books and articles do not necessarily succeed in teaching us to see more deeply or more clearly. Much writing in art history advances the discourse in the field but is unlikely to inform the eye of one unfamiliar with its polemics. Films, however, with their capacity to present material visually and to reach a broader audience, have the potential to enhance visual literacy (the ability to identify the details that characterize a particular style) more effectively than publications can. Unfortunately, few of the hundred or so films on art that are made each year in the United States are broadcast nationally on prime- time television.
The fact that films on art are rarely seen on prime-time television may be due not only to limitations on distribution but also to the shortcomings of many such films. Some of these shortcomings can be attributed to the failure of art historians and filmmakers to collaborate closely enough when making films on art. These professionals are able, within their respective disciplines, to increase our aware- ness of visual forms. For close collaboration to occur, professionals in each discipline need to recognize that films on art can be both educational and entertaining, but this will require compromise on both sides.
A filmmaker who is creating a film about the work of an artist should not follow the standards set by rock videos and advertising. Filmmakers need to resist the impulse to move the camera quickly from detail to detail for fear of boring the viewer, to frame the image for the sake of drama alone, to add music for fear of silence. Filmmakers are aware that an art object demands concentration and, at the same time, are concerned that it may not be compelling enoughβand so they hope to provide relief by interposing "real" scenes that bear only a tangential relationship to the subject. But a work of art needs to be explored on its own terms. On the other hand, art historians need to trust that one can indicate and analyze, not solely with words, but also by directing the viewer's gaze. The specialized written language of art history needs to be relinquished or at least tempered for the screen. Only an effective collaboration between filmmakers and art historians can create films that will enhance viewers' perceptions of art. | 1912.txt | 0 |
[
"discussing why film's potential as a medium for presenting art to the general public has not been fully realized and how film might be made more effective in this regard",
"discussing the shortcomings of films on art andthe technological innovations required to increasethe impact of film on visual literacy",
"discussing the advantages and the disadvantages ofusing films rather than publications to presentworks of art to the general public",
"presenting information to support the view thatfilms on art must focus more on education andless on entertainment in order to increase visualliteracy"
] | The passage is primarily concerned with | In 1923 the innovative Russian filmmaker Dziga Vertov described filmmaking as a process that leads viewers toward a "fresh perception of the world." Vertov's description of filmmaking should apply to films on the subject of art. Yet films on art have not had a powerful and pervasive effect on the way we see.
Publications on art flourish, but these books and articles do not necessarily succeed in teaching us to see more deeply or more clearly. Much writing in art history advances the discourse in the field but is unlikely to inform the eye of one unfamiliar with its polemics. Films, however, with their capacity to present material visually and to reach a broader audience, have the potential to enhance visual literacy (the ability to identify the details that characterize a particular style) more effectively than publications can. Unfortunately, few of the hundred or so films on art that are made each year in the United States are broadcast nationally on prime- time television.
The fact that films on art are rarely seen on prime-time television may be due not only to limitations on distribution but also to the shortcomings of many such films. Some of these shortcomings can be attributed to the failure of art historians and filmmakers to collaborate closely enough when making films on art. These professionals are able, within their respective disciplines, to increase our aware- ness of visual forms. For close collaboration to occur, professionals in each discipline need to recognize that films on art can be both educational and entertaining, but this will require compromise on both sides.
A filmmaker who is creating a film about the work of an artist should not follow the standards set by rock videos and advertising. Filmmakers need to resist the impulse to move the camera quickly from detail to detail for fear of boring the viewer, to frame the image for the sake of drama alone, to add music for fear of silence. Filmmakers are aware that an art object demands concentration and, at the same time, are concerned that it may not be compelling enoughβand so they hope to provide relief by interposing "real" scenes that bear only a tangential relationship to the subject. But a work of art needs to be explored on its own terms. On the other hand, art historians need to trust that one can indicate and analyze, not solely with words, but also by directing the viewer's gaze. The specialized written language of art history needs to be relinquished or at least tempered for the screen. Only an effective collaboration between filmmakers and art historians can create films that will enhance viewers' perceptions of art. | 1912.txt | 0 |
[
"Reading a publication about a work of art andthen seeing a film about the same work is themost effective way to develop visual literacy.",
"An increase in a viewer's awareness of visualforms will also lead to an increased attentionspan.",
"Film has a great but not yet fully exploited capac- ity to increase viewers' awareness of visualforms.",
"A film that focuses on the details of a work of artwill hinder the development of visual literacy."
] | The author would most likely agree with which of the following statements about film and visual literacy? | In 1923 the innovative Russian filmmaker Dziga Vertov described filmmaking as a process that leads viewers toward a "fresh perception of the world." Vertov's description of filmmaking should apply to films on the subject of art. Yet films on art have not had a powerful and pervasive effect on the way we see.
Publications on art flourish, but these books and articles do not necessarily succeed in teaching us to see more deeply or more clearly. Much writing in art history advances the discourse in the field but is unlikely to inform the eye of one unfamiliar with its polemics. Films, however, with their capacity to present material visually and to reach a broader audience, have the potential to enhance visual literacy (the ability to identify the details that characterize a particular style) more effectively than publications can. Unfortunately, few of the hundred or so films on art that are made each year in the United States are broadcast nationally on prime- time television.
The fact that films on art are rarely seen on prime-time television may be due not only to limitations on distribution but also to the shortcomings of many such films. Some of these shortcomings can be attributed to the failure of art historians and filmmakers to collaborate closely enough when making films on art. These professionals are able, within their respective disciplines, to increase our aware- ness of visual forms. For close collaboration to occur, professionals in each discipline need to recognize that films on art can be both educational and entertaining, but this will require compromise on both sides.
A filmmaker who is creating a film about the work of an artist should not follow the standards set by rock videos and advertising. Filmmakers need to resist the impulse to move the camera quickly from detail to detail for fear of boring the viewer, to frame the image for the sake of drama alone, to add music for fear of silence. Filmmakers are aware that an art object demands concentration and, at the same time, are concerned that it may not be compelling enoughβand so they hope to provide relief by interposing "real" scenes that bear only a tangential relationship to the subject. But a work of art needs to be explored on its own terms. On the other hand, art historians need to trust that one can indicate and analyze, not solely with words, but also by directing the viewer's gaze. The specialized written language of art history needs to be relinquished or at least tempered for the screen. Only an effective collaboration between filmmakers and art historians can create films that will enhance viewers' perceptions of art. | 1912.txt | 2 |
[
"The art historian's role in the creation of a film onart is likely to be a relatively minor one.",
"Film provides an ideal opportunity to acquaintviewers with a wide range of issues that relateincidentally to a work of art.",
"An in-depth analysis of a work of art is not anappropriate topic for a film on art.",
"Film can use nonverbal means to achieve some ofthe same results that a spoken or written dis- course can achieve."
] | According to the passage, art historians desiring towork with filmmakers to enhance the public's appreci- ation of art need to acknowledge which of the fol- lowing? | In 1923 the innovative Russian filmmaker Dziga Vertov described filmmaking as a process that leads viewers toward a "fresh perception of the world." Vertov's description of filmmaking should apply to films on the subject of art. Yet films on art have not had a powerful and pervasive effect on the way we see.
Publications on art flourish, but these books and articles do not necessarily succeed in teaching us to see more deeply or more clearly. Much writing in art history advances the discourse in the field but is unlikely to inform the eye of one unfamiliar with its polemics. Films, however, with their capacity to present material visually and to reach a broader audience, have the potential to enhance visual literacy (the ability to identify the details that characterize a particular style) more effectively than publications can. Unfortunately, few of the hundred or so films on art that are made each year in the United States are broadcast nationally on prime- time television.
The fact that films on art are rarely seen on prime-time television may be due not only to limitations on distribution but also to the shortcomings of many such films. Some of these shortcomings can be attributed to the failure of art historians and filmmakers to collaborate closely enough when making films on art. These professionals are able, within their respective disciplines, to increase our aware- ness of visual forms. For close collaboration to occur, professionals in each discipline need to recognize that films on art can be both educational and entertaining, but this will require compromise on both sides.
A filmmaker who is creating a film about the work of an artist should not follow the standards set by rock videos and advertising. Filmmakers need to resist the impulse to move the camera quickly from detail to detail for fear of boring the viewer, to frame the image for the sake of drama alone, to add music for fear of silence. Filmmakers are aware that an art object demands concentration and, at the same time, are concerned that it may not be compelling enoughβand so they hope to provide relief by interposing "real" scenes that bear only a tangential relationship to the subject. But a work of art needs to be explored on its own terms. On the other hand, art historians need to trust that one can indicate and analyze, not solely with words, but also by directing the viewer's gaze. The specialized written language of art history needs to be relinquished or at least tempered for the screen. Only an effective collaboration between filmmakers and art historians can create films that will enhance viewers' perceptions of art. | 1912.txt | 3 |
[
"Ambivalence",
"Indifference",
"Sympathy",
"Disdain"
] | Which of the following would describe the author'smost likely reaction to a claim that films on art wouldmore successfully promote visual literacy if theyfollowed the standards set for rock videos? | In 1923 the innovative Russian filmmaker Dziga Vertov described filmmaking as a process that leads viewers toward a "fresh perception of the world." Vertov's description of filmmaking should apply to films on the subject of art. Yet films on art have not had a powerful and pervasive effect on the way we see.
Publications on art flourish, but these books and articles do not necessarily succeed in teaching us to see more deeply or more clearly. Much writing in art history advances the discourse in the field but is unlikely to inform the eye of one unfamiliar with its polemics. Films, however, with their capacity to present material visually and to reach a broader audience, have the potential to enhance visual literacy (the ability to identify the details that characterize a particular style) more effectively than publications can. Unfortunately, few of the hundred or so films on art that are made each year in the United States are broadcast nationally on prime- time television.
The fact that films on art are rarely seen on prime-time television may be due not only to limitations on distribution but also to the shortcomings of many such films. Some of these shortcomings can be attributed to the failure of art historians and filmmakers to collaborate closely enough when making films on art. These professionals are able, within their respective disciplines, to increase our aware- ness of visual forms. For close collaboration to occur, professionals in each discipline need to recognize that films on art can be both educational and entertaining, but this will require compromise on both sides.
A filmmaker who is creating a film about the work of an artist should not follow the standards set by rock videos and advertising. Filmmakers need to resist the impulse to move the camera quickly from detail to detail for fear of boring the viewer, to frame the image for the sake of drama alone, to add music for fear of silence. Filmmakers are aware that an art object demands concentration and, at the same time, are concerned that it may not be compelling enoughβand so they hope to provide relief by interposing "real" scenes that bear only a tangential relationship to the subject. But a work of art needs to be explored on its own terms. On the other hand, art historians need to trust that one can indicate and analyze, not solely with words, but also by directing the viewer's gaze. The specialized written language of art history needs to be relinquished or at least tempered for the screen. Only an effective collaboration between filmmakers and art historians can create films that will enhance viewers' perceptions of art. | 1912.txt | 3 |
[
"positive",
"progressive",
"conservative",
"negative"
] | The author's attitude towards Western/eastern collaboration can be depicted as _ . | Western airliner manufacturers seem to be tripping over themselves in their eagerness to sign collaborative agreements with Asian partners as a low-cost route to developing new airliners. Their potential Asian partners seem to be tripping over themselves to sign such agreements, as a low-cost route to acquiring new airliner technology. If they are not careful the two sides will end up tripping over each other: the one by selling its birth-right for short-term gain, the other by trying to break into a market which isn't big enough to sustain it.
Technology transfer works in a growing market, where the aspirations of the new entrant receiving that technology can be met through expansion. The airliner market is not such a device.
Even the most optimistic projections of airliner sales for the next 20 years show that airliner manufacture can only be profitable if a small number of aircraft builders share the available sales. It follows that if new manufacturers come into the market and take sales, their sales must come from substitution, not expansion.
Given the complexity of today's airliners, it is unlikely that any new entrant will have both the financial and technical resources to come into the market without the involvement of an established manufacturer. In the short term, such involvement may not be to the exclusive benefit of the new entrant: most of the established manufacturers are searching for ways to reduce costs of manufacture.
In the short term,, it can be of benefit to an established Western manufacturer to have either components of complete air - frames made or assembled in lower-wage economics such a China, Taiwan or Korea, while retaining the design, development and marketing of aircraft for itself. It would be a very unwise Western manufacturer which did not heed the fact that these developing economies are acquiring skills ( like computing ) at least as quickly as they are acquiring skills in metallbashing.
The danger comes when the new entrant no longer needs the established Western partner because it has acquired the technical and intellectual ability to design and build its own aircraft. An Asian partner may well find itself in the happy position of having the low-cost labour base, the high-cost technology base and the vital financial base to build a new airliner. | 3899.txt | 2 |
[
"does not encourage technology transfer",
"is too limited to offer chances of success",
"requires hi-tech rather than unaccepted devices",
"is full of competitions even for new entrants"
] | "The airliner market is not such a device" means that the airliner market _ . | Western airliner manufacturers seem to be tripping over themselves in their eagerness to sign collaborative agreements with Asian partners as a low-cost route to developing new airliners. Their potential Asian partners seem to be tripping over themselves to sign such agreements, as a low-cost route to acquiring new airliner technology. If they are not careful the two sides will end up tripping over each other: the one by selling its birth-right for short-term gain, the other by trying to break into a market which isn't big enough to sustain it.
Technology transfer works in a growing market, where the aspirations of the new entrant receiving that technology can be met through expansion. The airliner market is not such a device.
Even the most optimistic projections of airliner sales for the next 20 years show that airliner manufacture can only be profitable if a small number of aircraft builders share the available sales. It follows that if new manufacturers come into the market and take sales, their sales must come from substitution, not expansion.
Given the complexity of today's airliners, it is unlikely that any new entrant will have both the financial and technical resources to come into the market without the involvement of an established manufacturer. In the short term, such involvement may not be to the exclusive benefit of the new entrant: most of the established manufacturers are searching for ways to reduce costs of manufacture.
In the short term,, it can be of benefit to an established Western manufacturer to have either components of complete air - frames made or assembled in lower-wage economics such a China, Taiwan or Korea, while retaining the design, development and marketing of aircraft for itself. It would be a very unwise Western manufacturer which did not heed the fact that these developing economies are acquiring skills ( like computing ) at least as quickly as they are acquiring skills in metallbashing.
The danger comes when the new entrant no longer needs the established Western partner because it has acquired the technical and intellectual ability to design and build its own aircraft. An Asian partner may well find itself in the happy position of having the low-cost labour base, the high-cost technology base and the vital financial base to build a new airliner. | 3899.txt | 3 |
[
"save the cost of the airframe",
"improve some aircraft components",
"save the cost of labour",
"develop new technology"
] | Established manufacturers search for partners in order to | Western airliner manufacturers seem to be tripping over themselves in their eagerness to sign collaborative agreements with Asian partners as a low-cost route to developing new airliners. Their potential Asian partners seem to be tripping over themselves to sign such agreements, as a low-cost route to acquiring new airliner technology. If they are not careful the two sides will end up tripping over each other: the one by selling its birth-right for short-term gain, the other by trying to break into a market which isn't big enough to sustain it.
Technology transfer works in a growing market, where the aspirations of the new entrant receiving that technology can be met through expansion. The airliner market is not such a device.
Even the most optimistic projections of airliner sales for the next 20 years show that airliner manufacture can only be profitable if a small number of aircraft builders share the available sales. It follows that if new manufacturers come into the market and take sales, their sales must come from substitution, not expansion.
Given the complexity of today's airliners, it is unlikely that any new entrant will have both the financial and technical resources to come into the market without the involvement of an established manufacturer. In the short term, such involvement may not be to the exclusive benefit of the new entrant: most of the established manufacturers are searching for ways to reduce costs of manufacture.
In the short term,, it can be of benefit to an established Western manufacturer to have either components of complete air - frames made or assembled in lower-wage economics such a China, Taiwan or Korea, while retaining the design, development and marketing of aircraft for itself. It would be a very unwise Western manufacturer which did not heed the fact that these developing economies are acquiring skills ( like computing ) at least as quickly as they are acquiring skills in metallbashing.
The danger comes when the new entrant no longer needs the established Western partner because it has acquired the technical and intellectual ability to design and build its own aircraft. An Asian partner may well find itself in the happy position of having the low-cost labour base, the high-cost technology base and the vital financial base to build a new airliner. | 3899.txt | 0 |
[
"try to benefit from both financial and technical resources",
"break up his partnership with the East once profits are made",
"keep a tight told over hi-tech development and marketing of airliners",
"collaborate with Asian partners for a short time"
] | According to the author, a wise established manufacturer should _ . | Western airliner manufacturers seem to be tripping over themselves in their eagerness to sign collaborative agreements with Asian partners as a low-cost route to developing new airliners. Their potential Asian partners seem to be tripping over themselves to sign such agreements, as a low-cost route to acquiring new airliner technology. If they are not careful the two sides will end up tripping over each other: the one by selling its birth-right for short-term gain, the other by trying to break into a market which isn't big enough to sustain it.
Technology transfer works in a growing market, where the aspirations of the new entrant receiving that technology can be met through expansion. The airliner market is not such a device.
Even the most optimistic projections of airliner sales for the next 20 years show that airliner manufacture can only be profitable if a small number of aircraft builders share the available sales. It follows that if new manufacturers come into the market and take sales, their sales must come from substitution, not expansion.
Given the complexity of today's airliners, it is unlikely that any new entrant will have both the financial and technical resources to come into the market without the involvement of an established manufacturer. In the short term, such involvement may not be to the exclusive benefit of the new entrant: most of the established manufacturers are searching for ways to reduce costs of manufacture.
In the short term,, it can be of benefit to an established Western manufacturer to have either components of complete air - frames made or assembled in lower-wage economics such a China, Taiwan or Korea, while retaining the design, development and marketing of aircraft for itself. It would be a very unwise Western manufacturer which did not heed the fact that these developing economies are acquiring skills ( like computing ) at least as quickly as they are acquiring skills in metallbashing.
The danger comes when the new entrant no longer needs the established Western partner because it has acquired the technical and intellectual ability to design and build its own aircraft. An Asian partner may well find itself in the happy position of having the low-cost labour base, the high-cost technology base and the vital financial base to build a new airliner. | 3899.txt | 3 |
[
"a production place",
"the initial operation of building aircraft",
"a research institute",
"a position where to start building"
] | The word "base" in the last paragraph represents _ . | Western airliner manufacturers seem to be tripping over themselves in their eagerness to sign collaborative agreements with Asian partners as a low-cost route to developing new airliners. Their potential Asian partners seem to be tripping over themselves to sign such agreements, as a low-cost route to acquiring new airliner technology. If they are not careful the two sides will end up tripping over each other: the one by selling its birth-right for short-term gain, the other by trying to break into a market which isn't big enough to sustain it.
Technology transfer works in a growing market, where the aspirations of the new entrant receiving that technology can be met through expansion. The airliner market is not such a device.
Even the most optimistic projections of airliner sales for the next 20 years show that airliner manufacture can only be profitable if a small number of aircraft builders share the available sales. It follows that if new manufacturers come into the market and take sales, their sales must come from substitution, not expansion.
Given the complexity of today's airliners, it is unlikely that any new entrant will have both the financial and technical resources to come into the market without the involvement of an established manufacturer. In the short term, such involvement may not be to the exclusive benefit of the new entrant: most of the established manufacturers are searching for ways to reduce costs of manufacture.
In the short term,, it can be of benefit to an established Western manufacturer to have either components of complete air - frames made or assembled in lower-wage economics such a China, Taiwan or Korea, while retaining the design, development and marketing of aircraft for itself. It would be a very unwise Western manufacturer which did not heed the fact that these developing economies are acquiring skills ( like computing ) at least as quickly as they are acquiring skills in metallbashing.
The danger comes when the new entrant no longer needs the established Western partner because it has acquired the technical and intellectual ability to design and build its own aircraft. An Asian partner may well find itself in the happy position of having the low-cost labour base, the high-cost technology base and the vital financial base to build a new airliner. | 3899.txt | 0 |
[
"conceal layers of rock",
"can be found in various places",
"are usually small",
"must be removed from construction sites"
] | The author's main point in paragraph 1 is that clay deposits | Under the Earth's topsoil, at various levels, sometimes under a layer of rock, there are deposits of clay. Look at cuts where highways have been built to see exposed clay beds; or look at a construction site, where pockets of clay may be exposed. Rivers also reveal clay along their banks, and erosion on a hillside may make clay easily accessible. What is clay made of? The Earth's surface is basically rock, and it is this rock that gradually decomposes into clay. Rain, streams, alternating freezing and thawing, roots of trees and plants forcing their way into cracks, earthquakes, volcanic action, and glaciers - all of these forces slowly break down the Earth's exposed rocky crust into smaller and smaller pieces that eventually become clay.
Rocks are composed of elements and compounds of elements. Feldspar, which is the most abundant mineral on the Earth's surface, is basically made up of the oxides silica and alumina combined with alkalis like potassium and some so-called impurities such as iron. Feldspar is an essential component of granite rocks, and as such it is the basis of clay. When it is wet, clay can be easily shaped to make a variety of useful objects, which can then be fired to varying degrees of hardness and covered with impermeable decorative coatings of glasslike material called glaze. Just as volcanic action, with its intense heat, fuses the elements in certain rocks into a glasslike rock called obsidian, so can we apply heat to earthen materials and change them into a hard, dense material. Different clays need different heat levels to fuse, and some, the low-fire clays, never become nonporous and watertight like highly fired stoneware. Each clay can stand only a certain amount of heat without losing its shape through sagging or melting. Variations of clay composition and the temperatures at which they are fired account for the differences in texture and appearance between a china teacup and an earthenware flowerpot. | 376.txt | 1 |
[
"in desert sand dunes",
"in forests",
"on hillsides",
"near rivers"
] | It can be inferred from the passage that clay is LEAST likely to be plentiful in which of the following areas? | Under the Earth's topsoil, at various levels, sometimes under a layer of rock, there are deposits of clay. Look at cuts where highways have been built to see exposed clay beds; or look at a construction site, where pockets of clay may be exposed. Rivers also reveal clay along their banks, and erosion on a hillside may make clay easily accessible. What is clay made of? The Earth's surface is basically rock, and it is this rock that gradually decomposes into clay. Rain, streams, alternating freezing and thawing, roots of trees and plants forcing their way into cracks, earthquakes, volcanic action, and glaciers - all of these forces slowly break down the Earth's exposed rocky crust into smaller and smaller pieces that eventually become clay.
Rocks are composed of elements and compounds of elements. Feldspar, which is the most abundant mineral on the Earth's surface, is basically made up of the oxides silica and alumina combined with alkalis like potassium and some so-called impurities such as iron. Feldspar is an essential component of granite rocks, and as such it is the basis of clay. When it is wet, clay can be easily shaped to make a variety of useful objects, which can then be fired to varying degrees of hardness and covered with impermeable decorative coatings of glasslike material called glaze. Just as volcanic action, with its intense heat, fuses the elements in certain rocks into a glasslike rock called obsidian, so can we apply heat to earthen materials and change them into a hard, dense material. Different clays need different heat levels to fuse, and some, the low-fire clays, never become nonporous and watertight like highly fired stoneware. Each clay can stand only a certain amount of heat without losing its shape through sagging or melting. Variations of clay composition and the temperatures at which they are fired account for the differences in texture and appearance between a china teacup and an earthenware flowerpot. | 376.txt | 0 |
[
"buried",
"improved",
"available",
"workable"
] | The word "accessible" in line 4 is closest in meaning to | Under the Earth's topsoil, at various levels, sometimes under a layer of rock, there are deposits of clay. Look at cuts where highways have been built to see exposed clay beds; or look at a construction site, where pockets of clay may be exposed. Rivers also reveal clay along their banks, and erosion on a hillside may make clay easily accessible. What is clay made of? The Earth's surface is basically rock, and it is this rock that gradually decomposes into clay. Rain, streams, alternating freezing and thawing, roots of trees and plants forcing their way into cracks, earthquakes, volcanic action, and glaciers - all of these forces slowly break down the Earth's exposed rocky crust into smaller and smaller pieces that eventually become clay.
Rocks are composed of elements and compounds of elements. Feldspar, which is the most abundant mineral on the Earth's surface, is basically made up of the oxides silica and alumina combined with alkalis like potassium and some so-called impurities such as iron. Feldspar is an essential component of granite rocks, and as such it is the basis of clay. When it is wet, clay can be easily shaped to make a variety of useful objects, which can then be fired to varying degrees of hardness and covered with impermeable decorative coatings of glasslike material called glaze. Just as volcanic action, with its intense heat, fuses the elements in certain rocks into a glasslike rock called obsidian, so can we apply heat to earthen materials and change them into a hard, dense material. Different clays need different heat levels to fuse, and some, the low-fire clays, never become nonporous and watertight like highly fired stoneware. Each clay can stand only a certain amount of heat without losing its shape through sagging or melting. Variations of clay composition and the temperatures at which they are fired account for the differences in texture and appearance between a china teacup and an earthenware flowerpot. | 376.txt | 2 |
[
"it is exposed to freezing and thawing",
"roots of trees force their way into cracks",
"it is combined with alkalis",
"natural forces wear away the Earth's crust"
] | According to the passage , rock breaks down into clay under all of the following conditions EXCEPT when | Under the Earth's topsoil, at various levels, sometimes under a layer of rock, there are deposits of clay. Look at cuts where highways have been built to see exposed clay beds; or look at a construction site, where pockets of clay may be exposed. Rivers also reveal clay along their banks, and erosion on a hillside may make clay easily accessible. What is clay made of? The Earth's surface is basically rock, and it is this rock that gradually decomposes into clay. Rain, streams, alternating freezing and thawing, roots of trees and plants forcing their way into cracks, earthquakes, volcanic action, and glaciers - all of these forces slowly break down the Earth's exposed rocky crust into smaller and smaller pieces that eventually become clay.
Rocks are composed of elements and compounds of elements. Feldspar, which is the most abundant mineral on the Earth's surface, is basically made up of the oxides silica and alumina combined with alkalis like potassium and some so-called impurities such as iron. Feldspar is an essential component of granite rocks, and as such it is the basis of clay. When it is wet, clay can be easily shaped to make a variety of useful objects, which can then be fired to varying degrees of hardness and covered with impermeable decorative coatings of glasslike material called glaze. Just as volcanic action, with its intense heat, fuses the elements in certain rocks into a glasslike rock called obsidian, so can we apply heat to earthen materials and change them into a hard, dense material. Different clays need different heat levels to fuse, and some, the low-fire clays, never become nonporous and watertight like highly fired stoneware. Each clay can stand only a certain amount of heat without losing its shape through sagging or melting. Variations of clay composition and the temperatures at which they are fired account for the differences in texture and appearance between a china teacup and an earthenware flowerpot. | 376.txt | 2 |
[
"It is often used as a substitute for clay.",
"It is damaged by the oxides in clay.",
"Its presence indicates inferior clay.",
"It is a major component of clay."
] | Why does the author mention feldspar in line 10? | Under the Earth's topsoil, at various levels, sometimes under a layer of rock, there are deposits of clay. Look at cuts where highways have been built to see exposed clay beds; or look at a construction site, where pockets of clay may be exposed. Rivers also reveal clay along their banks, and erosion on a hillside may make clay easily accessible. What is clay made of? The Earth's surface is basically rock, and it is this rock that gradually decomposes into clay. Rain, streams, alternating freezing and thawing, roots of trees and plants forcing their way into cracks, earthquakes, volcanic action, and glaciers - all of these forces slowly break down the Earth's exposed rocky crust into smaller and smaller pieces that eventually become clay.
Rocks are composed of elements and compounds of elements. Feldspar, which is the most abundant mineral on the Earth's surface, is basically made up of the oxides silica and alumina combined with alkalis like potassium and some so-called impurities such as iron. Feldspar is an essential component of granite rocks, and as such it is the basis of clay. When it is wet, clay can be easily shaped to make a variety of useful objects, which can then be fired to varying degrees of hardness and covered with impermeable decorative coatings of glasslike material called glaze. Just as volcanic action, with its intense heat, fuses the elements in certain rocks into a glasslike rock called obsidian, so can we apply heat to earthen materials and change them into a hard, dense material. Different clays need different heat levels to fuse, and some, the low-fire clays, never become nonporous and watertight like highly fired stoneware. Each clay can stand only a certain amount of heat without losing its shape through sagging or melting. Variations of clay composition and the temperatures at which they are fired account for the differences in texture and appearance between a china teacup and an earthenware flowerpot. | 376.txt | 3 |
[
"iron",
"feldspar",
"granite",
"clay"
] | The word "it" in line 13 refers to | Under the Earth's topsoil, at various levels, sometimes under a layer of rock, there are deposits of clay. Look at cuts where highways have been built to see exposed clay beds; or look at a construction site, where pockets of clay may be exposed. Rivers also reveal clay along their banks, and erosion on a hillside may make clay easily accessible. What is clay made of? The Earth's surface is basically rock, and it is this rock that gradually decomposes into clay. Rain, streams, alternating freezing and thawing, roots of trees and plants forcing their way into cracks, earthquakes, volcanic action, and glaciers - all of these forces slowly break down the Earth's exposed rocky crust into smaller and smaller pieces that eventually become clay.
Rocks are composed of elements and compounds of elements. Feldspar, which is the most abundant mineral on the Earth's surface, is basically made up of the oxides silica and alumina combined with alkalis like potassium and some so-called impurities such as iron. Feldspar is an essential component of granite rocks, and as such it is the basis of clay. When it is wet, clay can be easily shaped to make a variety of useful objects, which can then be fired to varying degrees of hardness and covered with impermeable decorative coatings of glasslike material called glaze. Just as volcanic action, with its intense heat, fuses the elements in certain rocks into a glasslike rock called obsidian, so can we apply heat to earthen materials and change them into a hard, dense material. Different clays need different heat levels to fuse, and some, the low-fire clays, never become nonporous and watertight like highly fired stoneware. Each clay can stand only a certain amount of heat without losing its shape through sagging or melting. Variations of clay composition and the temperatures at which they are fired account for the differences in texture and appearance between a china teacup and an earthenware flowerpot. | 376.txt | 1 |
[
"must be strong",
"can be porous",
"have a smooth texture",
"are highly decorated"
] | Based on the information in the passage , it can be inferred that low-fire clays are MOST appropriate for making objects that | Under the Earth's topsoil, at various levels, sometimes under a layer of rock, there are deposits of clay. Look at cuts where highways have been built to see exposed clay beds; or look at a construction site, where pockets of clay may be exposed. Rivers also reveal clay along their banks, and erosion on a hillside may make clay easily accessible. What is clay made of? The Earth's surface is basically rock, and it is this rock that gradually decomposes into clay. Rain, streams, alternating freezing and thawing, roots of trees and plants forcing their way into cracks, earthquakes, volcanic action, and glaciers - all of these forces slowly break down the Earth's exposed rocky crust into smaller and smaller pieces that eventually become clay.
Rocks are composed of elements and compounds of elements. Feldspar, which is the most abundant mineral on the Earth's surface, is basically made up of the oxides silica and alumina combined with alkalis like potassium and some so-called impurities such as iron. Feldspar is an essential component of granite rocks, and as such it is the basis of clay. When it is wet, clay can be easily shaped to make a variety of useful objects, which can then be fired to varying degrees of hardness and covered with impermeable decorative coatings of glasslike material called glaze. Just as volcanic action, with its intense heat, fuses the elements in certain rocks into a glasslike rock called obsidian, so can we apply heat to earthen materials and change them into a hard, dense material. Different clays need different heat levels to fuse, and some, the low-fire clays, never become nonporous and watertight like highly fired stoneware. Each clay can stand only a certain amount of heat without losing its shape through sagging or melting. Variations of clay composition and the temperatures at which they are fired account for the differences in texture and appearance between a china teacup and an earthenware flowerpot. | 376.txt | 1 |
[
"reduce",
"explain",
"combine with",
"list all of"
] | The phrase "account for" in line 22 is closest in meaning to | Under the Earth's topsoil, at various levels, sometimes under a layer of rock, there are deposits of clay. Look at cuts where highways have been built to see exposed clay beds; or look at a construction site, where pockets of clay may be exposed. Rivers also reveal clay along their banks, and erosion on a hillside may make clay easily accessible. What is clay made of? The Earth's surface is basically rock, and it is this rock that gradually decomposes into clay. Rain, streams, alternating freezing and thawing, roots of trees and plants forcing their way into cracks, earthquakes, volcanic action, and glaciers - all of these forces slowly break down the Earth's exposed rocky crust into smaller and smaller pieces that eventually become clay.
Rocks are composed of elements and compounds of elements. Feldspar, which is the most abundant mineral on the Earth's surface, is basically made up of the oxides silica and alumina combined with alkalis like potassium and some so-called impurities such as iron. Feldspar is an essential component of granite rocks, and as such it is the basis of clay. When it is wet, clay can be easily shaped to make a variety of useful objects, which can then be fired to varying degrees of hardness and covered with impermeable decorative coatings of glasslike material called glaze. Just as volcanic action, with its intense heat, fuses the elements in certain rocks into a glasslike rock called obsidian, so can we apply heat to earthen materials and change them into a hard, dense material. Different clays need different heat levels to fuse, and some, the low-fire clays, never become nonporous and watertight like highly fired stoneware. Each clay can stand only a certain amount of heat without losing its shape through sagging or melting. Variations of clay composition and the temperatures at which they are fired account for the differences in texture and appearance between a china teacup and an earthenware flowerpot. | 376.txt | 1 |
[
"Clay deposits are only found deep in the Earth.",
"If clay contains too much iron it will melt when fired.",
"Only certain types of clay are appropriate for making china teacups.",
"If sufficient heat is applied, all clay will become nonporous."
] | The passage supports which of the following conclusions? | Under the Earth's topsoil, at various levels, sometimes under a layer of rock, there are deposits of clay. Look at cuts where highways have been built to see exposed clay beds; or look at a construction site, where pockets of clay may be exposed. Rivers also reveal clay along their banks, and erosion on a hillside may make clay easily accessible. What is clay made of? The Earth's surface is basically rock, and it is this rock that gradually decomposes into clay. Rain, streams, alternating freezing and thawing, roots of trees and plants forcing their way into cracks, earthquakes, volcanic action, and glaciers - all of these forces slowly break down the Earth's exposed rocky crust into smaller and smaller pieces that eventually become clay.
Rocks are composed of elements and compounds of elements. Feldspar, which is the most abundant mineral on the Earth's surface, is basically made up of the oxides silica and alumina combined with alkalis like potassium and some so-called impurities such as iron. Feldspar is an essential component of granite rocks, and as such it is the basis of clay. When it is wet, clay can be easily shaped to make a variety of useful objects, which can then be fired to varying degrees of hardness and covered with impermeable decorative coatings of glasslike material called glaze. Just as volcanic action, with its intense heat, fuses the elements in certain rocks into a glasslike rock called obsidian, so can we apply heat to earthen materials and change them into a hard, dense material. Different clays need different heat levels to fuse, and some, the low-fire clays, never become nonporous and watertight like highly fired stoneware. Each clay can stand only a certain amount of heat without losing its shape through sagging or melting. Variations of clay composition and the temperatures at which they are fired account for the differences in texture and appearance between a china teacup and an earthenware flowerpot. | 376.txt | 2 |
[
"10% of Canadian softwood comes into America",
"America impose a tax on Canadian softwood",
"Canada is dumping wood into America",
"Canadian softwood is sold at a subsidized price"
] | Hard feelings produced by softwood result in _ . | It is called softwood, but these days it is producing nothing but hard feelings. Softwood is used to build houses, stuff that in skilled hands changes from a pile of wood into a recognizable home in mere days. In the United States, about 10% of such softwood comes from Canada. But on March 2nd the Department of Commerce announced that it would slap a tariff of around 9% on Canadian softwood. The Americans contend that Canada is subsidizing its timber industry, and dumping wood on to its neighbour for sale at prices that do not cover its production cost.
The Canadians hotly deny this, and the two sides are volleying expertise at each other. "They've hired their experts, and we've hired ours," says John Allan, president of the British Columbia Lumber Trade Council. In Canada the provincial governments own forests, and each province is given considerable freedom in pricing its "stumpage", as standing trees are oddly called. American critics say the Canadians all but give away those uncut trees. John Perez-Garcia, a professor of forestry at the University of Washington in Seattle, estimates that Canadian logging companies pay as much as 40% less for standing trees than they would if the market set the price.
Not so, retort the Canadians. Dan Evans, manager of log exports for British Columbia's government, points out that stumpage fees cover only a small portion of what it costs a Canadian company to send lumber across the border. These companies, he says, have to build their own roads, re-forest logged lands, and pay the cost of planning their sales. "We feel we price our timber competitively." It is worth noting that for years American companies were themselves accused of receiving subsidies; stumpage prices for trees cut down on federal land were long criticized as too low. Then they were quiet on the subject. But now that most American-produced lumber comes from private forests, government subsidies are anathema.
In Seattle, Robb Dunn, president of a chain of ten lumber stores, says his customers will just have to put up with higher prices. Some reckon the tariff will increase new-home prices by as much as $1,300. That may be a bit high; although lumber prices have gone up lately, they are still below the peak reached last summer. And rising interest rates may slow the American housing market, cutting demand.
The two sides hope to continue talks. One way out might be an agreement under which Canada taxes its lumber companies until it reforms its pricing policies to America's satisfaction. But Mr Allan, for one, is not optimistic. The United States, he says, has not negotiated in good faith: "Its government just can't get a grip in its timber industry, which is too powerful." | 1056.txt | 1 |
[
"experts are hired to defend the logging industry",
"the central government sets a uniform price for its forest",
"the uncut trees are given to logging companies for free",
"logging companies pay 40% of the softwood tariff"
] | It is true of Canada that _ . | It is called softwood, but these days it is producing nothing but hard feelings. Softwood is used to build houses, stuff that in skilled hands changes from a pile of wood into a recognizable home in mere days. In the United States, about 10% of such softwood comes from Canada. But on March 2nd the Department of Commerce announced that it would slap a tariff of around 9% on Canadian softwood. The Americans contend that Canada is subsidizing its timber industry, and dumping wood on to its neighbour for sale at prices that do not cover its production cost.
The Canadians hotly deny this, and the two sides are volleying expertise at each other. "They've hired their experts, and we've hired ours," says John Allan, president of the British Columbia Lumber Trade Council. In Canada the provincial governments own forests, and each province is given considerable freedom in pricing its "stumpage", as standing trees are oddly called. American critics say the Canadians all but give away those uncut trees. John Perez-Garcia, a professor of forestry at the University of Washington in Seattle, estimates that Canadian logging companies pay as much as 40% less for standing trees than they would if the market set the price.
Not so, retort the Canadians. Dan Evans, manager of log exports for British Columbia's government, points out that stumpage fees cover only a small portion of what it costs a Canadian company to send lumber across the border. These companies, he says, have to build their own roads, re-forest logged lands, and pay the cost of planning their sales. "We feel we price our timber competitively." It is worth noting that for years American companies were themselves accused of receiving subsidies; stumpage prices for trees cut down on federal land were long criticized as too low. Then they were quiet on the subject. But now that most American-produced lumber comes from private forests, government subsidies are anathema.
In Seattle, Robb Dunn, president of a chain of ten lumber stores, says his customers will just have to put up with higher prices. Some reckon the tariff will increase new-home prices by as much as $1,300. That may be a bit high; although lumber prices have gone up lately, they are still below the peak reached last summer. And rising interest rates may slow the American housing market, cutting demand.
The two sides hope to continue talks. One way out might be an agreement under which Canada taxes its lumber companies until it reforms its pricing policies to America's satisfaction. But Mr Allan, for one, is not optimistic. The United States, he says, has not negotiated in good faith: "Its government just can't get a grip in its timber industry, which is too powerful." | 1056.txt | 0 |
[
"welcomed",
"hated",
"admitted",
"avoided"
] | The word "anathema" (Line 7, Paragraph 3) probably refers to something that are _ . | It is called softwood, but these days it is producing nothing but hard feelings. Softwood is used to build houses, stuff that in skilled hands changes from a pile of wood into a recognizable home in mere days. In the United States, about 10% of such softwood comes from Canada. But on March 2nd the Department of Commerce announced that it would slap a tariff of around 9% on Canadian softwood. The Americans contend that Canada is subsidizing its timber industry, and dumping wood on to its neighbour for sale at prices that do not cover its production cost.
The Canadians hotly deny this, and the two sides are volleying expertise at each other. "They've hired their experts, and we've hired ours," says John Allan, president of the British Columbia Lumber Trade Council. In Canada the provincial governments own forests, and each province is given considerable freedom in pricing its "stumpage", as standing trees are oddly called. American critics say the Canadians all but give away those uncut trees. John Perez-Garcia, a professor of forestry at the University of Washington in Seattle, estimates that Canadian logging companies pay as much as 40% less for standing trees than they would if the market set the price.
Not so, retort the Canadians. Dan Evans, manager of log exports for British Columbia's government, points out that stumpage fees cover only a small portion of what it costs a Canadian company to send lumber across the border. These companies, he says, have to build their own roads, re-forest logged lands, and pay the cost of planning their sales. "We feel we price our timber competitively." It is worth noting that for years American companies were themselves accused of receiving subsidies; stumpage prices for trees cut down on federal land were long criticized as too low. Then they were quiet on the subject. But now that most American-produced lumber comes from private forests, government subsidies are anathema.
In Seattle, Robb Dunn, president of a chain of ten lumber stores, says his customers will just have to put up with higher prices. Some reckon the tariff will increase new-home prices by as much as $1,300. That may be a bit high; although lumber prices have gone up lately, they are still below the peak reached last summer. And rising interest rates may slow the American housing market, cutting demand.
The two sides hope to continue talks. One way out might be an agreement under which Canada taxes its lumber companies until it reforms its pricing policies to America's satisfaction. But Mr Allan, for one, is not optimistic. The United States, he says, has not negotiated in good faith: "Its government just can't get a grip in its timber industry, which is too powerful." | 1056.txt | 1 |
[
"Lumber price mainly consists of stumpage fee.",
"Private forests monopolise the Canadian logging market.",
"Americans apply a double standard in lumber trade.",
"Raising stumpage fees will finally solve the problem."
] | What can we infer from the text? | It is called softwood, but these days it is producing nothing but hard feelings. Softwood is used to build houses, stuff that in skilled hands changes from a pile of wood into a recognizable home in mere days. In the United States, about 10% of such softwood comes from Canada. But on March 2nd the Department of Commerce announced that it would slap a tariff of around 9% on Canadian softwood. The Americans contend that Canada is subsidizing its timber industry, and dumping wood on to its neighbour for sale at prices that do not cover its production cost.
The Canadians hotly deny this, and the two sides are volleying expertise at each other. "They've hired their experts, and we've hired ours," says John Allan, president of the British Columbia Lumber Trade Council. In Canada the provincial governments own forests, and each province is given considerable freedom in pricing its "stumpage", as standing trees are oddly called. American critics say the Canadians all but give away those uncut trees. John Perez-Garcia, a professor of forestry at the University of Washington in Seattle, estimates that Canadian logging companies pay as much as 40% less for standing trees than they would if the market set the price.
Not so, retort the Canadians. Dan Evans, manager of log exports for British Columbia's government, points out that stumpage fees cover only a small portion of what it costs a Canadian company to send lumber across the border. These companies, he says, have to build their own roads, re-forest logged lands, and pay the cost of planning their sales. "We feel we price our timber competitively." It is worth noting that for years American companies were themselves accused of receiving subsidies; stumpage prices for trees cut down on federal land were long criticized as too low. Then they were quiet on the subject. But now that most American-produced lumber comes from private forests, government subsidies are anathema.
In Seattle, Robb Dunn, president of a chain of ten lumber stores, says his customers will just have to put up with higher prices. Some reckon the tariff will increase new-home prices by as much as $1,300. That may be a bit high; although lumber prices have gone up lately, they are still below the peak reached last summer. And rising interest rates may slow the American housing market, cutting demand.
The two sides hope to continue talks. One way out might be an agreement under which Canada taxes its lumber companies until it reforms its pricing policies to America's satisfaction. But Mr Allan, for one, is not optimistic. The United States, he says, has not negotiated in good faith: "Its government just can't get a grip in its timber industry, which is too powerful." | 1056.txt | 2 |
[
"Demand for wooden house will fall.",
"Customers will have to pay high prices.",
"Canada will place higher tax on lumber industry.",
"The U.S. will negotiate the matter sincerely."
] | What will probably happen because of this trade war? | It is called softwood, but these days it is producing nothing but hard feelings. Softwood is used to build houses, stuff that in skilled hands changes from a pile of wood into a recognizable home in mere days. In the United States, about 10% of such softwood comes from Canada. But on March 2nd the Department of Commerce announced that it would slap a tariff of around 9% on Canadian softwood. The Americans contend that Canada is subsidizing its timber industry, and dumping wood on to its neighbour for sale at prices that do not cover its production cost.
The Canadians hotly deny this, and the two sides are volleying expertise at each other. "They've hired their experts, and we've hired ours," says John Allan, president of the British Columbia Lumber Trade Council. In Canada the provincial governments own forests, and each province is given considerable freedom in pricing its "stumpage", as standing trees are oddly called. American critics say the Canadians all but give away those uncut trees. John Perez-Garcia, a professor of forestry at the University of Washington in Seattle, estimates that Canadian logging companies pay as much as 40% less for standing trees than they would if the market set the price.
Not so, retort the Canadians. Dan Evans, manager of log exports for British Columbia's government, points out that stumpage fees cover only a small portion of what it costs a Canadian company to send lumber across the border. These companies, he says, have to build their own roads, re-forest logged lands, and pay the cost of planning their sales. "We feel we price our timber competitively." It is worth noting that for years American companies were themselves accused of receiving subsidies; stumpage prices for trees cut down on federal land were long criticized as too low. Then they were quiet on the subject. But now that most American-produced lumber comes from private forests, government subsidies are anathema.
In Seattle, Robb Dunn, president of a chain of ten lumber stores, says his customers will just have to put up with higher prices. Some reckon the tariff will increase new-home prices by as much as $1,300. That may be a bit high; although lumber prices have gone up lately, they are still below the peak reached last summer. And rising interest rates may slow the American housing market, cutting demand.
The two sides hope to continue talks. One way out might be an agreement under which Canada taxes its lumber companies until it reforms its pricing policies to America's satisfaction. But Mr Allan, for one, is not optimistic. The United States, he says, has not negotiated in good faith: "Its government just can't get a grip in its timber industry, which is too powerful." | 1056.txt | 1 |
[
"IBM cannot help but overhaul its pension plan οΌ233.com",
"IBM takes much responsibility for saving for retirement",
"workers will assume more financial responsibility for their old age",
"most Americans have taken on responsibility for saving for retirement"
] | It is informed in the text that_ . | When IBM announced an overhaul of its pension plan for employees in America last week, it joined a parade of employers that are shifting more responsibility for saving for retirement on to workers. For many Americans, of course, this is nothing new: millions of them have been managing their retirement assets in individual accounts for years. Nevertheless, in both America and Britain the closure of paternalistic corporate defined benefit programmes, in which pensions depend on earnings and years of service, is accelerating--even at healthy companies such as IBM.
To the extent that this creates and encourages individual choice and responsibility, it is something to welcome rather than to fear. Many other countries, facing huge state-pension obligations, would also like to see their citizens assume a bigger role in providing for their own retirement. Even so, the trend raises an important question: how much do people due to take on these new responsibilities know about basic financial concepts?
The answer seems to be: not much, and less than they think they do. Studies show that many people overestimate their knowledge of everything from inflation to risk diversification and compound interest. One survey in Australia found that 37% of people who owned investments did not know that they could fluctuate in value. In America 31% did not know that the finance charge on a credit-card statement is what they pay to use credit. Britain's Financial Services Authority will release the results of its own survey on financial literacy in the next month or two.
Even edtd cated professionals may know the basics but see no need to keep up to date--having no idea of the interest rates on their credit cards, the fees on their mutual funds or how their investments are doing. But in both America and Britain low personal saving rates (negative in America, indeed) and record numbers of personal bankruptcies do not bode well. If people are to take charge of their pensions, shouldn't they know a little more?
In the end, ignorance could rebound on governments: if people save too little for old age, the state may have to provide for them willy-nilly. Governments are taking this very seriously, says Barbara Smith of the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development, which recently produced a report on global financial literacy. Just this week the British government launched an online debt calculator for overstretched consumers and a money-management course for teenagers that will be offered in schools across the country later this year. New Zealand is another country trying to catch its people young: one official financial-information website there (www. sorted, org. nz) includes an online game on Money Island. [438 words] | 1198.txt | 2 |
[
"most companies are not so healthy as IBM",
"it can help companies relieve their pension obligations",
"millions of Americans have opened their individual accounts for years",
"more factors should be taken into consideration for a healthy pension plan"
] | Corporate defined benefit programmes will come to an end primarily because_ | When IBM announced an overhaul of its pension plan for employees in America last week, it joined a parade of employers that are shifting more responsibility for saving for retirement on to workers. For many Americans, of course, this is nothing new: millions of them have been managing their retirement assets in individual accounts for years. Nevertheless, in both America and Britain the closure of paternalistic corporate defined benefit programmes, in which pensions depend on earnings and years of service, is accelerating--even at healthy companies such as IBM.
To the extent that this creates and encourages individual choice and responsibility, it is something to welcome rather than to fear. Many other countries, facing huge state-pension obligations, would also like to see their citizens assume a bigger role in providing for their own retirement. Even so, the trend raises an important question: how much do people due to take on these new responsibilities know about basic financial concepts?
The answer seems to be: not much, and less than they think they do. Studies show that many people overestimate their knowledge of everything from inflation to risk diversification and compound interest. One survey in Australia found that 37% of people who owned investments did not know that they could fluctuate in value. In America 31% did not know that the finance charge on a credit-card statement is what they pay to use credit. Britain's Financial Services Authority will release the results of its own survey on financial literacy in the next month or two.
Even edtd cated professionals may know the basics but see no need to keep up to date--having no idea of the interest rates on their credit cards, the fees on their mutual funds or how their investments are doing. But in both America and Britain low personal saving rates (negative in America, indeed) and record numbers of personal bankruptcies do not bode well. If people are to take charge of their pensions, shouldn't they know a little more?
In the end, ignorance could rebound on governments: if people save too little for old age, the state may have to provide for them willy-nilly. Governments are taking this very seriously, says Barbara Smith of the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development, which recently produced a report on global financial literacy. Just this week the British government launched an online debt calculator for overstretched consumers and a money-management course for teenagers that will be offered in schools across the country later this year. New Zealand is another country trying to catch its people young: one official financial-information website there (www. sorted, org. nz) includes an online game on Money Island. [438 words] | 1198.txt | 1 |
[
"risk diversification οΌ233.com",
"basic financial conceptsοΌ233.com",
"how much he pays to use credit",
"the fluctuation in value of his investment"
] | If one is to assume more financial responsibility, he should have more knowledge about_ | When IBM announced an overhaul of its pension plan for employees in America last week, it joined a parade of employers that are shifting more responsibility for saving for retirement on to workers. For many Americans, of course, this is nothing new: millions of them have been managing their retirement assets in individual accounts for years. Nevertheless, in both America and Britain the closure of paternalistic corporate defined benefit programmes, in which pensions depend on earnings and years of service, is accelerating--even at healthy companies such as IBM.
To the extent that this creates and encourages individual choice and responsibility, it is something to welcome rather than to fear. Many other countries, facing huge state-pension obligations, would also like to see their citizens assume a bigger role in providing for their own retirement. Even so, the trend raises an important question: how much do people due to take on these new responsibilities know about basic financial concepts?
The answer seems to be: not much, and less than they think they do. Studies show that many people overestimate their knowledge of everything from inflation to risk diversification and compound interest. One survey in Australia found that 37% of people who owned investments did not know that they could fluctuate in value. In America 31% did not know that the finance charge on a credit-card statement is what they pay to use credit. Britain's Financial Services Authority will release the results of its own survey on financial literacy in the next month or two.
Even edtd cated professionals may know the basics but see no need to keep up to date--having no idea of the interest rates on their credit cards, the fees on their mutual funds or how their investments are doing. But in both America and Britain low personal saving rates (negative in America, indeed) and record numbers of personal bankruptcies do not bode well. If people are to take charge of their pensions, shouldn't they know a little more?
In the end, ignorance could rebound on governments: if people save too little for old age, the state may have to provide for them willy-nilly. Governments are taking this very seriously, says Barbara Smith of the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development, which recently produced a report on global financial literacy. Just this week the British government launched an online debt calculator for overstretched consumers and a money-management course for teenagers that will be offered in schools across the country later this year. New Zealand is another country trying to catch its people young: one official financial-information website there (www. sorted, org. nz) includes an online game on Money Island. [438 words] | 1198.txt | 1 |
[
"even professionals are short of financial information",
"personal saving rates will no doubt increase remarkably",
"professionals are usually better prepared for their retirement",
"there will be less personal bankruptcies in both America and Britain"
] | It can be inferred from the text that_ | When IBM announced an overhaul of its pension plan for employees in America last week, it joined a parade of employers that are shifting more responsibility for saving for retirement on to workers. For many Americans, of course, this is nothing new: millions of them have been managing their retirement assets in individual accounts for years. Nevertheless, in both America and Britain the closure of paternalistic corporate defined benefit programmes, in which pensions depend on earnings and years of service, is accelerating--even at healthy companies such as IBM.
To the extent that this creates and encourages individual choice and responsibility, it is something to welcome rather than to fear. Many other countries, facing huge state-pension obligations, would also like to see their citizens assume a bigger role in providing for their own retirement. Even so, the trend raises an important question: how much do people due to take on these new responsibilities know about basic financial concepts?
The answer seems to be: not much, and less than they think they do. Studies show that many people overestimate their knowledge of everything from inflation to risk diversification and compound interest. One survey in Australia found that 37% of people who owned investments did not know that they could fluctuate in value. In America 31% did not know that the finance charge on a credit-card statement is what they pay to use credit. Britain's Financial Services Authority will release the results of its own survey on financial literacy in the next month or two.
Even edtd cated professionals may know the basics but see no need to keep up to date--having no idea of the interest rates on their credit cards, the fees on their mutual funds or how their investments are doing. But in both America and Britain low personal saving rates (negative in America, indeed) and record numbers of personal bankruptcies do not bode well. If people are to take charge of their pensions, shouldn't they know a little more?
In the end, ignorance could rebound on governments: if people save too little for old age, the state may have to provide for them willy-nilly. Governments are taking this very seriously, says Barbara Smith of the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development, which recently produced a report on global financial literacy. Just this week the British government launched an online debt calculator for overstretched consumers and a money-management course for teenagers that will be offered in schools across the country later this year. New Zealand is another country trying to catch its people young: one official financial-information website there (www. sorted, org. nz) includes an online game on Money Island. [438 words] | 1198.txt | 0 |
[
"most people are very ignorant about investment",
"individuals should have more choices and responsibility",
"individuals should be better prepared for their retirement",
"government should provide official financial-information"
] | The main idea of this text is that_ | When IBM announced an overhaul of its pension plan for employees in America last week, it joined a parade of employers that are shifting more responsibility for saving for retirement on to workers. For many Americans, of course, this is nothing new: millions of them have been managing their retirement assets in individual accounts for years. Nevertheless, in both America and Britain the closure of paternalistic corporate defined benefit programmes, in which pensions depend on earnings and years of service, is accelerating--even at healthy companies such as IBM.
To the extent that this creates and encourages individual choice and responsibility, it is something to welcome rather than to fear. Many other countries, facing huge state-pension obligations, would also like to see their citizens assume a bigger role in providing for their own retirement. Even so, the trend raises an important question: how much do people due to take on these new responsibilities know about basic financial concepts?
The answer seems to be: not much, and less than they think they do. Studies show that many people overestimate their knowledge of everything from inflation to risk diversification and compound interest. One survey in Australia found that 37% of people who owned investments did not know that they could fluctuate in value. In America 31% did not know that the finance charge on a credit-card statement is what they pay to use credit. Britain's Financial Services Authority will release the results of its own survey on financial literacy in the next month or two.
Even edtd cated professionals may know the basics but see no need to keep up to date--having no idea of the interest rates on their credit cards, the fees on their mutual funds or how their investments are doing. But in both America and Britain low personal saving rates (negative in America, indeed) and record numbers of personal bankruptcies do not bode well. If people are to take charge of their pensions, shouldn't they know a little more?
In the end, ignorance could rebound on governments: if people save too little for old age, the state may have to provide for them willy-nilly. Governments are taking this very seriously, says Barbara Smith of the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development, which recently produced a report on global financial literacy. Just this week the British government launched an online debt calculator for overstretched consumers and a money-management course for teenagers that will be offered in schools across the country later this year. New Zealand is another country trying to catch its people young: one official financial-information website there (www. sorted, org. nz) includes an online game on Money Island. [438 words] | 1198.txt | 2 |
[
"deserters from sailing ships",
"spanish ranchers",
"gold miners",
"tourists"
] | According to this article, who were the first Californians? | Asked to name their favorite city, many Amerians would select San Francisco began as a small Spanish outpost located on a magnificent bay.The town was little more than a village serving ranchers when the United States took possession of it in 1846 during the war with Mexico.
San Francisco sprang into a city overnight because of the nearby discovery of gold in 1848.A great rush to California took place.Wagon trains plodded their dangerous way across 2000 miles of prairie and mountains,while hundreds of sailing vessels made the equally hazardous trip around the Horn.The vessels disgorged thousands of passengers -- then the crews deserted teir ship and hundreds of vessels were left to rot in the bay.Within two years,California had enough population to become a state and San Francisco was for many years the hub of that newly-arrived population.
The city's present popularity is due to an excellent climate, an easy style of living ,good food,and numerous tourist attractions. The city is famous for its cable cars which "clang and bang" up the steep hills,and for its excellent seafood stals along the wharf. Most visitors arriving from nations in the Pacific Basin spend several days getting to know the town. | 1332.txt | 1 |
[
"attractive lifestyle,good seafood,desirable weather",
"tourist attactions,extreme seasons,cable cars",
"wagon trains,gold mining,good climate",
"cable cars,pleasent climate,flat terrain"
] | san francisco's appeal includes all of the following factors _ . | Asked to name their favorite city, many Amerians would select San Francisco began as a small Spanish outpost located on a magnificent bay.The town was little more than a village serving ranchers when the United States took possession of it in 1846 during the war with Mexico.
San Francisco sprang into a city overnight because of the nearby discovery of gold in 1848.A great rush to California took place.Wagon trains plodded their dangerous way across 2000 miles of prairie and mountains,while hundreds of sailing vessels made the equally hazardous trip around the Horn.The vessels disgorged thousands of passengers -- then the crews deserted teir ship and hundreds of vessels were left to rot in the bay.Within two years,California had enough population to become a state and San Francisco was for many years the hub of that newly-arrived population.
The city's present popularity is due to an excellent climate, an easy style of living ,good food,and numerous tourist attractions. The city is famous for its cable cars which "clang and bang" up the steep hills,and for its excellent seafood stals along the wharf. Most visitors arriving from nations in the Pacific Basin spend several days getting to know the town. | 1332.txt | 0 |
[
"heavy industry",
"governmental headquarters",
"goldmining",
"trade and tourism"
] | san francisco today is a thriving city because of _ . | Asked to name their favorite city, many Amerians would select San Francisco began as a small Spanish outpost located on a magnificent bay.The town was little more than a village serving ranchers when the United States took possession of it in 1846 during the war with Mexico.
San Francisco sprang into a city overnight because of the nearby discovery of gold in 1848.A great rush to California took place.Wagon trains plodded their dangerous way across 2000 miles of prairie and mountains,while hundreds of sailing vessels made the equally hazardous trip around the Horn.The vessels disgorged thousands of passengers -- then the crews deserted teir ship and hundreds of vessels were left to rot in the bay.Within two years,California had enough population to become a state and San Francisco was for many years the hub of that newly-arrived population.
The city's present popularity is due to an excellent climate, an easy style of living ,good food,and numerous tourist attractions. The city is famous for its cable cars which "clang and bang" up the steep hills,and for its excellent seafood stals along the wharf. Most visitors arriving from nations in the Pacific Basin spend several days getting to know the town. | 1332.txt | 3 |
[
"1850",
"1852",
"1846",
"1848"
] | In waht year did California become an American state? | Asked to name their favorite city, many Amerians would select San Francisco began as a small Spanish outpost located on a magnificent bay.The town was little more than a village serving ranchers when the United States took possession of it in 1846 during the war with Mexico.
San Francisco sprang into a city overnight because of the nearby discovery of gold in 1848.A great rush to California took place.Wagon trains plodded their dangerous way across 2000 miles of prairie and mountains,while hundreds of sailing vessels made the equally hazardous trip around the Horn.The vessels disgorged thousands of passengers -- then the crews deserted teir ship and hundreds of vessels were left to rot in the bay.Within two years,California had enough population to become a state and San Francisco was for many years the hub of that newly-arrived population.
The city's present popularity is due to an excellent climate, an easy style of living ,good food,and numerous tourist attractions. The city is famous for its cable cars which "clang and bang" up the steep hills,and for its excellent seafood stals along the wharf. Most visitors arriving from nations in the Pacific Basin spend several days getting to know the town. | 1332.txt | 0 |
[
"Two contrasting views are presented.",
"An argument is examined and possible solutions given.",
"Research results concerning the quality of urban life are presented in order of time.",
"A detailed description of the difference between urban and small-town life is given."
] | Which of the following statements best describes the organization of the first paragraph? | Not too many decades ago it seemed "obvious" both to the general public and to sociologists that modern society has changed people's natural relations, loosened their responsibilities to kin and neighbors, and substituted in their place superficial relationships with passing acquaintances. However, in recent years a growing body of research has revealed that the "obvious" is not true. It seems that if you are a city resident, you typically know a smaller proportion of your neighbors than you do if you are a resident of a smaller community. But, for the most part, this fact has few significant consequences. It does not necessarily follow that if you know few of your neighbors you will know no one else.
Even in very large cities, people maintain close social ties within small, private social worlds. Indeed, the number and quality of meaningful relationships do not differ between more and less urban people. Small-town residents are more involved with kin than are big-city residents. Yet city dwellers compensate by developing friendships with people who share similar interests and activities. Urbanism may produce a different style of life, but the quality of life does not differ between town and city. Nor are residents of large communities any likelier to display psychological symptoms of stress or alienation, a feeling of not belonging, than are residents of smaller communities. However, city dwellers do worry more about crime, and this leads them to a distrust of strangers.
These findings do not imply that urbanism makes little or no difference. If neighbors are strangers to one another, they are less likely to sweep the sidewalk of an elderly couple living next door or keep an eye out for young trouble makers. Moreover, as Wirth suggested, there may be a link between a community's population size and its social heterogeneity. For instance, sociologists have found much evidence that the size of a community is associated with bad behavior including gambling, drugs, etc. Large-city urbanites are also more likely than their small-town counterparts to have a cosmopolitan outlook, to display less responsibility to traditional kinship roles, to vote for leftist political candidates, and to be tolerant of nontraditional religious groups, unpopular political groups, and so-called undesirables. Everything considered, heterogeneity and unusual behavior seem to be outcomes of large population size. | 2778.txt | 0 |
[
"did not have the same interests as their neighbors",
"could not develop long-standing relationships",
"tended to be associated with bad behavior",
"usually had more friends"
] | According to the passage, it was once a common belief that urban residents _ . | Not too many decades ago it seemed "obvious" both to the general public and to sociologists that modern society has changed people's natural relations, loosened their responsibilities to kin and neighbors, and substituted in their place superficial relationships with passing acquaintances. However, in recent years a growing body of research has revealed that the "obvious" is not true. It seems that if you are a city resident, you typically know a smaller proportion of your neighbors than you do if you are a resident of a smaller community. But, for the most part, this fact has few significant consequences. It does not necessarily follow that if you know few of your neighbors you will know no one else.
Even in very large cities, people maintain close social ties within small, private social worlds. Indeed, the number and quality of meaningful relationships do not differ between more and less urban people. Small-town residents are more involved with kin than are big-city residents. Yet city dwellers compensate by developing friendships with people who share similar interests and activities. Urbanism may produce a different style of life, but the quality of life does not differ between town and city. Nor are residents of large communities any likelier to display psychological symptoms of stress or alienation, a feeling of not belonging, than are residents of smaller communities. However, city dwellers do worry more about crime, and this leads them to a distrust of strangers.
These findings do not imply that urbanism makes little or no difference. If neighbors are strangers to one another, they are less likely to sweep the sidewalk of an elderly couple living next door or keep an eye out for young trouble makers. Moreover, as Wirth suggested, there may be a link between a community's population size and its social heterogeneity. For instance, sociologists have found much evidence that the size of a community is associated with bad behavior including gambling, drugs, etc. Large-city urbanites are also more likely than their small-town counterparts to have a cosmopolitan outlook, to display less responsibility to traditional kinship roles, to vote for leftist political candidates, and to be tolerant of nontraditional religious groups, unpopular political groups, and so-called undesirables. Everything considered, heterogeneity and unusual behavior seem to be outcomes of large population size. | 2778.txt | 1 |
[
"disrupt people's natural relations",
"make them worry about crime",
"cause them not to show concern for one another",
"cause them to be suspicious of each other"
] | One of the consequences of urban life is that impersonal relationships among neighbors _ . | Not too many decades ago it seemed "obvious" both to the general public and to sociologists that modern society has changed people's natural relations, loosened their responsibilities to kin and neighbors, and substituted in their place superficial relationships with passing acquaintances. However, in recent years a growing body of research has revealed that the "obvious" is not true. It seems that if you are a city resident, you typically know a smaller proportion of your neighbors than you do if you are a resident of a smaller community. But, for the most part, this fact has few significant consequences. It does not necessarily follow that if you know few of your neighbors you will know no one else.
Even in very large cities, people maintain close social ties within small, private social worlds. Indeed, the number and quality of meaningful relationships do not differ between more and less urban people. Small-town residents are more involved with kin than are big-city residents. Yet city dwellers compensate by developing friendships with people who share similar interests and activities. Urbanism may produce a different style of life, but the quality of life does not differ between town and city. Nor are residents of large communities any likelier to display psychological symptoms of stress or alienation, a feeling of not belonging, than are residents of smaller communities. However, city dwellers do worry more about crime, and this leads them to a distrust of strangers.
These findings do not imply that urbanism makes little or no difference. If neighbors are strangers to one another, they are less likely to sweep the sidewalk of an elderly couple living next door or keep an eye out for young trouble makers. Moreover, as Wirth suggested, there may be a link between a community's population size and its social heterogeneity. For instance, sociologists have found much evidence that the size of a community is associated with bad behavior including gambling, drugs, etc. Large-city urbanites are also more likely than their small-town counterparts to have a cosmopolitan outlook, to display less responsibility to traditional kinship roles, to vote for leftist political candidates, and to be tolerant of nontraditional religious groups, unpopular political groups, and so-called undesirables. Everything considered, heterogeneity and unusual behavior seem to be outcomes of large population size. | 2778.txt | 2 |
[
"the better its quality of life",
"the more similar its interests",
"the more tolerant and open-minded it is",
"the likelier it is to display psychological symptoms of stress"
] | It can be inferred from the passage that the bigger a community is, _ . | Not too many decades ago it seemed "obvious" both to the general public and to sociologists that modern society has changed people's natural relations, loosened their responsibilities to kin and neighbors, and substituted in their place superficial relationships with passing acquaintances. However, in recent years a growing body of research has revealed that the "obvious" is not true. It seems that if you are a city resident, you typically know a smaller proportion of your neighbors than you do if you are a resident of a smaller community. But, for the most part, this fact has few significant consequences. It does not necessarily follow that if you know few of your neighbors you will know no one else.
Even in very large cities, people maintain close social ties within small, private social worlds. Indeed, the number and quality of meaningful relationships do not differ between more and less urban people. Small-town residents are more involved with kin than are big-city residents. Yet city dwellers compensate by developing friendships with people who share similar interests and activities. Urbanism may produce a different style of life, but the quality of life does not differ between town and city. Nor are residents of large communities any likelier to display psychological symptoms of stress or alienation, a feeling of not belonging, than are residents of smaller communities. However, city dwellers do worry more about crime, and this leads them to a distrust of strangers.
These findings do not imply that urbanism makes little or no difference. If neighbors are strangers to one another, they are less likely to sweep the sidewalk of an elderly couple living next door or keep an eye out for young trouble makers. Moreover, as Wirth suggested, there may be a link between a community's population size and its social heterogeneity. For instance, sociologists have found much evidence that the size of a community is associated with bad behavior including gambling, drugs, etc. Large-city urbanites are also more likely than their small-town counterparts to have a cosmopolitan outlook, to display less responsibility to traditional kinship roles, to vote for leftist political candidates, and to be tolerant of nontraditional religious groups, unpopular political groups, and so-called undesirables. Everything considered, heterogeneity and unusual behavior seem to be outcomes of large population size. | 2778.txt | 2 |
[
"Similarities in the interpersonal relationships between urbanites and small-town dwellers.",
"Advantages of living in big cities as compared with living in small towns.",
"The positive role that urbanism plays in modern life.",
"The strong feeling of alienation of city inhabitants."
] | What is the passage mainly about? | Not too many decades ago it seemed "obvious" both to the general public and to sociologists that modern society has changed people's natural relations, loosened their responsibilities to kin and neighbors, and substituted in their place superficial relationships with passing acquaintances. However, in recent years a growing body of research has revealed that the "obvious" is not true. It seems that if you are a city resident, you typically know a smaller proportion of your neighbors than you do if you are a resident of a smaller community. But, for the most part, this fact has few significant consequences. It does not necessarily follow that if you know few of your neighbors you will know no one else.
Even in very large cities, people maintain close social ties within small, private social worlds. Indeed, the number and quality of meaningful relationships do not differ between more and less urban people. Small-town residents are more involved with kin than are big-city residents. Yet city dwellers compensate by developing friendships with people who share similar interests and activities. Urbanism may produce a different style of life, but the quality of life does not differ between town and city. Nor are residents of large communities any likelier to display psychological symptoms of stress or alienation, a feeling of not belonging, than are residents of smaller communities. However, city dwellers do worry more about crime, and this leads them to a distrust of strangers.
These findings do not imply that urbanism makes little or no difference. If neighbors are strangers to one another, they are less likely to sweep the sidewalk of an elderly couple living next door or keep an eye out for young trouble makers. Moreover, as Wirth suggested, there may be a link between a community's population size and its social heterogeneity. For instance, sociologists have found much evidence that the size of a community is associated with bad behavior including gambling, drugs, etc. Large-city urbanites are also more likely than their small-town counterparts to have a cosmopolitan outlook, to display less responsibility to traditional kinship roles, to vote for leftist political candidates, and to be tolerant of nontraditional religious groups, unpopular political groups, and so-called undesirables. Everything considered, heterogeneity and unusual behavior seem to be outcomes of large population size. | 2778.txt | 0 |
[
"to inform us of what the poverty line is",
"to explain why some people arc poor",
"to find solutions to the problem of poverty",
"to show sympathy for those poor people"
] | The author's main purpose to write this article is _ . | The poverty line is the lowest income that people need for an acceptable standard ofliving. People with income below the poverty line are considered poor. Economists study the causes of poverty
in order to find solutions to the problem.
About ten percent of the people in the United States are below the poverty line. However, if these people had stable jobs, they could have an acceptable standard of living. Economists suggest several reasons why poor people do not have jobs.
For one thing, more than half of the people in the United States are not qualified to work. Over 40 percent of the poor people are children. By law, children less than 16 years old cannot work in many industries. And a large number of poor people are old. Many companies do not hire people over 65 years old.
Some poor adults do not look for jobs for a variety of personal reasons: they are sick, they have family problems, or they do not believe that they can find a job. Other poor people look for a job but cannot find one. Many poor adults never went to high school. Therefore, when they look for jobs, they have few skills that they can offer.
At the present time, the government thinks it can reduce poverty in the country in the following ways.
First, if the national economy grows, companies hire more workers. Some of the poor may find a job, and they will no longer be below the poverty line.
Second, if the government spends money on social programs, education and training for the poor people, the poor will have the skill to offer. Then it is more likely that they can find jobs. Finally, if the government distributes society's income differently, it raises some poor people above the poverty line. The government collects taxes from the non"poor and gives money to the poor. These payments to the poor are called welfare.
Some economists are looking for better solutions to the poverty problem. However, at the present time, many people still depend on welfare to live a poor life. | 401.txt | 2 |
[
"More than 50 percent.",
"About 10 percent.",
"Over 16 percent.",
"Over 40 percent."
] | How many people are considered poor in the United States? | The poverty line is the lowest income that people need for an acceptable standard ofliving. People with income below the poverty line are considered poor. Economists study the causes of poverty
in order to find solutions to the problem.
About ten percent of the people in the United States are below the poverty line. However, if these people had stable jobs, they could have an acceptable standard of living. Economists suggest several reasons why poor people do not have jobs.
For one thing, more than half of the people in the United States are not qualified to work. Over 40 percent of the poor people are children. By law, children less than 16 years old cannot work in many industries. And a large number of poor people are old. Many companies do not hire people over 65 years old.
Some poor adults do not look for jobs for a variety of personal reasons: they are sick, they have family problems, or they do not believe that they can find a job. Other poor people look for a job but cannot find one. Many poor adults never went to high school. Therefore, when they look for jobs, they have few skills that they can offer.
At the present time, the government thinks it can reduce poverty in the country in the following ways.
First, if the national economy grows, companies hire more workers. Some of the poor may find a job, and they will no longer be below the poverty line.
Second, if the government spends money on social programs, education and training for the poor people, the poor will have the skill to offer. Then it is more likely that they can find jobs. Finally, if the government distributes society's income differently, it raises some poor people above the poverty line. The government collects taxes from the non"poor and gives money to the poor. These payments to the poor are called welfare.
Some economists are looking for better solutions to the poverty problem. However, at the present time, many people still depend on welfare to live a poor life. | 401.txt | 1 |
[
"they do not have motivation to work",
"they are ill-educated and have few skills",
"they are too young or too old to work",
"they have physical and family problems"
] | Most of the American poor people are not qualified for employment because _ . | The poverty line is the lowest income that people need for an acceptable standard ofliving. People with income below the poverty line are considered poor. Economists study the causes of poverty
in order to find solutions to the problem.
About ten percent of the people in the United States are below the poverty line. However, if these people had stable jobs, they could have an acceptable standard of living. Economists suggest several reasons why poor people do not have jobs.
For one thing, more than half of the people in the United States are not qualified to work. Over 40 percent of the poor people are children. By law, children less than 16 years old cannot work in many industries. And a large number of poor people are old. Many companies do not hire people over 65 years old.
Some poor adults do not look for jobs for a variety of personal reasons: they are sick, they have family problems, or they do not believe that they can find a job. Other poor people look for a job but cannot find one. Many poor adults never went to high school. Therefore, when they look for jobs, they have few skills that they can offer.
At the present time, the government thinks it can reduce poverty in the country in the following ways.
First, if the national economy grows, companies hire more workers. Some of the poor may find a job, and they will no longer be below the poverty line.
Second, if the government spends money on social programs, education and training for the poor people, the poor will have the skill to offer. Then it is more likely that they can find jobs. Finally, if the government distributes society's income differently, it raises some poor people above the poverty line. The government collects taxes from the non"poor and gives money to the poor. These payments to the poor are called welfare.
Some economists are looking for better solutions to the poverty problem. However, at the present time, many people still depend on welfare to live a poor life. | 401.txt | 2 |
[
"Better solutions to the poverty problems are not yet found.",
"Welfaresystem will enable people to become rich.",
"Poor people are bound to be rich if rich people help them.",
"Employment is the best solution to the poverty problem."
] | What can we infer from the passage? | The poverty line is the lowest income that people need for an acceptable standard ofliving. People with income below the poverty line are considered poor. Economists study the causes of poverty
in order to find solutions to the problem.
About ten percent of the people in the United States are below the poverty line. However, if these people had stable jobs, they could have an acceptable standard of living. Economists suggest several reasons why poor people do not have jobs.
For one thing, more than half of the people in the United States are not qualified to work. Over 40 percent of the poor people are children. By law, children less than 16 years old cannot work in many industries. And a large number of poor people are old. Many companies do not hire people over 65 years old.
Some poor adults do not look for jobs for a variety of personal reasons: they are sick, they have family problems, or they do not believe that they can find a job. Other poor people look for a job but cannot find one. Many poor adults never went to high school. Therefore, when they look for jobs, they have few skills that they can offer.
At the present time, the government thinks it can reduce poverty in the country in the following ways.
First, if the national economy grows, companies hire more workers. Some of the poor may find a job, and they will no longer be below the poverty line.
Second, if the government spends money on social programs, education and training for the poor people, the poor will have the skill to offer. Then it is more likely that they can find jobs. Finally, if the government distributes society's income differently, it raises some poor people above the poverty line. The government collects taxes from the non"poor and gives money to the poor. These payments to the poor are called welfare.
Some economists are looking for better solutions to the poverty problem. However, at the present time, many people still depend on welfare to live a poor life. | 401.txt | 0 |
[
"eccentric",
"normal",
"enjoyable",
"optimistic"
] | According to the story Doctor Reefy's life seems very _ . | οΌ3οΌ
He was an old man with a white beard and huge nose and hands. Long before the time during which we will know him, he was a doctor and drove a jaded white horse from house to house through the streets of Winesburg. Later he married a girl who had money. She had been left a large fertile farm when her father died. The girl was quiet, tall, and dark, and to many people she seemed very beautiful. Everyone in Winesburg wondered why she married the doctor. Within a year after the marriage she died.
The knuckles of the doctor's hands were extraordinarily large. When the hands were closed they looked like clusters of unpainted wooden balls as large as walnuts fastened together by steel rods.He smoked a cob pipe and after his wife's death sat all day in his empty office close by a window that was covered with cobwebs. He never opened the window. Once on a hot day in August he tried but found it stuck fast and after that he forgot all about it.
Winesburg had forgotten the old man, but in Doctor Reefy there were the seeds of something very fine. Alone in his musty office in the Heffner Block above the Paris Dry Goods Company's store, he worked ceaselessly, building up something that he himself destroyed. Little pyramids of truth he erected and after erecting knocked them down again that he might have the truths to erect other pyramids.
Doctor Reefy was a tall man who had worn one suit of clothes for ten years. It was frayed at the sleeves and little holes had appeared at the knees and elbows. In the office he wore also a linen duster with huge pockets into which he continually stuffed scraps of paper. After some weeks the scraps of paper became little hard round balls, and when the pockets were filled he dumped themout upon the floor. For ten years he had but one friend, another old man named John Spaniard who owned a tree nursery. Sometimes, in a playful mood, old Doctor Reefy took from his pockets a handful of the paper balls and threw them at the nursery man. "'That is to confound you, you blithering old sentimentalist," he cried, shaking with laughter.
The story of Doctor Reefy and his courtship of the tall dark girl who became his wife and left her money to him is a very curious story. It is delicious, like the twisted little apples that grow in the orchards of Winesburg. In the fall one walks in the orchards and the ground is hard with frostunder foot. The apples have been taken from the trees by the pickers. They have been put inbarrels and shipped to the cities where they will be eaten in apartments that are filled with books, magazines, furniture, and people. On the trees are only a few gnarled apples that the pickers haverejected. They look like the knuckles of Doctor Reefy' s hands. One nibbles at them and they are delicious. Into a little round place at the side of the apple has been gathered all of its sweetness.One runs from tree to tree over the frosted ground picking the gnarled, twisted apples and filling his pockets with them. Only the few know the sweetness of the twisted apples.
The girl and Doctor Reefy began their courtship on a summer afternoon. He was forty-fivethen and already he had begun the practice of filling his pockets with the scraps of paper thatbecame hard balls and were thrown away. The habit had been formed as he sat in his buggy behind the jaded grey horse and went slowly along country roads. On the papers were written thoughts, ends of thoughts, beginnings of thoughts.
One by one the mind of Doctor Reefy had made the thoughts. Out of many of them heformed a truth that arose gigantic in his mind. The truth clouded the world. It became terrible and then faded away and the little thoughts began again.
The tall dark girl came to see Doctor Reefy because she was in the family way and hadbecome frightened. She was in that condition because of a series of circumstances also curious.
The death of her father and mother and the rich acres of land that had come down to her had seta train of suitors on her heels. For two years she saw suitors almost every evening. Except twothey were all alike. They talked to her of passion and there was a strained eager quality in their voices and in their eyes when they looked at her. The two who were different were much unlikeeach other. One of them, a slender young man with white hands, the son of a jeweler in Winesburg, talked continually of virginity. When he was with her he was never off the subject. Theother, a black-haired boy with large ears, said nothing at all but always managed to get her into the darkness, where he began to kiss her.
For a time the tall dark girl thought she would marry the jeweler's son. For hours she sat in silence listening as he talked to her and then she began to be afraid of something. Beneath his talk of virginity she began to think there was a lust greater than in all the others. At times it seemed to her that as he talked he was holding her body in his hands. She imagined him turning it slowly about inthe white hands and staring at it. At night she dreamed that he had bitten into her body and that his jaws were dripping. She had the dream three times, then she became in the family way to theone who said nothing at all but who in the moment of his passion actually did bite her shoulder sothat for days the marks of his teeth showed.
After the tall dark girl came to know Doctor Reefy it seemed to her that she never wanted to leavehim again. She went into his office one morning and without her saying anything he seemed to know what had happened to her.
In the office of the doctor there was a woman, the wife of the man who kept the bookstore in Winesburg. Like all old-fashioned country practitioners, Doctor Reefy pulled teeth, and the woman who waited held a handkerchief to her teeth and groaned. Her husband was with her and when the tooth was taken out they both screamed and blood ran down on the woman's white dress.The tall dark girl did not pay any attention. When the woman and the man had gone the doctor smiled. "I will take you driving into the country with me," he said.
For several weeks the tall dark girl and the doctor were together almost every day. The condition that had brought her to him passed in an illness, but she was like one who has discovered the sweetness of the twisted apples, she could not get her mind fixed again upon theround perfect fruit that is eaten in the city apartments. In the fall after the beginning of her acquaintanceship with him she married Doctor Reefy and in the following spring she died. During the winter he read to her all of the odds and ends of thoughts he had scribbled on the bits of paper. After he had read them he laughed and stuffed them away in his pockets to become round hard balls. | 238.txt | 0 |
[
"troubled",
"Pregnant",
"twisted",
"cheated"
] | The story tells us that the tall dark girl was in the family way. The phrase "in the family way"means _ . | οΌ3οΌ
He was an old man with a white beard and huge nose and hands. Long before the time during which we will know him, he was a doctor and drove a jaded white horse from house to house through the streets of Winesburg. Later he married a girl who had money. She had been left a large fertile farm when her father died. The girl was quiet, tall, and dark, and to many people she seemed very beautiful. Everyone in Winesburg wondered why she married the doctor. Within a year after the marriage she died.
The knuckles of the doctor's hands were extraordinarily large. When the hands were closed they looked like clusters of unpainted wooden balls as large as walnuts fastened together by steel rods.He smoked a cob pipe and after his wife's death sat all day in his empty office close by a window that was covered with cobwebs. He never opened the window. Once on a hot day in August he tried but found it stuck fast and after that he forgot all about it.
Winesburg had forgotten the old man, but in Doctor Reefy there were the seeds of something very fine. Alone in his musty office in the Heffner Block above the Paris Dry Goods Company's store, he worked ceaselessly, building up something that he himself destroyed. Little pyramids of truth he erected and after erecting knocked them down again that he might have the truths to erect other pyramids.
Doctor Reefy was a tall man who had worn one suit of clothes for ten years. It was frayed at the sleeves and little holes had appeared at the knees and elbows. In the office he wore also a linen duster with huge pockets into which he continually stuffed scraps of paper. After some weeks the scraps of paper became little hard round balls, and when the pockets were filled he dumped themout upon the floor. For ten years he had but one friend, another old man named John Spaniard who owned a tree nursery. Sometimes, in a playful mood, old Doctor Reefy took from his pockets a handful of the paper balls and threw them at the nursery man. "'That is to confound you, you blithering old sentimentalist," he cried, shaking with laughter.
The story of Doctor Reefy and his courtship of the tall dark girl who became his wife and left her money to him is a very curious story. It is delicious, like the twisted little apples that grow in the orchards of Winesburg. In the fall one walks in the orchards and the ground is hard with frostunder foot. The apples have been taken from the trees by the pickers. They have been put inbarrels and shipped to the cities where they will be eaten in apartments that are filled with books, magazines, furniture, and people. On the trees are only a few gnarled apples that the pickers haverejected. They look like the knuckles of Doctor Reefy' s hands. One nibbles at them and they are delicious. Into a little round place at the side of the apple has been gathered all of its sweetness.One runs from tree to tree over the frosted ground picking the gnarled, twisted apples and filling his pockets with them. Only the few know the sweetness of the twisted apples.
The girl and Doctor Reefy began their courtship on a summer afternoon. He was forty-fivethen and already he had begun the practice of filling his pockets with the scraps of paper thatbecame hard balls and were thrown away. The habit had been formed as he sat in his buggy behind the jaded grey horse and went slowly along country roads. On the papers were written thoughts, ends of thoughts, beginnings of thoughts.
One by one the mind of Doctor Reefy had made the thoughts. Out of many of them heformed a truth that arose gigantic in his mind. The truth clouded the world. It became terrible and then faded away and the little thoughts began again.
The tall dark girl came to see Doctor Reefy because she was in the family way and hadbecome frightened. She was in that condition because of a series of circumstances also curious.
The death of her father and mother and the rich acres of land that had come down to her had seta train of suitors on her heels. For two years she saw suitors almost every evening. Except twothey were all alike. They talked to her of passion and there was a strained eager quality in their voices and in their eyes when they looked at her. The two who were different were much unlikeeach other. One of them, a slender young man with white hands, the son of a jeweler in Winesburg, talked continually of virginity. When he was with her he was never off the subject. Theother, a black-haired boy with large ears, said nothing at all but always managed to get her into the darkness, where he began to kiss her.
For a time the tall dark girl thought she would marry the jeweler's son. For hours she sat in silence listening as he talked to her and then she began to be afraid of something. Beneath his talk of virginity she began to think there was a lust greater than in all the others. At times it seemed to her that as he talked he was holding her body in his hands. She imagined him turning it slowly about inthe white hands and staring at it. At night she dreamed that he had bitten into her body and that his jaws were dripping. She had the dream three times, then she became in the family way to theone who said nothing at all but who in the moment of his passion actually did bite her shoulder sothat for days the marks of his teeth showed.
After the tall dark girl came to know Doctor Reefy it seemed to her that she never wanted to leavehim again. She went into his office one morning and without her saying anything he seemed to know what had happened to her.
In the office of the doctor there was a woman, the wife of the man who kept the bookstore in Winesburg. Like all old-fashioned country practitioners, Doctor Reefy pulled teeth, and the woman who waited held a handkerchief to her teeth and groaned. Her husband was with her and when the tooth was taken out they both screamed and blood ran down on the woman's white dress.The tall dark girl did not pay any attention. When the woman and the man had gone the doctor smiled. "I will take you driving into the country with me," he said.
For several weeks the tall dark girl and the doctor were together almost every day. The condition that had brought her to him passed in an illness, but she was like one who has discovered the sweetness of the twisted apples, she could not get her mind fixed again upon theround perfect fruit that is eaten in the city apartments. In the fall after the beginning of her acquaintanceship with him she married Doctor Reefy and in the following spring she died. During the winter he read to her all of the odds and ends of thoughts he had scribbled on the bits of paper. After he had read them he laughed and stuffed them away in his pockets to become round hard balls. | 238.txt | 1 |
[
"happy",
"miserable",
"easy-going",
"reckless"
] | Doctor Reef lives a _ life. | οΌ3οΌ
He was an old man with a white beard and huge nose and hands. Long before the time during which we will know him, he was a doctor and drove a jaded white horse from house to house through the streets of Winesburg. Later he married a girl who had money. She had been left a large fertile farm when her father died. The girl was quiet, tall, and dark, and to many people she seemed very beautiful. Everyone in Winesburg wondered why she married the doctor. Within a year after the marriage she died.
The knuckles of the doctor's hands were extraordinarily large. When the hands were closed they looked like clusters of unpainted wooden balls as large as walnuts fastened together by steel rods.He smoked a cob pipe and after his wife's death sat all day in his empty office close by a window that was covered with cobwebs. He never opened the window. Once on a hot day in August he tried but found it stuck fast and after that he forgot all about it.
Winesburg had forgotten the old man, but in Doctor Reefy there were the seeds of something very fine. Alone in his musty office in the Heffner Block above the Paris Dry Goods Company's store, he worked ceaselessly, building up something that he himself destroyed. Little pyramids of truth he erected and after erecting knocked them down again that he might have the truths to erect other pyramids.
Doctor Reefy was a tall man who had worn one suit of clothes for ten years. It was frayed at the sleeves and little holes had appeared at the knees and elbows. In the office he wore also a linen duster with huge pockets into which he continually stuffed scraps of paper. After some weeks the scraps of paper became little hard round balls, and when the pockets were filled he dumped themout upon the floor. For ten years he had but one friend, another old man named John Spaniard who owned a tree nursery. Sometimes, in a playful mood, old Doctor Reefy took from his pockets a handful of the paper balls and threw them at the nursery man. "'That is to confound you, you blithering old sentimentalist," he cried, shaking with laughter.
The story of Doctor Reefy and his courtship of the tall dark girl who became his wife and left her money to him is a very curious story. It is delicious, like the twisted little apples that grow in the orchards of Winesburg. In the fall one walks in the orchards and the ground is hard with frostunder foot. The apples have been taken from the trees by the pickers. They have been put inbarrels and shipped to the cities where they will be eaten in apartments that are filled with books, magazines, furniture, and people. On the trees are only a few gnarled apples that the pickers haverejected. They look like the knuckles of Doctor Reefy' s hands. One nibbles at them and they are delicious. Into a little round place at the side of the apple has been gathered all of its sweetness.One runs from tree to tree over the frosted ground picking the gnarled, twisted apples and filling his pockets with them. Only the few know the sweetness of the twisted apples.
The girl and Doctor Reefy began their courtship on a summer afternoon. He was forty-fivethen and already he had begun the practice of filling his pockets with the scraps of paper thatbecame hard balls and were thrown away. The habit had been formed as he sat in his buggy behind the jaded grey horse and went slowly along country roads. On the papers were written thoughts, ends of thoughts, beginnings of thoughts.
One by one the mind of Doctor Reefy had made the thoughts. Out of many of them heformed a truth that arose gigantic in his mind. The truth clouded the world. It became terrible and then faded away and the little thoughts began again.
The tall dark girl came to see Doctor Reefy because she was in the family way and hadbecome frightened. She was in that condition because of a series of circumstances also curious.
The death of her father and mother and the rich acres of land that had come down to her had seta train of suitors on her heels. For two years she saw suitors almost every evening. Except twothey were all alike. They talked to her of passion and there was a strained eager quality in their voices and in their eyes when they looked at her. The two who were different were much unlikeeach other. One of them, a slender young man with white hands, the son of a jeweler in Winesburg, talked continually of virginity. When he was with her he was never off the subject. Theother, a black-haired boy with large ears, said nothing at all but always managed to get her into the darkness, where he began to kiss her.
For a time the tall dark girl thought she would marry the jeweler's son. For hours she sat in silence listening as he talked to her and then she began to be afraid of something. Beneath his talk of virginity she began to think there was a lust greater than in all the others. At times it seemed to her that as he talked he was holding her body in his hands. She imagined him turning it slowly about inthe white hands and staring at it. At night she dreamed that he had bitten into her body and that his jaws were dripping. She had the dream three times, then she became in the family way to theone who said nothing at all but who in the moment of his passion actually did bite her shoulder sothat for days the marks of his teeth showed.
After the tall dark girl came to know Doctor Reefy it seemed to her that she never wanted to leavehim again. She went into his office one morning and without her saying anything he seemed to know what had happened to her.
In the office of the doctor there was a woman, the wife of the man who kept the bookstore in Winesburg. Like all old-fashioned country practitioners, Doctor Reefy pulled teeth, and the woman who waited held a handkerchief to her teeth and groaned. Her husband was with her and when the tooth was taken out they both screamed and blood ran down on the woman's white dress.The tall dark girl did not pay any attention. When the woman and the man had gone the doctor smiled. "I will take you driving into the country with me," he said.
For several weeks the tall dark girl and the doctor were together almost every day. The condition that had brought her to him passed in an illness, but she was like one who has discovered the sweetness of the twisted apples, she could not get her mind fixed again upon theround perfect fruit that is eaten in the city apartments. In the fall after the beginning of her acquaintanceship with him she married Doctor Reefy and in the following spring she died. During the winter he read to her all of the odds and ends of thoughts he had scribbled on the bits of paper. After he had read them he laughed and stuffed them away in his pockets to become round hard balls. | 238.txt | 1 |
[
"transient",
"understandable",
"perfect",
"funny"
] | The tall dark girl's marriage to Doctor Reef proves to be a _ one. | οΌ3οΌ
He was an old man with a white beard and huge nose and hands. Long before the time during which we will know him, he was a doctor and drove a jaded white horse from house to house through the streets of Winesburg. Later he married a girl who had money. She had been left a large fertile farm when her father died. The girl was quiet, tall, and dark, and to many people she seemed very beautiful. Everyone in Winesburg wondered why she married the doctor. Within a year after the marriage she died.
The knuckles of the doctor's hands were extraordinarily large. When the hands were closed they looked like clusters of unpainted wooden balls as large as walnuts fastened together by steel rods.He smoked a cob pipe and after his wife's death sat all day in his empty office close by a window that was covered with cobwebs. He never opened the window. Once on a hot day in August he tried but found it stuck fast and after that he forgot all about it.
Winesburg had forgotten the old man, but in Doctor Reefy there were the seeds of something very fine. Alone in his musty office in the Heffner Block above the Paris Dry Goods Company's store, he worked ceaselessly, building up something that he himself destroyed. Little pyramids of truth he erected and after erecting knocked them down again that he might have the truths to erect other pyramids.
Doctor Reefy was a tall man who had worn one suit of clothes for ten years. It was frayed at the sleeves and little holes had appeared at the knees and elbows. In the office he wore also a linen duster with huge pockets into which he continually stuffed scraps of paper. After some weeks the scraps of paper became little hard round balls, and when the pockets were filled he dumped themout upon the floor. For ten years he had but one friend, another old man named John Spaniard who owned a tree nursery. Sometimes, in a playful mood, old Doctor Reefy took from his pockets a handful of the paper balls and threw them at the nursery man. "'That is to confound you, you blithering old sentimentalist," he cried, shaking with laughter.
The story of Doctor Reefy and his courtship of the tall dark girl who became his wife and left her money to him is a very curious story. It is delicious, like the twisted little apples that grow in the orchards of Winesburg. In the fall one walks in the orchards and the ground is hard with frostunder foot. The apples have been taken from the trees by the pickers. They have been put inbarrels and shipped to the cities where they will be eaten in apartments that are filled with books, magazines, furniture, and people. On the trees are only a few gnarled apples that the pickers haverejected. They look like the knuckles of Doctor Reefy' s hands. One nibbles at them and they are delicious. Into a little round place at the side of the apple has been gathered all of its sweetness.One runs from tree to tree over the frosted ground picking the gnarled, twisted apples and filling his pockets with them. Only the few know the sweetness of the twisted apples.
The girl and Doctor Reefy began their courtship on a summer afternoon. He was forty-fivethen and already he had begun the practice of filling his pockets with the scraps of paper thatbecame hard balls and were thrown away. The habit had been formed as he sat in his buggy behind the jaded grey horse and went slowly along country roads. On the papers were written thoughts, ends of thoughts, beginnings of thoughts.
One by one the mind of Doctor Reefy had made the thoughts. Out of many of them heformed a truth that arose gigantic in his mind. The truth clouded the world. It became terrible and then faded away and the little thoughts began again.
The tall dark girl came to see Doctor Reefy because she was in the family way and hadbecome frightened. She was in that condition because of a series of circumstances also curious.
The death of her father and mother and the rich acres of land that had come down to her had seta train of suitors on her heels. For two years she saw suitors almost every evening. Except twothey were all alike. They talked to her of passion and there was a strained eager quality in their voices and in their eyes when they looked at her. The two who were different were much unlikeeach other. One of them, a slender young man with white hands, the son of a jeweler in Winesburg, talked continually of virginity. When he was with her he was never off the subject. Theother, a black-haired boy with large ears, said nothing at all but always managed to get her into the darkness, where he began to kiss her.
For a time the tall dark girl thought she would marry the jeweler's son. For hours she sat in silence listening as he talked to her and then she began to be afraid of something. Beneath his talk of virginity she began to think there was a lust greater than in all the others. At times it seemed to her that as he talked he was holding her body in his hands. She imagined him turning it slowly about inthe white hands and staring at it. At night she dreamed that he had bitten into her body and that his jaws were dripping. She had the dream three times, then she became in the family way to theone who said nothing at all but who in the moment of his passion actually did bite her shoulder sothat for days the marks of his teeth showed.
After the tall dark girl came to know Doctor Reefy it seemed to her that she never wanted to leavehim again. She went into his office one morning and without her saying anything he seemed to know what had happened to her.
In the office of the doctor there was a woman, the wife of the man who kept the bookstore in Winesburg. Like all old-fashioned country practitioners, Doctor Reefy pulled teeth, and the woman who waited held a handkerchief to her teeth and groaned. Her husband was with her and when the tooth was taken out they both screamed and blood ran down on the woman's white dress.The tall dark girl did not pay any attention. When the woman and the man had gone the doctor smiled. "I will take you driving into the country with me," he said.
For several weeks the tall dark girl and the doctor were together almost every day. The condition that had brought her to him passed in an illness, but she was like one who has discovered the sweetness of the twisted apples, she could not get her mind fixed again upon theround perfect fruit that is eaten in the city apartments. In the fall after the beginning of her acquaintanceship with him she married Doctor Reefy and in the following spring she died. During the winter he read to her all of the odds and ends of thoughts he had scribbled on the bits of paper. After he had read them he laughed and stuffed them away in his pockets to become round hard balls. | 238.txt | 0 |
[
"eagerness to shut himself away from society",
"suppressed desire to communicate with people",
"optimism about life",
"cynical attitude towards life"
] | Doctor Reef's paper balls probably symbolize his _ . | οΌ3οΌ
He was an old man with a white beard and huge nose and hands. Long before the time during which we will know him, he was a doctor and drove a jaded white horse from house to house through the streets of Winesburg. Later he married a girl who had money. She had been left a large fertile farm when her father died. The girl was quiet, tall, and dark, and to many people she seemed very beautiful. Everyone in Winesburg wondered why she married the doctor. Within a year after the marriage she died.
The knuckles of the doctor's hands were extraordinarily large. When the hands were closed they looked like clusters of unpainted wooden balls as large as walnuts fastened together by steel rods.He smoked a cob pipe and after his wife's death sat all day in his empty office close by a window that was covered with cobwebs. He never opened the window. Once on a hot day in August he tried but found it stuck fast and after that he forgot all about it.
Winesburg had forgotten the old man, but in Doctor Reefy there were the seeds of something very fine. Alone in his musty office in the Heffner Block above the Paris Dry Goods Company's store, he worked ceaselessly, building up something that he himself destroyed. Little pyramids of truth he erected and after erecting knocked them down again that he might have the truths to erect other pyramids.
Doctor Reefy was a tall man who had worn one suit of clothes for ten years. It was frayed at the sleeves and little holes had appeared at the knees and elbows. In the office he wore also a linen duster with huge pockets into which he continually stuffed scraps of paper. After some weeks the scraps of paper became little hard round balls, and when the pockets were filled he dumped themout upon the floor. For ten years he had but one friend, another old man named John Spaniard who owned a tree nursery. Sometimes, in a playful mood, old Doctor Reefy took from his pockets a handful of the paper balls and threw them at the nursery man. "'That is to confound you, you blithering old sentimentalist," he cried, shaking with laughter.
The story of Doctor Reefy and his courtship of the tall dark girl who became his wife and left her money to him is a very curious story. It is delicious, like the twisted little apples that grow in the orchards of Winesburg. In the fall one walks in the orchards and the ground is hard with frostunder foot. The apples have been taken from the trees by the pickers. They have been put inbarrels and shipped to the cities where they will be eaten in apartments that are filled with books, magazines, furniture, and people. On the trees are only a few gnarled apples that the pickers haverejected. They look like the knuckles of Doctor Reefy' s hands. One nibbles at them and they are delicious. Into a little round place at the side of the apple has been gathered all of its sweetness.One runs from tree to tree over the frosted ground picking the gnarled, twisted apples and filling his pockets with them. Only the few know the sweetness of the twisted apples.
The girl and Doctor Reefy began their courtship on a summer afternoon. He was forty-fivethen and already he had begun the practice of filling his pockets with the scraps of paper thatbecame hard balls and were thrown away. The habit had been formed as he sat in his buggy behind the jaded grey horse and went slowly along country roads. On the papers were written thoughts, ends of thoughts, beginnings of thoughts.
One by one the mind of Doctor Reefy had made the thoughts. Out of many of them heformed a truth that arose gigantic in his mind. The truth clouded the world. It became terrible and then faded away and the little thoughts began again.
The tall dark girl came to see Doctor Reefy because she was in the family way and hadbecome frightened. She was in that condition because of a series of circumstances also curious.
The death of her father and mother and the rich acres of land that had come down to her had seta train of suitors on her heels. For two years she saw suitors almost every evening. Except twothey were all alike. They talked to her of passion and there was a strained eager quality in their voices and in their eyes when they looked at her. The two who were different were much unlikeeach other. One of them, a slender young man with white hands, the son of a jeweler in Winesburg, talked continually of virginity. When he was with her he was never off the subject. Theother, a black-haired boy with large ears, said nothing at all but always managed to get her into the darkness, where he began to kiss her.
For a time the tall dark girl thought she would marry the jeweler's son. For hours she sat in silence listening as he talked to her and then she began to be afraid of something. Beneath his talk of virginity she began to think there was a lust greater than in all the others. At times it seemed to her that as he talked he was holding her body in his hands. She imagined him turning it slowly about inthe white hands and staring at it. At night she dreamed that he had bitten into her body and that his jaws were dripping. She had the dream three times, then she became in the family way to theone who said nothing at all but who in the moment of his passion actually did bite her shoulder sothat for days the marks of his teeth showed.
After the tall dark girl came to know Doctor Reefy it seemed to her that she never wanted to leavehim again. She went into his office one morning and without her saying anything he seemed to know what had happened to her.
In the office of the doctor there was a woman, the wife of the man who kept the bookstore in Winesburg. Like all old-fashioned country practitioners, Doctor Reefy pulled teeth, and the woman who waited held a handkerchief to her teeth and groaned. Her husband was with her and when the tooth was taken out they both screamed and blood ran down on the woman's white dress.The tall dark girl did not pay any attention. When the woman and the man had gone the doctor smiled. "I will take you driving into the country with me," he said.
For several weeks the tall dark girl and the doctor were together almost every day. The condition that had brought her to him passed in an illness, but she was like one who has discovered the sweetness of the twisted apples, she could not get her mind fixed again upon theround perfect fruit that is eaten in the city apartments. In the fall after the beginning of her acquaintanceship with him she married Doctor Reefy and in the following spring she died. During the winter he read to her all of the odds and ends of thoughts he had scribbled on the bits of paper. After he had read them he laughed and stuffed them away in his pockets to become round hard balls. | 238.txt | 1 |
[
"They worry about school.",
"They dislike living with their parents.",
"They have to be locked in to avoid troubles.",
"They quarrel a lot with other family members."
] | What is the popular image of teenagers today? | The evidence for harmony may not be obvious insome families. But it seems that four out of fiveyoung people now get on with their parents, which isthe opposite of the popularly-held imageofunhappy teenagers locked in their room afterendless family quarrels.
An important new study into teenage attitudessurprisingly shows that their family life is more harmonious than it has ever been in thepast."We were surprised by just how positive today's young people seem to be about theirfamilies," said one member of the research team. "They're expected to be rebelliousandselfish, but actually they have other things on their minds: they want a car and material goods,and they worry about whether school is serving them well. There's more negotiationanddiscussion between parents and children, and children expect to take part in the familydecision-making process. They don't want to rock the boat."
So it seems that this generation of parents is much more likely than parents of 30 years ago totreat their children as friends."My parents are happy to discuss things with me and willing tolisten to me," says 17-year-old Daniel Lazall. "I always tell them when I'm going out clubbing.As long as they know what I'm doing, they're fine with it." Susan Crome, who is now 21,agrees. "Looking back on the last 10 years, there was a lot of what you could call negotiation.For example, as long as I'd done all my homework, I could go out on a Saturday night. But Ithink my grandparents were a lot stricter with my parents than that."
Maybe this positive view of family life should not be unexpected. It is possible that the idea ofteenage rebellion is not rooted in real facts. A researcher comments,"Our surprise thatteenagers say they get along well with their parents comes because of a brief period in oursocial history when teenagers were regarded as different beings. But that idea of rebelling andbreaking away from their parents really only happened during that one time in the 1960s wheneveryone rebelled. The normal situation throughout history has been a smooth change fromhelping out with the family business to taking it over." | 2423.txt | 3 |
[
"share family responsibility",
"cause trouble in their families",
"go boating with their family",
"make family decisions"
] | The study shows that teenagers don't want to _ . | The evidence for harmony may not be obvious insome families. But it seems that four out of fiveyoung people now get on with their parents, which isthe opposite of the popularly-held imageofunhappy teenagers locked in their room afterendless family quarrels.
An important new study into teenage attitudessurprisingly shows that their family life is more harmonious than it has ever been in thepast."We were surprised by just how positive today's young people seem to be about theirfamilies," said one member of the research team. "They're expected to be rebelliousandselfish, but actually they have other things on their minds: they want a car and material goods,and they worry about whether school is serving them well. There's more negotiationanddiscussion between parents and children, and children expect to take part in the familydecision-making process. They don't want to rock the boat."
So it seems that this generation of parents is much more likely than parents of 30 years ago totreat their children as friends."My parents are happy to discuss things with me and willing tolisten to me," says 17-year-old Daniel Lazall. "I always tell them when I'm going out clubbing.As long as they know what I'm doing, they're fine with it." Susan Crome, who is now 21,agrees. "Looking back on the last 10 years, there was a lot of what you could call negotiation.For example, as long as I'd done all my homework, I could go out on a Saturday night. But Ithink my grandparents were a lot stricter with my parents than that."
Maybe this positive view of family life should not be unexpected. It is possible that the idea ofteenage rebellion is not rooted in real facts. A researcher comments,"Our surprise thatteenagers say they get along well with their parents comes because of a brief period in oursocial history when teenagers were regarded as different beings. But that idea of rebelling andbreaking away from their parents really only happened during that one time in the 1960s wheneveryone rebelled. The normal situation throughout history has been a smooth change fromhelping out with the family business to taking it over." | 2423.txt | 1 |
[
"go to clubs more often with their children",
"are much stricter with their children",
"care less about their children's life",
"give their children more freedom"
] | Compared with parents of 30 years ago, today's parents _ . | The evidence for harmony may not be obvious insome families. But it seems that four out of fiveyoung people now get on with their parents, which isthe opposite of the popularly-held imageofunhappy teenagers locked in their room afterendless family quarrels.
An important new study into teenage attitudessurprisingly shows that their family life is more harmonious than it has ever been in thepast."We were surprised by just how positive today's young people seem to be about theirfamilies," said one member of the research team. "They're expected to be rebelliousandselfish, but actually they have other things on their minds: they want a car and material goods,and they worry about whether school is serving them well. There's more negotiationanddiscussion between parents and children, and children expect to take part in the familydecision-making process. They don't want to rock the boat."
So it seems that this generation of parents is much more likely than parents of 30 years ago totreat their children as friends."My parents are happy to discuss things with me and willing tolisten to me," says 17-year-old Daniel Lazall. "I always tell them when I'm going out clubbing.As long as they know what I'm doing, they're fine with it." Susan Crome, who is now 21,agrees. "Looking back on the last 10 years, there was a lot of what you could call negotiation.For example, as long as I'd done all my homework, I could go out on a Saturday night. But Ithink my grandparents were a lot stricter with my parents than that."
Maybe this positive view of family life should not be unexpected. It is possible that the idea ofteenage rebellion is not rooted in real facts. A researcher comments,"Our surprise thatteenagers say they get along well with their parents comes because of a brief period in oursocial history when teenagers were regarded as different beings. But that idea of rebelling andbreaking away from their parents really only happened during that one time in the 1960s wheneveryone rebelled. The normal situation throughout history has been a smooth change fromhelping out with the family business to taking it over." | 2423.txt | 3 |
[
"may be a false belief",
"is common nowadays",
"existed only in the 1960s",
"resulted from changes in families"
] | According to the author, teenage rebellion _ . | The evidence for harmony may not be obvious insome families. But it seems that four out of fiveyoung people now get on with their parents, which isthe opposite of the popularly-held imageofunhappy teenagers locked in their room afterendless family quarrels.
An important new study into teenage attitudessurprisingly shows that their family life is more harmonious than it has ever been in thepast."We were surprised by just how positive today's young people seem to be about theirfamilies," said one member of the research team. "They're expected to be rebelliousandselfish, but actually they have other things on their minds: they want a car and material goods,and they worry about whether school is serving them well. There's more negotiationanddiscussion between parents and children, and children expect to take part in the familydecision-making process. They don't want to rock the boat."
So it seems that this generation of parents is much more likely than parents of 30 years ago totreat their children as friends."My parents are happy to discuss things with me and willing tolisten to me," says 17-year-old Daniel Lazall. "I always tell them when I'm going out clubbing.As long as they know what I'm doing, they're fine with it." Susan Crome, who is now 21,agrees. "Looking back on the last 10 years, there was a lot of what you could call negotiation.For example, as long as I'd done all my homework, I could go out on a Saturday night. But Ithink my grandparents were a lot stricter with my parents than that."
Maybe this positive view of family life should not be unexpected. It is possible that the idea ofteenage rebellion is not rooted in real facts. A researcher comments,"Our surprise thatteenagers say they get along well with their parents comes because of a brief period in oursocial history when teenagers were regarded as different beings. But that idea of rebelling andbreaking away from their parents really only happened during that one time in the 1960s wheneveryone rebelled. The normal situation throughout history has been a smooth change fromhelping out with the family business to taking it over." | 2423.txt | 0 |
[
"Negotiation in family.",
"Education in family.",
"Harmony in family.",
"Teenage trouble in family."
] | What is the passage mainly about? | The evidence for harmony may not be obvious insome families. But it seems that four out of fiveyoung people now get on with their parents, which isthe opposite of the popularly-held imageofunhappy teenagers locked in their room afterendless family quarrels.
An important new study into teenage attitudessurprisingly shows that their family life is more harmonious than it has ever been in thepast."We were surprised by just how positive today's young people seem to be about theirfamilies," said one member of the research team. "They're expected to be rebelliousandselfish, but actually they have other things on their minds: they want a car and material goods,and they worry about whether school is serving them well. There's more negotiationanddiscussion between parents and children, and children expect to take part in the familydecision-making process. They don't want to rock the boat."
So it seems that this generation of parents is much more likely than parents of 30 years ago totreat their children as friends."My parents are happy to discuss things with me and willing tolisten to me," says 17-year-old Daniel Lazall. "I always tell them when I'm going out clubbing.As long as they know what I'm doing, they're fine with it." Susan Crome, who is now 21,agrees. "Looking back on the last 10 years, there was a lot of what you could call negotiation.For example, as long as I'd done all my homework, I could go out on a Saturday night. But Ithink my grandparents were a lot stricter with my parents than that."
Maybe this positive view of family life should not be unexpected. It is possible that the idea ofteenage rebellion is not rooted in real facts. A researcher comments,"Our surprise thatteenagers say they get along well with their parents comes because of a brief period in oursocial history when teenagers were regarded as different beings. But that idea of rebelling andbreaking away from their parents really only happened during that one time in the 1960s wheneveryone rebelled. The normal situation throughout history has been a smooth change fromhelping out with the family business to taking it over." | 2423.txt | 2 |
[
"strange",
"rapid",
"seasonal",
"essential"
] | The word "curious" in the passage is closest in meaning to | A large, swift stream or river can carry all sizes of particles, from clay to boulders. When the current slows down, its competence (how much it can carry) decreases and the stream deposits the largest particles in the streambed. If current velocity continues to decrease - as a flood wanes, for example - finer particles settle out on top of the large ones. Thus, a stream sorts its sediment according to size. A waning flood might deposit a layer of gravel, overlain by sand and finally topped by silt and clay. Streams also sort sediment in the downstream direction. Many mountain streams are choked with boulders and cobbles, but far downstream, their deltas are composed mainly of fine silt and clay. This downstream sorting is curious because stream velocity generally increases in the downstream direction. Competence increases with velocity, so a river should be able to transport larger particles than its tributaries carry. One explanation for downstream sorting is that abrasion wears away the boulders and cobbles to sand and silt as the sediment moves downstream over the years. Thus, only the fine sediment reaches the lower parts of most rivers.
A stream deposits its sediment in three environments: Alluvial fans and deltas form where stream gradient (angle of incline) suddenly decreases as a stream enters a flat plain, a lake, or the sea; floodplain deposits accumulate on a floodplain adjacent to the stream channel; and channel deposits form in the stream channel itself. Bars, which are elongated mounds of sediment, are transient features that form in the stream channel and on the banks. They commonly form in one year and erode the next. Rivers used for commercial navigation must be recharged frequently because bars shift from year to year. Imagine a winding stream. The water on the outside of the curve moves faster than the water on the inside. The stream erodes its outside bank because the current's inertia drives it into the outside bank. At the same time, the slower water on the inside point of the bend deposits sediment, forming a point bar. A mid-channel bar is a sandy and gravelly deposit that forms in the middle of a stream channel.
Most streams flow in a single channel. In contrast, a braided stream flows in many shallow, interconnecting channels. A braided stream forms where more sediment is supplied to a stream than it can carry. The stream dumps the excess sediment, forming mid-channel bars. The bars gradually fill a channel, forcing the stream to overflow its banks and erode new channels. As a result, a braided stream flows simultaneously in several channels and shifts back and forth across its floodplain. Braided streams are common in both deserts and glacial environments because both produce abundant sediment. A desert yields large amounts of sediment because it has little or no vegetation to prevent erosion. Glaciers grind bedrock into fine sediment, which is carried by streams flowing from the melting ice. If a steep mountain stream flows onto a flat plain, its gradient and velocity decrease sharply. As a result, it deposits most of its sediment in a fan-shaped mound called an alluvial fan. Alluvial fans are common in many arid and semiarid mountainous regions.
A stream also slows abruptly where it enters the still water of a lake or ocean. The sediment settles out to form a nearly flat landform called a delta. Part of the delta lies above water level, and the remainder lies slightly below water level. Deltas are commonly fan-shaped, resembling the Greek letter "delta" (β). Both deltas and alluvial fans change rapidly. Sediment fills channels (waterways), which are then abandoned while new channels develop as in a braided stream. As a result, a stream feeding a delta or fan splits into many channels called distributaries. A large delta may spread out in this manner until it covers thousands of square kilometers. Most fans, however, are much smaller, covering a fraction of a square kilometer to a few square kilometers. The Mississippi River has flowed through seven different delta channels during the past 5,000 to 6,000 years. But in recent years, engineers have built great systems of levees (retaining walls) in attempts to stabilize the channels. | 4111.txt | 0 |
[
"downstream sorting decreases",
"flooding wanes",
"the speed of the current increases",
"the size of particles increases"
] | According to paragraph 1, the competence of a stream increases as | A large, swift stream or river can carry all sizes of particles, from clay to boulders. When the current slows down, its competence (how much it can carry) decreases and the stream deposits the largest particles in the streambed. If current velocity continues to decrease - as a flood wanes, for example - finer particles settle out on top of the large ones. Thus, a stream sorts its sediment according to size. A waning flood might deposit a layer of gravel, overlain by sand and finally topped by silt and clay. Streams also sort sediment in the downstream direction. Many mountain streams are choked with boulders and cobbles, but far downstream, their deltas are composed mainly of fine silt and clay. This downstream sorting is curious because stream velocity generally increases in the downstream direction. Competence increases with velocity, so a river should be able to transport larger particles than its tributaries carry. One explanation for downstream sorting is that abrasion wears away the boulders and cobbles to sand and silt as the sediment moves downstream over the years. Thus, only the fine sediment reaches the lower parts of most rivers.
A stream deposits its sediment in three environments: Alluvial fans and deltas form where stream gradient (angle of incline) suddenly decreases as a stream enters a flat plain, a lake, or the sea; floodplain deposits accumulate on a floodplain adjacent to the stream channel; and channel deposits form in the stream channel itself. Bars, which are elongated mounds of sediment, are transient features that form in the stream channel and on the banks. They commonly form in one year and erode the next. Rivers used for commercial navigation must be recharged frequently because bars shift from year to year. Imagine a winding stream. The water on the outside of the curve moves faster than the water on the inside. The stream erodes its outside bank because the current's inertia drives it into the outside bank. At the same time, the slower water on the inside point of the bend deposits sediment, forming a point bar. A mid-channel bar is a sandy and gravelly deposit that forms in the middle of a stream channel.
Most streams flow in a single channel. In contrast, a braided stream flows in many shallow, interconnecting channels. A braided stream forms where more sediment is supplied to a stream than it can carry. The stream dumps the excess sediment, forming mid-channel bars. The bars gradually fill a channel, forcing the stream to overflow its banks and erode new channels. As a result, a braided stream flows simultaneously in several channels and shifts back and forth across its floodplain. Braided streams are common in both deserts and glacial environments because both produce abundant sediment. A desert yields large amounts of sediment because it has little or no vegetation to prevent erosion. Glaciers grind bedrock into fine sediment, which is carried by streams flowing from the melting ice. If a steep mountain stream flows onto a flat plain, its gradient and velocity decrease sharply. As a result, it deposits most of its sediment in a fan-shaped mound called an alluvial fan. Alluvial fans are common in many arid and semiarid mountainous regions.
A stream also slows abruptly where it enters the still water of a lake or ocean. The sediment settles out to form a nearly flat landform called a delta. Part of the delta lies above water level, and the remainder lies slightly below water level. Deltas are commonly fan-shaped, resembling the Greek letter "delta" (β). Both deltas and alluvial fans change rapidly. Sediment fills channels (waterways), which are then abandoned while new channels develop as in a braided stream. As a result, a stream feeding a delta or fan splits into many channels called distributaries. A large delta may spread out in this manner until it covers thousands of square kilometers. Most fans, however, are much smaller, covering a fraction of a square kilometer to a few square kilometers. The Mississippi River has flowed through seven different delta channels during the past 5,000 to 6,000 years. But in recent years, engineers have built great systems of levees (retaining walls) in attempts to stabilize the channels. | 4111.txt | 2 |
[
"Most of the particles in mountain streams pile up behind boulders and cobbles.",
"When particles of different sizes settle in a place, the smaller ones sit atop the larger ones.",
"There are generally more large particles upstream than downstream in a river.",
"In some situations, downstream particles are created from rocks that eroded as they traveled downstream."
] | According to paragraph 1, all of the following are true of stream sorting EXCEPT: | A large, swift stream or river can carry all sizes of particles, from clay to boulders. When the current slows down, its competence (how much it can carry) decreases and the stream deposits the largest particles in the streambed. If current velocity continues to decrease - as a flood wanes, for example - finer particles settle out on top of the large ones. Thus, a stream sorts its sediment according to size. A waning flood might deposit a layer of gravel, overlain by sand and finally topped by silt and clay. Streams also sort sediment in the downstream direction. Many mountain streams are choked with boulders and cobbles, but far downstream, their deltas are composed mainly of fine silt and clay. This downstream sorting is curious because stream velocity generally increases in the downstream direction. Competence increases with velocity, so a river should be able to transport larger particles than its tributaries carry. One explanation for downstream sorting is that abrasion wears away the boulders and cobbles to sand and silt as the sediment moves downstream over the years. Thus, only the fine sediment reaches the lower parts of most rivers.
A stream deposits its sediment in three environments: Alluvial fans and deltas form where stream gradient (angle of incline) suddenly decreases as a stream enters a flat plain, a lake, or the sea; floodplain deposits accumulate on a floodplain adjacent to the stream channel; and channel deposits form in the stream channel itself. Bars, which are elongated mounds of sediment, are transient features that form in the stream channel and on the banks. They commonly form in one year and erode the next. Rivers used for commercial navigation must be recharged frequently because bars shift from year to year. Imagine a winding stream. The water on the outside of the curve moves faster than the water on the inside. The stream erodes its outside bank because the current's inertia drives it into the outside bank. At the same time, the slower water on the inside point of the bend deposits sediment, forming a point bar. A mid-channel bar is a sandy and gravelly deposit that forms in the middle of a stream channel.
Most streams flow in a single channel. In contrast, a braided stream flows in many shallow, interconnecting channels. A braided stream forms where more sediment is supplied to a stream than it can carry. The stream dumps the excess sediment, forming mid-channel bars. The bars gradually fill a channel, forcing the stream to overflow its banks and erode new channels. As a result, a braided stream flows simultaneously in several channels and shifts back and forth across its floodplain. Braided streams are common in both deserts and glacial environments because both produce abundant sediment. A desert yields large amounts of sediment because it has little or no vegetation to prevent erosion. Glaciers grind bedrock into fine sediment, which is carried by streams flowing from the melting ice. If a steep mountain stream flows onto a flat plain, its gradient and velocity decrease sharply. As a result, it deposits most of its sediment in a fan-shaped mound called an alluvial fan. Alluvial fans are common in many arid and semiarid mountainous regions.
A stream also slows abruptly where it enters the still water of a lake or ocean. The sediment settles out to form a nearly flat landform called a delta. Part of the delta lies above water level, and the remainder lies slightly below water level. Deltas are commonly fan-shaped, resembling the Greek letter "delta" (β). Both deltas and alluvial fans change rapidly. Sediment fills channels (waterways), which are then abandoned while new channels develop as in a braided stream. As a result, a stream feeding a delta or fan splits into many channels called distributaries. A large delta may spread out in this manner until it covers thousands of square kilometers. Most fans, however, are much smaller, covering a fraction of a square kilometer to a few square kilometers. The Mississippi River has flowed through seven different delta channels during the past 5,000 to 6,000 years. But in recent years, engineers have built great systems of levees (retaining walls) in attempts to stabilize the channels. | 4111.txt | 0 |
[
"begin",
"appear",
"build up",
"spread"
] | The word "accumulate" in the passage is closest in meaning to | A large, swift stream or river can carry all sizes of particles, from clay to boulders. When the current slows down, its competence (how much it can carry) decreases and the stream deposits the largest particles in the streambed. If current velocity continues to decrease - as a flood wanes, for example - finer particles settle out on top of the large ones. Thus, a stream sorts its sediment according to size. A waning flood might deposit a layer of gravel, overlain by sand and finally topped by silt and clay. Streams also sort sediment in the downstream direction. Many mountain streams are choked with boulders and cobbles, but far downstream, their deltas are composed mainly of fine silt and clay. This downstream sorting is curious because stream velocity generally increases in the downstream direction. Competence increases with velocity, so a river should be able to transport larger particles than its tributaries carry. One explanation for downstream sorting is that abrasion wears away the boulders and cobbles to sand and silt as the sediment moves downstream over the years. Thus, only the fine sediment reaches the lower parts of most rivers.
A stream deposits its sediment in three environments: Alluvial fans and deltas form where stream gradient (angle of incline) suddenly decreases as a stream enters a flat plain, a lake, or the sea; floodplain deposits accumulate on a floodplain adjacent to the stream channel; and channel deposits form in the stream channel itself. Bars, which are elongated mounds of sediment, are transient features that form in the stream channel and on the banks. They commonly form in one year and erode the next. Rivers used for commercial navigation must be recharged frequently because bars shift from year to year. Imagine a winding stream. The water on the outside of the curve moves faster than the water on the inside. The stream erodes its outside bank because the current's inertia drives it into the outside bank. At the same time, the slower water on the inside point of the bend deposits sediment, forming a point bar. A mid-channel bar is a sandy and gravelly deposit that forms in the middle of a stream channel.
Most streams flow in a single channel. In contrast, a braided stream flows in many shallow, interconnecting channels. A braided stream forms where more sediment is supplied to a stream than it can carry. The stream dumps the excess sediment, forming mid-channel bars. The bars gradually fill a channel, forcing the stream to overflow its banks and erode new channels. As a result, a braided stream flows simultaneously in several channels and shifts back and forth across its floodplain. Braided streams are common in both deserts and glacial environments because both produce abundant sediment. A desert yields large amounts of sediment because it has little or no vegetation to prevent erosion. Glaciers grind bedrock into fine sediment, which is carried by streams flowing from the melting ice. If a steep mountain stream flows onto a flat plain, its gradient and velocity decrease sharply. As a result, it deposits most of its sediment in a fan-shaped mound called an alluvial fan. Alluvial fans are common in many arid and semiarid mountainous regions.
A stream also slows abruptly where it enters the still water of a lake or ocean. The sediment settles out to form a nearly flat landform called a delta. Part of the delta lies above water level, and the remainder lies slightly below water level. Deltas are commonly fan-shaped, resembling the Greek letter "delta" (β). Both deltas and alluvial fans change rapidly. Sediment fills channels (waterways), which are then abandoned while new channels develop as in a braided stream. As a result, a stream feeding a delta or fan splits into many channels called distributaries. A large delta may spread out in this manner until it covers thousands of square kilometers. Most fans, however, are much smaller, covering a fraction of a square kilometer to a few square kilometers. The Mississippi River has flowed through seven different delta channels during the past 5,000 to 6,000 years. But in recent years, engineers have built great systems of levees (retaining walls) in attempts to stabilize the channels. | 4111.txt | 2 |
[
"They start forming in the stream channel and then expand over the banks.",
"They seldom form in rivers that are used for commercial navigation.",
"They tend to grow longer each year.",
"They often last no more than a year."
] | According to paragraph 2, which of the following is true about bars in streams? | A large, swift stream or river can carry all sizes of particles, from clay to boulders. When the current slows down, its competence (how much it can carry) decreases and the stream deposits the largest particles in the streambed. If current velocity continues to decrease - as a flood wanes, for example - finer particles settle out on top of the large ones. Thus, a stream sorts its sediment according to size. A waning flood might deposit a layer of gravel, overlain by sand and finally topped by silt and clay. Streams also sort sediment in the downstream direction. Many mountain streams are choked with boulders and cobbles, but far downstream, their deltas are composed mainly of fine silt and clay. This downstream sorting is curious because stream velocity generally increases in the downstream direction. Competence increases with velocity, so a river should be able to transport larger particles than its tributaries carry. One explanation for downstream sorting is that abrasion wears away the boulders and cobbles to sand and silt as the sediment moves downstream over the years. Thus, only the fine sediment reaches the lower parts of most rivers.
A stream deposits its sediment in three environments: Alluvial fans and deltas form where stream gradient (angle of incline) suddenly decreases as a stream enters a flat plain, a lake, or the sea; floodplain deposits accumulate on a floodplain adjacent to the stream channel; and channel deposits form in the stream channel itself. Bars, which are elongated mounds of sediment, are transient features that form in the stream channel and on the banks. They commonly form in one year and erode the next. Rivers used for commercial navigation must be recharged frequently because bars shift from year to year. Imagine a winding stream. The water on the outside of the curve moves faster than the water on the inside. The stream erodes its outside bank because the current's inertia drives it into the outside bank. At the same time, the slower water on the inside point of the bend deposits sediment, forming a point bar. A mid-channel bar is a sandy and gravelly deposit that forms in the middle of a stream channel.
Most streams flow in a single channel. In contrast, a braided stream flows in many shallow, interconnecting channels. A braided stream forms where more sediment is supplied to a stream than it can carry. The stream dumps the excess sediment, forming mid-channel bars. The bars gradually fill a channel, forcing the stream to overflow its banks and erode new channels. As a result, a braided stream flows simultaneously in several channels and shifts back and forth across its floodplain. Braided streams are common in both deserts and glacial environments because both produce abundant sediment. A desert yields large amounts of sediment because it has little or no vegetation to prevent erosion. Glaciers grind bedrock into fine sediment, which is carried by streams flowing from the melting ice. If a steep mountain stream flows onto a flat plain, its gradient and velocity decrease sharply. As a result, it deposits most of its sediment in a fan-shaped mound called an alluvial fan. Alluvial fans are common in many arid and semiarid mountainous regions.
A stream also slows abruptly where it enters the still water of a lake or ocean. The sediment settles out to form a nearly flat landform called a delta. Part of the delta lies above water level, and the remainder lies slightly below water level. Deltas are commonly fan-shaped, resembling the Greek letter "delta" (β). Both deltas and alluvial fans change rapidly. Sediment fills channels (waterways), which are then abandoned while new channels develop as in a braided stream. As a result, a stream feeding a delta or fan splits into many channels called distributaries. A large delta may spread out in this manner until it covers thousands of square kilometers. Most fans, however, are much smaller, covering a fraction of a square kilometer to a few square kilometers. The Mississippi River has flowed through seven different delta channels during the past 5,000 to 6,000 years. But in recent years, engineers have built great systems of levees (retaining walls) in attempts to stabilize the channels. | 4111.txt | 3 |
[
"To explain how the presence of bars changes the speed and direction of water flow in a stream",
"To explain why bars are more common than alluvial fans or other types of sediment deposits",
"To illustrate the particular difficulties that commercial navigation faces on many rivers",
"To help explain how point bars are formed"
] | Why does the author ask the reader to "Imagine a winding stream"? | A large, swift stream or river can carry all sizes of particles, from clay to boulders. When the current slows down, its competence (how much it can carry) decreases and the stream deposits the largest particles in the streambed. If current velocity continues to decrease - as a flood wanes, for example - finer particles settle out on top of the large ones. Thus, a stream sorts its sediment according to size. A waning flood might deposit a layer of gravel, overlain by sand and finally topped by silt and clay. Streams also sort sediment in the downstream direction. Many mountain streams are choked with boulders and cobbles, but far downstream, their deltas are composed mainly of fine silt and clay. This downstream sorting is curious because stream velocity generally increases in the downstream direction. Competence increases with velocity, so a river should be able to transport larger particles than its tributaries carry. One explanation for downstream sorting is that abrasion wears away the boulders and cobbles to sand and silt as the sediment moves downstream over the years. Thus, only the fine sediment reaches the lower parts of most rivers.
A stream deposits its sediment in three environments: Alluvial fans and deltas form where stream gradient (angle of incline) suddenly decreases as a stream enters a flat plain, a lake, or the sea; floodplain deposits accumulate on a floodplain adjacent to the stream channel; and channel deposits form in the stream channel itself. Bars, which are elongated mounds of sediment, are transient features that form in the stream channel and on the banks. They commonly form in one year and erode the next. Rivers used for commercial navigation must be recharged frequently because bars shift from year to year. Imagine a winding stream. The water on the outside of the curve moves faster than the water on the inside. The stream erodes its outside bank because the current's inertia drives it into the outside bank. At the same time, the slower water on the inside point of the bend deposits sediment, forming a point bar. A mid-channel bar is a sandy and gravelly deposit that forms in the middle of a stream channel.
Most streams flow in a single channel. In contrast, a braided stream flows in many shallow, interconnecting channels. A braided stream forms where more sediment is supplied to a stream than it can carry. The stream dumps the excess sediment, forming mid-channel bars. The bars gradually fill a channel, forcing the stream to overflow its banks and erode new channels. As a result, a braided stream flows simultaneously in several channels and shifts back and forth across its floodplain. Braided streams are common in both deserts and glacial environments because both produce abundant sediment. A desert yields large amounts of sediment because it has little or no vegetation to prevent erosion. Glaciers grind bedrock into fine sediment, which is carried by streams flowing from the melting ice. If a steep mountain stream flows onto a flat plain, its gradient and velocity decrease sharply. As a result, it deposits most of its sediment in a fan-shaped mound called an alluvial fan. Alluvial fans are common in many arid and semiarid mountainous regions.
A stream also slows abruptly where it enters the still water of a lake or ocean. The sediment settles out to form a nearly flat landform called a delta. Part of the delta lies above water level, and the remainder lies slightly below water level. Deltas are commonly fan-shaped, resembling the Greek letter "delta" (β). Both deltas and alluvial fans change rapidly. Sediment fills channels (waterways), which are then abandoned while new channels develop as in a braided stream. As a result, a stream feeding a delta or fan splits into many channels called distributaries. A large delta may spread out in this manner until it covers thousands of square kilometers. Most fans, however, are much smaller, covering a fraction of a square kilometer to a few square kilometers. The Mississippi River has flowed through seven different delta channels during the past 5,000 to 6,000 years. But in recent years, engineers have built great systems of levees (retaining walls) in attempts to stabilize the channels. | 4111.txt | 3 |
[
"They shift back and forth on the floodplain as some of their channels fill with sediment and new ones are formed.",
"They carry sediments that tend to be very similar in size.",
"They sometimes have mid-channel bars.",
"Some of their channels are created as a result of the overflow of other channels."
] | According to paragraph 3, all of the following are true of braided streams EXCEPT: | A large, swift stream or river can carry all sizes of particles, from clay to boulders. When the current slows down, its competence (how much it can carry) decreases and the stream deposits the largest particles in the streambed. If current velocity continues to decrease - as a flood wanes, for example - finer particles settle out on top of the large ones. Thus, a stream sorts its sediment according to size. A waning flood might deposit a layer of gravel, overlain by sand and finally topped by silt and clay. Streams also sort sediment in the downstream direction. Many mountain streams are choked with boulders and cobbles, but far downstream, their deltas are composed mainly of fine silt and clay. This downstream sorting is curious because stream velocity generally increases in the downstream direction. Competence increases with velocity, so a river should be able to transport larger particles than its tributaries carry. One explanation for downstream sorting is that abrasion wears away the boulders and cobbles to sand and silt as the sediment moves downstream over the years. Thus, only the fine sediment reaches the lower parts of most rivers.
A stream deposits its sediment in three environments: Alluvial fans and deltas form where stream gradient (angle of incline) suddenly decreases as a stream enters a flat plain, a lake, or the sea; floodplain deposits accumulate on a floodplain adjacent to the stream channel; and channel deposits form in the stream channel itself. Bars, which are elongated mounds of sediment, are transient features that form in the stream channel and on the banks. They commonly form in one year and erode the next. Rivers used for commercial navigation must be recharged frequently because bars shift from year to year. Imagine a winding stream. The water on the outside of the curve moves faster than the water on the inside. The stream erodes its outside bank because the current's inertia drives it into the outside bank. At the same time, the slower water on the inside point of the bend deposits sediment, forming a point bar. A mid-channel bar is a sandy and gravelly deposit that forms in the middle of a stream channel.
Most streams flow in a single channel. In contrast, a braided stream flows in many shallow, interconnecting channels. A braided stream forms where more sediment is supplied to a stream than it can carry. The stream dumps the excess sediment, forming mid-channel bars. The bars gradually fill a channel, forcing the stream to overflow its banks and erode new channels. As a result, a braided stream flows simultaneously in several channels and shifts back and forth across its floodplain. Braided streams are common in both deserts and glacial environments because both produce abundant sediment. A desert yields large amounts of sediment because it has little or no vegetation to prevent erosion. Glaciers grind bedrock into fine sediment, which is carried by streams flowing from the melting ice. If a steep mountain stream flows onto a flat plain, its gradient and velocity decrease sharply. As a result, it deposits most of its sediment in a fan-shaped mound called an alluvial fan. Alluvial fans are common in many arid and semiarid mountainous regions.
A stream also slows abruptly where it enters the still water of a lake or ocean. The sediment settles out to form a nearly flat landform called a delta. Part of the delta lies above water level, and the remainder lies slightly below water level. Deltas are commonly fan-shaped, resembling the Greek letter "delta" (β). Both deltas and alluvial fans change rapidly. Sediment fills channels (waterways), which are then abandoned while new channels develop as in a braided stream. As a result, a stream feeding a delta or fan splits into many channels called distributaries. A large delta may spread out in this manner until it covers thousands of square kilometers. Most fans, however, are much smaller, covering a fraction of a square kilometer to a few square kilometers. The Mississippi River has flowed through seven different delta channels during the past 5,000 to 6,000 years. But in recent years, engineers have built great systems of levees (retaining walls) in attempts to stabilize the channels. | 4111.txt | 1 |
[
"To give a reason why heavily sedimented braided streams are common in glacial environments",
"To explain why some mountain streams deposit most of their sediment in a fan-shaped mound",
"To identify the most common source of sediment in arid and semiarid mountainous regions",
"To help explain why glacial sediment decreases the gradient and velocity of steep mountain streams"
] | Why does the author include the information that "Glaciers grind bedrock into fine sediment, which is carried by streams flowing from the melting ice"? | A large, swift stream or river can carry all sizes of particles, from clay to boulders. When the current slows down, its competence (how much it can carry) decreases and the stream deposits the largest particles in the streambed. If current velocity continues to decrease - as a flood wanes, for example - finer particles settle out on top of the large ones. Thus, a stream sorts its sediment according to size. A waning flood might deposit a layer of gravel, overlain by sand and finally topped by silt and clay. Streams also sort sediment in the downstream direction. Many mountain streams are choked with boulders and cobbles, but far downstream, their deltas are composed mainly of fine silt and clay. This downstream sorting is curious because stream velocity generally increases in the downstream direction. Competence increases with velocity, so a river should be able to transport larger particles than its tributaries carry. One explanation for downstream sorting is that abrasion wears away the boulders and cobbles to sand and silt as the sediment moves downstream over the years. Thus, only the fine sediment reaches the lower parts of most rivers.
A stream deposits its sediment in three environments: Alluvial fans and deltas form where stream gradient (angle of incline) suddenly decreases as a stream enters a flat plain, a lake, or the sea; floodplain deposits accumulate on a floodplain adjacent to the stream channel; and channel deposits form in the stream channel itself. Bars, which are elongated mounds of sediment, are transient features that form in the stream channel and on the banks. They commonly form in one year and erode the next. Rivers used for commercial navigation must be recharged frequently because bars shift from year to year. Imagine a winding stream. The water on the outside of the curve moves faster than the water on the inside. The stream erodes its outside bank because the current's inertia drives it into the outside bank. At the same time, the slower water on the inside point of the bend deposits sediment, forming a point bar. A mid-channel bar is a sandy and gravelly deposit that forms in the middle of a stream channel.
Most streams flow in a single channel. In contrast, a braided stream flows in many shallow, interconnecting channels. A braided stream forms where more sediment is supplied to a stream than it can carry. The stream dumps the excess sediment, forming mid-channel bars. The bars gradually fill a channel, forcing the stream to overflow its banks and erode new channels. As a result, a braided stream flows simultaneously in several channels and shifts back and forth across its floodplain. Braided streams are common in both deserts and glacial environments because both produce abundant sediment. A desert yields large amounts of sediment because it has little or no vegetation to prevent erosion. Glaciers grind bedrock into fine sediment, which is carried by streams flowing from the melting ice. If a steep mountain stream flows onto a flat plain, its gradient and velocity decrease sharply. As a result, it deposits most of its sediment in a fan-shaped mound called an alluvial fan. Alluvial fans are common in many arid and semiarid mountainous regions.
A stream also slows abruptly where it enters the still water of a lake or ocean. The sediment settles out to form a nearly flat landform called a delta. Part of the delta lies above water level, and the remainder lies slightly below water level. Deltas are commonly fan-shaped, resembling the Greek letter "delta" (β). Both deltas and alluvial fans change rapidly. Sediment fills channels (waterways), which are then abandoned while new channels develop as in a braided stream. As a result, a stream feeding a delta or fan splits into many channels called distributaries. A large delta may spread out in this manner until it covers thousands of square kilometers. Most fans, however, are much smaller, covering a fraction of a square kilometer to a few square kilometers. The Mississippi River has flowed through seven different delta channels during the past 5,000 to 6,000 years. But in recent years, engineers have built great systems of levees (retaining walls) in attempts to stabilize the channels. | 4111.txt | 0 |
[
"in many directions",
"on the surface",
"at the same time",
"in a straight line"
] | The word ""simultaneously"" in the passage is closest in meaning to | A large, swift stream or river can carry all sizes of particles, from clay to boulders. When the current slows down, its competence (how much it can carry) decreases and the stream deposits the largest particles in the streambed. If current velocity continues to decrease - as a flood wanes, for example - finer particles settle out on top of the large ones. Thus, a stream sorts its sediment according to size. A waning flood might deposit a layer of gravel, overlain by sand and finally topped by silt and clay. Streams also sort sediment in the downstream direction. Many mountain streams are choked with boulders and cobbles, but far downstream, their deltas are composed mainly of fine silt and clay. This downstream sorting is curious because stream velocity generally increases in the downstream direction. Competence increases with velocity, so a river should be able to transport larger particles than its tributaries carry. One explanation for downstream sorting is that abrasion wears away the boulders and cobbles to sand and silt as the sediment moves downstream over the years. Thus, only the fine sediment reaches the lower parts of most rivers.
A stream deposits its sediment in three environments: Alluvial fans and deltas form where stream gradient (angle of incline) suddenly decreases as a stream enters a flat plain, a lake, or the sea; floodplain deposits accumulate on a floodplain adjacent to the stream channel; and channel deposits form in the stream channel itself. Bars, which are elongated mounds of sediment, are transient features that form in the stream channel and on the banks. They commonly form in one year and erode the next. Rivers used for commercial navigation must be recharged frequently because bars shift from year to year. Imagine a winding stream. The water on the outside of the curve moves faster than the water on the inside. The stream erodes its outside bank because the current's inertia drives it into the outside bank. At the same time, the slower water on the inside point of the bend deposits sediment, forming a point bar. A mid-channel bar is a sandy and gravelly deposit that forms in the middle of a stream channel.
Most streams flow in a single channel. In contrast, a braided stream flows in many shallow, interconnecting channels. A braided stream forms where more sediment is supplied to a stream than it can carry. The stream dumps the excess sediment, forming mid-channel bars. The bars gradually fill a channel, forcing the stream to overflow its banks and erode new channels. As a result, a braided stream flows simultaneously in several channels and shifts back and forth across its floodplain. Braided streams are common in both deserts and glacial environments because both produce abundant sediment. A desert yields large amounts of sediment because it has little or no vegetation to prevent erosion. Glaciers grind bedrock into fine sediment, which is carried by streams flowing from the melting ice. If a steep mountain stream flows onto a flat plain, its gradient and velocity decrease sharply. As a result, it deposits most of its sediment in a fan-shaped mound called an alluvial fan. Alluvial fans are common in many arid and semiarid mountainous regions.
A stream also slows abruptly where it enters the still water of a lake or ocean. The sediment settles out to form a nearly flat landform called a delta. Part of the delta lies above water level, and the remainder lies slightly below water level. Deltas are commonly fan-shaped, resembling the Greek letter "delta" (β). Both deltas and alluvial fans change rapidly. Sediment fills channels (waterways), which are then abandoned while new channels develop as in a braided stream. As a result, a stream feeding a delta or fan splits into many channels called distributaries. A large delta may spread out in this manner until it covers thousands of square kilometers. Most fans, however, are much smaller, covering a fraction of a square kilometer to a few square kilometers. The Mississippi River has flowed through seven different delta channels during the past 5,000 to 6,000 years. But in recent years, engineers have built great systems of levees (retaining walls) in attempts to stabilize the channels. | 4111.txt | 2 |
[
"noticeably",
"gradually",
"suddenly",
"slightly"
] | The word "abruptly" in the passage is closest in meaning to | A large, swift stream or river can carry all sizes of particles, from clay to boulders. When the current slows down, its competence (how much it can carry) decreases and the stream deposits the largest particles in the streambed. If current velocity continues to decrease - as a flood wanes, for example - finer particles settle out on top of the large ones. Thus, a stream sorts its sediment according to size. A waning flood might deposit a layer of gravel, overlain by sand and finally topped by silt and clay. Streams also sort sediment in the downstream direction. Many mountain streams are choked with boulders and cobbles, but far downstream, their deltas are composed mainly of fine silt and clay. This downstream sorting is curious because stream velocity generally increases in the downstream direction. Competence increases with velocity, so a river should be able to transport larger particles than its tributaries carry. One explanation for downstream sorting is that abrasion wears away the boulders and cobbles to sand and silt as the sediment moves downstream over the years. Thus, only the fine sediment reaches the lower parts of most rivers.
A stream deposits its sediment in three environments: Alluvial fans and deltas form where stream gradient (angle of incline) suddenly decreases as a stream enters a flat plain, a lake, or the sea; floodplain deposits accumulate on a floodplain adjacent to the stream channel; and channel deposits form in the stream channel itself. Bars, which are elongated mounds of sediment, are transient features that form in the stream channel and on the banks. They commonly form in one year and erode the next. Rivers used for commercial navigation must be recharged frequently because bars shift from year to year. Imagine a winding stream. The water on the outside of the curve moves faster than the water on the inside. The stream erodes its outside bank because the current's inertia drives it into the outside bank. At the same time, the slower water on the inside point of the bend deposits sediment, forming a point bar. A mid-channel bar is a sandy and gravelly deposit that forms in the middle of a stream channel.
Most streams flow in a single channel. In contrast, a braided stream flows in many shallow, interconnecting channels. A braided stream forms where more sediment is supplied to a stream than it can carry. The stream dumps the excess sediment, forming mid-channel bars. The bars gradually fill a channel, forcing the stream to overflow its banks and erode new channels. As a result, a braided stream flows simultaneously in several channels and shifts back and forth across its floodplain. Braided streams are common in both deserts and glacial environments because both produce abundant sediment. A desert yields large amounts of sediment because it has little or no vegetation to prevent erosion. Glaciers grind bedrock into fine sediment, which is carried by streams flowing from the melting ice. If a steep mountain stream flows onto a flat plain, its gradient and velocity decrease sharply. As a result, it deposits most of its sediment in a fan-shaped mound called an alluvial fan. Alluvial fans are common in many arid and semiarid mountainous regions.
A stream also slows abruptly where it enters the still water of a lake or ocean. The sediment settles out to form a nearly flat landform called a delta. Part of the delta lies above water level, and the remainder lies slightly below water level. Deltas are commonly fan-shaped, resembling the Greek letter "delta" (β). Both deltas and alluvial fans change rapidly. Sediment fills channels (waterways), which are then abandoned while new channels develop as in a braided stream. As a result, a stream feeding a delta or fan splits into many channels called distributaries. A large delta may spread out in this manner until it covers thousands of square kilometers. Most fans, however, are much smaller, covering a fraction of a square kilometer to a few square kilometers. The Mississippi River has flowed through seven different delta channels during the past 5,000 to 6,000 years. But in recent years, engineers have built great systems of levees (retaining walls) in attempts to stabilize the channels. | 4111.txt | 2 |
[
"They alternate between periods of spreading out and periods of getting smaller",
"They have both active channels and channels that have been blocked by sediment.",
"They are typically formed by rivers that are braided before they reach the delta area.",
"They are much larger when formed in a still lake than when formed in the ocean."
] | According to paragraph 4, what is true about river deltas? | A large, swift stream or river can carry all sizes of particles, from clay to boulders. When the current slows down, its competence (how much it can carry) decreases and the stream deposits the largest particles in the streambed. If current velocity continues to decrease - as a flood wanes, for example - finer particles settle out on top of the large ones. Thus, a stream sorts its sediment according to size. A waning flood might deposit a layer of gravel, overlain by sand and finally topped by silt and clay. Streams also sort sediment in the downstream direction. Many mountain streams are choked with boulders and cobbles, but far downstream, their deltas are composed mainly of fine silt and clay. This downstream sorting is curious because stream velocity generally increases in the downstream direction. Competence increases with velocity, so a river should be able to transport larger particles than its tributaries carry. One explanation for downstream sorting is that abrasion wears away the boulders and cobbles to sand and silt as the sediment moves downstream over the years. Thus, only the fine sediment reaches the lower parts of most rivers.
A stream deposits its sediment in three environments: Alluvial fans and deltas form where stream gradient (angle of incline) suddenly decreases as a stream enters a flat plain, a lake, or the sea; floodplain deposits accumulate on a floodplain adjacent to the stream channel; and channel deposits form in the stream channel itself. Bars, which are elongated mounds of sediment, are transient features that form in the stream channel and on the banks. They commonly form in one year and erode the next. Rivers used for commercial navigation must be recharged frequently because bars shift from year to year. Imagine a winding stream. The water on the outside of the curve moves faster than the water on the inside. The stream erodes its outside bank because the current's inertia drives it into the outside bank. At the same time, the slower water on the inside point of the bend deposits sediment, forming a point bar. A mid-channel bar is a sandy and gravelly deposit that forms in the middle of a stream channel.
Most streams flow in a single channel. In contrast, a braided stream flows in many shallow, interconnecting channels. A braided stream forms where more sediment is supplied to a stream than it can carry. The stream dumps the excess sediment, forming mid-channel bars. The bars gradually fill a channel, forcing the stream to overflow its banks and erode new channels. As a result, a braided stream flows simultaneously in several channels and shifts back and forth across its floodplain. Braided streams are common in both deserts and glacial environments because both produce abundant sediment. A desert yields large amounts of sediment because it has little or no vegetation to prevent erosion. Glaciers grind bedrock into fine sediment, which is carried by streams flowing from the melting ice. If a steep mountain stream flows onto a flat plain, its gradient and velocity decrease sharply. As a result, it deposits most of its sediment in a fan-shaped mound called an alluvial fan. Alluvial fans are common in many arid and semiarid mountainous regions.
A stream also slows abruptly where it enters the still water of a lake or ocean. The sediment settles out to form a nearly flat landform called a delta. Part of the delta lies above water level, and the remainder lies slightly below water level. Deltas are commonly fan-shaped, resembling the Greek letter "delta" (β). Both deltas and alluvial fans change rapidly. Sediment fills channels (waterways), which are then abandoned while new channels develop as in a braided stream. As a result, a stream feeding a delta or fan splits into many channels called distributaries. A large delta may spread out in this manner until it covers thousands of square kilometers. Most fans, however, are much smaller, covering a fraction of a square kilometer to a few square kilometers. The Mississippi River has flowed through seven different delta channels during the past 5,000 to 6,000 years. But in recent years, engineers have built great systems of levees (retaining walls) in attempts to stabilize the channels. | 4111.txt | 1 |
[
"To expand the channels into which the river flows",
"To keep the river flowing in the existing channels",
"To control the amount of sediment the river brings to the delta",
"To increase the part of the delta that lies above water level"
] | According to paragraph 4, what are engineers trying to accomplish in the Mississippi delta? | A large, swift stream or river can carry all sizes of particles, from clay to boulders. When the current slows down, its competence (how much it can carry) decreases and the stream deposits the largest particles in the streambed. If current velocity continues to decrease - as a flood wanes, for example - finer particles settle out on top of the large ones. Thus, a stream sorts its sediment according to size. A waning flood might deposit a layer of gravel, overlain by sand and finally topped by silt and clay. Streams also sort sediment in the downstream direction. Many mountain streams are choked with boulders and cobbles, but far downstream, their deltas are composed mainly of fine silt and clay. This downstream sorting is curious because stream velocity generally increases in the downstream direction. Competence increases with velocity, so a river should be able to transport larger particles than its tributaries carry. One explanation for downstream sorting is that abrasion wears away the boulders and cobbles to sand and silt as the sediment moves downstream over the years. Thus, only the fine sediment reaches the lower parts of most rivers.
A stream deposits its sediment in three environments: Alluvial fans and deltas form where stream gradient (angle of incline) suddenly decreases as a stream enters a flat plain, a lake, or the sea; floodplain deposits accumulate on a floodplain adjacent to the stream channel; and channel deposits form in the stream channel itself. Bars, which are elongated mounds of sediment, are transient features that form in the stream channel and on the banks. They commonly form in one year and erode the next. Rivers used for commercial navigation must be recharged frequently because bars shift from year to year. Imagine a winding stream. The water on the outside of the curve moves faster than the water on the inside. The stream erodes its outside bank because the current's inertia drives it into the outside bank. At the same time, the slower water on the inside point of the bend deposits sediment, forming a point bar. A mid-channel bar is a sandy and gravelly deposit that forms in the middle of a stream channel.
Most streams flow in a single channel. In contrast, a braided stream flows in many shallow, interconnecting channels. A braided stream forms where more sediment is supplied to a stream than it can carry. The stream dumps the excess sediment, forming mid-channel bars. The bars gradually fill a channel, forcing the stream to overflow its banks and erode new channels. As a result, a braided stream flows simultaneously in several channels and shifts back and forth across its floodplain. Braided streams are common in both deserts and glacial environments because both produce abundant sediment. A desert yields large amounts of sediment because it has little or no vegetation to prevent erosion. Glaciers grind bedrock into fine sediment, which is carried by streams flowing from the melting ice. If a steep mountain stream flows onto a flat plain, its gradient and velocity decrease sharply. As a result, it deposits most of its sediment in a fan-shaped mound called an alluvial fan. Alluvial fans are common in many arid and semiarid mountainous regions.
A stream also slows abruptly where it enters the still water of a lake or ocean. The sediment settles out to form a nearly flat landform called a delta. Part of the delta lies above water level, and the remainder lies slightly below water level. Deltas are commonly fan-shaped, resembling the Greek letter "delta" (β). Both deltas and alluvial fans change rapidly. Sediment fills channels (waterways), which are then abandoned while new channels develop as in a braided stream. As a result, a stream feeding a delta or fan splits into many channels called distributaries. A large delta may spread out in this manner until it covers thousands of square kilometers. Most fans, however, are much smaller, covering a fraction of a square kilometer to a few square kilometers. The Mississippi River has flowed through seven different delta channels during the past 5,000 to 6,000 years. But in recent years, engineers have built great systems of levees (retaining walls) in attempts to stabilize the channels. | 4111.txt | 1 |
[
"Go for a vacation.",
"Keep on working.",
"Set an objective for next year.",
"Review the year's achievements."
] | What do most employees plan to do towards the end of the year? | It is the season for some frantic last-minute math-across the country, employees of all stripes are counting backward in an attempt to figure out just how much paid time-off they have left in their reserves. More of them, though, will skip those calculations altogether and just power through the holidays into 2017: More than half of American workers don't use up all of their allotted vacation days each year.
Not so long ago, people would have turned up their noses at that kind of dedication to the job. As marketing professors Silvia Bellezza, Neeru Paharia, and Anat Keinan recently explained in Harvard Business Review (HBR), leisure time was once seen as an indicator of high social status, something attainable only for those at the top. Since the middle of the 20th century, though, things have turned the opposite way-these days, punishing hours at your desk, rather than days off, are seen as the mark of someone important.
In a series of several experiments, the researchers illustrated just how much we've come to admire busyness, or at least the appearance of it. Volunteers read two passages, one about a man who led a life of leisure and another about a man who was over-worked and over-scheduled; when asked to determine which of the two had a higher social status, the majority of the participants said the latter. The same held true for people who used products that implied they were short on time: In one experiment, for example, customers of the grocery-delivery service Peapod were seen as of higher status than people who shopped at grocery stores that were equally expensive; in another, people wearing wireless headphones were considered further up on the social ladder than those wearing regular headphones, even when both were just used to listen to music.
In part, the authors wrote in HBR, this pattern may have to do with the way work itself has changed over the past several decades.
We think that the shift from leisure-as-status to busyness-as-status may be linked to the development of knowledge-intensive economics. In such economies, individuals who possess the human capital characteristics that employers or clients value (e. g. , competence and ambition) are expected to be in high demand and short supply on the job market. Thus, by telling others that we are busy and working all the time, we are implicitly suggesting that we are sought after, which enhances our perceived status.
Even if you feel tempted to sacrifice your own vacation days for fake busyness, though, at least consider leaving your weekends unscheduled. It's for your own good. | 2042.txt | 1 |
[
"They would regard it as a matter of course.",
"They would consider it a must for success.",
"They would look upon it with contempt.",
"They would deem it a trick of businessmen."
] | How would people view dedication to work in the past? | It is the season for some frantic last-minute math-across the country, employees of all stripes are counting backward in an attempt to figure out just how much paid time-off they have left in their reserves. More of them, though, will skip those calculations altogether and just power through the holidays into 2017: More than half of American workers don't use up all of their allotted vacation days each year.
Not so long ago, people would have turned up their noses at that kind of dedication to the job. As marketing professors Silvia Bellezza, Neeru Paharia, and Anat Keinan recently explained in Harvard Business Review (HBR), leisure time was once seen as an indicator of high social status, something attainable only for those at the top. Since the middle of the 20th century, though, things have turned the opposite way-these days, punishing hours at your desk, rather than days off, are seen as the mark of someone important.
In a series of several experiments, the researchers illustrated just how much we've come to admire busyness, or at least the appearance of it. Volunteers read two passages, one about a man who led a life of leisure and another about a man who was over-worked and over-scheduled; when asked to determine which of the two had a higher social status, the majority of the participants said the latter. The same held true for people who used products that implied they were short on time: In one experiment, for example, customers of the grocery-delivery service Peapod were seen as of higher status than people who shopped at grocery stores that were equally expensive; in another, people wearing wireless headphones were considered further up on the social ladder than those wearing regular headphones, even when both were just used to listen to music.
In part, the authors wrote in HBR, this pattern may have to do with the way work itself has changed over the past several decades.
We think that the shift from leisure-as-status to busyness-as-status may be linked to the development of knowledge-intensive economics. In such economies, individuals who possess the human capital characteristics that employers or clients value (e. g. , competence and ambition) are expected to be in high demand and short supply on the job market. Thus, by telling others that we are busy and working all the time, we are implicitly suggesting that we are sought after, which enhances our perceived status.
Even if you feel tempted to sacrifice your own vacation days for fake busyness, though, at least consider leaving your weekends unscheduled. It's for your own good. | 2042.txt | 2 |
[
"The busier one appears, the more respect one earns.",
"The more one works, the more one feels exploited.",
"The more knowledge one has, the more competent one will be.",
"The higher one's status, the more vacation time one will enjoy."
] | What did the researchers find through a series of experiments? | It is the season for some frantic last-minute math-across the country, employees of all stripes are counting backward in an attempt to figure out just how much paid time-off they have left in their reserves. More of them, though, will skip those calculations altogether and just power through the holidays into 2017: More than half of American workers don't use up all of their allotted vacation days each year.
Not so long ago, people would have turned up their noses at that kind of dedication to the job. As marketing professors Silvia Bellezza, Neeru Paharia, and Anat Keinan recently explained in Harvard Business Review (HBR), leisure time was once seen as an indicator of high social status, something attainable only for those at the top. Since the middle of the 20th century, though, things have turned the opposite way-these days, punishing hours at your desk, rather than days off, are seen as the mark of someone important.
In a series of several experiments, the researchers illustrated just how much we've come to admire busyness, or at least the appearance of it. Volunteers read two passages, one about a man who led a life of leisure and another about a man who was over-worked and over-scheduled; when asked to determine which of the two had a higher social status, the majority of the participants said the latter. The same held true for people who used products that implied they were short on time: In one experiment, for example, customers of the grocery-delivery service Peapod were seen as of higher status than people who shopped at grocery stores that were equally expensive; in another, people wearing wireless headphones were considered further up on the social ladder than those wearing regular headphones, even when both were just used to listen to music.
In part, the authors wrote in HBR, this pattern may have to do with the way work itself has changed over the past several decades.
We think that the shift from leisure-as-status to busyness-as-status may be linked to the development of knowledge-intensive economics. In such economies, individuals who possess the human capital characteristics that employers or clients value (e. g. , competence and ambition) are expected to be in high demand and short supply on the job market. Thus, by telling others that we are busy and working all the time, we are implicitly suggesting that we are sought after, which enhances our perceived status.
Even if you feel tempted to sacrifice your own vacation days for fake busyness, though, at least consider leaving your weekends unscheduled. It's for your own good. | 2042.txt | 0 |
[
"The fast pace of life in modern society.",
"The fierce competition in the job market.",
"The widespread use of computer technology.",
"The role of knowledge in modern economy."
] | What may account for the change of people's attitude towards being busy? | It is the season for some frantic last-minute math-across the country, employees of all stripes are counting backward in an attempt to figure out just how much paid time-off they have left in their reserves. More of them, though, will skip those calculations altogether and just power through the holidays into 2017: More than half of American workers don't use up all of their allotted vacation days each year.
Not so long ago, people would have turned up their noses at that kind of dedication to the job. As marketing professors Silvia Bellezza, Neeru Paharia, and Anat Keinan recently explained in Harvard Business Review (HBR), leisure time was once seen as an indicator of high social status, something attainable only for those at the top. Since the middle of the 20th century, though, things have turned the opposite way-these days, punishing hours at your desk, rather than days off, are seen as the mark of someone important.
In a series of several experiments, the researchers illustrated just how much we've come to admire busyness, or at least the appearance of it. Volunteers read two passages, one about a man who led a life of leisure and another about a man who was over-worked and over-scheduled; when asked to determine which of the two had a higher social status, the majority of the participants said the latter. The same held true for people who used products that implied they were short on time: In one experiment, for example, customers of the grocery-delivery service Peapod were seen as of higher status than people who shopped at grocery stores that were equally expensive; in another, people wearing wireless headphones were considered further up on the social ladder than those wearing regular headphones, even when both were just used to listen to music.
In part, the authors wrote in HBR, this pattern may have to do with the way work itself has changed over the past several decades.
We think that the shift from leisure-as-status to busyness-as-status may be linked to the development of knowledge-intensive economics. In such economies, individuals who possess the human capital characteristics that employers or clients value (e. g. , competence and ambition) are expected to be in high demand and short supply on the job market. Thus, by telling others that we are busy and working all the time, we are implicitly suggesting that we are sought after, which enhances our perceived status.
Even if you feel tempted to sacrifice your own vacation days for fake busyness, though, at least consider leaving your weekends unscheduled. It's for your own good. | 2042.txt | 3 |
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