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[
"Science intends to simplify its peer-review process.",
"journals are strengthening their statistical checks.",
"few journals are blamed for mistakes in data analysis.",
"lack of data analysis is common in research projects."
] | It can be learned from graph 1 that | The journal Science is adding an extra source at Peer-review process, editor-in-chief Marcia McNott announced today. The Follows similar efforts from other journals, after widespread concern that Mistakes in data analysis are contributing to the Published research findings.
Readers must have confidence in the conclusions published in our journal,writes McNutt in an editorial. Working with the American Statistical Association, the Journal has appointed seven experts to a statistics board of reviewing Manut will be flagged up for additional scrutiny by the Journals editors, or by its existing Board of Reviewing Editors or by outside peer The SBoRE panel will then find external statisticians to review these
Asked whether any particular papers had impelled the change, McNutt said,The creation of thestatistics boardwas motivated by concerns broadly with the application of statistics and data analysis in scientific research and is part of Sciences overall drive to increase reproducibility in the research we publish.
Giovanni Parmigiani, a biostatistician at the Harvard School of Public Health, a mr of the SBoRE group, says he expects the board to play primarily on advisory role. He agreed to join because he found the foresight behind the establishment of the SBoRE to be novel, unique and likely to have a lasting impact. This impact will not only be through the publications in Science itself, but hopefully through a larger group of publishing places that may want to model their approach after Science.
John Ioannidis, a physician who studies research methodology, says that the policy is a most welcome step forwardand long overdue,Most journals are weak in statistical review, and this damages the quality of what they publish. I think that, for the majority of scientific papers nowadays, statistical review is more essential than expert review,he says. But he noted that biomedical journals such as Annals of Internal Medicine, the Journal of the American Medical Association and The Lancet pay strong attention to statistical review.
Professional scientists are expected to know how to analyze data, but statistical errors are alarmingly common in published research, according to David Vaux, a cell biologist. Researchers should improve their standards, he wrote in 2012, but journals should also take a tougher line, engaging reviewers who are statistically literate and editors who can verify the process.Vaux says that Sciences idea to pass some papers to statisticians has some merit, but a weakness is that it relies on the board of reviewing editors to identifythe papers that need scrutinyin the first place. | 3716.txt | 1 |
[
"found.",
"revised.",
"marked",
"stored"
] | The phrase "flagged up" is the closest in meaning to | The journal Science is adding an extra source at Peer-review process, editor-in-chief Marcia McNott announced today. The Follows similar efforts from other journals, after widespread concern that Mistakes in data analysis are contributing to the Published research findings.
Readers must have confidence in the conclusions published in our journal,writes McNutt in an editorial. Working with the American Statistical Association, the Journal has appointed seven experts to a statistics board of reviewing Manut will be flagged up for additional scrutiny by the Journals editors, or by its existing Board of Reviewing Editors or by outside peer The SBoRE panel will then find external statisticians to review these
Asked whether any particular papers had impelled the change, McNutt said,The creation of thestatistics boardwas motivated by concerns broadly with the application of statistics and data analysis in scientific research and is part of Sciences overall drive to increase reproducibility in the research we publish.
Giovanni Parmigiani, a biostatistician at the Harvard School of Public Health, a mr of the SBoRE group, says he expects the board to play primarily on advisory role. He agreed to join because he found the foresight behind the establishment of the SBoRE to be novel, unique and likely to have a lasting impact. This impact will not only be through the publications in Science itself, but hopefully through a larger group of publishing places that may want to model their approach after Science.
John Ioannidis, a physician who studies research methodology, says that the policy is a most welcome step forwardand long overdue,Most journals are weak in statistical review, and this damages the quality of what they publish. I think that, for the majority of scientific papers nowadays, statistical review is more essential than expert review,he says. But he noted that biomedical journals such as Annals of Internal Medicine, the Journal of the American Medical Association and The Lancet pay strong attention to statistical review.
Professional scientists are expected to know how to analyze data, but statistical errors are alarmingly common in published research, according to David Vaux, a cell biologist. Researchers should improve their standards, he wrote in 2012, but journals should also take a tougher line, engaging reviewers who are statistically literate and editors who can verify the process.Vaux says that Sciences idea to pass some papers to statisticians has some merit, but a weakness is that it relies on the board of reviewing editors to identifythe papers that need scrutinyin the first place. | 3716.txt | 2 |
[
"pose a threat to all its peers",
"meet with strong opposition",
"increase Sciences circulation.",
"set an example for other journals"
] | Giovanni Parmigiani believes that the establishment of the SBoRE may | The journal Science is adding an extra source at Peer-review process, editor-in-chief Marcia McNott announced today. The Follows similar efforts from other journals, after widespread concern that Mistakes in data analysis are contributing to the Published research findings.
Readers must have confidence in the conclusions published in our journal,writes McNutt in an editorial. Working with the American Statistical Association, the Journal has appointed seven experts to a statistics board of reviewing Manut will be flagged up for additional scrutiny by the Journals editors, or by its existing Board of Reviewing Editors or by outside peer The SBoRE panel will then find external statisticians to review these
Asked whether any particular papers had impelled the change, McNutt said,The creation of thestatistics boardwas motivated by concerns broadly with the application of statistics and data analysis in scientific research and is part of Sciences overall drive to increase reproducibility in the research we publish.
Giovanni Parmigiani, a biostatistician at the Harvard School of Public Health, a mr of the SBoRE group, says he expects the board to play primarily on advisory role. He agreed to join because he found the foresight behind the establishment of the SBoRE to be novel, unique and likely to have a lasting impact. This impact will not only be through the publications in Science itself, but hopefully through a larger group of publishing places that may want to model their approach after Science.
John Ioannidis, a physician who studies research methodology, says that the policy is a most welcome step forwardand long overdue,Most journals are weak in statistical review, and this damages the quality of what they publish. I think that, for the majority of scientific papers nowadays, statistical review is more essential than expert review,he says. But he noted that biomedical journals such as Annals of Internal Medicine, the Journal of the American Medical Association and The Lancet pay strong attention to statistical review.
Professional scientists are expected to know how to analyze data, but statistical errors are alarmingly common in published research, according to David Vaux, a cell biologist. Researchers should improve their standards, he wrote in 2012, but journals should also take a tougher line, engaging reviewers who are statistically literate and editors who can verify the process.Vaux says that Sciences idea to pass some papers to statisticians has some merit, but a weakness is that it relies on the board of reviewing editors to identifythe papers that need scrutinyin the first place. | 3716.txt | 3 |
[
"adds to researchers worklosd.",
"diminishes the role of reviewers.",
"has room for further improvement.",
"is to fail in the foreseeable future."
] | David Vaux holds that what Science is doing now | The journal Science is adding an extra source at Peer-review process, editor-in-chief Marcia McNott announced today. The Follows similar efforts from other journals, after widespread concern that Mistakes in data analysis are contributing to the Published research findings.
Readers must have confidence in the conclusions published in our journal,writes McNutt in an editorial. Working with the American Statistical Association, the Journal has appointed seven experts to a statistics board of reviewing Manut will be flagged up for additional scrutiny by the Journals editors, or by its existing Board of Reviewing Editors or by outside peer The SBoRE panel will then find external statisticians to review these
Asked whether any particular papers had impelled the change, McNutt said,The creation of thestatistics boardwas motivated by concerns broadly with the application of statistics and data analysis in scientific research and is part of Sciences overall drive to increase reproducibility in the research we publish.
Giovanni Parmigiani, a biostatistician at the Harvard School of Public Health, a mr of the SBoRE group, says he expects the board to play primarily on advisory role. He agreed to join because he found the foresight behind the establishment of the SBoRE to be novel, unique and likely to have a lasting impact. This impact will not only be through the publications in Science itself, but hopefully through a larger group of publishing places that may want to model their approach after Science.
John Ioannidis, a physician who studies research methodology, says that the policy is a most welcome step forwardand long overdue,Most journals are weak in statistical review, and this damages the quality of what they publish. I think that, for the majority of scientific papers nowadays, statistical review is more essential than expert review,he says. But he noted that biomedical journals such as Annals of Internal Medicine, the Journal of the American Medical Association and The Lancet pay strong attention to statistical review.
Professional scientists are expected to know how to analyze data, but statistical errors are alarmingly common in published research, according to David Vaux, a cell biologist. Researchers should improve their standards, he wrote in 2012, but journals should also take a tougher line, engaging reviewers who are statistically literate and editors who can verify the process.Vaux says that Sciences idea to pass some papers to statisticians has some merit, but a weakness is that it relies on the board of reviewing editors to identifythe papers that need scrutinyin the first place. | 3716.txt | 2 |
[
"Science Joins Push to Screen Statistics in Papers",
"Professional Statisticians Deserve More Respect",
"Data Analysis Finds Its Way onto Editors Desks",
"Statisticians Are Coming Back with Science"
] | Which of the following is the best title of the text? | The journal Science is adding an extra source at Peer-review process, editor-in-chief Marcia McNott announced today. The Follows similar efforts from other journals, after widespread concern that Mistakes in data analysis are contributing to the Published research findings.
Readers must have confidence in the conclusions published in our journal,writes McNutt in an editorial. Working with the American Statistical Association, the Journal has appointed seven experts to a statistics board of reviewing Manut will be flagged up for additional scrutiny by the Journals editors, or by its existing Board of Reviewing Editors or by outside peer The SBoRE panel will then find external statisticians to review these
Asked whether any particular papers had impelled the change, McNutt said,The creation of thestatistics boardwas motivated by concerns broadly with the application of statistics and data analysis in scientific research and is part of Sciences overall drive to increase reproducibility in the research we publish.
Giovanni Parmigiani, a biostatistician at the Harvard School of Public Health, a mr of the SBoRE group, says he expects the board to play primarily on advisory role. He agreed to join because he found the foresight behind the establishment of the SBoRE to be novel, unique and likely to have a lasting impact. This impact will not only be through the publications in Science itself, but hopefully through a larger group of publishing places that may want to model their approach after Science.
John Ioannidis, a physician who studies research methodology, says that the policy is a most welcome step forwardand long overdue,Most journals are weak in statistical review, and this damages the quality of what they publish. I think that, for the majority of scientific papers nowadays, statistical review is more essential than expert review,he says. But he noted that biomedical journals such as Annals of Internal Medicine, the Journal of the American Medical Association and The Lancet pay strong attention to statistical review.
Professional scientists are expected to know how to analyze data, but statistical errors are alarmingly common in published research, according to David Vaux, a cell biologist. Researchers should improve their standards, he wrote in 2012, but journals should also take a tougher line, engaging reviewers who are statistically literate and editors who can verify the process.Vaux says that Sciences idea to pass some papers to statisticians has some merit, but a weakness is that it relies on the board of reviewing editors to identifythe papers that need scrutinyin the first place. | 3716.txt | 0 |
[
"have ruined their talents",
"have taken on an unsuitable job",
"think of nothing but their salary",
"are not aware of their own potential"
] | The reason why some people are unlikely to succeed in life is that they _ . | Too often young people get themselves employed quite by accident, not knowing what lies in the way of opportunity for promotion, happiness and security. As a result, they are employed doing jobs that afford them little or no satisfaction. Our school leavers face so much competition that they seldom care what they do as long as they can earn a living . Some stay long at a job and learn to like it ;others quite from one to another looking for something to suit them, the young graduates who leave the university look for jobs that offer a salary up to their expectation. Very few go out into the world knowing exactly what they want and realizing their own abilities. The reason behind all this confusion is that there never has been a proper vocational guidance in our educational institution. Nearly all grope in the dark and their chief concern when they look for a job is to ask what salary is like. They never bother to think whether they are suited for the job or, even more important, whether the job suits them, Having a job is more than merely providing yourself and your dependants with daily bread and some money for leisure and entertainment, It sets a pattern of life and, in many ways, determines social status in life, selection of friends, leisure and interest.
In choosing a career you should first consider the type of work which will suit your interest .Noting is more pathetic than taking on a job in which you have no interest, for it will not only discourage your desire to succeed in life but also ruin your talents and ultimately make you an emotional wreck and a bitter person. | 4128.txt | 1 |
[
"much competition has to be faced",
"many employees have no working experience",
"the young people only care about how much they can earn",
"schools fail to offer students appropriate vocational guidance"
] | The difficulty in choosing a suitable job lies mainly in that _ . | Too often young people get themselves employed quite by accident, not knowing what lies in the way of opportunity for promotion, happiness and security. As a result, they are employed doing jobs that afford them little or no satisfaction. Our school leavers face so much competition that they seldom care what they do as long as they can earn a living . Some stay long at a job and learn to like it ;others quite from one to another looking for something to suit them, the young graduates who leave the university look for jobs that offer a salary up to their expectation. Very few go out into the world knowing exactly what they want and realizing their own abilities. The reason behind all this confusion is that there never has been a proper vocational guidance in our educational institution. Nearly all grope in the dark and their chief concern when they look for a job is to ask what salary is like. They never bother to think whether they are suited for the job or, even more important, whether the job suits them, Having a job is more than merely providing yourself and your dependants with daily bread and some money for leisure and entertainment, It sets a pattern of life and, in many ways, determines social status in life, selection of friends, leisure and interest.
In choosing a career you should first consider the type of work which will suit your interest .Noting is more pathetic than taking on a job in which you have no interest, for it will not only discourage your desire to succeed in life but also ruin your talents and ultimately make you an emotional wreck and a bitter person. | 4128.txt | 3 |
[
"Your job must suit your interest.",
"Your job must set a pattern of life.",
"Your job must offer you a high salary.",
"Your job must not ruin your talents."
] | Which of the following statements is most important according to the passage? | Too often young people get themselves employed quite by accident, not knowing what lies in the way of opportunity for promotion, happiness and security. As a result, they are employed doing jobs that afford them little or no satisfaction. Our school leavers face so much competition that they seldom care what they do as long as they can earn a living . Some stay long at a job and learn to like it ;others quite from one to another looking for something to suit them, the young graduates who leave the university look for jobs that offer a salary up to their expectation. Very few go out into the world knowing exactly what they want and realizing their own abilities. The reason behind all this confusion is that there never has been a proper vocational guidance in our educational institution. Nearly all grope in the dark and their chief concern when they look for a job is to ask what salary is like. They never bother to think whether they are suited for the job or, even more important, whether the job suits them, Having a job is more than merely providing yourself and your dependants with daily bread and some money for leisure and entertainment, It sets a pattern of life and, in many ways, determines social status in life, selection of friends, leisure and interest.
In choosing a career you should first consider the type of work which will suit your interest .Noting is more pathetic than taking on a job in which you have no interest, for it will not only discourage your desire to succeed in life but also ruin your talents and ultimately make you an emotional wreck and a bitter person. | 4128.txt | 0 |
[
"What Can A Good Job Offer",
"Earning A Living",
"Correct Attitude On Job-hunting",
"How To Choose A Job"
] | The best title for this passage would be _ . | Too often young people get themselves employed quite by accident, not knowing what lies in the way of opportunity for promotion, happiness and security. As a result, they are employed doing jobs that afford them little or no satisfaction. Our school leavers face so much competition that they seldom care what they do as long as they can earn a living . Some stay long at a job and learn to like it ;others quite from one to another looking for something to suit them, the young graduates who leave the university look for jobs that offer a salary up to their expectation. Very few go out into the world knowing exactly what they want and realizing their own abilities. The reason behind all this confusion is that there never has been a proper vocational guidance in our educational institution. Nearly all grope in the dark and their chief concern when they look for a job is to ask what salary is like. They never bother to think whether they are suited for the job or, even more important, whether the job suits them, Having a job is more than merely providing yourself and your dependants with daily bread and some money for leisure and entertainment, It sets a pattern of life and, in many ways, determines social status in life, selection of friends, leisure and interest.
In choosing a career you should first consider the type of work which will suit your interest .Noting is more pathetic than taking on a job in which you have no interest, for it will not only discourage your desire to succeed in life but also ruin your talents and ultimately make you an emotional wreck and a bitter person. | 4128.txt | 3 |
[
"splendid",
"miserable",
"disgusted",
"touching"
] | The word " pathetic" in paragraph 2 most probably means _ . | Too often young people get themselves employed quite by accident, not knowing what lies in the way of opportunity for promotion, happiness and security. As a result, they are employed doing jobs that afford them little or no satisfaction. Our school leavers face so much competition that they seldom care what they do as long as they can earn a living . Some stay long at a job and learn to like it ;others quite from one to another looking for something to suit them, the young graduates who leave the university look for jobs that offer a salary up to their expectation. Very few go out into the world knowing exactly what they want and realizing their own abilities. The reason behind all this confusion is that there never has been a proper vocational guidance in our educational institution. Nearly all grope in the dark and their chief concern when they look for a job is to ask what salary is like. They never bother to think whether they are suited for the job or, even more important, whether the job suits them, Having a job is more than merely providing yourself and your dependants with daily bread and some money for leisure and entertainment, It sets a pattern of life and, in many ways, determines social status in life, selection of friends, leisure and interest.
In choosing a career you should first consider the type of work which will suit your interest .Noting is more pathetic than taking on a job in which you have no interest, for it will not only discourage your desire to succeed in life but also ruin your talents and ultimately make you an emotional wreck and a bitter person. | 4128.txt | 1 |
[
"the government",
"the manufacturers",
"the consumers",
"the sellers"
] | According to the present regulations of Japan, the recycling of paper and plastic will be the responsibility of _ . | Japan is getting tough about recycling-and not in the paper and plastic kind of way. Recently, the country requires that all electronic goods-TVs, VCRs, stereos, and more-be recycled. But recycling will not beleft to consumers, instead, the devices will be sent to the original manufacturer for proper disposal.
The new law poses a few challenges to manufacturers who are now rushing to set up collection networks and perfecting techniques to disassemble and recycle older products.With an eye toward the future, they are also integrating easily recycled materials into new products. Plastics, a major component of most electronic products,pose a particular obstacle because their quality becomes worse and worse with age,losing strengthand flexibility even if reprocessed.NEC Corp. overcomes this problem by creating a plastics sandwich, in which the filling is 100 percent recycled plastic and the outer layers a mixture of 14 percent recycled material.The resulting plastic has sufficient strength and toughness for use as a case for desktop PCs. The company, in cooperation with plastic maker Sumitomo Dow, has also developed a new plastic, which engineers claim retains its mechanical properties through repeated recycling. NEC uses the plastic, which is also flame-retardant in battery cases for notebook PCs.
Meanwhile, Matsushita Electric, maker of the Panasonic brand, is avoiding plastic in favor of magnesium . Magnesium, says the company, is ideal for re cycling because it retains its original strength through repeated reprocessing. Matsushita has developed molding techniques to form magnesium into the case for a 21-inch TV. Unfortunately, the magnesium case and energy-saving features make the TV about twice as expensive as an ordinary model.The company hopes, however, that increased use of magnesium will eventually bring prices down. | 1826.txt | 2 |
[
"Most electronic products contain plastics.",
"It retains its original strength through reprocessing.",
"Recycled plastics can be integrated into new products.",
"Plastics will lose flexibility after a certain period of time."
] | Which of the following is NOT the character of plastics? | Japan is getting tough about recycling-and not in the paper and plastic kind of way. Recently, the country requires that all electronic goods-TVs, VCRs, stereos, and more-be recycled. But recycling will not beleft to consumers, instead, the devices will be sent to the original manufacturer for proper disposal.
The new law poses a few challenges to manufacturers who are now rushing to set up collection networks and perfecting techniques to disassemble and recycle older products.With an eye toward the future, they are also integrating easily recycled materials into new products. Plastics, a major component of most electronic products,pose a particular obstacle because their quality becomes worse and worse with age,losing strengthand flexibility even if reprocessed.NEC Corp. overcomes this problem by creating a plastics sandwich, in which the filling is 100 percent recycled plastic and the outer layers a mixture of 14 percent recycled material.The resulting plastic has sufficient strength and toughness for use as a case for desktop PCs. The company, in cooperation with plastic maker Sumitomo Dow, has also developed a new plastic, which engineers claim retains its mechanical properties through repeated recycling. NEC uses the plastic, which is also flame-retardant in battery cases for notebook PCs.
Meanwhile, Matsushita Electric, maker of the Panasonic brand, is avoiding plastic in favor of magnesium . Magnesium, says the company, is ideal for re cycling because it retains its original strength through repeated reprocessing. Matsushita has developed molding techniques to form magnesium into the case for a 21-inch TV. Unfortunately, the magnesium case and energy-saving features make the TV about twice as expensive as an ordinary model.The company hopes, however, that increased use of magnesium will eventually bring prices down. | 1826.txt | 1 |
[
"a kind of sandwich-shaped toy made of plastics",
"a kind of plastics with different integration in each layer",
"a kind of plastics with maximum strength and flexibility",
"a kind of plastics made of 100% recycled materials"
] | According to the passage, the term "plastic sandwich" refers to _ . | Japan is getting tough about recycling-and not in the paper and plastic kind of way. Recently, the country requires that all electronic goods-TVs, VCRs, stereos, and more-be recycled. But recycling will not beleft to consumers, instead, the devices will be sent to the original manufacturer for proper disposal.
The new law poses a few challenges to manufacturers who are now rushing to set up collection networks and perfecting techniques to disassemble and recycle older products.With an eye toward the future, they are also integrating easily recycled materials into new products. Plastics, a major component of most electronic products,pose a particular obstacle because their quality becomes worse and worse with age,losing strengthand flexibility even if reprocessed.NEC Corp. overcomes this problem by creating a plastics sandwich, in which the filling is 100 percent recycled plastic and the outer layers a mixture of 14 percent recycled material.The resulting plastic has sufficient strength and toughness for use as a case for desktop PCs. The company, in cooperation with plastic maker Sumitomo Dow, has also developed a new plastic, which engineers claim retains its mechanical properties through repeated recycling. NEC uses the plastic, which is also flame-retardant in battery cases for notebook PCs.
Meanwhile, Matsushita Electric, maker of the Panasonic brand, is avoiding plastic in favor of magnesium . Magnesium, says the company, is ideal for re cycling because it retains its original strength through repeated reprocessing. Matsushita has developed molding techniques to form magnesium into the case for a 21-inch TV. Unfortunately, the magnesium case and energy-saving features make the TV about twice as expensive as an ordinary model.The company hopes, however, that increased use of magnesium will eventually bring prices down. | 1826.txt | 1 |
[
"disposing the plastics is one of NEC Corp's businesses",
"magnesium is an ideal material for the case of TV",
"21-inch TV with magnesium case isn't very popular so far",
"magnesium must be better than the plastics"
] | In the passage, it is implied but NOT stated that _ . | Japan is getting tough about recycling-and not in the paper and plastic kind of way. Recently, the country requires that all electronic goods-TVs, VCRs, stereos, and more-be recycled. But recycling will not beleft to consumers, instead, the devices will be sent to the original manufacturer for proper disposal.
The new law poses a few challenges to manufacturers who are now rushing to set up collection networks and perfecting techniques to disassemble and recycle older products.With an eye toward the future, they are also integrating easily recycled materials into new products. Plastics, a major component of most electronic products,pose a particular obstacle because their quality becomes worse and worse with age,losing strengthand flexibility even if reprocessed.NEC Corp. overcomes this problem by creating a plastics sandwich, in which the filling is 100 percent recycled plastic and the outer layers a mixture of 14 percent recycled material.The resulting plastic has sufficient strength and toughness for use as a case for desktop PCs. The company, in cooperation with plastic maker Sumitomo Dow, has also developed a new plastic, which engineers claim retains its mechanical properties through repeated recycling. NEC uses the plastic, which is also flame-retardant in battery cases for notebook PCs.
Meanwhile, Matsushita Electric, maker of the Panasonic brand, is avoiding plastic in favor of magnesium . Magnesium, says the company, is ideal for re cycling because it retains its original strength through repeated reprocessing. Matsushita has developed molding techniques to form magnesium into the case for a 21-inch TV. Unfortunately, the magnesium case and energy-saving features make the TV about twice as expensive as an ordinary model.The company hopes, however, that increased use of magnesium will eventually bring prices down. | 1826.txt | 2 |
[
"inform",
"instruct",
"predict",
"persuade"
] | The author writes this passage in order to _ . | Japan is getting tough about recycling-and not in the paper and plastic kind of way. Recently, the country requires that all electronic goods-TVs, VCRs, stereos, and more-be recycled. But recycling will not beleft to consumers, instead, the devices will be sent to the original manufacturer for proper disposal.
The new law poses a few challenges to manufacturers who are now rushing to set up collection networks and perfecting techniques to disassemble and recycle older products.With an eye toward the future, they are also integrating easily recycled materials into new products. Plastics, a major component of most electronic products,pose a particular obstacle because their quality becomes worse and worse with age,losing strengthand flexibility even if reprocessed.NEC Corp. overcomes this problem by creating a plastics sandwich, in which the filling is 100 percent recycled plastic and the outer layers a mixture of 14 percent recycled material.The resulting plastic has sufficient strength and toughness for use as a case for desktop PCs. The company, in cooperation with plastic maker Sumitomo Dow, has also developed a new plastic, which engineers claim retains its mechanical properties through repeated recycling. NEC uses the plastic, which is also flame-retardant in battery cases for notebook PCs.
Meanwhile, Matsushita Electric, maker of the Panasonic brand, is avoiding plastic in favor of magnesium . Magnesium, says the company, is ideal for re cycling because it retains its original strength through repeated reprocessing. Matsushita has developed molding techniques to form magnesium into the case for a 21-inch TV. Unfortunately, the magnesium case and energy-saving features make the TV about twice as expensive as an ordinary model.The company hopes, however, that increased use of magnesium will eventually bring prices down. | 1826.txt | 0 |
[
"Women workers were compelled to leave their jobs in factories.",
"Many employers had difficulty in providing jobs for returning veterans.",
"Many employers found it hard to attract women workers.",
"The health of most women factory workers improved."
] | According to the author, which of the following resulted from the passage or revival of state laws limiting the work hours of women workers? | Defenders of special protective labor legislation for women often maintain that eliminating such laws would destroy the fruits of a century-long struggle for the protection of women workers. Even a brief examination of the historic practice of courts and employers would show that the fruit of such laws has been bitter: they are , in practice, more of a curse than a blessing.
Sex-defined protective laws have often been based on stereotypical assumptions concerning women's needs and abilities, and employers have frequently used them as legal excuses for discriminating against women.After the Second World War, for example, businesses and government sought to persuade women to vacate jobs in factories, thus making room in the labor force for returning veterans. The revival or passage of state laws limiting the daily or weekly work hours of women conveniently accomplished this. Employers had only to declare that overtime hours were a necessary condition of employment or promotion in their factory, and women could be quite legally fired,refused jobs, or kept at low wage levels, all in the name of "protecting" their health. By validating such laws when they are challenged by lawsuits, the courts have colluded over the years in establishing different, less advant-ageous employment terms for women than for men, thus reducing women's competitiveness on the job market. At the same time, even the most well-intentioned lawmakers, courts, and employers have often been blind to the real needs of women. The law makers and the courts continue to permit employers to offer employee health insurance plans that cover all known human medical disabilities except those relating to pregnancy and childbirth.
Finally, labor laws protecting only special groups are often ineffective at protecting the workers who are actually in the workplace. Some chemicals, for example, pose repro-ductive risks for women of child-bearing years; manufacturers using the chemicals comply with laws protecting women against these hazards by refusing to hire them.Thus the sex-defined legislation protects the hypothetical female worker, but has no effect whatever on the safety of any actual employee.The health risks to male employees in such industries cannot be negligible,since chemicals toxic enough to cause birth defects in fetuses or sterility in women are presumably harmful to the human metabolism. Protective laws aimed at changing production materials or techniques in order to reduce such hazards would benefit all employees without discriminating against any.
In sum, protective labor laws for women are discriminatory and do not meet their intended purpose. Legislators should recognize that women are in thework force to stay, and that their needs-good health care, a decent wage,and a safe workplace-are the needs of all workers, Laws that ignore these facts violate women's rights for equal protection in employment. | 1896.txt | 0 |
[
"she is quoting the actual wording of the laws in question",
"the protective nature of the laws in question should not be overlooked",
"protecting the health of workers is important to those who support protective labor laws",
"the laws in question were really used to the detriment of women workers, despite being overtly protective in intent"
] | The author places the word "protecting" in quotation marks in line 21 most likely in order to suggest that | Defenders of special protective labor legislation for women often maintain that eliminating such laws would destroy the fruits of a century-long struggle for the protection of women workers. Even a brief examination of the historic practice of courts and employers would show that the fruit of such laws has been bitter: they are , in practice, more of a curse than a blessing.
Sex-defined protective laws have often been based on stereotypical assumptions concerning women's needs and abilities, and employers have frequently used them as legal excuses for discriminating against women.After the Second World War, for example, businesses and government sought to persuade women to vacate jobs in factories, thus making room in the labor force for returning veterans. The revival or passage of state laws limiting the daily or weekly work hours of women conveniently accomplished this. Employers had only to declare that overtime hours were a necessary condition of employment or promotion in their factory, and women could be quite legally fired,refused jobs, or kept at low wage levels, all in the name of "protecting" their health. By validating such laws when they are challenged by lawsuits, the courts have colluded over the years in establishing different, less advant-ageous employment terms for women than for men, thus reducing women's competitiveness on the job market. At the same time, even the most well-intentioned lawmakers, courts, and employers have often been blind to the real needs of women. The law makers and the courts continue to permit employers to offer employee health insurance plans that cover all known human medical disabilities except those relating to pregnancy and childbirth.
Finally, labor laws protecting only special groups are often ineffective at protecting the workers who are actually in the workplace. Some chemicals, for example, pose repro-ductive risks for women of child-bearing years; manufacturers using the chemicals comply with laws protecting women against these hazards by refusing to hire them.Thus the sex-defined legislation protects the hypothetical female worker, but has no effect whatever on the safety of any actual employee.The health risks to male employees in such industries cannot be negligible,since chemicals toxic enough to cause birth defects in fetuses or sterility in women are presumably harmful to the human metabolism. Protective laws aimed at changing production materials or techniques in order to reduce such hazards would benefit all employees without discriminating against any.
In sum, protective labor laws for women are discriminatory and do not meet their intended purpose. Legislators should recognize that women are in thework force to stay, and that their needs-good health care, a decent wage,and a safe workplace-are the needs of all workers, Laws that ignore these facts violate women's rights for equal protection in employment. | 1896.txt | 3 |
[
"Such laws are often too weak to be effective at protecting the group in question.",
"Such laws are usually drafted by legislators who, do not have the best interests of workers at heart.",
"Such laws exert no pressure on employers to eliminate hazards in the workplace.",
"Compliance with such laws is often costly for employers and provokes lawsuits by employees claiming discrimination."
] | The passage suggests that which of the following is a shortcoming of protective labor laws that single out a particular group of workers for protection? | Defenders of special protective labor legislation for women often maintain that eliminating such laws would destroy the fruits of a century-long struggle for the protection of women workers. Even a brief examination of the historic practice of courts and employers would show that the fruit of such laws has been bitter: they are , in practice, more of a curse than a blessing.
Sex-defined protective laws have often been based on stereotypical assumptions concerning women's needs and abilities, and employers have frequently used them as legal excuses for discriminating against women.After the Second World War, for example, businesses and government sought to persuade women to vacate jobs in factories, thus making room in the labor force for returning veterans. The revival or passage of state laws limiting the daily or weekly work hours of women conveniently accomplished this. Employers had only to declare that overtime hours were a necessary condition of employment or promotion in their factory, and women could be quite legally fired,refused jobs, or kept at low wage levels, all in the name of "protecting" their health. By validating such laws when they are challenged by lawsuits, the courts have colluded over the years in establishing different, less advant-ageous employment terms for women than for men, thus reducing women's competitiveness on the job market. At the same time, even the most well-intentioned lawmakers, courts, and employers have often been blind to the real needs of women. The law makers and the courts continue to permit employers to offer employee health insurance plans that cover all known human medical disabilities except those relating to pregnancy and childbirth.
Finally, labor laws protecting only special groups are often ineffective at protecting the workers who are actually in the workplace. Some chemicals, for example, pose repro-ductive risks for women of child-bearing years; manufacturers using the chemicals comply with laws protecting women against these hazards by refusing to hire them.Thus the sex-defined legislation protects the hypothetical female worker, but has no effect whatever on the safety of any actual employee.The health risks to male employees in such industries cannot be negligible,since chemicals toxic enough to cause birth defects in fetuses or sterility in women are presumably harmful to the human metabolism. Protective laws aimed at changing production materials or techniques in order to reduce such hazards would benefit all employees without discriminating against any.
In sum, protective labor laws for women are discriminatory and do not meet their intended purpose. Legislators should recognize that women are in thework force to stay, and that their needs-good health care, a decent wage,and a safe workplace-are the needs of all workers, Laws that ignore these facts violate women's rights for equal protection in employment. | 1896.txt | 2 |
[
"A comparative study of patterns of work-related illnesses in states that had such laws and in states that did not",
"An estimate of how many women workers are in favor of such laws",
"An analysis of the cost to employers of complying with such laws",
"An examination of the actual effects that such laws have had in the past on women workers"
] | According to the first paragraph of the passage, the author considers which of the following to be most helpful in determining the value of special protective labor legislation for women? | Defenders of special protective labor legislation for women often maintain that eliminating such laws would destroy the fruits of a century-long struggle for the protection of women workers. Even a brief examination of the historic practice of courts and employers would show that the fruit of such laws has been bitter: they are , in practice, more of a curse than a blessing.
Sex-defined protective laws have often been based on stereotypical assumptions concerning women's needs and abilities, and employers have frequently used them as legal excuses for discriminating against women.After the Second World War, for example, businesses and government sought to persuade women to vacate jobs in factories, thus making room in the labor force for returning veterans. The revival or passage of state laws limiting the daily or weekly work hours of women conveniently accomplished this. Employers had only to declare that overtime hours were a necessary condition of employment or promotion in their factory, and women could be quite legally fired,refused jobs, or kept at low wage levels, all in the name of "protecting" their health. By validating such laws when they are challenged by lawsuits, the courts have colluded over the years in establishing different, less advant-ageous employment terms for women than for men, thus reducing women's competitiveness on the job market. At the same time, even the most well-intentioned lawmakers, courts, and employers have often been blind to the real needs of women. The law makers and the courts continue to permit employers to offer employee health insurance plans that cover all known human medical disabilities except those relating to pregnancy and childbirth.
Finally, labor laws protecting only special groups are often ineffective at protecting the workers who are actually in the workplace. Some chemicals, for example, pose repro-ductive risks for women of child-bearing years; manufacturers using the chemicals comply with laws protecting women against these hazards by refusing to hire them.Thus the sex-defined legislation protects the hypothetical female worker, but has no effect whatever on the safety of any actual employee.The health risks to male employees in such industries cannot be negligible,since chemicals toxic enough to cause birth defects in fetuses or sterility in women are presumably harmful to the human metabolism. Protective laws aimed at changing production materials or techniques in order to reduce such hazards would benefit all employees without discriminating against any.
In sum, protective labor laws for women are discriminatory and do not meet their intended purpose. Legislators should recognize that women are in thework force to stay, and that their needs-good health care, a decent wage,and a safe workplace-are the needs of all workers, Laws that ignore these facts violate women's rights for equal protection in employment. | 1896.txt | 3 |
[
"unnecessary because most workers are well protected by existing labor laws",
"harmful to the economic interests of women workers while offering them little or no actual protection",
"not worth preserving even though they do represent a hard-won legacy of the labor movement",
"controversial because male workers receive less protection than they require"
] | The main point of the passage is that special protective labor laws for women workers are | Defenders of special protective labor legislation for women often maintain that eliminating such laws would destroy the fruits of a century-long struggle for the protection of women workers. Even a brief examination of the historic practice of courts and employers would show that the fruit of such laws has been bitter: they are , in practice, more of a curse than a blessing.
Sex-defined protective laws have often been based on stereotypical assumptions concerning women's needs and abilities, and employers have frequently used them as legal excuses for discriminating against women.After the Second World War, for example, businesses and government sought to persuade women to vacate jobs in factories, thus making room in the labor force for returning veterans. The revival or passage of state laws limiting the daily or weekly work hours of women conveniently accomplished this. Employers had only to declare that overtime hours were a necessary condition of employment or promotion in their factory, and women could be quite legally fired,refused jobs, or kept at low wage levels, all in the name of "protecting" their health. By validating such laws when they are challenged by lawsuits, the courts have colluded over the years in establishing different, less advant-ageous employment terms for women than for men, thus reducing women's competitiveness on the job market. At the same time, even the most well-intentioned lawmakers, courts, and employers have often been blind to the real needs of women. The law makers and the courts continue to permit employers to offer employee health insurance plans that cover all known human medical disabilities except those relating to pregnancy and childbirth.
Finally, labor laws protecting only special groups are often ineffective at protecting the workers who are actually in the workplace. Some chemicals, for example, pose repro-ductive risks for women of child-bearing years; manufacturers using the chemicals comply with laws protecting women against these hazards by refusing to hire them.Thus the sex-defined legislation protects the hypothetical female worker, but has no effect whatever on the safety of any actual employee.The health risks to male employees in such industries cannot be negligible,since chemicals toxic enough to cause birth defects in fetuses or sterility in women are presumably harmful to the human metabolism. Protective laws aimed at changing production materials or techniques in order to reduce such hazards would benefit all employees without discriminating against any.
In sum, protective labor laws for women are discriminatory and do not meet their intended purpose. Legislators should recognize that women are in thework force to stay, and that their needs-good health care, a decent wage,and a safe workplace-are the needs of all workers, Laws that ignore these facts violate women's rights for equal protection in employment. | 1896.txt | 1 |
[
"They cover all the common medical conditions affecting men, but only some of those affecting women.",
"They lack the special provisions for women workers that proposed special labor laws for women would provide.",
"They pay the medical costs associated with pregnancy and childbirth only for the spouses of male employees, not for female employees.",
"They meet minimum legal requirements, but do not adequately safeguard the health of either male or female employees."
] | The author implies that which of the following is characteristic of many employee health insurance plans? | Defenders of special protective labor legislation for women often maintain that eliminating such laws would destroy the fruits of a century-long struggle for the protection of women workers. Even a brief examination of the historic practice of courts and employers would show that the fruit of such laws has been bitter: they are , in practice, more of a curse than a blessing.
Sex-defined protective laws have often been based on stereotypical assumptions concerning women's needs and abilities, and employers have frequently used them as legal excuses for discriminating against women.After the Second World War, for example, businesses and government sought to persuade women to vacate jobs in factories, thus making room in the labor force for returning veterans. The revival or passage of state laws limiting the daily or weekly work hours of women conveniently accomplished this. Employers had only to declare that overtime hours were a necessary condition of employment or promotion in their factory, and women could be quite legally fired,refused jobs, or kept at low wage levels, all in the name of "protecting" their health. By validating such laws when they are challenged by lawsuits, the courts have colluded over the years in establishing different, less advant-ageous employment terms for women than for men, thus reducing women's competitiveness on the job market. At the same time, even the most well-intentioned lawmakers, courts, and employers have often been blind to the real needs of women. The law makers and the courts continue to permit employers to offer employee health insurance plans that cover all known human medical disabilities except those relating to pregnancy and childbirth.
Finally, labor laws protecting only special groups are often ineffective at protecting the workers who are actually in the workplace. Some chemicals, for example, pose repro-ductive risks for women of child-bearing years; manufacturers using the chemicals comply with laws protecting women against these hazards by refusing to hire them.Thus the sex-defined legislation protects the hypothetical female worker, but has no effect whatever on the safety of any actual employee.The health risks to male employees in such industries cannot be negligible,since chemicals toxic enough to cause birth defects in fetuses or sterility in women are presumably harmful to the human metabolism. Protective laws aimed at changing production materials or techniques in order to reduce such hazards would benefit all employees without discriminating against any.
In sum, protective labor laws for women are discriminatory and do not meet their intended purpose. Legislators should recognize that women are in thework force to stay, and that their needs-good health care, a decent wage,and a safe workplace-are the needs of all workers, Laws that ignore these facts violate women's rights for equal protection in employment. | 1896.txt | 0 |
[
"They tend to modify the stereotypes employees often hold concerning women.",
"They increase the advantage to employers of hiring men instead of women, making it less likely that women will be hired.",
"They decrease the likelihood that employers will offer more protection to women workers than that which is absolutely required by law.",
"They increase the tendency of employers to deny health insurance and disability plans to women workers."
] | According to the passage, special labor laws protecting women workers tend generally to have which of the following effects? | Defenders of special protective labor legislation for women often maintain that eliminating such laws would destroy the fruits of a century-long struggle for the protection of women workers. Even a brief examination of the historic practice of courts and employers would show that the fruit of such laws has been bitter: they are , in practice, more of a curse than a blessing.
Sex-defined protective laws have often been based on stereotypical assumptions concerning women's needs and abilities, and employers have frequently used them as legal excuses for discriminating against women.After the Second World War, for example, businesses and government sought to persuade women to vacate jobs in factories, thus making room in the labor force for returning veterans. The revival or passage of state laws limiting the daily or weekly work hours of women conveniently accomplished this. Employers had only to declare that overtime hours were a necessary condition of employment or promotion in their factory, and women could be quite legally fired,refused jobs, or kept at low wage levels, all in the name of "protecting" their health. By validating such laws when they are challenged by lawsuits, the courts have colluded over the years in establishing different, less advant-ageous employment terms for women than for men, thus reducing women's competitiveness on the job market. At the same time, even the most well-intentioned lawmakers, courts, and employers have often been blind to the real needs of women. The law makers and the courts continue to permit employers to offer employee health insurance plans that cover all known human medical disabilities except those relating to pregnancy and childbirth.
Finally, labor laws protecting only special groups are often ineffective at protecting the workers who are actually in the workplace. Some chemicals, for example, pose repro-ductive risks for women of child-bearing years; manufacturers using the chemicals comply with laws protecting women against these hazards by refusing to hire them.Thus the sex-defined legislation protects the hypothetical female worker, but has no effect whatever on the safety of any actual employee.The health risks to male employees in such industries cannot be negligible,since chemicals toxic enough to cause birth defects in fetuses or sterility in women are presumably harmful to the human metabolism. Protective laws aimed at changing production materials or techniques in order to reduce such hazards would benefit all employees without discriminating against any.
In sum, protective labor laws for women are discriminatory and do not meet their intended purpose. Legislators should recognize that women are in thework force to stay, and that their needs-good health care, a decent wage,and a safe workplace-are the needs of all workers, Laws that ignore these facts violate women's rights for equal protection in employment. | 1896.txt | 1 |
[
"should be avoided",
"is universal among parents",
"sets up dangerous states of worry in the child",
"will make him lose interest in learning new things"
] | Eagerly watching the child's acquisition of new skills ________. | In bringing up children, every parent watches eagerly the child's acquisition of each new skill-the first spoken words, the first independent steps, or the beginning of reading and writing. It is often tempting to hurry the child beyond his natural learning rate, but this can set up dangerous feelings of failure and states of worry in the child: This might happen at any stage. A baby might be forced to use a toilet too early, a young child might be encouraged to learn to read before he knows the meaning of the words he reads. On the other hand, though, if a child is left alone too much, or without any learning opportunities, he loses his natural enthusiasm for life and his desire to find out new things for himself.
Patents vary greatly in their degree of strictness towards their children. Some may be especially strict in money matters. Others are sever over times of coming home at night or punctuality for meals. In general, the controls imposed represent the needs of the parents and the values of the community as much as the child's own happiness.
As regards the development of moral standards in the growing child, consistency is very important in parental teaching. To forbid a thing one day and excuse it the next is no foundation for morality . Also, parents should realize that "example is better than precept". If they are not sincere and do not practise what they preach , their children may grow confused, and emotionally insecure when they grow old enough to think for themselves, and realize they have been to some extent fooled.
A sudden awareness of a marked difference between their parents' principles and their morals can be a dangerous disappointment. | 4129.txt | 1 |
[
"should encourage them to read before they know the meaning of the words they read",
"should not expect too much of them",
"should achieve a balance between pushing them too hard and leaving them on their own",
"should create as many learning opportunities as possible"
] | In the process of children's learning new skills parents ________. | In bringing up children, every parent watches eagerly the child's acquisition of each new skill-the first spoken words, the first independent steps, or the beginning of reading and writing. It is often tempting to hurry the child beyond his natural learning rate, but this can set up dangerous feelings of failure and states of worry in the child: This might happen at any stage. A baby might be forced to use a toilet too early, a young child might be encouraged to learn to read before he knows the meaning of the words he reads. On the other hand, though, if a child is left alone too much, or without any learning opportunities, he loses his natural enthusiasm for life and his desire to find out new things for himself.
Patents vary greatly in their degree of strictness towards their children. Some may be especially strict in money matters. Others are sever over times of coming home at night or punctuality for meals. In general, the controls imposed represent the needs of the parents and the values of the community as much as the child's own happiness.
As regards the development of moral standards in the growing child, consistency is very important in parental teaching. To forbid a thing one day and excuse it the next is no foundation for morality . Also, parents should realize that "example is better than precept". If they are not sincere and do not practise what they preach , their children may grow confused, and emotionally insecure when they grow old enough to think for themselves, and realize they have been to some extent fooled.
A sudden awareness of a marked difference between their parents' principles and their morals can be a dangerous disappointment. | 4129.txt | 2 |
[
"parents should be strict with their children",
"parental controls reflect only the needs of the parents and the values of the community",
"parental restrictions vary, and are not always enforced for the benefit of the children alone",
"parents vary in their strictness towards their children according to the situation"
] | The second paragraph mainly tells us that ________. | In bringing up children, every parent watches eagerly the child's acquisition of each new skill-the first spoken words, the first independent steps, or the beginning of reading and writing. It is often tempting to hurry the child beyond his natural learning rate, but this can set up dangerous feelings of failure and states of worry in the child: This might happen at any stage. A baby might be forced to use a toilet too early, a young child might be encouraged to learn to read before he knows the meaning of the words he reads. On the other hand, though, if a child is left alone too much, or without any learning opportunities, he loses his natural enthusiasm for life and his desire to find out new things for himself.
Patents vary greatly in their degree of strictness towards their children. Some may be especially strict in money matters. Others are sever over times of coming home at night or punctuality for meals. In general, the controls imposed represent the needs of the parents and the values of the community as much as the child's own happiness.
As regards the development of moral standards in the growing child, consistency is very important in parental teaching. To forbid a thing one day and excuse it the next is no foundation for morality . Also, parents should realize that "example is better than precept". If they are not sincere and do not practise what they preach , their children may grow confused, and emotionally insecure when they grow old enough to think for themselves, and realize they have been to some extent fooled.
A sudden awareness of a marked difference between their parents' principles and their morals can be a dangerous disappointment. | 4129.txt | 2 |
[
"idea",
"punishment",
"behavior",
"instruction"
] | The word "precept" (Line 3, Para. 3) probably means "________". | In bringing up children, every parent watches eagerly the child's acquisition of each new skill-the first spoken words, the first independent steps, or the beginning of reading and writing. It is often tempting to hurry the child beyond his natural learning rate, but this can set up dangerous feelings of failure and states of worry in the child: This might happen at any stage. A baby might be forced to use a toilet too early, a young child might be encouraged to learn to read before he knows the meaning of the words he reads. On the other hand, though, if a child is left alone too much, or without any learning opportunities, he loses his natural enthusiasm for life and his desire to find out new things for himself.
Patents vary greatly in their degree of strictness towards their children. Some may be especially strict in money matters. Others are sever over times of coming home at night or punctuality for meals. In general, the controls imposed represent the needs of the parents and the values of the community as much as the child's own happiness.
As regards the development of moral standards in the growing child, consistency is very important in parental teaching. To forbid a thing one day and excuse it the next is no foundation for morality . Also, parents should realize that "example is better than precept". If they are not sincere and do not practise what they preach , their children may grow confused, and emotionally insecure when they grow old enough to think for themselves, and realize they have been to some extent fooled.
A sudden awareness of a marked difference between their parents' principles and their morals can be a dangerous disappointment. | 4129.txt | 3 |
[
"observe the rules themselves",
"be aware of the marked difference between adults and children",
"forbid things which have no foundation in morality",
"consistently ensure the security of their children"
] | In moral matters, parents should ________. | In bringing up children, every parent watches eagerly the child's acquisition of each new skill-the first spoken words, the first independent steps, or the beginning of reading and writing. It is often tempting to hurry the child beyond his natural learning rate, but this can set up dangerous feelings of failure and states of worry in the child: This might happen at any stage. A baby might be forced to use a toilet too early, a young child might be encouraged to learn to read before he knows the meaning of the words he reads. On the other hand, though, if a child is left alone too much, or without any learning opportunities, he loses his natural enthusiasm for life and his desire to find out new things for himself.
Patents vary greatly in their degree of strictness towards their children. Some may be especially strict in money matters. Others are sever over times of coming home at night or punctuality for meals. In general, the controls imposed represent the needs of the parents and the values of the community as much as the child's own happiness.
As regards the development of moral standards in the growing child, consistency is very important in parental teaching. To forbid a thing one day and excuse it the next is no foundation for morality . Also, parents should realize that "example is better than precept". If they are not sincere and do not practise what they preach , their children may grow confused, and emotionally insecure when they grow old enough to think for themselves, and realize they have been to some extent fooled.
A sudden awareness of a marked difference between their parents' principles and their morals can be a dangerous disappointment. | 4129.txt | 0 |
[
"The messenger lives on the western side of the island because he tells the truth.",
"the messenger lives on the eastern side of the island because his answer may be a lie.",
"it's hard to determine whether the messenger is a truth teller or not.",
"the messenger probably lives in the western side of the island because his answer may be true."
] | According to the messenger's answer, the visitor can conclude that _ | A visitor visits an island where two tribes live. One tribe always tells the truth and the other always lies. The truthtellers live on the western side of the island, and those who lie live on the eastern side. The visitor wants to determine whether the native beside him is a truthteller or not by asking only one question. He asks the native,"Go and ask the native in the distance which side of the island he lives on." When the messenger returns, he says, "He said he lives on the western side of the island."
Is the messenger a truth teller or not? How can the visitor be sure? | 2984.txt | 0 |
[
"He may live on the eastern side of the island. ",
"He may live on the western side of the island.",
"He may be telling the truth.",
"He can't be telling the truth."
] | The native in the distance says he lives on the western side of the island. According to his answer, which conclusion of the following is wrong? | A visitor visits an island where two tribes live. One tribe always tells the truth and the other always lies. The truthtellers live on the western side of the island, and those who lie live on the eastern side. The visitor wants to determine whether the native beside him is a truthteller or not by asking only one question. He asks the native,"Go and ask the native in the distance which side of the island he lives on." When the messenger returns, he says, "He said he lives on the western side of the island."
Is the messenger a truth teller or not? How can the visitor be sure? | 2984.txt | 3 |
[
"How it transformed the western United States into a place of small farms",
"Why it was an improvement over previous attempts at land reform",
"Why it did not achieve its aim to provide land for small farmers",
"How it failed in the largely treeless states of Kansas, Nebraska, and the Dakotas"
] | Which aspect of the Homestead Act of 1862 does the passage mainly discuss? | The Homestead Act of 1862 gave heads of families or individuals aged twenty-one or older the right to own 160 acres of public land in the western United States after five years of residence and improvement. This law was intended to provide land for small farmers and to prevent land from being bought for resale at a profit or being owned by large landholders. An early amendment to the act even prevented husbands and wives from filing separate claims. The West, land reformers had assumed, would soon contain many 160-acre family farms.
They were doomed to disappointment. Most landless Americans were too poor to become farmers even when they could obtain land without cost. The expense of moving a family to the ever-receding frontier exceeded the means of many, and the cost of tools, draft animals, a wagon, a well, fencing, and of building the simplest house, might come to $1,000 - a formidable barrier. As for the industrial workers for whom the free land was supposed to provide a "safety valve," they had neither the skills nor the inclination to become farmers. Homesteaders usually came from districts not far removed from frontier conditions. And despite the intent of the law, speculators often managed to obtain large tracts. They hired people to stake out claims, falsely swear that they had fulfilled the conditions laid down in the law for obtaining legal title, and then deed the land over to their employers.
Furthermore, 160 acres were not enough for raising livestock or for the kind of commercial agriculture that was developing west of the Mississippi. The national government made a feeble attempt to make larger holdings available to homesteaders by passing the Timber Culture Act of 1873, which permitted individuals to claim an additional 160 acres if they would agree to plant a quarter of it in trees within ten years. This law proved helpful to some farmers in the largely treeless states of Kansas, Nebraska, and the Dakotas. Nevertheless, fewer than 25 percent of the 245,000 who took up land under the Act obtained final title to the property. | 410.txt | 2 |
[
"five years of residence was required for landownership",
"husbands and wives could not file separate claims",
"the price of 160 acres of land was $1,000",
"land could not be resold for a profit"
] | An amendment added to the Homestead Act of 1862 specified that | The Homestead Act of 1862 gave heads of families or individuals aged twenty-one or older the right to own 160 acres of public land in the western United States after five years of residence and improvement. This law was intended to provide land for small farmers and to prevent land from being bought for resale at a profit or being owned by large landholders. An early amendment to the act even prevented husbands and wives from filing separate claims. The West, land reformers had assumed, would soon contain many 160-acre family farms.
They were doomed to disappointment. Most landless Americans were too poor to become farmers even when they could obtain land without cost. The expense of moving a family to the ever-receding frontier exceeded the means of many, and the cost of tools, draft animals, a wagon, a well, fencing, and of building the simplest house, might come to $1,000 - a formidable barrier. As for the industrial workers for whom the free land was supposed to provide a "safety valve," they had neither the skills nor the inclination to become farmers. Homesteaders usually came from districts not far removed from frontier conditions. And despite the intent of the law, speculators often managed to obtain large tracts. They hired people to stake out claims, falsely swear that they had fulfilled the conditions laid down in the law for obtaining legal title, and then deed the land over to their employers.
Furthermore, 160 acres were not enough for raising livestock or for the kind of commercial agriculture that was developing west of the Mississippi. The national government made a feeble attempt to make larger holdings available to homesteaders by passing the Timber Culture Act of 1873, which permitted individuals to claim an additional 160 acres if they would agree to plant a quarter of it in trees within ten years. This law proved helpful to some farmers in the largely treeless states of Kansas, Nebraska, and the Dakotas. Nevertheless, fewer than 25 percent of the 245,000 who took up land under the Act obtained final title to the property. | 410.txt | 1 |
[
"obvious",
"predictable",
"difficult",
"manageable"
] | The word "formidable" in line 12 is closest in meaning to | The Homestead Act of 1862 gave heads of families or individuals aged twenty-one or older the right to own 160 acres of public land in the western United States after five years of residence and improvement. This law was intended to provide land for small farmers and to prevent land from being bought for resale at a profit or being owned by large landholders. An early amendment to the act even prevented husbands and wives from filing separate claims. The West, land reformers had assumed, would soon contain many 160-acre family farms.
They were doomed to disappointment. Most landless Americans were too poor to become farmers even when they could obtain land without cost. The expense of moving a family to the ever-receding frontier exceeded the means of many, and the cost of tools, draft animals, a wagon, a well, fencing, and of building the simplest house, might come to $1,000 - a formidable barrier. As for the industrial workers for whom the free land was supposed to provide a "safety valve," they had neither the skills nor the inclination to become farmers. Homesteaders usually came from districts not far removed from frontier conditions. And despite the intent of the law, speculators often managed to obtain large tracts. They hired people to stake out claims, falsely swear that they had fulfilled the conditions laid down in the law for obtaining legal title, and then deed the land over to their employers.
Furthermore, 160 acres were not enough for raising livestock or for the kind of commercial agriculture that was developing west of the Mississippi. The national government made a feeble attempt to make larger holdings available to homesteaders by passing the Timber Culture Act of 1873, which permitted individuals to claim an additional 160 acres if they would agree to plant a quarter of it in trees within ten years. This law proved helpful to some farmers in the largely treeless states of Kansas, Nebraska, and the Dakotas. Nevertheless, fewer than 25 percent of the 245,000 who took up land under the Act obtained final title to the property. | 410.txt | 2 |
[
"a new kind of machinery",
"an alternative for urban workers",
"an area in a factory",
"a procedure designed to protect workers"
] | It can be inferred that the "safety valve" in line 13 refers to | The Homestead Act of 1862 gave heads of families or individuals aged twenty-one or older the right to own 160 acres of public land in the western United States after five years of residence and improvement. This law was intended to provide land for small farmers and to prevent land from being bought for resale at a profit or being owned by large landholders. An early amendment to the act even prevented husbands and wives from filing separate claims. The West, land reformers had assumed, would soon contain many 160-acre family farms.
They were doomed to disappointment. Most landless Americans were too poor to become farmers even when they could obtain land without cost. The expense of moving a family to the ever-receding frontier exceeded the means of many, and the cost of tools, draft animals, a wagon, a well, fencing, and of building the simplest house, might come to $1,000 - a formidable barrier. As for the industrial workers for whom the free land was supposed to provide a "safety valve," they had neither the skills nor the inclination to become farmers. Homesteaders usually came from districts not far removed from frontier conditions. And despite the intent of the law, speculators often managed to obtain large tracts. They hired people to stake out claims, falsely swear that they had fulfilled the conditions laid down in the law for obtaining legal title, and then deed the land over to their employers.
Furthermore, 160 acres were not enough for raising livestock or for the kind of commercial agriculture that was developing west of the Mississippi. The national government made a feeble attempt to make larger holdings available to homesteaders by passing the Timber Culture Act of 1873, which permitted individuals to claim an additional 160 acres if they would agree to plant a quarter of it in trees within ten years. This law proved helpful to some farmers in the largely treeless states of Kansas, Nebraska, and the Dakotas. Nevertheless, fewer than 25 percent of the 245,000 who took up land under the Act obtained final title to the property. | 410.txt | 3 |
[
"purpose",
"power",
"effect",
"invention"
] | The word "intent" in line 15 is closest in meaning to | The Homestead Act of 1862 gave heads of families or individuals aged twenty-one or older the right to own 160 acres of public land in the western United States after five years of residence and improvement. This law was intended to provide land for small farmers and to prevent land from being bought for resale at a profit or being owned by large landholders. An early amendment to the act even prevented husbands and wives from filing separate claims. The West, land reformers had assumed, would soon contain many 160-acre family farms.
They were doomed to disappointment. Most landless Americans were too poor to become farmers even when they could obtain land without cost. The expense of moving a family to the ever-receding frontier exceeded the means of many, and the cost of tools, draft animals, a wagon, a well, fencing, and of building the simplest house, might come to $1,000 - a formidable barrier. As for the industrial workers for whom the free land was supposed to provide a "safety valve," they had neither the skills nor the inclination to become farmers. Homesteaders usually came from districts not far removed from frontier conditions. And despite the intent of the law, speculators often managed to obtain large tracts. They hired people to stake out claims, falsely swear that they had fulfilled the conditions laid down in the law for obtaining legal title, and then deed the land over to their employers.
Furthermore, 160 acres were not enough for raising livestock or for the kind of commercial agriculture that was developing west of the Mississippi. The national government made a feeble attempt to make larger holdings available to homesteaders by passing the Timber Culture Act of 1873, which permitted individuals to claim an additional 160 acres if they would agree to plant a quarter of it in trees within ten years. This law proved helpful to some farmers in the largely treeless states of Kansas, Nebraska, and the Dakotas. Nevertheless, fewer than 25 percent of the 245,000 who took up land under the Act obtained final title to the property. | 410.txt | 0 |
[
"to make larger tracts of land available to small farmers",
"to settle Kansas, Nebraska, and the Dakotas",
"to encourage land speculation west of the Mississippi",
"to increase the variety of trees growing in the western states"
] | According to the passage , why did the government pass the Timber Culture Act of 1873? | The Homestead Act of 1862 gave heads of families or individuals aged twenty-one or older the right to own 160 acres of public land in the western United States after five years of residence and improvement. This law was intended to provide land for small farmers and to prevent land from being bought for resale at a profit or being owned by large landholders. An early amendment to the act even prevented husbands and wives from filing separate claims. The West, land reformers had assumed, would soon contain many 160-acre family farms.
They were doomed to disappointment. Most landless Americans were too poor to become farmers even when they could obtain land without cost. The expense of moving a family to the ever-receding frontier exceeded the means of many, and the cost of tools, draft animals, a wagon, a well, fencing, and of building the simplest house, might come to $1,000 - a formidable barrier. As for the industrial workers for whom the free land was supposed to provide a "safety valve," they had neither the skills nor the inclination to become farmers. Homesteaders usually came from districts not far removed from frontier conditions. And despite the intent of the law, speculators often managed to obtain large tracts. They hired people to stake out claims, falsely swear that they had fulfilled the conditions laid down in the law for obtaining legal title, and then deed the land over to their employers.
Furthermore, 160 acres were not enough for raising livestock or for the kind of commercial agriculture that was developing west of the Mississippi. The national government made a feeble attempt to make larger holdings available to homesteaders by passing the Timber Culture Act of 1873, which permitted individuals to claim an additional 160 acres if they would agree to plant a quarter of it in trees within ten years. This law proved helpful to some farmers in the largely treeless states of Kansas, Nebraska, and the Dakotas. Nevertheless, fewer than 25 percent of the 245,000 who took up land under the Act obtained final title to the property. | 410.txt | 0 |
[
"larger holdings",
"individuals",
"160 acres",
"trees"
] | The word "they" in line 23 refers to | The Homestead Act of 1862 gave heads of families or individuals aged twenty-one or older the right to own 160 acres of public land in the western United States after five years of residence and improvement. This law was intended to provide land for small farmers and to prevent land from being bought for resale at a profit or being owned by large landholders. An early amendment to the act even prevented husbands and wives from filing separate claims. The West, land reformers had assumed, would soon contain many 160-acre family farms.
They were doomed to disappointment. Most landless Americans were too poor to become farmers even when they could obtain land without cost. The expense of moving a family to the ever-receding frontier exceeded the means of many, and the cost of tools, draft animals, a wagon, a well, fencing, and of building the simplest house, might come to $1,000 - a formidable barrier. As for the industrial workers for whom the free land was supposed to provide a "safety valve," they had neither the skills nor the inclination to become farmers. Homesteaders usually came from districts not far removed from frontier conditions. And despite the intent of the law, speculators often managed to obtain large tracts. They hired people to stake out claims, falsely swear that they had fulfilled the conditions laid down in the law for obtaining legal title, and then deed the land over to their employers.
Furthermore, 160 acres were not enough for raising livestock or for the kind of commercial agriculture that was developing west of the Mississippi. The national government made a feeble attempt to make larger holdings available to homesteaders by passing the Timber Culture Act of 1873, which permitted individuals to claim an additional 160 acres if they would agree to plant a quarter of it in trees within ten years. This law proved helpful to some farmers in the largely treeless states of Kansas, Nebraska, and the Dakotas. Nevertheless, fewer than 25 percent of the 245,000 who took up land under the Act obtained final title to the property. | 410.txt | 1 |
[
"fewer than 25%",
"more than 160",
"10% per year",
"245,000"
] | According to the passage , how many of the farmers who settled land under the Timber Culture Act of 1873 received final title to the property? | The Homestead Act of 1862 gave heads of families or individuals aged twenty-one or older the right to own 160 acres of public land in the western United States after five years of residence and improvement. This law was intended to provide land for small farmers and to prevent land from being bought for resale at a profit or being owned by large landholders. An early amendment to the act even prevented husbands and wives from filing separate claims. The West, land reformers had assumed, would soon contain many 160-acre family farms.
They were doomed to disappointment. Most landless Americans were too poor to become farmers even when they could obtain land without cost. The expense of moving a family to the ever-receding frontier exceeded the means of many, and the cost of tools, draft animals, a wagon, a well, fencing, and of building the simplest house, might come to $1,000 - a formidable barrier. As for the industrial workers for whom the free land was supposed to provide a "safety valve," they had neither the skills nor the inclination to become farmers. Homesteaders usually came from districts not far removed from frontier conditions. And despite the intent of the law, speculators often managed to obtain large tracts. They hired people to stake out claims, falsely swear that they had fulfilled the conditions laid down in the law for obtaining legal title, and then deed the land over to their employers.
Furthermore, 160 acres were not enough for raising livestock or for the kind of commercial agriculture that was developing west of the Mississippi. The national government made a feeble attempt to make larger holdings available to homesteaders by passing the Timber Culture Act of 1873, which permitted individuals to claim an additional 160 acres if they would agree to plant a quarter of it in trees within ten years. This law proved helpful to some farmers in the largely treeless states of Kansas, Nebraska, and the Dakotas. Nevertheless, fewer than 25 percent of the 245,000 who took up land under the Act obtained final title to the property. | 410.txt | 0 |
[
"Most landless Americans could not afford the necessary tools and provisions.",
"Industrial workers lacked the necessary farming skills.",
"The farms were too large for single families to operate successfully.",
"Homesteaders usually came from areas relatively close to the frontier."
] | The passage mentions all of the following as reasons the Homestead Act of 1862 did not achieve its aims EXCEPT: | The Homestead Act of 1862 gave heads of families or individuals aged twenty-one or older the right to own 160 acres of public land in the western United States after five years of residence and improvement. This law was intended to provide land for small farmers and to prevent land from being bought for resale at a profit or being owned by large landholders. An early amendment to the act even prevented husbands and wives from filing separate claims. The West, land reformers had assumed, would soon contain many 160-acre family farms.
They were doomed to disappointment. Most landless Americans were too poor to become farmers even when they could obtain land without cost. The expense of moving a family to the ever-receding frontier exceeded the means of many, and the cost of tools, draft animals, a wagon, a well, fencing, and of building the simplest house, might come to $1,000 - a formidable barrier. As for the industrial workers for whom the free land was supposed to provide a "safety valve," they had neither the skills nor the inclination to become farmers. Homesteaders usually came from districts not far removed from frontier conditions. And despite the intent of the law, speculators often managed to obtain large tracts. They hired people to stake out claims, falsely swear that they had fulfilled the conditions laid down in the law for obtaining legal title, and then deed the land over to their employers.
Furthermore, 160 acres were not enough for raising livestock or for the kind of commercial agriculture that was developing west of the Mississippi. The national government made a feeble attempt to make larger holdings available to homesteaders by passing the Timber Culture Act of 1873, which permitted individuals to claim an additional 160 acres if they would agree to plant a quarter of it in trees within ten years. This law proved helpful to some farmers in the largely treeless states of Kansas, Nebraska, and the Dakotas. Nevertheless, fewer than 25 percent of the 245,000 who took up land under the Act obtained final title to the property. | 410.txt | 2 |
[
"It especially helped farmers with large holdings of land.",
"It was most important to farmers living in states that had plenty of trees.",
"The majority of farmers did not benefit significantly from it.",
"The majority of farmers did not need the extra 160 acres it provided."
] | Which of the following can be inferred from the passage about the Timber Culture Act of 1873? | The Homestead Act of 1862 gave heads of families or individuals aged twenty-one or older the right to own 160 acres of public land in the western United States after five years of residence and improvement. This law was intended to provide land for small farmers and to prevent land from being bought for resale at a profit or being owned by large landholders. An early amendment to the act even prevented husbands and wives from filing separate claims. The West, land reformers had assumed, would soon contain many 160-acre family farms.
They were doomed to disappointment. Most landless Americans were too poor to become farmers even when they could obtain land without cost. The expense of moving a family to the ever-receding frontier exceeded the means of many, and the cost of tools, draft animals, a wagon, a well, fencing, and of building the simplest house, might come to $1,000 - a formidable barrier. As for the industrial workers for whom the free land was supposed to provide a "safety valve," they had neither the skills nor the inclination to become farmers. Homesteaders usually came from districts not far removed from frontier conditions. And despite the intent of the law, speculators often managed to obtain large tracts. They hired people to stake out claims, falsely swear that they had fulfilled the conditions laid down in the law for obtaining legal title, and then deed the land over to their employers.
Furthermore, 160 acres were not enough for raising livestock or for the kind of commercial agriculture that was developing west of the Mississippi. The national government made a feeble attempt to make larger holdings available to homesteaders by passing the Timber Culture Act of 1873, which permitted individuals to claim an additional 160 acres if they would agree to plant a quarter of it in trees within ten years. This law proved helpful to some farmers in the largely treeless states of Kansas, Nebraska, and the Dakotas. Nevertheless, fewer than 25 percent of the 245,000 who took up land under the Act obtained final title to the property. | 410.txt | 2 |
[
"By giving an example.",
"By listing the facts.",
"By telling a story.",
"By giving a comparison."
] | How did the writer introduce the topic of the passage? | Imagine a mass of floating waste is two times the size of the state of Texas. Texas has a land area of more than 678 000 square kilometers. So it might be difficult to imagine anything twice as big.
All together, this mass of waste flowing in the North Pacific Ocean is known as the Great Pacific Ocean Garbage Patch. It weighs about 3 500 000 tons. The waste includes bags，bottles and containers-plastic products of all kinds.
The eastern part of the Great Pacific Ocean Garbage Patch is about l 600 kilometers west of California. The western part is west of the Hawaiian Islands and east of Japan. The area has been described as a kind of oceanic desert，with light winds and slow moving water currents. The water moves so slow that garbage from all over the world collects there.
In recent years，there have been growing concerns about the floating garbage and its effect on sea creatures and human health. Scientists say thousands of animals get trapped in the floating waste，resulting in death or injury. Even more die from a lack of food or water after swallowing pieces of plastic. The trash can also make animals feel full，lessening their desire to eat or drink.
The floating garbage also can have harmful effects on people. There is an increased threat of infection of disease from polluted waste，and from eating fish that swallowed waste. Divers can also get trapped in the plastic.
Its existence first gained public attention in l997. That was when racing boat captain and oceanographer Charles Moore and his crew sailed into the garbage while returning from a racing event. Five years earlier，another oceanographer learned of the trash after a shipment of rubber duckies got lost at sea. Many of those toys are now part of the Great Pacific Ocean Garbage Patch.
In August，2009，a team from the University of California，San Diego became the
latest group to travel to it. They were shocked by the amount of waste they saw. They gathered hundreds of sea creatures and water samples to measure the garbage patch's effect on ocean environment. | 3133.txt | 3 |
[
"It is made up of various kinds of plastic products.",
"It is a solid mass of floating waste materials.",
"It lies l60 000 kilometers east of California.",
"It is described as a kind of oceanic desert."
] | What do we know about the Great Pacific Ocean Garbage Patch? | Imagine a mass of floating waste is two times the size of the state of Texas. Texas has a land area of more than 678 000 square kilometers. So it might be difficult to imagine anything twice as big.
All together, this mass of waste flowing in the North Pacific Ocean is known as the Great Pacific Ocean Garbage Patch. It weighs about 3 500 000 tons. The waste includes bags，bottles and containers-plastic products of all kinds.
The eastern part of the Great Pacific Ocean Garbage Patch is about l 600 kilometers west of California. The western part is west of the Hawaiian Islands and east of Japan. The area has been described as a kind of oceanic desert，with light winds and slow moving water currents. The water moves so slow that garbage from all over the world collects there.
In recent years，there have been growing concerns about the floating garbage and its effect on sea creatures and human health. Scientists say thousands of animals get trapped in the floating waste，resulting in death or injury. Even more die from a lack of food or water after swallowing pieces of plastic. The trash can also make animals feel full，lessening their desire to eat or drink.
The floating garbage also can have harmful effects on people. There is an increased threat of infection of disease from polluted waste，and from eating fish that swallowed waste. Divers can also get trapped in the plastic.
Its existence first gained public attention in l997. That was when racing boat captain and oceanographer Charles Moore and his crew sailed into the garbage while returning from a racing event. Five years earlier，another oceanographer learned of the trash after a shipment of rubber duckies got lost at sea. Many of those toys are now part of the Great Pacific Ocean Garbage Patch.
In August，2009，a team from the University of California，San Diego became the
latest group to travel to it. They were shocked by the amount of waste they saw. They gathered hundreds of sea creatures and water samples to measure the garbage patch's effect on ocean environment. | 3133.txt | 0 |
[
"Because it may prevent the flow of ocean water.",
"Because the polluted plastic articles will move up the food chain.",
"Because it may be from an island in the pacific.",
"Because ships may be trapped in the floating waste."
] | Why do people pay attention to the Great Pacific Ocean Garbage Patch? | Imagine a mass of floating waste is two times the size of the state of Texas. Texas has a land area of more than 678 000 square kilometers. So it might be difficult to imagine anything twice as big.
All together, this mass of waste flowing in the North Pacific Ocean is known as the Great Pacific Ocean Garbage Patch. It weighs about 3 500 000 tons. The waste includes bags，bottles and containers-plastic products of all kinds.
The eastern part of the Great Pacific Ocean Garbage Patch is about l 600 kilometers west of California. The western part is west of the Hawaiian Islands and east of Japan. The area has been described as a kind of oceanic desert，with light winds and slow moving water currents. The water moves so slow that garbage from all over the world collects there.
In recent years，there have been growing concerns about the floating garbage and its effect on sea creatures and human health. Scientists say thousands of animals get trapped in the floating waste，resulting in death or injury. Even more die from a lack of food or water after swallowing pieces of plastic. The trash can also make animals feel full，lessening their desire to eat or drink.
The floating garbage also can have harmful effects on people. There is an increased threat of infection of disease from polluted waste，and from eating fish that swallowed waste. Divers can also get trapped in the plastic.
Its existence first gained public attention in l997. That was when racing boat captain and oceanographer Charles Moore and his crew sailed into the garbage while returning from a racing event. Five years earlier，another oceanographer learned of the trash after a shipment of rubber duckies got lost at sea. Many of those toys are now part of the Great Pacific Ocean Garbage Patch.
In August，2009，a team from the University of California，San Diego became the
latest group to travel to it. They were shocked by the amount of waste they saw. They gathered hundreds of sea creatures and water samples to measure the garbage patch's effect on ocean environment. | 3133.txt | 1 |
[
"Sports and entertainment.",
"Media and culture.",
"Environment and society.",
"Science and technology."
] | Which column can you find the passage on a newspaper? | Imagine a mass of floating waste is two times the size of the state of Texas. Texas has a land area of more than 678 000 square kilometers. So it might be difficult to imagine anything twice as big.
All together, this mass of waste flowing in the North Pacific Ocean is known as the Great Pacific Ocean Garbage Patch. It weighs about 3 500 000 tons. The waste includes bags，bottles and containers-plastic products of all kinds.
The eastern part of the Great Pacific Ocean Garbage Patch is about l 600 kilometers west of California. The western part is west of the Hawaiian Islands and east of Japan. The area has been described as a kind of oceanic desert，with light winds and slow moving water currents. The water moves so slow that garbage from all over the world collects there.
In recent years，there have been growing concerns about the floating garbage and its effect on sea creatures and human health. Scientists say thousands of animals get trapped in the floating waste，resulting in death or injury. Even more die from a lack of food or water after swallowing pieces of plastic. The trash can also make animals feel full，lessening their desire to eat or drink.
The floating garbage also can have harmful effects on people. There is an increased threat of infection of disease from polluted waste，and from eating fish that swallowed waste. Divers can also get trapped in the plastic.
Its existence first gained public attention in l997. That was when racing boat captain and oceanographer Charles Moore and his crew sailed into the garbage while returning from a racing event. Five years earlier，another oceanographer learned of the trash after a shipment of rubber duckies got lost at sea. Many of those toys are now part of the Great Pacific Ocean Garbage Patch.
In August，2009，a team from the University of California，San Diego became the
latest group to travel to it. They were shocked by the amount of waste they saw. They gathered hundreds of sea creatures and water samples to measure the garbage patch's effect on ocean environment. | 3133.txt | 2 |
[
"warn people of the danger to travel in the pacific",
"analyze what caused the waste patch in the pacific",
"give advice on how to recycle waste in the ocean",
"introduce the Great Pacific Ocean Garbage Patch"
] | The purpose of writing this passage is to _ . | Imagine a mass of floating waste is two times the size of the state of Texas. Texas has a land area of more than 678 000 square kilometers. So it might be difficult to imagine anything twice as big.
All together, this mass of waste flowing in the North Pacific Ocean is known as the Great Pacific Ocean Garbage Patch. It weighs about 3 500 000 tons. The waste includes bags，bottles and containers-plastic products of all kinds.
The eastern part of the Great Pacific Ocean Garbage Patch is about l 600 kilometers west of California. The western part is west of the Hawaiian Islands and east of Japan. The area has been described as a kind of oceanic desert，with light winds and slow moving water currents. The water moves so slow that garbage from all over the world collects there.
In recent years，there have been growing concerns about the floating garbage and its effect on sea creatures and human health. Scientists say thousands of animals get trapped in the floating waste，resulting in death or injury. Even more die from a lack of food or water after swallowing pieces of plastic. The trash can also make animals feel full，lessening their desire to eat or drink.
The floating garbage also can have harmful effects on people. There is an increased threat of infection of disease from polluted waste，and from eating fish that swallowed waste. Divers can also get trapped in the plastic.
Its existence first gained public attention in l997. That was when racing boat captain and oceanographer Charles Moore and his crew sailed into the garbage while returning from a racing event. Five years earlier，another oceanographer learned of the trash after a shipment of rubber duckies got lost at sea. Many of those toys are now part of the Great Pacific Ocean Garbage Patch.
In August，2009，a team from the University of California，San Diego became the
latest group to travel to it. They were shocked by the amount of waste they saw. They gathered hundreds of sea creatures and water samples to measure the garbage patch's effect on ocean environment. | 3133.txt | 3 |
[
"work.",
"education.",
"effort.",
"health."
] | According to the article, families and the whole society benefit from women's | The benefits of educating girls are numerous - to individual girls both when they are young and when they become adult women, to their future families, and to society as whole. Education enables women to contribute more fully to the social and economic development of their societies. A girl's education is also an investment in future generations. The more educated a mother is, the more likely are her children - particularly her daughters - to roll and stay in school.
The higher level of education attained by women is strongly associated with lower child death. Experts believe more educated women practice better hygiene and nutrition, use health services more frequently, and survive better. Woman with more schooling tend to be healthier themselves. Perhaps reflecting their improved ability to avoid frequent childbearing and to take advantage of available health services during pregnancy.
The educational level achieved by women, like family planning services, has the most powerful influence on family size. The impact of education on family size is strongest and most consistent for women who have completed some secondary schooling. Educating girls is three times more likely to lower family size than educating boys. Education appears to affect family size in many ways. More educated women not only want fewer children than their less educated husbands, but also are more likely to use effective contraception successfully and to limit their families to the number of children, which contribute to smaller family size.
Family size is ideal and child death rates are lowest, therefore, in countries that combine strong family planning and health programs with high levels of education for women. | 1259.txt | 1 |
[
"personality.",
"experience.",
"grades in school.",
"years of schooling."
] | According to the article, mother's education has an effect on children's | The benefits of educating girls are numerous - to individual girls both when they are young and when they become adult women, to their future families, and to society as whole. Education enables women to contribute more fully to the social and economic development of their societies. A girl's education is also an investment in future generations. The more educated a mother is, the more likely are her children - particularly her daughters - to roll and stay in school.
The higher level of education attained by women is strongly associated with lower child death. Experts believe more educated women practice better hygiene and nutrition, use health services more frequently, and survive better. Woman with more schooling tend to be healthier themselves. Perhaps reflecting their improved ability to avoid frequent childbearing and to take advantage of available health services during pregnancy.
The educational level achieved by women, like family planning services, has the most powerful influence on family size. The impact of education on family size is strongest and most consistent for women who have completed some secondary schooling. Educating girls is three times more likely to lower family size than educating boys. Education appears to affect family size in many ways. More educated women not only want fewer children than their less educated husbands, but also are more likely to use effective contraception successfully and to limit their families to the number of children, which contribute to smaller family size.
Family size is ideal and child death rates are lowest, therefore, in countries that combine strong family planning and health programs with high levels of education for women. | 1259.txt | 3 |
[
"good health.",
"frequent visits to health services.",
"better utilization of nutrition.",
"management of family resources."
] | Lower death rate of children owes to all of the following except women's | The benefits of educating girls are numerous - to individual girls both when they are young and when they become adult women, to their future families, and to society as whole. Education enables women to contribute more fully to the social and economic development of their societies. A girl's education is also an investment in future generations. The more educated a mother is, the more likely are her children - particularly her daughters - to roll and stay in school.
The higher level of education attained by women is strongly associated with lower child death. Experts believe more educated women practice better hygiene and nutrition, use health services more frequently, and survive better. Woman with more schooling tend to be healthier themselves. Perhaps reflecting their improved ability to avoid frequent childbearing and to take advantage of available health services during pregnancy.
The educational level achieved by women, like family planning services, has the most powerful influence on family size. The impact of education on family size is strongest and most consistent for women who have completed some secondary schooling. Educating girls is three times more likely to lower family size than educating boys. Education appears to affect family size in many ways. More educated women not only want fewer children than their less educated husbands, but also are more likely to use effective contraception successfully and to limit their families to the number of children, which contribute to smaller family size.
Family size is ideal and child death rates are lowest, therefore, in countries that combine strong family planning and health programs with high levels of education for women. | 1259.txt | 3 |
[
"By educating their children.",
"By marrying late.",
"By supporting the small family.",
"By educating their husbands."
] | In what way do women contribute to the small family size according to the text? | The benefits of educating girls are numerous - to individual girls both when they are young and when they become adult women, to their future families, and to society as whole. Education enables women to contribute more fully to the social and economic development of their societies. A girl's education is also an investment in future generations. The more educated a mother is, the more likely are her children - particularly her daughters - to roll and stay in school.
The higher level of education attained by women is strongly associated with lower child death. Experts believe more educated women practice better hygiene and nutrition, use health services more frequently, and survive better. Woman with more schooling tend to be healthier themselves. Perhaps reflecting their improved ability to avoid frequent childbearing and to take advantage of available health services during pregnancy.
The educational level achieved by women, like family planning services, has the most powerful influence on family size. The impact of education on family size is strongest and most consistent for women who have completed some secondary schooling. Educating girls is three times more likely to lower family size than educating boys. Education appears to affect family size in many ways. More educated women not only want fewer children than their less educated husbands, but also are more likely to use effective contraception successfully and to limit their families to the number of children, which contribute to smaller family size.
Family size is ideal and child death rates are lowest, therefore, in countries that combine strong family planning and health programs with high levels of education for women. | 1259.txt | 2 |
[
"has great influence on boy's growth.",
"is helpful to the stability of families.",
"can raise women's social status.",
"contributes to the development of society."
] | It can be concluded from the passage that educating girls | The benefits of educating girls are numerous - to individual girls both when they are young and when they become adult women, to their future families, and to society as whole. Education enables women to contribute more fully to the social and economic development of their societies. A girl's education is also an investment in future generations. The more educated a mother is, the more likely are her children - particularly her daughters - to roll and stay in school.
The higher level of education attained by women is strongly associated with lower child death. Experts believe more educated women practice better hygiene and nutrition, use health services more frequently, and survive better. Woman with more schooling tend to be healthier themselves. Perhaps reflecting their improved ability to avoid frequent childbearing and to take advantage of available health services during pregnancy.
The educational level achieved by women, like family planning services, has the most powerful influence on family size. The impact of education on family size is strongest and most consistent for women who have completed some secondary schooling. Educating girls is three times more likely to lower family size than educating boys. Education appears to affect family size in many ways. More educated women not only want fewer children than their less educated husbands, but also are more likely to use effective contraception successfully and to limit their families to the number of children, which contribute to smaller family size.
Family size is ideal and child death rates are lowest, therefore, in countries that combine strong family planning and health programs with high levels of education for women. | 1259.txt | 3 |
[
"their social roles are rigidly determined",
"most boys would like to follow their fathers' professions",
"boys like to play with their fathers while girls with their mothers",
"they like challenging activities"
] | The reason why the toys most boys play with are different from those that girls play with is that ________. | There seems never to have been a civilization without toys, but when and how they developed is unknown. They probably came about just to give children something to do.
In the ancient world, as is today, most boys played with some kinds of toys and most girls with another. In societies where social roles are rigidly determined, boys pattern their play after the activities of their fathers and girls after the tasks of their mothers. This is true because boys and girls are being prepared, even in play, to step into the roles and responsibilities of the adult world.
What is remarkable about the history of toys is not so much how they changed over the centuries but how much they have remained are same. The changes have been mostly in terms of craftsmanship, mechanics, and technology. It is the universality of toys with regard to their development in all parts of the world and their persistence to the present that is amazing. In Egypt, the Americas, China, Japan and among the Arctic peoples, generally the same kinds of toys appeared. Variations depended on local customs and ways of life because toys imitate their surroundings. Nearly every civilization had dolls, little weapons, toy soldiers, tiny animals and vehicles.
Because toys can be generally regarded as a kind of art form, they have not been subject to technological leaps that characterize inventions for adult use. The progress from the wheel to the oxcart to the automobile is a direct line of ascent . The progress from a rattle used by a baby in 3000 BC to one used by an infant today, however, is not characterized by inventiveness. Each rattle is the product of the artistic tastes of the times and subject to the limitations of available materials. | 447.txt | 0 |
[
"technological advances have greatly improved the durability of toys",
"the improvement of craftsmanship in making toys depends on the efforts of universities",
"the exploration of the universe had led to the creation of new kinds of toys",
"the basic characteristics of toys are the same the world over"
] | One aspect of "the universality of toys" lies in the fact that ________. | There seems never to have been a civilization without toys, but when and how they developed is unknown. They probably came about just to give children something to do.
In the ancient world, as is today, most boys played with some kinds of toys and most girls with another. In societies where social roles are rigidly determined, boys pattern their play after the activities of their fathers and girls after the tasks of their mothers. This is true because boys and girls are being prepared, even in play, to step into the roles and responsibilities of the adult world.
What is remarkable about the history of toys is not so much how they changed over the centuries but how much they have remained are same. The changes have been mostly in terms of craftsmanship, mechanics, and technology. It is the universality of toys with regard to their development in all parts of the world and their persistence to the present that is amazing. In Egypt, the Americas, China, Japan and among the Arctic peoples, generally the same kinds of toys appeared. Variations depended on local customs and ways of life because toys imitate their surroundings. Nearly every civilization had dolls, little weapons, toy soldiers, tiny animals and vehicles.
Because toys can be generally regarded as a kind of art form, they have not been subject to technological leaps that characterize inventions for adult use. The progress from the wheel to the oxcart to the automobile is a direct line of ascent . The progress from a rattle used by a baby in 3000 BC to one used by an infant today, however, is not characterized by inventiveness. Each rattle is the product of the artistic tastes of the times and subject to the limitations of available materials. | 447.txt | 3 |
[
"The craftsmanship in toy-making has remained essentially unchanged.",
"Toys have remained basically the same all through the centuries.",
"The toy industry has witnessed great leaps in technology in recent years.",
"Toys are playing an increasingly important role in shaping a child's character."
] | Which of the following is the author's view on the historical development of toys? | There seems never to have been a civilization without toys, but when and how they developed is unknown. They probably came about just to give children something to do.
In the ancient world, as is today, most boys played with some kinds of toys and most girls with another. In societies where social roles are rigidly determined, boys pattern their play after the activities of their fathers and girls after the tasks of their mothers. This is true because boys and girls are being prepared, even in play, to step into the roles and responsibilities of the adult world.
What is remarkable about the history of toys is not so much how they changed over the centuries but how much they have remained are same. The changes have been mostly in terms of craftsmanship, mechanics, and technology. It is the universality of toys with regard to their development in all parts of the world and their persistence to the present that is amazing. In Egypt, the Americas, China, Japan and among the Arctic peoples, generally the same kinds of toys appeared. Variations depended on local customs and ways of life because toys imitate their surroundings. Nearly every civilization had dolls, little weapons, toy soldiers, tiny animals and vehicles.
Because toys can be generally regarded as a kind of art form, they have not been subject to technological leaps that characterize inventions for adult use. The progress from the wheel to the oxcart to the automobile is a direct line of ascent . The progress from a rattle used by a baby in 3000 BC to one used by an infant today, however, is not characterized by inventiveness. Each rattle is the product of the artistic tastes of the times and subject to the limitations of available materials. | 447.txt | 1 |
[
"follow a direct line of ascent",
"also appeal greatly to adults",
"are not characterized by technological progress",
"reflect the pace of social progress"
] | Regarded as a kind of art form, toys ________. | There seems never to have been a civilization without toys, but when and how they developed is unknown. They probably came about just to give children something to do.
In the ancient world, as is today, most boys played with some kinds of toys and most girls with another. In societies where social roles are rigidly determined, boys pattern their play after the activities of their fathers and girls after the tasks of their mothers. This is true because boys and girls are being prepared, even in play, to step into the roles and responsibilities of the adult world.
What is remarkable about the history of toys is not so much how they changed over the centuries but how much they have remained are same. The changes have been mostly in terms of craftsmanship, mechanics, and technology. It is the universality of toys with regard to their development in all parts of the world and their persistence to the present that is amazing. In Egypt, the Americas, China, Japan and among the Arctic peoples, generally the same kinds of toys appeared. Variations depended on local customs and ways of life because toys imitate their surroundings. Nearly every civilization had dolls, little weapons, toy soldiers, tiny animals and vehicles.
Because toys can be generally regarded as a kind of art form, they have not been subject to technological leaps that characterize inventions for adult use. The progress from the wheel to the oxcart to the automobile is a direct line of ascent . The progress from a rattle used by a baby in 3000 BC to one used by an infant today, however, is not characterized by inventiveness. Each rattle is the product of the artistic tastes of the times and subject to the limitations of available materials. | 447.txt | 2 |
[
"in toy-making there is a continuity in the sue of materials",
"even the simplest toys can reflect the progress of technology",
"even the simplest toys can reflect the progress of technology",
"even a simple toy can mirror the artistic tastes of the time"
] | The author uses the example of rattle to show that ________. | There seems never to have been a civilization without toys, but when and how they developed is unknown. They probably came about just to give children something to do.
In the ancient world, as is today, most boys played with some kinds of toys and most girls with another. In societies where social roles are rigidly determined, boys pattern their play after the activities of their fathers and girls after the tasks of their mothers. This is true because boys and girls are being prepared, even in play, to step into the roles and responsibilities of the adult world.
What is remarkable about the history of toys is not so much how they changed over the centuries but how much they have remained are same. The changes have been mostly in terms of craftsmanship, mechanics, and technology. It is the universality of toys with regard to their development in all parts of the world and their persistence to the present that is amazing. In Egypt, the Americas, China, Japan and among the Arctic peoples, generally the same kinds of toys appeared. Variations depended on local customs and ways of life because toys imitate their surroundings. Nearly every civilization had dolls, little weapons, toy soldiers, tiny animals and vehicles.
Because toys can be generally regarded as a kind of art form, they have not been subject to technological leaps that characterize inventions for adult use. The progress from the wheel to the oxcart to the automobile is a direct line of ascent . The progress from a rattle used by a baby in 3000 BC to one used by an infant today, however, is not characterized by inventiveness. Each rattle is the product of the artistic tastes of the times and subject to the limitations of available materials. | 447.txt | 3 |
[
"Obesity puts a burden on the heart.",
"Many people are constantly dieting.",
"Obesity is considered to be a disease.",
"Obesity can lead to many serious health problems."
] | Which of the following expresses the main idea of this passage? | Obesity generally is defined as an accumulation of fat beyond what is considered normal for a person's age, sex, and body type. In today's society obesity is considered a disease, not a moral failing. It occurs when energy intake exceeds the amount of energy expended over time. Only in a small minority of cases is obesity caused by such illnesses as hypothyroidism, or the result of taking medications, such as steroids, that can cause weight gain.
The more a person weighs, the more blood vessels the body needs to circulate blood throughout the body. The heart takes on a heavy burden as it has to pump harder to force the blood flow through so many vessels. As a result, the heart grows in size and blood pressure tends to rise. Obesity is also a factor in osteoarthritis (because of the extra weight placed on the joints), bone and joint diseases, respiratory ailments, gallbladder disease, complications during pregnancy and delivery, and higher accidental death rate.
Obesity can alter hormone levels, affect immune function, and cause impotence in men and reproductive problems in women. Women who are 30% overweight are twice as likely to die of endometrial cancer, and those who are 40% overweight have four times the risk. Obese women also are more likely to incur cancers of the breast, ovaries, and gallbladder. Obese men are more likely to develop cancers of the rectum, colon, bladder, pancreas, stomach, and prostate.
Obesity can also cause psychological problems. Sufferers are associated with laziness, failure, or inadequate willpower. As a result, overweight men and women blame themselves for being heavy, thus causing feelings of guilt and depression.
Scientific evidence has found an association between BMI (body-mass index) and higher death rates. However, the relative risk of being heavy declines with age. Some researchers have found that data linking overweight and death are inconclusive, while other researchers have found that losing weight may be riskier than dangers posed by extra pounds. Some researchers counter that overweight indirectly contributes to over 300,000 deaths a year.
A poll by Shape Up America found that 78% of overweight or obese adults have abandoned dieting as a means of losing weight. Diets do not teach people how to eat properly. They merely restrict food intake temporarily, so when the diet ends, weight gain resumes. | 2762.txt | 3 |
[
"obesity is often related to medications such as steroids",
"obesity does not affect a person's chance of getting cancer",
"a diagnosis of obesity is based on a normal weight for one's age and sex",
"obesity is becoming less of a problem in today's society"
] | According to the passage, _ . | Obesity generally is defined as an accumulation of fat beyond what is considered normal for a person's age, sex, and body type. In today's society obesity is considered a disease, not a moral failing. It occurs when energy intake exceeds the amount of energy expended over time. Only in a small minority of cases is obesity caused by such illnesses as hypothyroidism, or the result of taking medications, such as steroids, that can cause weight gain.
The more a person weighs, the more blood vessels the body needs to circulate blood throughout the body. The heart takes on a heavy burden as it has to pump harder to force the blood flow through so many vessels. As a result, the heart grows in size and blood pressure tends to rise. Obesity is also a factor in osteoarthritis (because of the extra weight placed on the joints), bone and joint diseases, respiratory ailments, gallbladder disease, complications during pregnancy and delivery, and higher accidental death rate.
Obesity can alter hormone levels, affect immune function, and cause impotence in men and reproductive problems in women. Women who are 30% overweight are twice as likely to die of endometrial cancer, and those who are 40% overweight have four times the risk. Obese women also are more likely to incur cancers of the breast, ovaries, and gallbladder. Obese men are more likely to develop cancers of the rectum, colon, bladder, pancreas, stomach, and prostate.
Obesity can also cause psychological problems. Sufferers are associated with laziness, failure, or inadequate willpower. As a result, overweight men and women blame themselves for being heavy, thus causing feelings of guilt and depression.
Scientific evidence has found an association between BMI (body-mass index) and higher death rates. However, the relative risk of being heavy declines with age. Some researchers have found that data linking overweight and death are inconclusive, while other researchers have found that losing weight may be riskier than dangers posed by extra pounds. Some researchers counter that overweight indirectly contributes to over 300,000 deaths a year.
A poll by Shape Up America found that 78% of overweight or obese adults have abandoned dieting as a means of losing weight. Diets do not teach people how to eat properly. They merely restrict food intake temporarily, so when the diet ends, weight gain resumes. | 2762.txt | 2 |
[
"Diets don't teach people good eating habits.",
"Diets lead to people's guilt and depression.",
"There are too many diets and each has different requirements.",
"Diets cause feeling of deprivation."
] | According to the passage, why does dieting not result in permanent weight loss? | Obesity generally is defined as an accumulation of fat beyond what is considered normal for a person's age, sex, and body type. In today's society obesity is considered a disease, not a moral failing. It occurs when energy intake exceeds the amount of energy expended over time. Only in a small minority of cases is obesity caused by such illnesses as hypothyroidism, or the result of taking medications, such as steroids, that can cause weight gain.
The more a person weighs, the more blood vessels the body needs to circulate blood throughout the body. The heart takes on a heavy burden as it has to pump harder to force the blood flow through so many vessels. As a result, the heart grows in size and blood pressure tends to rise. Obesity is also a factor in osteoarthritis (because of the extra weight placed on the joints), bone and joint diseases, respiratory ailments, gallbladder disease, complications during pregnancy and delivery, and higher accidental death rate.
Obesity can alter hormone levels, affect immune function, and cause impotence in men and reproductive problems in women. Women who are 30% overweight are twice as likely to die of endometrial cancer, and those who are 40% overweight have four times the risk. Obese women also are more likely to incur cancers of the breast, ovaries, and gallbladder. Obese men are more likely to develop cancers of the rectum, colon, bladder, pancreas, stomach, and prostate.
Obesity can also cause psychological problems. Sufferers are associated with laziness, failure, or inadequate willpower. As a result, overweight men and women blame themselves for being heavy, thus causing feelings of guilt and depression.
Scientific evidence has found an association between BMI (body-mass index) and higher death rates. However, the relative risk of being heavy declines with age. Some researchers have found that data linking overweight and death are inconclusive, while other researchers have found that losing weight may be riskier than dangers posed by extra pounds. Some researchers counter that overweight indirectly contributes to over 300,000 deaths a year.
A poll by Shape Up America found that 78% of overweight or obese adults have abandoned dieting as a means of losing weight. Diets do not teach people how to eat properly. They merely restrict food intake temporarily, so when the diet ends, weight gain resumes. | 2762.txt | 0 |
[
"Losing a lot of weight is not wise for older people.",
"Some surgical methods for weight loss are better than dieting.",
"All obese people need to shed their extra pounds.",
"Obese people should consult their doctors about the pros and cons of losing weight."
] | Which of the following is implied in Paragraph 5? | Obesity generally is defined as an accumulation of fat beyond what is considered normal for a person's age, sex, and body type. In today's society obesity is considered a disease, not a moral failing. It occurs when energy intake exceeds the amount of energy expended over time. Only in a small minority of cases is obesity caused by such illnesses as hypothyroidism, or the result of taking medications, such as steroids, that can cause weight gain.
The more a person weighs, the more blood vessels the body needs to circulate blood throughout the body. The heart takes on a heavy burden as it has to pump harder to force the blood flow through so many vessels. As a result, the heart grows in size and blood pressure tends to rise. Obesity is also a factor in osteoarthritis (because of the extra weight placed on the joints), bone and joint diseases, respiratory ailments, gallbladder disease, complications during pregnancy and delivery, and higher accidental death rate.
Obesity can alter hormone levels, affect immune function, and cause impotence in men and reproductive problems in women. Women who are 30% overweight are twice as likely to die of endometrial cancer, and those who are 40% overweight have four times the risk. Obese women also are more likely to incur cancers of the breast, ovaries, and gallbladder. Obese men are more likely to develop cancers of the rectum, colon, bladder, pancreas, stomach, and prostate.
Obesity can also cause psychological problems. Sufferers are associated with laziness, failure, or inadequate willpower. As a result, overweight men and women blame themselves for being heavy, thus causing feelings of guilt and depression.
Scientific evidence has found an association between BMI (body-mass index) and higher death rates. However, the relative risk of being heavy declines with age. Some researchers have found that data linking overweight and death are inconclusive, while other researchers have found that losing weight may be riskier than dangers posed by extra pounds. Some researchers counter that overweight indirectly contributes to over 300,000 deaths a year.
A poll by Shape Up America found that 78% of overweight or obese adults have abandoned dieting as a means of losing weight. Diets do not teach people how to eat properly. They merely restrict food intake temporarily, so when the diet ends, weight gain resumes. | 2762.txt | 3 |
[
"Obesity is not a major health risk.",
"Scientists agree on the connection between obesity and death.",
"Obese people are likely to be biased against by others.",
"Obese people often blame others for their conditions."
] | Which of the following can be concluded from this passage? | Obesity generally is defined as an accumulation of fat beyond what is considered normal for a person's age, sex, and body type. In today's society obesity is considered a disease, not a moral failing. It occurs when energy intake exceeds the amount of energy expended over time. Only in a small minority of cases is obesity caused by such illnesses as hypothyroidism, or the result of taking medications, such as steroids, that can cause weight gain.
The more a person weighs, the more blood vessels the body needs to circulate blood throughout the body. The heart takes on a heavy burden as it has to pump harder to force the blood flow through so many vessels. As a result, the heart grows in size and blood pressure tends to rise. Obesity is also a factor in osteoarthritis (because of the extra weight placed on the joints), bone and joint diseases, respiratory ailments, gallbladder disease, complications during pregnancy and delivery, and higher accidental death rate.
Obesity can alter hormone levels, affect immune function, and cause impotence in men and reproductive problems in women. Women who are 30% overweight are twice as likely to die of endometrial cancer, and those who are 40% overweight have four times the risk. Obese women also are more likely to incur cancers of the breast, ovaries, and gallbladder. Obese men are more likely to develop cancers of the rectum, colon, bladder, pancreas, stomach, and prostate.
Obesity can also cause psychological problems. Sufferers are associated with laziness, failure, or inadequate willpower. As a result, overweight men and women blame themselves for being heavy, thus causing feelings of guilt and depression.
Scientific evidence has found an association between BMI (body-mass index) and higher death rates. However, the relative risk of being heavy declines with age. Some researchers have found that data linking overweight and death are inconclusive, while other researchers have found that losing weight may be riskier than dangers posed by extra pounds. Some researchers counter that overweight indirectly contributes to over 300,000 deaths a year.
A poll by Shape Up America found that 78% of overweight or obese adults have abandoned dieting as a means of losing weight. Diets do not teach people how to eat properly. They merely restrict food intake temporarily, so when the diet ends, weight gain resumes. | 2762.txt | 2 |
[
"expand",
"separate",
"straighten out",
"combine"
] | The word "merge"in the passage is(paragraph 1) closest in meaning to | Photographic evidence suggests that liquid water once existed in great quantity on the surface of Mars. Two types of flow features are seen: runoff channels and outflow channels. Runoff channels are found in the southern highlands. These flow features are extensive systems-sometimes hundreds of kilometers in total length-of interconnecting, twisting channels that seem to merge into larger, wider channels. They bear a strong resemblance to river systems on Earth, and geologists think that they are dried-up beds of long-gone rivers that once carried rainfall on Mars from the mountains down into the valleys. Runoff channels on Mars speak of a time 4 billion years ago (the age of the Martian highlands), when the atmosphere was thicker, the surface warmer, and liquid water widespread.
Outflow channels are probably relics of catastrophic flooding on Mars long ago. They appear only in equatorial regions and generally do not form extensive interconnected networks. Instead, they are probably the paths taken by huge volumes of water draining from the southern highlands into the northern plains. The onrushing water arising from these flash floods likely also formed the odd teardrop-shaped "islands" (resembling the miniature versions seen in the wet sand of our beaches at low tide) that have been found on the plains close to the ends of the outflow channels. Judging from the width and depth of the channels, the flow rates must have been truly enormous-perhaps as much as a hundred times greater than the 105 tons per second carried by the great Amazon river. Flooding shaped the outflow channels approximately 3 billion years ago, about the same times as the northern volcanic plains formed.
Some scientists speculate that Mars may have enjoyed an extended early Period during which rivers, lakes, and perhaps even oceans adorned its surface. A 2003 Mars Global Surveyor image shows what mission specialists think may be a delta-a fan-shaped network of channels and sediments where a river once flowed into a larger body of water, in this case a lake filling a crater in the southern highlands. Other researchers go even further, suggesting that the data provide evidence for large open expenses of water on the early Martian surface. A computer-generated view of the Martian north polar region shows the extent of what may have been an ancient ocean covering much of the northern lowlands. The Hellas Basin, which measures some 3,000 kilometers across and has a floor that lies nearly 9 kilometers below the basin's rim, is another candidate for an ancient Martian sea.
These ideas remain controversial. Proponents point to features such as the terraced "beaches" shown in one image, which could conceivably have been left behind as a lake or ocean evaporated and the shoreline receded. But detractors maintain that the terraces could also have been created by geological activity, perhaps related to the geologic forces that depressed the Northern Hemisphere far below the level of the south, in which case they have nothing whatever to do with Martian water. Furthermore, Mars Global Surveyor data released in 2003 seem to indicate that the Martian surface contains too few carbonate rock layers-layers containing compounds of carbon and oxygen-that should have been formed in abundance in an ancient ocean. Their absence supports the picture of a cold, dry Mars that never experienced the extended mild period required to form lakes and oceans. However, more recent data imply that at least some parts of the planet did in fact experience long periods in the past during which liquid water existed on the surface.
Aside from some small-scale gullies (channels) found since 2000, which are inconclusive, astronomers have no direct evidence for liquid water anywhere on the surface of Mars today, and the amount of water vapor in the Martian atmosphere is tiny. Yet even setting aside the unproven hints of ancient oceans, the extent of the outflow channels suggests that a huge total volume of water existed on Mars in the past. Where did all the water go? The answer may be that virtually all the water on Mars is now locked in the permafrost layer under the surface, with more contained in the planet's polar caps. | 1063.txt | 3 |
[
"The atmosphere of Mars was once thinnerthan it is today.",
"Large amounts of rain once fell on partsof Mars.",
"The river systems of Mars were once moreextensive than Earth's.",
"The rivers of Mars began to dry up about4 billion years ago."
] | What does the discussion in paragraph 1of runoff channels in the southern highlands suggest about Mars? | Photographic evidence suggests that liquid water once existed in great quantity on the surface of Mars. Two types of flow features are seen: runoff channels and outflow channels. Runoff channels are found in the southern highlands. These flow features are extensive systems-sometimes hundreds of kilometers in total length-of interconnecting, twisting channels that seem to merge into larger, wider channels. They bear a strong resemblance to river systems on Earth, and geologists think that they are dried-up beds of long-gone rivers that once carried rainfall on Mars from the mountains down into the valleys. Runoff channels on Mars speak of a time 4 billion years ago (the age of the Martian highlands), when the atmosphere was thicker, the surface warmer, and liquid water widespread.
Outflow channels are probably relics of catastrophic flooding on Mars long ago. They appear only in equatorial regions and generally do not form extensive interconnected networks. Instead, they are probably the paths taken by huge volumes of water draining from the southern highlands into the northern plains. The onrushing water arising from these flash floods likely also formed the odd teardrop-shaped "islands" (resembling the miniature versions seen in the wet sand of our beaches at low tide) that have been found on the plains close to the ends of the outflow channels. Judging from the width and depth of the channels, the flow rates must have been truly enormous-perhaps as much as a hundred times greater than the 105 tons per second carried by the great Amazon river. Flooding shaped the outflow channels approximately 3 billion years ago, about the same times as the northern volcanic plains formed.
Some scientists speculate that Mars may have enjoyed an extended early Period during which rivers, lakes, and perhaps even oceans adorned its surface. A 2003 Mars Global Surveyor image shows what mission specialists think may be a delta-a fan-shaped network of channels and sediments where a river once flowed into a larger body of water, in this case a lake filling a crater in the southern highlands. Other researchers go even further, suggesting that the data provide evidence for large open expenses of water on the early Martian surface. A computer-generated view of the Martian north polar region shows the extent of what may have been an ancient ocean covering much of the northern lowlands. The Hellas Basin, which measures some 3,000 kilometers across and has a floor that lies nearly 9 kilometers below the basin's rim, is another candidate for an ancient Martian sea.
These ideas remain controversial. Proponents point to features such as the terraced "beaches" shown in one image, which could conceivably have been left behind as a lake or ocean evaporated and the shoreline receded. But detractors maintain that the terraces could also have been created by geological activity, perhaps related to the geologic forces that depressed the Northern Hemisphere far below the level of the south, in which case they have nothing whatever to do with Martian water. Furthermore, Mars Global Surveyor data released in 2003 seem to indicate that the Martian surface contains too few carbonate rock layers-layers containing compounds of carbon and oxygen-that should have been formed in abundance in an ancient ocean. Their absence supports the picture of a cold, dry Mars that never experienced the extended mild period required to form lakes and oceans. However, more recent data imply that at least some parts of the planet did in fact experience long periods in the past during which liquid water existed on the surface.
Aside from some small-scale gullies (channels) found since 2000, which are inconclusive, astronomers have no direct evidence for liquid water anywhere on the surface of Mars today, and the amount of water vapor in the Martian atmosphere is tiny. Yet even setting aside the unproven hints of ancient oceans, the extent of the outflow channels suggests that a huge total volume of water existed on Mars in the past. Where did all the water go? The answer may be that virtually all the water on Mars is now locked in the permafrost layer under the surface, with more contained in the planet's polar caps. | 1063.txt | 1 |
[
"remains",
"sites",
"requirements",
"sources"
] | The word "relics"in the passage is(paragraph 2) closest in meaning to | Photographic evidence suggests that liquid water once existed in great quantity on the surface of Mars. Two types of flow features are seen: runoff channels and outflow channels. Runoff channels are found in the southern highlands. These flow features are extensive systems-sometimes hundreds of kilometers in total length-of interconnecting, twisting channels that seem to merge into larger, wider channels. They bear a strong resemblance to river systems on Earth, and geologists think that they are dried-up beds of long-gone rivers that once carried rainfall on Mars from the mountains down into the valleys. Runoff channels on Mars speak of a time 4 billion years ago (the age of the Martian highlands), when the atmosphere was thicker, the surface warmer, and liquid water widespread.
Outflow channels are probably relics of catastrophic flooding on Mars long ago. They appear only in equatorial regions and generally do not form extensive interconnected networks. Instead, they are probably the paths taken by huge volumes of water draining from the southern highlands into the northern plains. The onrushing water arising from these flash floods likely also formed the odd teardrop-shaped "islands" (resembling the miniature versions seen in the wet sand of our beaches at low tide) that have been found on the plains close to the ends of the outflow channels. Judging from the width and depth of the channels, the flow rates must have been truly enormous-perhaps as much as a hundred times greater than the 105 tons per second carried by the great Amazon river. Flooding shaped the outflow channels approximately 3 billion years ago, about the same times as the northern volcanic plains formed.
Some scientists speculate that Mars may have enjoyed an extended early Period during which rivers, lakes, and perhaps even oceans adorned its surface. A 2003 Mars Global Surveyor image shows what mission specialists think may be a delta-a fan-shaped network of channels and sediments where a river once flowed into a larger body of water, in this case a lake filling a crater in the southern highlands. Other researchers go even further, suggesting that the data provide evidence for large open expenses of water on the early Martian surface. A computer-generated view of the Martian north polar region shows the extent of what may have been an ancient ocean covering much of the northern lowlands. The Hellas Basin, which measures some 3,000 kilometers across and has a floor that lies nearly 9 kilometers below the basin's rim, is another candidate for an ancient Martian sea.
These ideas remain controversial. Proponents point to features such as the terraced "beaches" shown in one image, which could conceivably have been left behind as a lake or ocean evaporated and the shoreline receded. But detractors maintain that the terraces could also have been created by geological activity, perhaps related to the geologic forces that depressed the Northern Hemisphere far below the level of the south, in which case they have nothing whatever to do with Martian water. Furthermore, Mars Global Surveyor data released in 2003 seem to indicate that the Martian surface contains too few carbonate rock layers-layers containing compounds of carbon and oxygen-that should have been formed in abundance in an ancient ocean. Their absence supports the picture of a cold, dry Mars that never experienced the extended mild period required to form lakes and oceans. However, more recent data imply that at least some parts of the planet did in fact experience long periods in the past during which liquid water existed on the surface.
Aside from some small-scale gullies (channels) found since 2000, which are inconclusive, astronomers have no direct evidence for liquid water anywhere on the surface of Mars today, and the amount of water vapor in the Martian atmosphere is tiny. Yet even setting aside the unproven hints of ancient oceans, the extent of the outflow channels suggests that a huge total volume of water existed on Mars in the past. Where did all the water go? The answer may be that virtually all the water on Mars is now locked in the permafrost layer under the surface, with more contained in the planet's polar caps. | 1063.txt | 0 |
[
"temporary",
"small",
"multiple",
"familiar"
] | The word "miniature"in the passage(paragraph 2) is closest in meaning to | Photographic evidence suggests that liquid water once existed in great quantity on the surface of Mars. Two types of flow features are seen: runoff channels and outflow channels. Runoff channels are found in the southern highlands. These flow features are extensive systems-sometimes hundreds of kilometers in total length-of interconnecting, twisting channels that seem to merge into larger, wider channels. They bear a strong resemblance to river systems on Earth, and geologists think that they are dried-up beds of long-gone rivers that once carried rainfall on Mars from the mountains down into the valleys. Runoff channels on Mars speak of a time 4 billion years ago (the age of the Martian highlands), when the atmosphere was thicker, the surface warmer, and liquid water widespread.
Outflow channels are probably relics of catastrophic flooding on Mars long ago. They appear only in equatorial regions and generally do not form extensive interconnected networks. Instead, they are probably the paths taken by huge volumes of water draining from the southern highlands into the northern plains. The onrushing water arising from these flash floods likely also formed the odd teardrop-shaped "islands" (resembling the miniature versions seen in the wet sand of our beaches at low tide) that have been found on the plains close to the ends of the outflow channels. Judging from the width and depth of the channels, the flow rates must have been truly enormous-perhaps as much as a hundred times greater than the 105 tons per second carried by the great Amazon river. Flooding shaped the outflow channels approximately 3 billion years ago, about the same times as the northern volcanic plains formed.
Some scientists speculate that Mars may have enjoyed an extended early Period during which rivers, lakes, and perhaps even oceans adorned its surface. A 2003 Mars Global Surveyor image shows what mission specialists think may be a delta-a fan-shaped network of channels and sediments where a river once flowed into a larger body of water, in this case a lake filling a crater in the southern highlands. Other researchers go even further, suggesting that the data provide evidence for large open expenses of water on the early Martian surface. A computer-generated view of the Martian north polar region shows the extent of what may have been an ancient ocean covering much of the northern lowlands. The Hellas Basin, which measures some 3,000 kilometers across and has a floor that lies nearly 9 kilometers below the basin's rim, is another candidate for an ancient Martian sea.
These ideas remain controversial. Proponents point to features such as the terraced "beaches" shown in one image, which could conceivably have been left behind as a lake or ocean evaporated and the shoreline receded. But detractors maintain that the terraces could also have been created by geological activity, perhaps related to the geologic forces that depressed the Northern Hemisphere far below the level of the south, in which case they have nothing whatever to do with Martian water. Furthermore, Mars Global Surveyor data released in 2003 seem to indicate that the Martian surface contains too few carbonate rock layers-layers containing compounds of carbon and oxygen-that should have been formed in abundance in an ancient ocean. Their absence supports the picture of a cold, dry Mars that never experienced the extended mild period required to form lakes and oceans. However, more recent data imply that at least some parts of the planet did in fact experience long periods in the past during which liquid water existed on the surface.
Aside from some small-scale gullies (channels) found since 2000, which are inconclusive, astronomers have no direct evidence for liquid water anywhere on the surface of Mars today, and the amount of water vapor in the Martian atmosphere is tiny. Yet even setting aside the unproven hints of ancient oceans, the extent of the outflow channels suggests that a huge total volume of water existed on Mars in the past. Where did all the water go? The answer may be that virtually all the water on Mars is now locked in the permafrost layer under the surface, with more contained in the planet's polar caps. | 1063.txt | 1 |
[
"To emphasize the great size of the volumeof water that seems to have flowed through Mars' outflow channels",
"To indicate data used by scientists toestimate how long ago Mars' outflow channels were formed",
"To argue that flash floods on Mars mayhave been powerful enough to cause tear-shaped \"islands\" to form",
"To argue that the force of flood waterson Mars was powerful enough to shape the northern volcanic plains"
] | In paragraph 2, why does the authorinclude the information that 105tons of water flow through the Amazon river persecond? | Photographic evidence suggests that liquid water once existed in great quantity on the surface of Mars. Two types of flow features are seen: runoff channels and outflow channels. Runoff channels are found in the southern highlands. These flow features are extensive systems-sometimes hundreds of kilometers in total length-of interconnecting, twisting channels that seem to merge into larger, wider channels. They bear a strong resemblance to river systems on Earth, and geologists think that they are dried-up beds of long-gone rivers that once carried rainfall on Mars from the mountains down into the valleys. Runoff channels on Mars speak of a time 4 billion years ago (the age of the Martian highlands), when the atmosphere was thicker, the surface warmer, and liquid water widespread.
Outflow channels are probably relics of catastrophic flooding on Mars long ago. They appear only in equatorial regions and generally do not form extensive interconnected networks. Instead, they are probably the paths taken by huge volumes of water draining from the southern highlands into the northern plains. The onrushing water arising from these flash floods likely also formed the odd teardrop-shaped "islands" (resembling the miniature versions seen in the wet sand of our beaches at low tide) that have been found on the plains close to the ends of the outflow channels. Judging from the width and depth of the channels, the flow rates must have been truly enormous-perhaps as much as a hundred times greater than the 105 tons per second carried by the great Amazon river. Flooding shaped the outflow channels approximately 3 billion years ago, about the same times as the northern volcanic plains formed.
Some scientists speculate that Mars may have enjoyed an extended early Period during which rivers, lakes, and perhaps even oceans adorned its surface. A 2003 Mars Global Surveyor image shows what mission specialists think may be a delta-a fan-shaped network of channels and sediments where a river once flowed into a larger body of water, in this case a lake filling a crater in the southern highlands. Other researchers go even further, suggesting that the data provide evidence for large open expenses of water on the early Martian surface. A computer-generated view of the Martian north polar region shows the extent of what may have been an ancient ocean covering much of the northern lowlands. The Hellas Basin, which measures some 3,000 kilometers across and has a floor that lies nearly 9 kilometers below the basin's rim, is another candidate for an ancient Martian sea.
These ideas remain controversial. Proponents point to features such as the terraced "beaches" shown in one image, which could conceivably have been left behind as a lake or ocean evaporated and the shoreline receded. But detractors maintain that the terraces could also have been created by geological activity, perhaps related to the geologic forces that depressed the Northern Hemisphere far below the level of the south, in which case they have nothing whatever to do with Martian water. Furthermore, Mars Global Surveyor data released in 2003 seem to indicate that the Martian surface contains too few carbonate rock layers-layers containing compounds of carbon and oxygen-that should have been formed in abundance in an ancient ocean. Their absence supports the picture of a cold, dry Mars that never experienced the extended mild period required to form lakes and oceans. However, more recent data imply that at least some parts of the planet did in fact experience long periods in the past during which liquid water existed on the surface.
Aside from some small-scale gullies (channels) found since 2000, which are inconclusive, astronomers have no direct evidence for liquid water anywhere on the surface of Mars today, and the amount of water vapor in the Martian atmosphere is tiny. Yet even setting aside the unproven hints of ancient oceans, the extent of the outflow channels suggests that a huge total volume of water existed on Mars in the past. Where did all the water go? The answer may be that virtually all the water on Mars is now locked in the permafrost layer under the surface, with more contained in the planet's polar caps. | 1063.txt | 0 |
[
"They formed at around the same time thatvolcanic activity was occurring on the northern plains.",
"They are found only on certain parts ofthe Martian surface.",
"They sometimes empty onto what appear tohave once been the wet sands of tidal beaches.",
"They are thought to have carried waternorthward from the equatorial regions."
] | According to paragraph 2, all of the following are true of the outflow channels on Mars EXCEPT: | Photographic evidence suggests that liquid water once existed in great quantity on the surface of Mars. Two types of flow features are seen: runoff channels and outflow channels. Runoff channels are found in the southern highlands. These flow features are extensive systems-sometimes hundreds of kilometers in total length-of interconnecting, twisting channels that seem to merge into larger, wider channels. They bear a strong resemblance to river systems on Earth, and geologists think that they are dried-up beds of long-gone rivers that once carried rainfall on Mars from the mountains down into the valleys. Runoff channels on Mars speak of a time 4 billion years ago (the age of the Martian highlands), when the atmosphere was thicker, the surface warmer, and liquid water widespread.
Outflow channels are probably relics of catastrophic flooding on Mars long ago. They appear only in equatorial regions and generally do not form extensive interconnected networks. Instead, they are probably the paths taken by huge volumes of water draining from the southern highlands into the northern plains. The onrushing water arising from these flash floods likely also formed the odd teardrop-shaped "islands" (resembling the miniature versions seen in the wet sand of our beaches at low tide) that have been found on the plains close to the ends of the outflow channels. Judging from the width and depth of the channels, the flow rates must have been truly enormous-perhaps as much as a hundred times greater than the 105 tons per second carried by the great Amazon river. Flooding shaped the outflow channels approximately 3 billion years ago, about the same times as the northern volcanic plains formed.
Some scientists speculate that Mars may have enjoyed an extended early Period during which rivers, lakes, and perhaps even oceans adorned its surface. A 2003 Mars Global Surveyor image shows what mission specialists think may be a delta-a fan-shaped network of channels and sediments where a river once flowed into a larger body of water, in this case a lake filling a crater in the southern highlands. Other researchers go even further, suggesting that the data provide evidence for large open expenses of water on the early Martian surface. A computer-generated view of the Martian north polar region shows the extent of what may have been an ancient ocean covering much of the northern lowlands. The Hellas Basin, which measures some 3,000 kilometers across and has a floor that lies nearly 9 kilometers below the basin's rim, is another candidate for an ancient Martian sea.
These ideas remain controversial. Proponents point to features such as the terraced "beaches" shown in one image, which could conceivably have been left behind as a lake or ocean evaporated and the shoreline receded. But detractors maintain that the terraces could also have been created by geological activity, perhaps related to the geologic forces that depressed the Northern Hemisphere far below the level of the south, in which case they have nothing whatever to do with Martian water. Furthermore, Mars Global Surveyor data released in 2003 seem to indicate that the Martian surface contains too few carbonate rock layers-layers containing compounds of carbon and oxygen-that should have been formed in abundance in an ancient ocean. Their absence supports the picture of a cold, dry Mars that never experienced the extended mild period required to form lakes and oceans. However, more recent data imply that at least some parts of the planet did in fact experience long periods in the past during which liquid water existed on the surface.
Aside from some small-scale gullies (channels) found since 2000, which are inconclusive, astronomers have no direct evidence for liquid water anywhere on the surface of Mars today, and the amount of water vapor in the Martian atmosphere is tiny. Yet even setting aside the unproven hints of ancient oceans, the extent of the outflow channels suggests that a huge total volume of water existed on Mars in the past. Where did all the water go? The answer may be that virtually all the water on Mars is now locked in the permafrost layer under the surface, with more contained in the planet's polar caps. | 1063.txt | 2 |
[
"What are some regions of Mars that mayhave once been covered with an ocean",
"Where do mission scientists believe thatthe river forming the delta emptied",
"Approximately how many craters on Mars domission scientists believe may once have been lakes filled with water",
"During what period of Mars' history dosome scientists think it may have had large bodies of water"
] | All of the following questions aboutgeological features on Mars are answered in paragraph 3 EXCEPT: | Photographic evidence suggests that liquid water once existed in great quantity on the surface of Mars. Two types of flow features are seen: runoff channels and outflow channels. Runoff channels are found in the southern highlands. These flow features are extensive systems-sometimes hundreds of kilometers in total length-of interconnecting, twisting channels that seem to merge into larger, wider channels. They bear a strong resemblance to river systems on Earth, and geologists think that they are dried-up beds of long-gone rivers that once carried rainfall on Mars from the mountains down into the valleys. Runoff channels on Mars speak of a time 4 billion years ago (the age of the Martian highlands), when the atmosphere was thicker, the surface warmer, and liquid water widespread.
Outflow channels are probably relics of catastrophic flooding on Mars long ago. They appear only in equatorial regions and generally do not form extensive interconnected networks. Instead, they are probably the paths taken by huge volumes of water draining from the southern highlands into the northern plains. The onrushing water arising from these flash floods likely also formed the odd teardrop-shaped "islands" (resembling the miniature versions seen in the wet sand of our beaches at low tide) that have been found on the plains close to the ends of the outflow channels. Judging from the width and depth of the channels, the flow rates must have been truly enormous-perhaps as much as a hundred times greater than the 105 tons per second carried by the great Amazon river. Flooding shaped the outflow channels approximately 3 billion years ago, about the same times as the northern volcanic plains formed.
Some scientists speculate that Mars may have enjoyed an extended early Period during which rivers, lakes, and perhaps even oceans adorned its surface. A 2003 Mars Global Surveyor image shows what mission specialists think may be a delta-a fan-shaped network of channels and sediments where a river once flowed into a larger body of water, in this case a lake filling a crater in the southern highlands. Other researchers go even further, suggesting that the data provide evidence for large open expenses of water on the early Martian surface. A computer-generated view of the Martian north polar region shows the extent of what may have been an ancient ocean covering much of the northern lowlands. The Hellas Basin, which measures some 3,000 kilometers across and has a floor that lies nearly 9 kilometers below the basin's rim, is another candidate for an ancient Martian sea.
These ideas remain controversial. Proponents point to features such as the terraced "beaches" shown in one image, which could conceivably have been left behind as a lake or ocean evaporated and the shoreline receded. But detractors maintain that the terraces could also have been created by geological activity, perhaps related to the geologic forces that depressed the Northern Hemisphere far below the level of the south, in which case they have nothing whatever to do with Martian water. Furthermore, Mars Global Surveyor data released in 2003 seem to indicate that the Martian surface contains too few carbonate rock layers-layers containing compounds of carbon and oxygen-that should have been formed in abundance in an ancient ocean. Their absence supports the picture of a cold, dry Mars that never experienced the extended mild period required to form lakes and oceans. However, more recent data imply that at least some parts of the planet did in fact experience long periods in the past during which liquid water existed on the surface.
Aside from some small-scale gullies (channels) found since 2000, which are inconclusive, astronomers have no direct evidence for liquid water anywhere on the surface of Mars today, and the amount of water vapor in the Martian atmosphere is tiny. Yet even setting aside the unproven hints of ancient oceans, the extent of the outflow channels suggests that a huge total volume of water existed on Mars in the past. Where did all the water go? The answer may be that virtually all the water on Mars is now locked in the permafrost layer under the surface, with more contained in the planet's polar caps. | 1063.txt | 2 |
[
"the polar regions of Mars were once moreextensive than they are now",
"a large part of the northern lowlands mayonce have been under water",
"deltas were once a common feature of theMartian landscape",
"the shape of the Hellas Basin has changedconsiderably over time"
] | According to paragraph 3, images of Mars'surface have been interpreted as support for the idea that | Photographic evidence suggests that liquid water once existed in great quantity on the surface of Mars. Two types of flow features are seen: runoff channels and outflow channels. Runoff channels are found in the southern highlands. These flow features are extensive systems-sometimes hundreds of kilometers in total length-of interconnecting, twisting channels that seem to merge into larger, wider channels. They bear a strong resemblance to river systems on Earth, and geologists think that they are dried-up beds of long-gone rivers that once carried rainfall on Mars from the mountains down into the valleys. Runoff channels on Mars speak of a time 4 billion years ago (the age of the Martian highlands), when the atmosphere was thicker, the surface warmer, and liquid water widespread.
Outflow channels are probably relics of catastrophic flooding on Mars long ago. They appear only in equatorial regions and generally do not form extensive interconnected networks. Instead, they are probably the paths taken by huge volumes of water draining from the southern highlands into the northern plains. The onrushing water arising from these flash floods likely also formed the odd teardrop-shaped "islands" (resembling the miniature versions seen in the wet sand of our beaches at low tide) that have been found on the plains close to the ends of the outflow channels. Judging from the width and depth of the channels, the flow rates must have been truly enormous-perhaps as much as a hundred times greater than the 105 tons per second carried by the great Amazon river. Flooding shaped the outflow channels approximately 3 billion years ago, about the same times as the northern volcanic plains formed.
Some scientists speculate that Mars may have enjoyed an extended early Period during which rivers, lakes, and perhaps even oceans adorned its surface. A 2003 Mars Global Surveyor image shows what mission specialists think may be a delta-a fan-shaped network of channels and sediments where a river once flowed into a larger body of water, in this case a lake filling a crater in the southern highlands. Other researchers go even further, suggesting that the data provide evidence for large open expenses of water on the early Martian surface. A computer-generated view of the Martian north polar region shows the extent of what may have been an ancient ocean covering much of the northern lowlands. The Hellas Basin, which measures some 3,000 kilometers across and has a floor that lies nearly 9 kilometers below the basin's rim, is another candidate for an ancient Martian sea.
These ideas remain controversial. Proponents point to features such as the terraced "beaches" shown in one image, which could conceivably have been left behind as a lake or ocean evaporated and the shoreline receded. But detractors maintain that the terraces could also have been created by geological activity, perhaps related to the geologic forces that depressed the Northern Hemisphere far below the level of the south, in which case they have nothing whatever to do with Martian water. Furthermore, Mars Global Surveyor data released in 2003 seem to indicate that the Martian surface contains too few carbonate rock layers-layers containing compounds of carbon and oxygen-that should have been formed in abundance in an ancient ocean. Their absence supports the picture of a cold, dry Mars that never experienced the extended mild period required to form lakes and oceans. However, more recent data imply that at least some parts of the planet did in fact experience long periods in the past during which liquid water existed on the surface.
Aside from some small-scale gullies (channels) found since 2000, which are inconclusive, astronomers have no direct evidence for liquid water anywhere on the surface of Mars today, and the amount of water vapor in the Martian atmosphere is tiny. Yet even setting aside the unproven hints of ancient oceans, the extent of the outflow channels suggests that a huge total volume of water existed on Mars in the past. Where did all the water go? The answer may be that virtually all the water on Mars is now locked in the permafrost layer under the surface, with more contained in the planet's polar caps. | 1063.txt | 1 |
[
"Ancient oceans on Mars contained onlysmall amounts of carbon.",
"The climate of Mars may not have beensuitable for the formation of large bodies of water.",
"Liquid water may have existed on someparts of Mars' surface for long periods of time.",
"The ancient oceans that formed on Marsdried up during periods of cold, dry weather."
] | According to paragraph 4, what do the2003 Global Surveyor data suggest about Mars? | Photographic evidence suggests that liquid water once existed in great quantity on the surface of Mars. Two types of flow features are seen: runoff channels and outflow channels. Runoff channels are found in the southern highlands. These flow features are extensive systems-sometimes hundreds of kilometers in total length-of interconnecting, twisting channels that seem to merge into larger, wider channels. They bear a strong resemblance to river systems on Earth, and geologists think that they are dried-up beds of long-gone rivers that once carried rainfall on Mars from the mountains down into the valleys. Runoff channels on Mars speak of a time 4 billion years ago (the age of the Martian highlands), when the atmosphere was thicker, the surface warmer, and liquid water widespread.
Outflow channels are probably relics of catastrophic flooding on Mars long ago. They appear only in equatorial regions and generally do not form extensive interconnected networks. Instead, they are probably the paths taken by huge volumes of water draining from the southern highlands into the northern plains. The onrushing water arising from these flash floods likely also formed the odd teardrop-shaped "islands" (resembling the miniature versions seen in the wet sand of our beaches at low tide) that have been found on the plains close to the ends of the outflow channels. Judging from the width and depth of the channels, the flow rates must have been truly enormous-perhaps as much as a hundred times greater than the 105 tons per second carried by the great Amazon river. Flooding shaped the outflow channels approximately 3 billion years ago, about the same times as the northern volcanic plains formed.
Some scientists speculate that Mars may have enjoyed an extended early Period during which rivers, lakes, and perhaps even oceans adorned its surface. A 2003 Mars Global Surveyor image shows what mission specialists think may be a delta-a fan-shaped network of channels and sediments where a river once flowed into a larger body of water, in this case a lake filling a crater in the southern highlands. Other researchers go even further, suggesting that the data provide evidence for large open expenses of water on the early Martian surface. A computer-generated view of the Martian north polar region shows the extent of what may have been an ancient ocean covering much of the northern lowlands. The Hellas Basin, which measures some 3,000 kilometers across and has a floor that lies nearly 9 kilometers below the basin's rim, is another candidate for an ancient Martian sea.
These ideas remain controversial. Proponents point to features such as the terraced "beaches" shown in one image, which could conceivably have been left behind as a lake or ocean evaporated and the shoreline receded. But detractors maintain that the terraces could also have been created by geological activity, perhaps related to the geologic forces that depressed the Northern Hemisphere far below the level of the south, in which case they have nothing whatever to do with Martian water. Furthermore, Mars Global Surveyor data released in 2003 seem to indicate that the Martian surface contains too few carbonate rock layers-layers containing compounds of carbon and oxygen-that should have been formed in abundance in an ancient ocean. Their absence supports the picture of a cold, dry Mars that never experienced the extended mild period required to form lakes and oceans. However, more recent data imply that at least some parts of the planet did in fact experience long periods in the past during which liquid water existed on the surface.
Aside from some small-scale gullies (channels) found since 2000, which are inconclusive, astronomers have no direct evidence for liquid water anywhere on the surface of Mars today, and the amount of water vapor in the Martian atmosphere is tiny. Yet even setting aside the unproven hints of ancient oceans, the extent of the outflow channels suggests that a huge total volume of water existed on Mars in the past. Where did all the water go? The answer may be that virtually all the water on Mars is now locked in the permafrost layer under the surface, with more contained in the planet's polar caps. | 1063.txt | 1 |
[
"clues",
"features",
"arguments",
"effects"
] | The word "hints" in the passage is(paragraph 5) closest in meaning to | Photographic evidence suggests that liquid water once existed in great quantity on the surface of Mars. Two types of flow features are seen: runoff channels and outflow channels. Runoff channels are found in the southern highlands. These flow features are extensive systems-sometimes hundreds of kilometers in total length-of interconnecting, twisting channels that seem to merge into larger, wider channels. They bear a strong resemblance to river systems on Earth, and geologists think that they are dried-up beds of long-gone rivers that once carried rainfall on Mars from the mountains down into the valleys. Runoff channels on Mars speak of a time 4 billion years ago (the age of the Martian highlands), when the atmosphere was thicker, the surface warmer, and liquid water widespread.
Outflow channels are probably relics of catastrophic flooding on Mars long ago. They appear only in equatorial regions and generally do not form extensive interconnected networks. Instead, they are probably the paths taken by huge volumes of water draining from the southern highlands into the northern plains. The onrushing water arising from these flash floods likely also formed the odd teardrop-shaped "islands" (resembling the miniature versions seen in the wet sand of our beaches at low tide) that have been found on the plains close to the ends of the outflow channels. Judging from the width and depth of the channels, the flow rates must have been truly enormous-perhaps as much as a hundred times greater than the 105 tons per second carried by the great Amazon river. Flooding shaped the outflow channels approximately 3 billion years ago, about the same times as the northern volcanic plains formed.
Some scientists speculate that Mars may have enjoyed an extended early Period during which rivers, lakes, and perhaps even oceans adorned its surface. A 2003 Mars Global Surveyor image shows what mission specialists think may be a delta-a fan-shaped network of channels and sediments where a river once flowed into a larger body of water, in this case a lake filling a crater in the southern highlands. Other researchers go even further, suggesting that the data provide evidence for large open expenses of water on the early Martian surface. A computer-generated view of the Martian north polar region shows the extent of what may have been an ancient ocean covering much of the northern lowlands. The Hellas Basin, which measures some 3,000 kilometers across and has a floor that lies nearly 9 kilometers below the basin's rim, is another candidate for an ancient Martian sea.
These ideas remain controversial. Proponents point to features such as the terraced "beaches" shown in one image, which could conceivably have been left behind as a lake or ocean evaporated and the shoreline receded. But detractors maintain that the terraces could also have been created by geological activity, perhaps related to the geologic forces that depressed the Northern Hemisphere far below the level of the south, in which case they have nothing whatever to do with Martian water. Furthermore, Mars Global Surveyor data released in 2003 seem to indicate that the Martian surface contains too few carbonate rock layers-layers containing compounds of carbon and oxygen-that should have been formed in abundance in an ancient ocean. Their absence supports the picture of a cold, dry Mars that never experienced the extended mild period required to form lakes and oceans. However, more recent data imply that at least some parts of the planet did in fact experience long periods in the past during which liquid water existed on the surface.
Aside from some small-scale gullies (channels) found since 2000, which are inconclusive, astronomers have no direct evidence for liquid water anywhere on the surface of Mars today, and the amount of water vapor in the Martian atmosphere is tiny. Yet even setting aside the unproven hints of ancient oceans, the extent of the outflow channels suggests that a huge total volume of water existed on Mars in the past. Where did all the water go? The answer may be that virtually all the water on Mars is now locked in the permafrost layer under the surface, with more contained in the planet's polar caps. | 1063.txt | 0 |
[
"They are often employed as skilled and semi-skilled workers.",
"They are often offered jobs with high incomes.",
"They are often considered lazy and dishonest.",
"They are often exploited by the public."
] | Which of the following is true about the working class. | Members of the working class have blue-collar jobs. They are construction workers, truck drivers, mechanics, steel workers, electricians, and the like. What makes this class differ from the lower class is, first, longer periods of employment--and therefore, more fixed incomes-and, second, employment in skilled or semiskilled ( ) occupations, not unskilled ones. Although unemployment hits all levels of the American economy, including those of skilled and semi-skilled workers, it is most common at the bottom of the class structure and increasingly less common at each level upward. They consider themselves to be respectable and hard working and they look down upon members of the "lower" class, whom they often consider to be lazy, dishonest, and too ready to exploit public assistance.
Most people in the working class have at least high school education. Many have some experience of college ( especially community college), though few are college graduates. Unionization has helped the working class, but a rapidly changing economy and frequent periods of high unemployment make it difficult for most of its members to be able to increase their savings greatly. Purchasing a house for people in this class is extremely difficult, although a certain percentage may receive houses from their parents.(Home-owning rises with social class.)
A greater number of the members of the working class take relatively little satisfaction in their jobs, because much of their work is ordinary and boring. As a result, many seek their main satisfaction in recreational ( ) activities. Many members of this class would like to earn enough money to leave their jobs and start their own businesses, though few make it. Many place their expectations on their children, hoping that they at least will rise in the ladder of success, American style. | 3332.txt | 0 |
[
"have difficulty increasing their savings greatly",
"have at least some experience of college",
"receive houses from their parents",
"buy houses by themselves"
] | Most people in the working class. | Members of the working class have blue-collar jobs. They are construction workers, truck drivers, mechanics, steel workers, electricians, and the like. What makes this class differ from the lower class is, first, longer periods of employment--and therefore, more fixed incomes-and, second, employment in skilled or semiskilled ( ) occupations, not unskilled ones. Although unemployment hits all levels of the American economy, including those of skilled and semi-skilled workers, it is most common at the bottom of the class structure and increasingly less common at each level upward. They consider themselves to be respectable and hard working and they look down upon members of the "lower" class, whom they often consider to be lazy, dishonest, and too ready to exploit public assistance.
Most people in the working class have at least high school education. Many have some experience of college ( especially community college), though few are college graduates. Unionization has helped the working class, but a rapidly changing economy and frequent periods of high unemployment make it difficult for most of its members to be able to increase their savings greatly. Purchasing a house for people in this class is extremely difficult, although a certain percentage may receive houses from their parents.(Home-owning rises with social class.)
A greater number of the members of the working class take relatively little satisfaction in their jobs, because much of their work is ordinary and boring. As a result, many seek their main satisfaction in recreational ( ) activities. Many members of this class would like to earn enough money to leave their jobs and start their own businesses, though few make it. Many place their expectations on their children, hoping that they at least will rise in the ladder of success, American style. | 3332.txt | 0 |
[
"they could not rise in the ladder of success",
"they are not interested in their jobs",
"they could not earn much money",
"they are not their own bosses"
] | Many members from the working class are not satisfied with their jobs because. | Members of the working class have blue-collar jobs. They are construction workers, truck drivers, mechanics, steel workers, electricians, and the like. What makes this class differ from the lower class is, first, longer periods of employment--and therefore, more fixed incomes-and, second, employment in skilled or semiskilled ( ) occupations, not unskilled ones. Although unemployment hits all levels of the American economy, including those of skilled and semi-skilled workers, it is most common at the bottom of the class structure and increasingly less common at each level upward. They consider themselves to be respectable and hard working and they look down upon members of the "lower" class, whom they often consider to be lazy, dishonest, and too ready to exploit public assistance.
Most people in the working class have at least high school education. Many have some experience of college ( especially community college), though few are college graduates. Unionization has helped the working class, but a rapidly changing economy and frequent periods of high unemployment make it difficult for most of its members to be able to increase their savings greatly. Purchasing a house for people in this class is extremely difficult, although a certain percentage may receive houses from their parents.(Home-owning rises with social class.)
A greater number of the members of the working class take relatively little satisfaction in their jobs, because much of their work is ordinary and boring. As a result, many seek their main satisfaction in recreational ( ) activities. Many members of this class would like to earn enough money to leave their jobs and start their own businesses, though few make it. Many place their expectations on their children, hoping that they at least will rise in the ladder of success, American style. | 3332.txt | 1 |
[
"Scornful.",
"Appreciative.",
"Envious.",
"Realistic."
] | According to Paragraph 2, what is the general attitude towards business on campuses dominated by purer disciplines? | Bill Gates, the billionaire Microsoft chairman without a single earned university degree, is by his success raising new doubts about the worth of the business world's favorite academic title: the MBA (Master of Business Administration).
The MBA, a 20th-century product, always has borne the mark of lowly commerce and greed on the tree-lined campuses ruled by purer disciplines such as philosophy and literature.
But even with the recession apparently cutting into the hiring of business school graduates, about 79,000 people are expected to receive MBAs in 1993. This is nearly 16 times the number of business graduates in 1960, a testimony to the wide spread assumption that the MBA is vital for young men and women who want to run companies some day.
"If you are going into the corporate world it is still a disadvantage not to have one," said Donald Morrison, professor of marketing and management science. "But in the last five years or so, when someone says, ‘Should I attempt to get an MBA,' the answer a lot more is: It depends."
The success of Bill Gates and other non-MBAs, such as the late Sam Walton of Wal-Mart Stores Inc., has helped inspire self-conscious debates on business school campuses over the worth of a business degree and whether management skills can be taught.
The Harvard Business Review printed a lively, fictional exchange of letters to dramatize complaints about business degree holders.
The article called MBA hires "extremely disappointing" and said "MBAs want to move up too fast, they don't understand politics and people, and they aren't able to function as part of a team until their third year. But by then, they're out looking for other jobs."
The problem, most participants in the debate acknowledge, is that the MBA has acquired an aura of future riches and power far beyond its actual importance and usefulness.
Enrollment in business schools exploded in the 1970s and 1980s and created the assumption that no one who pursued a business career could do without one. The growth was fueled by a backlash against the anti-business values of the 1960s and by the women's movement.
Business people who have hired or worked with MBAs say those with the degrees of ten know how to analyze systems but are not so skillful at motivating people. "They don't get a lot of grounding in the people side of the business", said James Shaffer, vice-president and principal of the Towers Perrin management consulting firm. | 4059.txt | 0 |
[
"the complaints from various employers",
"the success of many non-MBAs",
"the criticism from the scientists of purer disciplines",
"the poor performance of MBAs at work"
] | It seems that the controversy over the value of MBA degrees had been fueled mainly by ________. | Bill Gates, the billionaire Microsoft chairman without a single earned university degree, is by his success raising new doubts about the worth of the business world's favorite academic title: the MBA (Master of Business Administration).
The MBA, a 20th-century product, always has borne the mark of lowly commerce and greed on the tree-lined campuses ruled by purer disciplines such as philosophy and literature.
But even with the recession apparently cutting into the hiring of business school graduates, about 79,000 people are expected to receive MBAs in 1993. This is nearly 16 times the number of business graduates in 1960, a testimony to the wide spread assumption that the MBA is vital for young men and women who want to run companies some day.
"If you are going into the corporate world it is still a disadvantage not to have one," said Donald Morrison, professor of marketing and management science. "But in the last five years or so, when someone says, ‘Should I attempt to get an MBA,' the answer a lot more is: It depends."
The success of Bill Gates and other non-MBAs, such as the late Sam Walton of Wal-Mart Stores Inc., has helped inspire self-conscious debates on business school campuses over the worth of a business degree and whether management skills can be taught.
The Harvard Business Review printed a lively, fictional exchange of letters to dramatize complaints about business degree holders.
The article called MBA hires "extremely disappointing" and said "MBAs want to move up too fast, they don't understand politics and people, and they aren't able to function as part of a team until their third year. But by then, they're out looking for other jobs."
The problem, most participants in the debate acknowledge, is that the MBA has acquired an aura of future riches and power far beyond its actual importance and usefulness.
Enrollment in business schools exploded in the 1970s and 1980s and created the assumption that no one who pursued a business career could do without one. The growth was fueled by a backlash against the anti-business values of the 1960s and by the women's movement.
Business people who have hired or worked with MBAs say those with the degrees of ten know how to analyze systems but are not so skillful at motivating people. "They don't get a lot of grounding in the people side of the business", said James Shaffer, vice-president and principal of the Towers Perrin management consulting firm. | 4059.txt | 1 |
[
"They are usually self-centered.",
"They are aggressive and greedy.",
"They keep complaining about their jobs.",
"They are not good at dealing with people."
] | What is the major weakness of MBA holders according to the Harvard Business Review? | Bill Gates, the billionaire Microsoft chairman without a single earned university degree, is by his success raising new doubts about the worth of the business world's favorite academic title: the MBA (Master of Business Administration).
The MBA, a 20th-century product, always has borne the mark of lowly commerce and greed on the tree-lined campuses ruled by purer disciplines such as philosophy and literature.
But even with the recession apparently cutting into the hiring of business school graduates, about 79,000 people are expected to receive MBAs in 1993. This is nearly 16 times the number of business graduates in 1960, a testimony to the wide spread assumption that the MBA is vital for young men and women who want to run companies some day.
"If you are going into the corporate world it is still a disadvantage not to have one," said Donald Morrison, professor of marketing and management science. "But in the last five years or so, when someone says, ‘Should I attempt to get an MBA,' the answer a lot more is: It depends."
The success of Bill Gates and other non-MBAs, such as the late Sam Walton of Wal-Mart Stores Inc., has helped inspire self-conscious debates on business school campuses over the worth of a business degree and whether management skills can be taught.
The Harvard Business Review printed a lively, fictional exchange of letters to dramatize complaints about business degree holders.
The article called MBA hires "extremely disappointing" and said "MBAs want to move up too fast, they don't understand politics and people, and they aren't able to function as part of a team until their third year. But by then, they're out looking for other jobs."
The problem, most participants in the debate acknowledge, is that the MBA has acquired an aura of future riches and power far beyond its actual importance and usefulness.
Enrollment in business schools exploded in the 1970s and 1980s and created the assumption that no one who pursued a business career could do without one. The growth was fueled by a backlash against the anti-business values of the 1960s and by the women's movement.
Business people who have hired or worked with MBAs say those with the degrees of ten know how to analyze systems but are not so skillful at motivating people. "They don't get a lot of grounding in the people side of the business", said James Shaffer, vice-president and principal of the Towers Perrin management consulting firm. | 4059.txt | 3 |
[
"can climb the corporate ladder fairly quickly",
"quit their jobs once they are familiar with their workmates",
"receive salaries that do not match their professional training",
"cherish unrealistic expectations about their future"
] | From the passage we know that most MBAs ________. | Bill Gates, the billionaire Microsoft chairman without a single earned university degree, is by his success raising new doubts about the worth of the business world's favorite academic title: the MBA (Master of Business Administration).
The MBA, a 20th-century product, always has borne the mark of lowly commerce and greed on the tree-lined campuses ruled by purer disciplines such as philosophy and literature.
But even with the recession apparently cutting into the hiring of business school graduates, about 79,000 people are expected to receive MBAs in 1993. This is nearly 16 times the number of business graduates in 1960, a testimony to the wide spread assumption that the MBA is vital for young men and women who want to run companies some day.
"If you are going into the corporate world it is still a disadvantage not to have one," said Donald Morrison, professor of marketing and management science. "But in the last five years or so, when someone says, ‘Should I attempt to get an MBA,' the answer a lot more is: It depends."
The success of Bill Gates and other non-MBAs, such as the late Sam Walton of Wal-Mart Stores Inc., has helped inspire self-conscious debates on business school campuses over the worth of a business degree and whether management skills can be taught.
The Harvard Business Review printed a lively, fictional exchange of letters to dramatize complaints about business degree holders.
The article called MBA hires "extremely disappointing" and said "MBAs want to move up too fast, they don't understand politics and people, and they aren't able to function as part of a team until their third year. But by then, they're out looking for other jobs."
The problem, most participants in the debate acknowledge, is that the MBA has acquired an aura of future riches and power far beyond its actual importance and usefulness.
Enrollment in business schools exploded in the 1970s and 1980s and created the assumption that no one who pursued a business career could do without one. The growth was fueled by a backlash against the anti-business values of the 1960s and by the women's movement.
Business people who have hired or worked with MBAs say those with the degrees of ten know how to analyze systems but are not so skillful at motivating people. "They don't get a lot of grounding in the people side of the business", said James Shaffer, vice-president and principal of the Towers Perrin management consulting firm. | 4059.txt | 3 |
[
"Why there is an increased enrollment in MBA programs.",
"The necessity of reforming MBA programs in business schools.",
"Doubts about the worth of holding an MBA degree.",
"A debate held recently on university campuses."
] | What is the passage mainly about? | Bill Gates, the billionaire Microsoft chairman without a single earned university degree, is by his success raising new doubts about the worth of the business world's favorite academic title: the MBA (Master of Business Administration).
The MBA, a 20th-century product, always has borne the mark of lowly commerce and greed on the tree-lined campuses ruled by purer disciplines such as philosophy and literature.
But even with the recession apparently cutting into the hiring of business school graduates, about 79,000 people are expected to receive MBAs in 1993. This is nearly 16 times the number of business graduates in 1960, a testimony to the wide spread assumption that the MBA is vital for young men and women who want to run companies some day.
"If you are going into the corporate world it is still a disadvantage not to have one," said Donald Morrison, professor of marketing and management science. "But in the last five years or so, when someone says, ‘Should I attempt to get an MBA,' the answer a lot more is: It depends."
The success of Bill Gates and other non-MBAs, such as the late Sam Walton of Wal-Mart Stores Inc., has helped inspire self-conscious debates on business school campuses over the worth of a business degree and whether management skills can be taught.
The Harvard Business Review printed a lively, fictional exchange of letters to dramatize complaints about business degree holders.
The article called MBA hires "extremely disappointing" and said "MBAs want to move up too fast, they don't understand politics and people, and they aren't able to function as part of a team until their third year. But by then, they're out looking for other jobs."
The problem, most participants in the debate acknowledge, is that the MBA has acquired an aura of future riches and power far beyond its actual importance and usefulness.
Enrollment in business schools exploded in the 1970s and 1980s and created the assumption that no one who pursued a business career could do without one. The growth was fueled by a backlash against the anti-business values of the 1960s and by the women's movement.
Business people who have hired or worked with MBAs say those with the degrees of ten know how to analyze systems but are not so skillful at motivating people. "They don't get a lot of grounding in the people side of the business", said James Shaffer, vice-president and principal of the Towers Perrin management consulting firm. | 4059.txt | 2 |
[
"it threatens the existing social systems",
"it is influenced by society",
"it has roots in religious conflicts",
"it is directed against institutions of law"
] | Human violence shows evidence of being a learned behavior in that ________. | War may be a natural expression of biological instincts and drives toward aggression in the human species. Natural impulses of anger, hostility, and territoriality are expressed through acts of violence. These are all qualities that humans share with animals. Aggression is a kind of innate survival mechanism, an instinct for self-preservation that allows animals to defend themselves from threats to their existences of human violence are always conditioned by social conventions that give shape to aggressive behavior. In human societies violence has a social function. It is a strategy for creating or destroying forms of social order. Religious traditions have taken a leading role in directing the powers of violence. We will look at the ritual and ethical patterns within which human violence has been directed.
The violence within a society is controlled through institutions of law. The more developed a legal system becomes, the more society takes responsibility for the discovery, control, and punishment of violent acts. In most tribal societies the only means to deal with an act of violence is revenge. Each family group may have the responsibility for personally carrying out judgment and punishment upon the person who committed the offense. But in legal systems, the responsibility for revenge becomes depersonalized and diffused. The society assumes the responsibility for protecting individuals from violence. In cases where they cannot be protected, the society is responsible for imposing punishment. In a state controlled legal system, individuals are removed from the cycle of revenge motivated by acts of violence, and the state assumes responsibility for their protection.
The other side of a state legal apparatus is a state military apparatus. While the one protects the individual from violence, the other sacrifices the individual to violence in the interests of the state. In war the state affirms its supreme power over the individuals within its own borders. War is not simply a trial by combating to settle disputes between states; it is the moment when the state makes its most powerful demands upon its people for their commitment allegiance, and supreme sacrifice. Times of war test a community's deepest religious and ethical commitments. | 4025.txt | 1 |
[
"to control violence within a society",
"to protect the world from chaos",
"to free society from the idea of revenge",
"to give the government absolute power"
] | The function of legal systems, according to the passage, is ________. | War may be a natural expression of biological instincts and drives toward aggression in the human species. Natural impulses of anger, hostility, and territoriality are expressed through acts of violence. These are all qualities that humans share with animals. Aggression is a kind of innate survival mechanism, an instinct for self-preservation that allows animals to defend themselves from threats to their existences of human violence are always conditioned by social conventions that give shape to aggressive behavior. In human societies violence has a social function. It is a strategy for creating or destroying forms of social order. Religious traditions have taken a leading role in directing the powers of violence. We will look at the ritual and ethical patterns within which human violence has been directed.
The violence within a society is controlled through institutions of law. The more developed a legal system becomes, the more society takes responsibility for the discovery, control, and punishment of violent acts. In most tribal societies the only means to deal with an act of violence is revenge. Each family group may have the responsibility for personally carrying out judgment and punishment upon the person who committed the offense. But in legal systems, the responsibility for revenge becomes depersonalized and diffused. The society assumes the responsibility for protecting individuals from violence. In cases where they cannot be protected, the society is responsible for imposing punishment. In a state controlled legal system, individuals are removed from the cycle of revenge motivated by acts of violence, and the state assumes responsibility for their protection.
The other side of a state legal apparatus is a state military apparatus. While the one protects the individual from violence, the other sacrifices the individual to violence in the interests of the state. In war the state affirms its supreme power over the individuals within its own borders. War is not simply a trial by combating to settle disputes between states; it is the moment when the state makes its most powerful demands upon its people for their commitment allegiance, and supreme sacrifice. Times of war test a community's deepest religious and ethical commitments. | 4025.txt | 0 |
[
"Legal systems greatly reduce the possibilities of physical violence.",
"Offenses against individuals are no longer judged on a personal basis.",
"Victims of violence find it more difficult to take revenge.",
"Punishment is not carried out directly by the individuals involved."
] | What does the author mean by saying "... in legal systems, the responsibility for revenge becomes depersonalized and diffused" (Lines 4-5, Para. 2)? | War may be a natural expression of biological instincts and drives toward aggression in the human species. Natural impulses of anger, hostility, and territoriality are expressed through acts of violence. These are all qualities that humans share with animals. Aggression is a kind of innate survival mechanism, an instinct for self-preservation that allows animals to defend themselves from threats to their existences of human violence are always conditioned by social conventions that give shape to aggressive behavior. In human societies violence has a social function. It is a strategy for creating or destroying forms of social order. Religious traditions have taken a leading role in directing the powers of violence. We will look at the ritual and ethical patterns within which human violence has been directed.
The violence within a society is controlled through institutions of law. The more developed a legal system becomes, the more society takes responsibility for the discovery, control, and punishment of violent acts. In most tribal societies the only means to deal with an act of violence is revenge. Each family group may have the responsibility for personally carrying out judgment and punishment upon the person who committed the offense. But in legal systems, the responsibility for revenge becomes depersonalized and diffused. The society assumes the responsibility for protecting individuals from violence. In cases where they cannot be protected, the society is responsible for imposing punishment. In a state controlled legal system, individuals are removed from the cycle of revenge motivated by acts of violence, and the state assumes responsibility for their protection.
The other side of a state legal apparatus is a state military apparatus. While the one protects the individual from violence, the other sacrifices the individual to violence in the interests of the state. In war the state affirms its supreme power over the individuals within its own borders. War is not simply a trial by combating to settle disputes between states; it is the moment when the state makes its most powerful demands upon its people for their commitment allegiance, and supreme sacrifice. Times of war test a community's deepest religious and ethical commitments. | 4025.txt | 3 |
[
"loyalty",
"objective",
"survival",
"motive"
] | The word "allegiance" (Line 4, Para. 3) is closest in meaning to ________. | War may be a natural expression of biological instincts and drives toward aggression in the human species. Natural impulses of anger, hostility, and territoriality are expressed through acts of violence. These are all qualities that humans share with animals. Aggression is a kind of innate survival mechanism, an instinct for self-preservation that allows animals to defend themselves from threats to their existences of human violence are always conditioned by social conventions that give shape to aggressive behavior. In human societies violence has a social function. It is a strategy for creating or destroying forms of social order. Religious traditions have taken a leading role in directing the powers of violence. We will look at the ritual and ethical patterns within which human violence has been directed.
The violence within a society is controlled through institutions of law. The more developed a legal system becomes, the more society takes responsibility for the discovery, control, and punishment of violent acts. In most tribal societies the only means to deal with an act of violence is revenge. Each family group may have the responsibility for personally carrying out judgment and punishment upon the person who committed the offense. But in legal systems, the responsibility for revenge becomes depersonalized and diffused. The society assumes the responsibility for protecting individuals from violence. In cases where they cannot be protected, the society is responsible for imposing punishment. In a state controlled legal system, individuals are removed from the cycle of revenge motivated by acts of violence, and the state assumes responsibility for their protection.
The other side of a state legal apparatus is a state military apparatus. While the one protects the individual from violence, the other sacrifices the individual to violence in the interests of the state. In war the state affirms its supreme power over the individuals within its own borders. War is not simply a trial by combating to settle disputes between states; it is the moment when the state makes its most powerful demands upon its people for their commitment allegiance, and supreme sacrifice. Times of war test a community's deepest religious and ethical commitments. | 4025.txt | 0 |
[
"Governments tend to abuse their supreme power in times of war.",
"In times of war governments may extend their power across national borders.",
"In times of war governments impose high religious and ethical standards on their people.",
"Governments may sacrifice individuals in the interests of the state in times of war."
] | What can we learn from the last paragraph? | War may be a natural expression of biological instincts and drives toward aggression in the human species. Natural impulses of anger, hostility, and territoriality are expressed through acts of violence. These are all qualities that humans share with animals. Aggression is a kind of innate survival mechanism, an instinct for self-preservation that allows animals to defend themselves from threats to their existences of human violence are always conditioned by social conventions that give shape to aggressive behavior. In human societies violence has a social function. It is a strategy for creating or destroying forms of social order. Religious traditions have taken a leading role in directing the powers of violence. We will look at the ritual and ethical patterns within which human violence has been directed.
The violence within a society is controlled through institutions of law. The more developed a legal system becomes, the more society takes responsibility for the discovery, control, and punishment of violent acts. In most tribal societies the only means to deal with an act of violence is revenge. Each family group may have the responsibility for personally carrying out judgment and punishment upon the person who committed the offense. But in legal systems, the responsibility for revenge becomes depersonalized and diffused. The society assumes the responsibility for protecting individuals from violence. In cases where they cannot be protected, the society is responsible for imposing punishment. In a state controlled legal system, individuals are removed from the cycle of revenge motivated by acts of violence, and the state assumes responsibility for their protection.
The other side of a state legal apparatus is a state military apparatus. While the one protects the individual from violence, the other sacrifices the individual to violence in the interests of the state. In war the state affirms its supreme power over the individuals within its own borders. War is not simply a trial by combating to settle disputes between states; it is the moment when the state makes its most powerful demands upon its people for their commitment allegiance, and supreme sacrifice. Times of war test a community's deepest religious and ethical commitments. | 4025.txt | 3 |
[
"the difference between biological and clinical death.",
"the process of dying",
"prolonging the period of clinical death",
"the nature of clinical death"
] | This passage focuses on _ . | Modern scientists divide the process of dying into two stages-clinical or (emporary death and biological death. Clinical death occurs when the vital organs, such as the heart or lungs, have ceased to function, but have not suffered permanent damage. The organism can still be revived . Biological death occurs when changes in the organism lead to the disintegration of vital cells and tissues. Death is then irreversible and final.
Scientists have been seeking a way to prolong the period of clinical death so (hat the organism can be revived before biological death occurs. The best method developed so far involves cooling of the organism, combined with narcotic sleep. By slowing down the body's metabolism , cooling delays the processes leading to biological death.
To illustrate how this works, scientists performed an experiment on a six-year-old female monkey called Keta. The scientists put Keta to sleep with a narcotic. Then they surrounded her body with ice-bags and began checking her body temperature. When it had dropped to 28 degrees the scientists began draining blood from an its body. The monkey's blood pressure decreased and an hour later both the heart and breathing stopped; clinical death set in. For twenty minutes Keta remained in this state. Her temperature dropped to 22 degrees. At this point the scientists pumped blood into its body in the direction of the heart and started artificial breathing. After two minutes the monkey's heart became active once more. After fifteen minutes, spontaneous breathing began, and after four hours Keta opened her eyes and lifted her head. After six hours, when the scientists tried to give her a penicillin injection, Keta seized the syringe and ran with it around the room. Her behavior differed little from that of a healthy animal. | 2479.txt | 2 |
[
"modem scientists divide the process of dying into clinical and biological death",
"biological death occurs when vital organs have suffered permanent damage",
"scientists have found a way to prolong the period of clinical death",
"cooling delays the processes leading to biological death"
] | The best statement of the main idea of this passage is that | Modern scientists divide the process of dying into two stages-clinical or (emporary death and biological death. Clinical death occurs when the vital organs, such as the heart or lungs, have ceased to function, but have not suffered permanent damage. The organism can still be revived . Biological death occurs when changes in the organism lead to the disintegration of vital cells and tissues. Death is then irreversible and final.
Scientists have been seeking a way to prolong the period of clinical death so (hat the organism can be revived before biological death occurs. The best method developed so far involves cooling of the organism, combined with narcotic sleep. By slowing down the body's metabolism , cooling delays the processes leading to biological death.
To illustrate how this works, scientists performed an experiment on a six-year-old female monkey called Keta. The scientists put Keta to sleep with a narcotic. Then they surrounded her body with ice-bags and began checking her body temperature. When it had dropped to 28 degrees the scientists began draining blood from an its body. The monkey's blood pressure decreased and an hour later both the heart and breathing stopped; clinical death set in. For twenty minutes Keta remained in this state. Her temperature dropped to 22 degrees. At this point the scientists pumped blood into its body in the direction of the heart and started artificial breathing. After two minutes the monkey's heart became active once more. After fifteen minutes, spontaneous breathing began, and after four hours Keta opened her eyes and lifted her head. After six hours, when the scientists tried to give her a penicillin injection, Keta seized the syringe and ran with it around the room. Her behavior differed little from that of a healthy animal. | 2479.txt | 2 |
[
"lasting damage to the lungs",
"destruction of the tissues",
"temporary non-functioning of the heart",
"that the organism cannot be revived"
] | One characteristic of clinical death is _ . | Modern scientists divide the process of dying into two stages-clinical or (emporary death and biological death. Clinical death occurs when the vital organs, such as the heart or lungs, have ceased to function, but have not suffered permanent damage. The organism can still be revived . Biological death occurs when changes in the organism lead to the disintegration of vital cells and tissues. Death is then irreversible and final.
Scientists have been seeking a way to prolong the period of clinical death so (hat the organism can be revived before biological death occurs. The best method developed so far involves cooling of the organism, combined with narcotic sleep. By slowing down the body's metabolism , cooling delays the processes leading to biological death.
To illustrate how this works, scientists performed an experiment on a six-year-old female monkey called Keta. The scientists put Keta to sleep with a narcotic. Then they surrounded her body with ice-bags and began checking her body temperature. When it had dropped to 28 degrees the scientists began draining blood from an its body. The monkey's blood pressure decreased and an hour later both the heart and breathing stopped; clinical death set in. For twenty minutes Keta remained in this state. Her temperature dropped to 22 degrees. At this point the scientists pumped blood into its body in the direction of the heart and started artificial breathing. After two minutes the monkey's heart became active once more. After fifteen minutes, spontaneous breathing began, and after four hours Keta opened her eyes and lifted her head. After six hours, when the scientists tried to give her a penicillin injection, Keta seized the syringe and ran with it around the room. Her behavior differed little from that of a healthy animal. | 2479.txt | 2 |
[
"speeds up the body's metabolism",
"slows disintegration of body tissues",
"prevents damage to organs",
"revives damaged organs"
] | According to the passage, cooling an organism | Modern scientists divide the process of dying into two stages-clinical or (emporary death and biological death. Clinical death occurs when the vital organs, such as the heart or lungs, have ceased to function, but have not suffered permanent damage. The organism can still be revived . Biological death occurs when changes in the organism lead to the disintegration of vital cells and tissues. Death is then irreversible and final.
Scientists have been seeking a way to prolong the period of clinical death so (hat the organism can be revived before biological death occurs. The best method developed so far involves cooling of the organism, combined with narcotic sleep. By slowing down the body's metabolism , cooling delays the processes leading to biological death.
To illustrate how this works, scientists performed an experiment on a six-year-old female monkey called Keta. The scientists put Keta to sleep with a narcotic. Then they surrounded her body with ice-bags and began checking her body temperature. When it had dropped to 28 degrees the scientists began draining blood from an its body. The monkey's blood pressure decreased and an hour later both the heart and breathing stopped; clinical death set in. For twenty minutes Keta remained in this state. Her temperature dropped to 22 degrees. At this point the scientists pumped blood into its body in the direction of the heart and started artificial breathing. After two minutes the monkey's heart became active once more. After fifteen minutes, spontaneous breathing began, and after four hours Keta opened her eyes and lifted her head. After six hours, when the scientists tried to give her a penicillin injection, Keta seized the syringe and ran with it around the room. Her behavior differed little from that of a healthy animal. | 2479.txt | 1 |
[
"less crowded cities",
"victory over death",
"protection against fatal injury",
"fewer deaths from heart attacks"
] | One possible benefit of the experiment discussed in the passage is _ . | Modern scientists divide the process of dying into two stages-clinical or (emporary death and biological death. Clinical death occurs when the vital organs, such as the heart or lungs, have ceased to function, but have not suffered permanent damage. The organism can still be revived . Biological death occurs when changes in the organism lead to the disintegration of vital cells and tissues. Death is then irreversible and final.
Scientists have been seeking a way to prolong the period of clinical death so (hat the organism can be revived before biological death occurs. The best method developed so far involves cooling of the organism, combined with narcotic sleep. By slowing down the body's metabolism , cooling delays the processes leading to biological death.
To illustrate how this works, scientists performed an experiment on a six-year-old female monkey called Keta. The scientists put Keta to sleep with a narcotic. Then they surrounded her body with ice-bags and began checking her body temperature. When it had dropped to 28 degrees the scientists began draining blood from an its body. The monkey's blood pressure decreased and an hour later both the heart and breathing stopped; clinical death set in. For twenty minutes Keta remained in this state. Her temperature dropped to 22 degrees. At this point the scientists pumped blood into its body in the direction of the heart and started artificial breathing. After two minutes the monkey's heart became active once more. After fifteen minutes, spontaneous breathing began, and after four hours Keta opened her eyes and lifted her head. After six hours, when the scientists tried to give her a penicillin injection, Keta seized the syringe and ran with it around the room. Her behavior differed little from that of a healthy animal. | 2479.txt | 3 |
[
"a moderate labor leader",
"an extreme-anarchist in the labor movement",
"a devoted socialist fighting against exploitation of man by man",
"a firm anti-capitalist demanding the elimination of wage slavery"
] | Judging from the passage, McGuire was _ . | The picnics, speeches, and parades of today's Labor Day were all part of the first celebration, held in New York City in 1882. Its promoter was an Irish-American labor leader named peter J. McGuire. A carpenter by trade, McGuire had worked since the age of eleven, and in 1882 was president of the United Brotherhood of Carpenters and Joiners (UBCJ). Approaching the City's Central Labor Union that summer, he proposed a holiday that would applaud "the industrial spirit-the great vital force of every nation," On September 5 his suggestion bore fruit, as an estimated 10,000 workers, many of them ignoring their bosses' warnings, left work to march from Union square up Fifth Avenue to 42nd Street. The event gained national attention, and by 1893 thirty states had made Labor Day an annual holiday.
The quick adoption of the scheme may have indicated less about the state lawmakers' respect for working people than about a fear of risking their anger. In the 1880s the United States was a land sharply divided between the immensely wealthy and the very poor. Henry George was accurate in describing the era as one of "progress and poverty." In a society in which factory, owners rode in private Pullmans while ten-year-olds slaved in the mines, strong anti-capitalist feeling ran high. Demands for fundamental change were common throughout the labor press. With socialists demanding an end to "wage slavery" and anarchists singing the praises of the virtues of dynamite, middle-of-the-roaders like Samuel Gompers and McGuire seemed attractively mild by comparison. One can imagine practical capitalists seeing Labor Day as a bargain: A one-day party certainly cost them less than paying their workers decent wages. | 3100.txt | 0 |
[
"immediately won nationwide support",
"involved workers from 30 states",
"was opposed by many factory owners",
"was organized by the UBCJ"
] | We can see from the first paragraph that the first Labor Day march _ . | The picnics, speeches, and parades of today's Labor Day were all part of the first celebration, held in New York City in 1882. Its promoter was an Irish-American labor leader named peter J. McGuire. A carpenter by trade, McGuire had worked since the age of eleven, and in 1882 was president of the United Brotherhood of Carpenters and Joiners (UBCJ). Approaching the City's Central Labor Union that summer, he proposed a holiday that would applaud "the industrial spirit-the great vital force of every nation," On September 5 his suggestion bore fruit, as an estimated 10,000 workers, many of them ignoring their bosses' warnings, left work to march from Union square up Fifth Avenue to 42nd Street. The event gained national attention, and by 1893 thirty states had made Labor Day an annual holiday.
The quick adoption of the scheme may have indicated less about the state lawmakers' respect for working people than about a fear of risking their anger. In the 1880s the United States was a land sharply divided between the immensely wealthy and the very poor. Henry George was accurate in describing the era as one of "progress and poverty." In a society in which factory, owners rode in private Pullmans while ten-year-olds slaved in the mines, strong anti-capitalist feeling ran high. Demands for fundamental change were common throughout the labor press. With socialists demanding an end to "wage slavery" and anarchists singing the praises of the virtues of dynamite, middle-of-the-roaders like Samuel Gompers and McGuire seemed attractively mild by comparison. One can imagine practical capitalists seeing Labor Day as a bargain: A one-day party certainly cost them less than paying their workers decent wages. | 3100.txt | 2 |
[
"The lawmakers' respect for the workers.",
"The worker's determination to have a holiday of their own.",
"The socialists' demands for thorough reform.",
"The politicians' fear of the workers' anger."
] | Which of the following is the key factor in the immediate approval of Labor Day as a national holiday? | The picnics, speeches, and parades of today's Labor Day were all part of the first celebration, held in New York City in 1882. Its promoter was an Irish-American labor leader named peter J. McGuire. A carpenter by trade, McGuire had worked since the age of eleven, and in 1882 was president of the United Brotherhood of Carpenters and Joiners (UBCJ). Approaching the City's Central Labor Union that summer, he proposed a holiday that would applaud "the industrial spirit-the great vital force of every nation," On September 5 his suggestion bore fruit, as an estimated 10,000 workers, many of them ignoring their bosses' warnings, left work to march from Union square up Fifth Avenue to 42nd Street. The event gained national attention, and by 1893 thirty states had made Labor Day an annual holiday.
The quick adoption of the scheme may have indicated less about the state lawmakers' respect for working people than about a fear of risking their anger. In the 1880s the United States was a land sharply divided between the immensely wealthy and the very poor. Henry George was accurate in describing the era as one of "progress and poverty." In a society in which factory, owners rode in private Pullmans while ten-year-olds slaved in the mines, strong anti-capitalist feeling ran high. Demands for fundamental change were common throughout the labor press. With socialists demanding an end to "wage slavery" and anarchists singing the praises of the virtues of dynamite, middle-of-the-roaders like Samuel Gompers and McGuire seemed attractively mild by comparison. One can imagine practical capitalists seeing Labor Day as a bargain: A one-day party certainly cost them less than paying their workers decent wages. | 3100.txt | 3 |
[
"was accepted by most bosses as a compromise",
"marked a turning point in the workers' struggle for more rights",
"indicated the improvement of the workers' welfare",
"signaled the end of \"wage slavery\""
] | We lean from the passage that the establishment of Labor Day _ . | The picnics, speeches, and parades of today's Labor Day were all part of the first celebration, held in New York City in 1882. Its promoter was an Irish-American labor leader named peter J. McGuire. A carpenter by trade, McGuire had worked since the age of eleven, and in 1882 was president of the United Brotherhood of Carpenters and Joiners (UBCJ). Approaching the City's Central Labor Union that summer, he proposed a holiday that would applaud "the industrial spirit-the great vital force of every nation," On September 5 his suggestion bore fruit, as an estimated 10,000 workers, many of them ignoring their bosses' warnings, left work to march from Union square up Fifth Avenue to 42nd Street. The event gained national attention, and by 1893 thirty states had made Labor Day an annual holiday.
The quick adoption of the scheme may have indicated less about the state lawmakers' respect for working people than about a fear of risking their anger. In the 1880s the United States was a land sharply divided between the immensely wealthy and the very poor. Henry George was accurate in describing the era as one of "progress and poverty." In a society in which factory, owners rode in private Pullmans while ten-year-olds slaved in the mines, strong anti-capitalist feeling ran high. Demands for fundamental change were common throughout the labor press. With socialists demanding an end to "wage slavery" and anarchists singing the praises of the virtues of dynamite, middle-of-the-roaders like Samuel Gompers and McGuire seemed attractively mild by comparison. One can imagine practical capitalists seeing Labor Day as a bargain: A one-day party certainly cost them less than paying their workers decent wages. | 3100.txt | 0 |
[
"draw people's attention to the striking contrast between the rich and the poor",
"make prominent the important role of the working class in society",
"win for the workers the right to shorter working hours",
"expose the exploitation of the workers by their bosses"
] | McGuire proposed Labor Day in order to _ . | The picnics, speeches, and parades of today's Labor Day were all part of the first celebration, held in New York City in 1882. Its promoter was an Irish-American labor leader named peter J. McGuire. A carpenter by trade, McGuire had worked since the age of eleven, and in 1882 was president of the United Brotherhood of Carpenters and Joiners (UBCJ). Approaching the City's Central Labor Union that summer, he proposed a holiday that would applaud "the industrial spirit-the great vital force of every nation," On September 5 his suggestion bore fruit, as an estimated 10,000 workers, many of them ignoring their bosses' warnings, left work to march from Union square up Fifth Avenue to 42nd Street. The event gained national attention, and by 1893 thirty states had made Labor Day an annual holiday.
The quick adoption of the scheme may have indicated less about the state lawmakers' respect for working people than about a fear of risking their anger. In the 1880s the United States was a land sharply divided between the immensely wealthy and the very poor. Henry George was accurate in describing the era as one of "progress and poverty." In a society in which factory, owners rode in private Pullmans while ten-year-olds slaved in the mines, strong anti-capitalist feeling ran high. Demands for fundamental change were common throughout the labor press. With socialists demanding an end to "wage slavery" and anarchists singing the praises of the virtues of dynamite, middle-of-the-roaders like Samuel Gompers and McGuire seemed attractively mild by comparison. One can imagine practical capitalists seeing Labor Day as a bargain: A one-day party certainly cost them less than paying their workers decent wages. | 3100.txt | 1 |
[
"sporting activities are forms of biological developments",
"the difference between sports and hunting",
"the reason why man used to go in for hunting",
"sporting activities have actually evolved from hunting"
] | The author uses the example of the football game to tell us _ . | Sporting activities are essentially forms of hunting behavior. Viewed biologically, the modern foot-baller is in reality a member of a hunting group. His killing weapon has turned into a harmless football and his prey into a goal-mouth. If his aim is accurate and he scores a goal, he enjoys the hunter's triumph of killing his prey.
To understand how this transformation has taken place we must briefly look back at our forefathers. They spent over a million years evolving as cooperative hunters. Their very survival depended on success in the hunting-field. Under this pressure their whole way of life, even their bodies, became greatly changed.
They became chasers, runners, jumpers, aimers, throwers and prey-killers. They cooperated as skillful male-group attackers.
Then about ten thousand years ago, after this immensely long period of hunting their food, they became farmers. Their improved intelligence, so vital to their old hunting life, was put to a new use - that of controlling and domesticating their prey. The hunt became suddenly out of date. The food was there on the farms, awaiting their needs. The risks and uncertainties of the hunt were no longer essential for survival.
The skills and thirst for hunting remained, however, and demanded new outlets. Hunting for sport replaced hunting for necessity. This new activity involved all the original hunting sequences but the aim of the operation was no longer to avoid starvation. Instead the sportsmen set off to test their skill against preys that were no longer essential to they survival. To be sure, the kill may have been eaten but there were other simpler ways of obtaining a meaty meal. | 2813.txt | 3 |
[
"a killing weapon",
"a hunting field",
"a prey",
"a member of a hunting group"
] | In hunting what is equivalent to a goal-mouth in football match is _ . | Sporting activities are essentially forms of hunting behavior. Viewed biologically, the modern foot-baller is in reality a member of a hunting group. His killing weapon has turned into a harmless football and his prey into a goal-mouth. If his aim is accurate and he scores a goal, he enjoys the hunter's triumph of killing his prey.
To understand how this transformation has taken place we must briefly look back at our forefathers. They spent over a million years evolving as cooperative hunters. Their very survival depended on success in the hunting-field. Under this pressure their whole way of life, even their bodies, became greatly changed.
They became chasers, runners, jumpers, aimers, throwers and prey-killers. They cooperated as skillful male-group attackers.
Then about ten thousand years ago, after this immensely long period of hunting their food, they became farmers. Their improved intelligence, so vital to their old hunting life, was put to a new use - that of controlling and domesticating their prey. The hunt became suddenly out of date. The food was there on the farms, awaiting their needs. The risks and uncertainties of the hunt were no longer essential for survival.
The skills and thirst for hunting remained, however, and demanded new outlets. Hunting for sport replaced hunting for necessity. This new activity involved all the original hunting sequences but the aim of the operation was no longer to avoid starvation. Instead the sportsmen set off to test their skill against preys that were no longer essential to they survival. To be sure, the kill may have been eaten but there were other simpler ways of obtaining a meaty meal. | 2813.txt | 2 |
[
"common sense",
"cooperation",
"farming knowledge",
"adventures"
] | According to the author, our ancestors survived as hunters for over a million years basically through their _ . | Sporting activities are essentially forms of hunting behavior. Viewed biologically, the modern foot-baller is in reality a member of a hunting group. His killing weapon has turned into a harmless football and his prey into a goal-mouth. If his aim is accurate and he scores a goal, he enjoys the hunter's triumph of killing his prey.
To understand how this transformation has taken place we must briefly look back at our forefathers. They spent over a million years evolving as cooperative hunters. Their very survival depended on success in the hunting-field. Under this pressure their whole way of life, even their bodies, became greatly changed.
They became chasers, runners, jumpers, aimers, throwers and prey-killers. They cooperated as skillful male-group attackers.
Then about ten thousand years ago, after this immensely long period of hunting their food, they became farmers. Their improved intelligence, so vital to their old hunting life, was put to a new use - that of controlling and domesticating their prey. The hunt became suddenly out of date. The food was there on the farms, awaiting their needs. The risks and uncertainties of the hunt were no longer essential for survival.
The skills and thirst for hunting remained, however, and demanded new outlets. Hunting for sport replaced hunting for necessity. This new activity involved all the original hunting sequences but the aim of the operation was no longer to avoid starvation. Instead the sportsmen set off to test their skill against preys that were no longer essential to they survival. To be sure, the kill may have been eaten but there were other simpler ways of obtaining a meaty meal. | 2813.txt | 1 |
[
"sporting activities",
"domesticating wild animals",
"growing crops",
"hunting"
] | The world "activity"(Line 2, Para.5) refers to _ . | Sporting activities are essentially forms of hunting behavior. Viewed biologically, the modern foot-baller is in reality a member of a hunting group. His killing weapon has turned into a harmless football and his prey into a goal-mouth. If his aim is accurate and he scores a goal, he enjoys the hunter's triumph of killing his prey.
To understand how this transformation has taken place we must briefly look back at our forefathers. They spent over a million years evolving as cooperative hunters. Their very survival depended on success in the hunting-field. Under this pressure their whole way of life, even their bodies, became greatly changed.
They became chasers, runners, jumpers, aimers, throwers and prey-killers. They cooperated as skillful male-group attackers.
Then about ten thousand years ago, after this immensely long period of hunting their food, they became farmers. Their improved intelligence, so vital to their old hunting life, was put to a new use - that of controlling and domesticating their prey. The hunt became suddenly out of date. The food was there on the farms, awaiting their needs. The risks and uncertainties of the hunt were no longer essential for survival.
The skills and thirst for hunting remained, however, and demanded new outlets. Hunting for sport replaced hunting for necessity. This new activity involved all the original hunting sequences but the aim of the operation was no longer to avoid starvation. Instead the sportsmen set off to test their skill against preys that were no longer essential to they survival. To be sure, the kill may have been eaten but there were other simpler ways of obtaining a meaty meal. | 2813.txt | 0 |
[
"Sporting activities satisfy the desire of modern men to practice hunting skills which the forefathers developed for survival.",
"It is farming that brings human into close contact with nature.",
"Sporting activities are vital to human existence because they excuse humans from risks and uncertainties.",
"It is farming that makes hunting completely out of date and unnecessary."
] | Which of the following best summarizes the main idea of this passage? | Sporting activities are essentially forms of hunting behavior. Viewed biologically, the modern foot-baller is in reality a member of a hunting group. His killing weapon has turned into a harmless football and his prey into a goal-mouth. If his aim is accurate and he scores a goal, he enjoys the hunter's triumph of killing his prey.
To understand how this transformation has taken place we must briefly look back at our forefathers. They spent over a million years evolving as cooperative hunters. Their very survival depended on success in the hunting-field. Under this pressure their whole way of life, even their bodies, became greatly changed.
They became chasers, runners, jumpers, aimers, throwers and prey-killers. They cooperated as skillful male-group attackers.
Then about ten thousand years ago, after this immensely long period of hunting their food, they became farmers. Their improved intelligence, so vital to their old hunting life, was put to a new use - that of controlling and domesticating their prey. The hunt became suddenly out of date. The food was there on the farms, awaiting their needs. The risks and uncertainties of the hunt were no longer essential for survival.
The skills and thirst for hunting remained, however, and demanded new outlets. Hunting for sport replaced hunting for necessity. This new activity involved all the original hunting sequences but the aim of the operation was no longer to avoid starvation. Instead the sportsmen set off to test their skill against preys that were no longer essential to they survival. To be sure, the kill may have been eaten but there were other simpler ways of obtaining a meaty meal. | 2813.txt | 0 |
[
"They take place over a period of 70 million years.",
"They began during the Cretaceous period.",
"They eliminate many animal species that exist at the time they occur.",
"They occur every 250 million years."
] | Paragraph 1 supports which of the following statements about mass extinctions? | Cases in which many species become extinct within a geologically short interval of time are called mass extinctions. There was one such event at the end of the Cretaceous period (around 70 million years ago). There was another, even larger, mass extinction at the end of the Permian period (around 250 million years ago). The Permian event has attracted much less attention than other mass extinctions because mostly unfamiliar species perished at that time.
The fossil record shows at least five mass extinctions in which many families of marine organisms died out. The rates of extinction happening today are as great as the rates during these mass extinctions. Many scientists have therefore concluded that a sixth great mass extinction is currently in progress.
What could cause such high rates of extinction? There are several hypotheses, including warming or cooling of Earth, changes in seasonal fluctuations or ocean currents, and changing positions of the continents. Biological hypotheses include ecological changes brought about by the evolution of cooperation between insects and flowering plants or of bottom-feeding predators in the oceans. Some of the proposed mechanisms required a very brief period during which all extinctions suddenly took place; other mechanisms would be more likely to have taken place more gradually, over an extended period, or at different times on different continents. Some hypotheses fail to account for simultaneous extinctions on land and in the seas. Each mass extinction may have had a different cause. Evidence points to hunting by humans and habitat destruction as the likely causes for the current mass extinction.
American paleontologists David Raup and John Sepkoski, who have studied extinction rates in a number of fossil groups, suggest that episodes of increased extinction have recurred periodically, approximately every 26 million years since the mid-Cretaceous period. The late Cretaceous extinction of the dinosaurs and ammonoids was just one of the more drastic in a whole series of such recurrent extinction episodes. The possibility that mass extinctions may recur periodically has given rise to such hypotheses as that of a companion star with a long-period orbit deflecting other bodies from their normal orbits, making some of them fall to Earth as meteors and causing widespread devastation upon impact.
Of the various hypotheses attempting to account for the late Cretaceous extinctions, the one that has attracted the most attention in recent years is the asteroid-impact hypothesis first suggested by Luis and Walter Alvarez. According to this hypothesis, Earth collided with an asteroid with an estimated diameter of 10 kilometers, or with several asteroids, the combined mass of which was comparable. The force of collision spewed large amounts of debris into the atmosphere, darkening the skies for several years before the finer particles settled. The reduced level of photosynthesis led to a massive decline in plant life of all kinds, and this caused massive starvation first of herbivores and subsequently of carnivores. The mass extinction would have occurred very suddenly under this hypothesis.
One interesting test of the Alvarez hypothesis is based on the presence of the rare-earth element iridium (Ir). Earth's crust contains very little of this element, but most asteroids contain a lot more. Debris thrown into the atmosphere by an asteroid collision would presumably contain large amounts of iridium, and atmospheric currents would carry this material all over the globe. A search of sedimentary deposits that span the boundary between the Cretaceous and Tertiary periods shows that there is a dramatic increase in the abundance of iridium briefly and precisely at this boundary. This iridium anomaly offers strong support for the Alvarez hypothesis even though no asteroid itself has ever been recovered.
An asteroid of this size would be expected to leave an immense crater, even if the asteroid itself was disintegrated by the impact. The intense heat of the impact would produce heat-shocked quartz in many types of rock. Also, large blocks thrown aside by the impact would form secondary craters surrounding the main crater. To date, several such secondary craters have been found along Mexico's Yucatan Peninsula, and heat-shocked quartz has been found both in Mexico and in Haiti. A location called Chicxulub, along the Yucatan coast, has been suggested as the primary impact site. | 708.txt | 2 |
[
"The speed with which mass extinctions are happening today is similar to the speed of past extinctions.",
"The number of species that have died out since the last extinction event is extremely large.",
"Mass extinctions occur with regularity and it is time for another one.",
"Fossil records of many marine species have disappeared."
] | According to paragraph 2, scientists base their belief that a mass extinction is going on at present on which of the following? | Cases in which many species become extinct within a geologically short interval of time are called mass extinctions. There was one such event at the end of the Cretaceous period (around 70 million years ago). There was another, even larger, mass extinction at the end of the Permian period (around 250 million years ago). The Permian event has attracted much less attention than other mass extinctions because mostly unfamiliar species perished at that time.
The fossil record shows at least five mass extinctions in which many families of marine organisms died out. The rates of extinction happening today are as great as the rates during these mass extinctions. Many scientists have therefore concluded that a sixth great mass extinction is currently in progress.
What could cause such high rates of extinction? There are several hypotheses, including warming or cooling of Earth, changes in seasonal fluctuations or ocean currents, and changing positions of the continents. Biological hypotheses include ecological changes brought about by the evolution of cooperation between insects and flowering plants or of bottom-feeding predators in the oceans. Some of the proposed mechanisms required a very brief period during which all extinctions suddenly took place; other mechanisms would be more likely to have taken place more gradually, over an extended period, or at different times on different continents. Some hypotheses fail to account for simultaneous extinctions on land and in the seas. Each mass extinction may have had a different cause. Evidence points to hunting by humans and habitat destruction as the likely causes for the current mass extinction.
American paleontologists David Raup and John Sepkoski, who have studied extinction rates in a number of fossil groups, suggest that episodes of increased extinction have recurred periodically, approximately every 26 million years since the mid-Cretaceous period. The late Cretaceous extinction of the dinosaurs and ammonoids was just one of the more drastic in a whole series of such recurrent extinction episodes. The possibility that mass extinctions may recur periodically has given rise to such hypotheses as that of a companion star with a long-period orbit deflecting other bodies from their normal orbits, making some of them fall to Earth as meteors and causing widespread devastation upon impact.
Of the various hypotheses attempting to account for the late Cretaceous extinctions, the one that has attracted the most attention in recent years is the asteroid-impact hypothesis first suggested by Luis and Walter Alvarez. According to this hypothesis, Earth collided with an asteroid with an estimated diameter of 10 kilometers, or with several asteroids, the combined mass of which was comparable. The force of collision spewed large amounts of debris into the atmosphere, darkening the skies for several years before the finer particles settled. The reduced level of photosynthesis led to a massive decline in plant life of all kinds, and this caused massive starvation first of herbivores and subsequently of carnivores. The mass extinction would have occurred very suddenly under this hypothesis.
One interesting test of the Alvarez hypothesis is based on the presence of the rare-earth element iridium (Ir). Earth's crust contains very little of this element, but most asteroids contain a lot more. Debris thrown into the atmosphere by an asteroid collision would presumably contain large amounts of iridium, and atmospheric currents would carry this material all over the globe. A search of sedimentary deposits that span the boundary between the Cretaceous and Tertiary periods shows that there is a dramatic increase in the abundance of iridium briefly and precisely at this boundary. This iridium anomaly offers strong support for the Alvarez hypothesis even though no asteroid itself has ever been recovered.
An asteroid of this size would be expected to leave an immense crater, even if the asteroid itself was disintegrated by the impact. The intense heat of the impact would produce heat-shocked quartz in many types of rock. Also, large blocks thrown aside by the impact would form secondary craters surrounding the main crater. To date, several such secondary craters have been found along Mexico's Yucatan Peninsula, and heat-shocked quartz has been found both in Mexico and in Haiti. A location called Chicxulub, along the Yucatan coast, has been suggested as the primary impact site. | 708.txt | 0 |
[
"specific.",
"unlimited.",
"reasonable.",
"long."
] | The word extended in the passage is closest in meaning to | Cases in which many species become extinct within a geologically short interval of time are called mass extinctions. There was one such event at the end of the Cretaceous period (around 70 million years ago). There was another, even larger, mass extinction at the end of the Permian period (around 250 million years ago). The Permian event has attracted much less attention than other mass extinctions because mostly unfamiliar species perished at that time.
The fossil record shows at least five mass extinctions in which many families of marine organisms died out. The rates of extinction happening today are as great as the rates during these mass extinctions. Many scientists have therefore concluded that a sixth great mass extinction is currently in progress.
What could cause such high rates of extinction? There are several hypotheses, including warming or cooling of Earth, changes in seasonal fluctuations or ocean currents, and changing positions of the continents. Biological hypotheses include ecological changes brought about by the evolution of cooperation between insects and flowering plants or of bottom-feeding predators in the oceans. Some of the proposed mechanisms required a very brief period during which all extinctions suddenly took place; other mechanisms would be more likely to have taken place more gradually, over an extended period, or at different times on different continents. Some hypotheses fail to account for simultaneous extinctions on land and in the seas. Each mass extinction may have had a different cause. Evidence points to hunting by humans and habitat destruction as the likely causes for the current mass extinction.
American paleontologists David Raup and John Sepkoski, who have studied extinction rates in a number of fossil groups, suggest that episodes of increased extinction have recurred periodically, approximately every 26 million years since the mid-Cretaceous period. The late Cretaceous extinction of the dinosaurs and ammonoids was just one of the more drastic in a whole series of such recurrent extinction episodes. The possibility that mass extinctions may recur periodically has given rise to such hypotheses as that of a companion star with a long-period orbit deflecting other bodies from their normal orbits, making some of them fall to Earth as meteors and causing widespread devastation upon impact.
Of the various hypotheses attempting to account for the late Cretaceous extinctions, the one that has attracted the most attention in recent years is the asteroid-impact hypothesis first suggested by Luis and Walter Alvarez. According to this hypothesis, Earth collided with an asteroid with an estimated diameter of 10 kilometers, or with several asteroids, the combined mass of which was comparable. The force of collision spewed large amounts of debris into the atmosphere, darkening the skies for several years before the finer particles settled. The reduced level of photosynthesis led to a massive decline in plant life of all kinds, and this caused massive starvation first of herbivores and subsequently of carnivores. The mass extinction would have occurred very suddenly under this hypothesis.
One interesting test of the Alvarez hypothesis is based on the presence of the rare-earth element iridium (Ir). Earth's crust contains very little of this element, but most asteroids contain a lot more. Debris thrown into the atmosphere by an asteroid collision would presumably contain large amounts of iridium, and atmospheric currents would carry this material all over the globe. A search of sedimentary deposits that span the boundary between the Cretaceous and Tertiary periods shows that there is a dramatic increase in the abundance of iridium briefly and precisely at this boundary. This iridium anomaly offers strong support for the Alvarez hypothesis even though no asteroid itself has ever been recovered.
An asteroid of this size would be expected to leave an immense crater, even if the asteroid itself was disintegrated by the impact. The intense heat of the impact would produce heat-shocked quartz in many types of rock. Also, large blocks thrown aside by the impact would form secondary craters surrounding the main crater. To date, several such secondary craters have been found along Mexico's Yucatan Peninsula, and heat-shocked quartz has been found both in Mexico and in Haiti. A location called Chicxulub, along the Yucatan coast, has been suggested as the primary impact site. | 708.txt | 3 |
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