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[
"break",
"push",
"change",
"extend"
] | The word "transform"(Paragraph 2) in the passage is closest in meaning to | Glaciers are slowly moving masses of ice that have accumulated on land in areas where more snowfalls during a year than melts. Snow falls as hexagonal crystals, but once on the ground, snow is soon transformed into a compacted mass of smaller, rounded grains. As the air space around them is lessened by compaction and melting, the grains become denser. With further melting, refreezing, and increased weight from newer snowfall above, the snow reaches a granular recrystallized stage intermediate between flakes and ice known as firn. With additional time, pressure, and refrozen meltwater from above, the small firn granules become larger, interlocked crystals of blue glacial ice. When the ice is thick enough, usually over 30 meters, the weight of the snow and firn will cause the ice crystals toward the bottom to become plastic and to flow outward or downward from the area of snow accumulation.
Glaciers are open systems, with snow as the system's input and meltwater as the system's main output. The glacial system is governed by two basic climatic variables: precipitation and temperature. For a glacier to grow or maintain its mass, there must be sufficient snowfall to match or exceed the annual loss through melting, evaporation, and calving, which occurs when the glacier loses solid chunks as icebergs to the sea or to large lakes. If summer temperatures are high for too long, then all the snowfall from the previous winter will melt. Surplus snowfall is essential for a glacier to develop. A surplus allows snow to accumulate and for the pressure of snow accumulated over the years to transform buried snow into glacial ice with a depth great enough for the ice to flow. Glaciers are sometimes classified by temperature as faster-flowing temperate glaciers or as slower-flowing polar glaciers.
Glaciers are part of Earth's hydrologic cycle and are second only to the oceans in the total amount of water contained. About 2 percent of Earth's water is currently frozen as ice. Two percent may be a deceiving figure, however, since over 80 percent of the world's freshwater is locked up as ice in glaciers, with the majority of it in Antarctica. The total amount of ice is even more awesome if we estimate the water released upon the hypothetical melting of the world's glaciers. Sea level would rise about 60 meters. This would change the geography of the planet considerably. In contrast, should another ice age occur, sea level would drop drastically. During the last ice age, sea level dropped about 120 meters.
When snowfalls on high mountains or in polar regions, it may become part of the glacial system. Unlike rain, which returns rapidly to the sea or atmosphere, the snow that becomes part of a glacier is involved in a much more slowly cycling system. Here water may be stored in ice form for hundreds or even hundreds of thousands of years before being released again into the liquid water system as meltwater. In the meantime, however, this ice is not static. Glaciers move slowly across the land with tremendous energy, carving into even the hardest rock formations and thereby reshaping the landscape as they engulf, push, drag, and finally deposit rock debris in places far from its original location. As a result, glaciers create a great variety of landforms that remain long after the surface is released from its icy covering.
Throughout most of Earth's history, glaciers did not exist, but at the present time about 10 percent of Earth's land surface is covered by glaciers. Present-day glaciers are found in Antarctica, in Greenland, and at high elevations on all the continents except Australia. In the recent past, from about 2.4 million to about 10,000 years ago, nearly a third of Earth's land area was periodically covered by ice thousands of meters thick. In the much more distant past, other ice ages have occurred. | 724.txt | 2 |
[
"It provides the pressure needed to cause glacial ice to flow.",
"It offsets losses of ice due to melting, evaporation, and calving.",
"It brings about the formation of firn in the snow it buries.",
"It results in temperate glaciers that are thicker than polar glaciers."
] | Accordingto paragraph 2, surplus snow affects a glacier in all the following ways EXCEPT: | Glaciers are slowly moving masses of ice that have accumulated on land in areas where more snowfalls during a year than melts. Snow falls as hexagonal crystals, but once on the ground, snow is soon transformed into a compacted mass of smaller, rounded grains. As the air space around them is lessened by compaction and melting, the grains become denser. With further melting, refreezing, and increased weight from newer snowfall above, the snow reaches a granular recrystallized stage intermediate between flakes and ice known as firn. With additional time, pressure, and refrozen meltwater from above, the small firn granules become larger, interlocked crystals of blue glacial ice. When the ice is thick enough, usually over 30 meters, the weight of the snow and firn will cause the ice crystals toward the bottom to become plastic and to flow outward or downward from the area of snow accumulation.
Glaciers are open systems, with snow as the system's input and meltwater as the system's main output. The glacial system is governed by two basic climatic variables: precipitation and temperature. For a glacier to grow or maintain its mass, there must be sufficient snowfall to match or exceed the annual loss through melting, evaporation, and calving, which occurs when the glacier loses solid chunks as icebergs to the sea or to large lakes. If summer temperatures are high for too long, then all the snowfall from the previous winter will melt. Surplus snowfall is essential for a glacier to develop. A surplus allows snow to accumulate and for the pressure of snow accumulated over the years to transform buried snow into glacial ice with a depth great enough for the ice to flow. Glaciers are sometimes classified by temperature as faster-flowing temperate glaciers or as slower-flowing polar glaciers.
Glaciers are part of Earth's hydrologic cycle and are second only to the oceans in the total amount of water contained. About 2 percent of Earth's water is currently frozen as ice. Two percent may be a deceiving figure, however, since over 80 percent of the world's freshwater is locked up as ice in glaciers, with the majority of it in Antarctica. The total amount of ice is even more awesome if we estimate the water released upon the hypothetical melting of the world's glaciers. Sea level would rise about 60 meters. This would change the geography of the planet considerably. In contrast, should another ice age occur, sea level would drop drastically. During the last ice age, sea level dropped about 120 meters.
When snowfalls on high mountains or in polar regions, it may become part of the glacial system. Unlike rain, which returns rapidly to the sea or atmosphere, the snow that becomes part of a glacier is involved in a much more slowly cycling system. Here water may be stored in ice form for hundreds or even hundreds of thousands of years before being released again into the liquid water system as meltwater. In the meantime, however, this ice is not static. Glaciers move slowly across the land with tremendous energy, carving into even the hardest rock formations and thereby reshaping the landscape as they engulf, push, drag, and finally deposit rock debris in places far from its original location. As a result, glaciers create a great variety of landforms that remain long after the surface is released from its icy covering.
Throughout most of Earth's history, glaciers did not exist, but at the present time about 10 percent of Earth's land surface is covered by glaciers. Present-day glaciers are found in Antarctica, in Greenland, and at high elevations on all the continents except Australia. In the recent past, from about 2.4 million to about 10,000 years ago, nearly a third of Earth's land area was periodically covered by ice thousands of meters thick. In the much more distant past, other ice ages have occurred. | 724.txt | 3 |
[
"A climate characteristic of the polar regions",
"A thick layer of ice in a temperate climate",
"Long, warm summers",
"Snow, firn, and ice that have been buried for several years"
] | Paragraph 2 implies that which of the following conditions produces thefastest moving glaciers? | Glaciers are slowly moving masses of ice that have accumulated on land in areas where more snowfalls during a year than melts. Snow falls as hexagonal crystals, but once on the ground, snow is soon transformed into a compacted mass of smaller, rounded grains. As the air space around them is lessened by compaction and melting, the grains become denser. With further melting, refreezing, and increased weight from newer snowfall above, the snow reaches a granular recrystallized stage intermediate between flakes and ice known as firn. With additional time, pressure, and refrozen meltwater from above, the small firn granules become larger, interlocked crystals of blue glacial ice. When the ice is thick enough, usually over 30 meters, the weight of the snow and firn will cause the ice crystals toward the bottom to become plastic and to flow outward or downward from the area of snow accumulation.
Glaciers are open systems, with snow as the system's input and meltwater as the system's main output. The glacial system is governed by two basic climatic variables: precipitation and temperature. For a glacier to grow or maintain its mass, there must be sufficient snowfall to match or exceed the annual loss through melting, evaporation, and calving, which occurs when the glacier loses solid chunks as icebergs to the sea or to large lakes. If summer temperatures are high for too long, then all the snowfall from the previous winter will melt. Surplus snowfall is essential for a glacier to develop. A surplus allows snow to accumulate and for the pressure of snow accumulated over the years to transform buried snow into glacial ice with a depth great enough for the ice to flow. Glaciers are sometimes classified by temperature as faster-flowing temperate glaciers or as slower-flowing polar glaciers.
Glaciers are part of Earth's hydrologic cycle and are second only to the oceans in the total amount of water contained. About 2 percent of Earth's water is currently frozen as ice. Two percent may be a deceiving figure, however, since over 80 percent of the world's freshwater is locked up as ice in glaciers, with the majority of it in Antarctica. The total amount of ice is even more awesome if we estimate the water released upon the hypothetical melting of the world's glaciers. Sea level would rise about 60 meters. This would change the geography of the planet considerably. In contrast, should another ice age occur, sea level would drop drastically. During the last ice age, sea level dropped about 120 meters.
When snowfalls on high mountains or in polar regions, it may become part of the glacial system. Unlike rain, which returns rapidly to the sea or atmosphere, the snow that becomes part of a glacier is involved in a much more slowly cycling system. Here water may be stored in ice form for hundreds or even hundreds of thousands of years before being released again into the liquid water system as meltwater. In the meantime, however, this ice is not static. Glaciers move slowly across the land with tremendous energy, carving into even the hardest rock formations and thereby reshaping the landscape as they engulf, push, drag, and finally deposit rock debris in places far from its original location. As a result, glaciers create a great variety of landforms that remain long after the surface is released from its icy covering.
Throughout most of Earth's history, glaciers did not exist, but at the present time about 10 percent of Earth's land surface is covered by glaciers. Present-day glaciers are found in Antarctica, in Greenland, and at high elevations on all the continents except Australia. In the recent past, from about 2.4 million to about 10,000 years ago, nearly a third of Earth's land area was periodically covered by ice thousands of meters thick. In the much more distant past, other ice ages have occurred. | 724.txt | 1 |
[
"approximate",
"exaggerated",
"unusual",
"misleading"
] | The word "deceiving"(Paragraph 3)in the passage is closest in meaning to | Glaciers are slowly moving masses of ice that have accumulated on land in areas where more snowfalls during a year than melts. Snow falls as hexagonal crystals, but once on the ground, snow is soon transformed into a compacted mass of smaller, rounded grains. As the air space around them is lessened by compaction and melting, the grains become denser. With further melting, refreezing, and increased weight from newer snowfall above, the snow reaches a granular recrystallized stage intermediate between flakes and ice known as firn. With additional time, pressure, and refrozen meltwater from above, the small firn granules become larger, interlocked crystals of blue glacial ice. When the ice is thick enough, usually over 30 meters, the weight of the snow and firn will cause the ice crystals toward the bottom to become plastic and to flow outward or downward from the area of snow accumulation.
Glaciers are open systems, with snow as the system's input and meltwater as the system's main output. The glacial system is governed by two basic climatic variables: precipitation and temperature. For a glacier to grow or maintain its mass, there must be sufficient snowfall to match or exceed the annual loss through melting, evaporation, and calving, which occurs when the glacier loses solid chunks as icebergs to the sea or to large lakes. If summer temperatures are high for too long, then all the snowfall from the previous winter will melt. Surplus snowfall is essential for a glacier to develop. A surplus allows snow to accumulate and for the pressure of snow accumulated over the years to transform buried snow into glacial ice with a depth great enough for the ice to flow. Glaciers are sometimes classified by temperature as faster-flowing temperate glaciers or as slower-flowing polar glaciers.
Glaciers are part of Earth's hydrologic cycle and are second only to the oceans in the total amount of water contained. About 2 percent of Earth's water is currently frozen as ice. Two percent may be a deceiving figure, however, since over 80 percent of the world's freshwater is locked up as ice in glaciers, with the majority of it in Antarctica. The total amount of ice is even more awesome if we estimate the water released upon the hypothetical melting of the world's glaciers. Sea level would rise about 60 meters. This would change the geography of the planet considerably. In contrast, should another ice age occur, sea level would drop drastically. During the last ice age, sea level dropped about 120 meters.
When snowfalls on high mountains or in polar regions, it may become part of the glacial system. Unlike rain, which returns rapidly to the sea or atmosphere, the snow that becomes part of a glacier is involved in a much more slowly cycling system. Here water may be stored in ice form for hundreds or even hundreds of thousands of years before being released again into the liquid water system as meltwater. In the meantime, however, this ice is not static. Glaciers move slowly across the land with tremendous energy, carving into even the hardest rock formations and thereby reshaping the landscape as they engulf, push, drag, and finally deposit rock debris in places far from its original location. As a result, glaciers create a great variety of landforms that remain long after the surface is released from its icy covering.
Throughout most of Earth's history, glaciers did not exist, but at the present time about 10 percent of Earth's land surface is covered by glaciers. Present-day glaciers are found in Antarctica, in Greenland, and at high elevations on all the continents except Australia. In the recent past, from about 2.4 million to about 10,000 years ago, nearly a third of Earth's land area was periodically covered by ice thousands of meters thick. In the much more distant past, other ice ages have occurred. | 724.txt | 3 |
[
"To contrast the effects of this event with the opposite effects of a new ice age",
"To emphasize how much water is frozen in glaciers",
"To illustrate the disastrous effects of a warming trend",
"To support the claim that glaciers are part of Earth's hydrologic cycle"
] | Why does the author consider the hypothetical melting of the world's glaciers(Paragraph 3)? | Glaciers are slowly moving masses of ice that have accumulated on land in areas where more snowfalls during a year than melts. Snow falls as hexagonal crystals, but once on the ground, snow is soon transformed into a compacted mass of smaller, rounded grains. As the air space around them is lessened by compaction and melting, the grains become denser. With further melting, refreezing, and increased weight from newer snowfall above, the snow reaches a granular recrystallized stage intermediate between flakes and ice known as firn. With additional time, pressure, and refrozen meltwater from above, the small firn granules become larger, interlocked crystals of blue glacial ice. When the ice is thick enough, usually over 30 meters, the weight of the snow and firn will cause the ice crystals toward the bottom to become plastic and to flow outward or downward from the area of snow accumulation.
Glaciers are open systems, with snow as the system's input and meltwater as the system's main output. The glacial system is governed by two basic climatic variables: precipitation and temperature. For a glacier to grow or maintain its mass, there must be sufficient snowfall to match or exceed the annual loss through melting, evaporation, and calving, which occurs when the glacier loses solid chunks as icebergs to the sea or to large lakes. If summer temperatures are high for too long, then all the snowfall from the previous winter will melt. Surplus snowfall is essential for a glacier to develop. A surplus allows snow to accumulate and for the pressure of snow accumulated over the years to transform buried snow into glacial ice with a depth great enough for the ice to flow. Glaciers are sometimes classified by temperature as faster-flowing temperate glaciers or as slower-flowing polar glaciers.
Glaciers are part of Earth's hydrologic cycle and are second only to the oceans in the total amount of water contained. About 2 percent of Earth's water is currently frozen as ice. Two percent may be a deceiving figure, however, since over 80 percent of the world's freshwater is locked up as ice in glaciers, with the majority of it in Antarctica. The total amount of ice is even more awesome if we estimate the water released upon the hypothetical melting of the world's glaciers. Sea level would rise about 60 meters. This would change the geography of the planet considerably. In contrast, should another ice age occur, sea level would drop drastically. During the last ice age, sea level dropped about 120 meters.
When snowfalls on high mountains or in polar regions, it may become part of the glacial system. Unlike rain, which returns rapidly to the sea or atmosphere, the snow that becomes part of a glacier is involved in a much more slowly cycling system. Here water may be stored in ice form for hundreds or even hundreds of thousands of years before being released again into the liquid water system as meltwater. In the meantime, however, this ice is not static. Glaciers move slowly across the land with tremendous energy, carving into even the hardest rock formations and thereby reshaping the landscape as they engulf, push, drag, and finally deposit rock debris in places far from its original location. As a result, glaciers create a great variety of landforms that remain long after the surface is released from its icy covering.
Throughout most of Earth's history, glaciers did not exist, but at the present time about 10 percent of Earth's land surface is covered by glaciers. Present-day glaciers are found in Antarctica, in Greenland, and at high elevations on all the continents except Australia. In the recent past, from about 2.4 million to about 10,000 years ago, nearly a third of Earth's land area was periodically covered by ice thousands of meters thick. In the much more distant past, other ice ages have occurred. | 724.txt | 1 |
[
"Where is most of Earth's freshwater",
"What effect would a new ice age have on sea levels",
"What is the total amount of water in Earth's oceans",
"How much of Earth's water is in ice"
] | The discussion in paragraph 3 answers all the following questions EXCEPT: | Glaciers are slowly moving masses of ice that have accumulated on land in areas where more snowfalls during a year than melts. Snow falls as hexagonal crystals, but once on the ground, snow is soon transformed into a compacted mass of smaller, rounded grains. As the air space around them is lessened by compaction and melting, the grains become denser. With further melting, refreezing, and increased weight from newer snowfall above, the snow reaches a granular recrystallized stage intermediate between flakes and ice known as firn. With additional time, pressure, and refrozen meltwater from above, the small firn granules become larger, interlocked crystals of blue glacial ice. When the ice is thick enough, usually over 30 meters, the weight of the snow and firn will cause the ice crystals toward the bottom to become plastic and to flow outward or downward from the area of snow accumulation.
Glaciers are open systems, with snow as the system's input and meltwater as the system's main output. The glacial system is governed by two basic climatic variables: precipitation and temperature. For a glacier to grow or maintain its mass, there must be sufficient snowfall to match or exceed the annual loss through melting, evaporation, and calving, which occurs when the glacier loses solid chunks as icebergs to the sea or to large lakes. If summer temperatures are high for too long, then all the snowfall from the previous winter will melt. Surplus snowfall is essential for a glacier to develop. A surplus allows snow to accumulate and for the pressure of snow accumulated over the years to transform buried snow into glacial ice with a depth great enough for the ice to flow. Glaciers are sometimes classified by temperature as faster-flowing temperate glaciers or as slower-flowing polar glaciers.
Glaciers are part of Earth's hydrologic cycle and are second only to the oceans in the total amount of water contained. About 2 percent of Earth's water is currently frozen as ice. Two percent may be a deceiving figure, however, since over 80 percent of the world's freshwater is locked up as ice in glaciers, with the majority of it in Antarctica. The total amount of ice is even more awesome if we estimate the water released upon the hypothetical melting of the world's glaciers. Sea level would rise about 60 meters. This would change the geography of the planet considerably. In contrast, should another ice age occur, sea level would drop drastically. During the last ice age, sea level dropped about 120 meters.
When snowfalls on high mountains or in polar regions, it may become part of the glacial system. Unlike rain, which returns rapidly to the sea or atmosphere, the snow that becomes part of a glacier is involved in a much more slowly cycling system. Here water may be stored in ice form for hundreds or even hundreds of thousands of years before being released again into the liquid water system as meltwater. In the meantime, however, this ice is not static. Glaciers move slowly across the land with tremendous energy, carving into even the hardest rock formations and thereby reshaping the landscape as they engulf, push, drag, and finally deposit rock debris in places far from its original location. As a result, glaciers create a great variety of landforms that remain long after the surface is released from its icy covering.
Throughout most of Earth's history, glaciers did not exist, but at the present time about 10 percent of Earth's land surface is covered by glaciers. Present-day glaciers are found in Antarctica, in Greenland, and at high elevations on all the continents except Australia. In the recent past, from about 2.4 million to about 10,000 years ago, nearly a third of Earth's land area was periodically covered by ice thousands of meters thick. In the much more distant past, other ice ages have occurred. | 724.txt | 2 |
[
"unchanging",
"usable",
"thick",
"harmless"
] | The word "static"in the passage (paragraph 4)is closest in meaning to | Glaciers are slowly moving masses of ice that have accumulated on land in areas where more snowfalls during a year than melts. Snow falls as hexagonal crystals, but once on the ground, snow is soon transformed into a compacted mass of smaller, rounded grains. As the air space around them is lessened by compaction and melting, the grains become denser. With further melting, refreezing, and increased weight from newer snowfall above, the snow reaches a granular recrystallized stage intermediate between flakes and ice known as firn. With additional time, pressure, and refrozen meltwater from above, the small firn granules become larger, interlocked crystals of blue glacial ice. When the ice is thick enough, usually over 30 meters, the weight of the snow and firn will cause the ice crystals toward the bottom to become plastic and to flow outward or downward from the area of snow accumulation.
Glaciers are open systems, with snow as the system's input and meltwater as the system's main output. The glacial system is governed by two basic climatic variables: precipitation and temperature. For a glacier to grow or maintain its mass, there must be sufficient snowfall to match or exceed the annual loss through melting, evaporation, and calving, which occurs when the glacier loses solid chunks as icebergs to the sea or to large lakes. If summer temperatures are high for too long, then all the snowfall from the previous winter will melt. Surplus snowfall is essential for a glacier to develop. A surplus allows snow to accumulate and for the pressure of snow accumulated over the years to transform buried snow into glacial ice with a depth great enough for the ice to flow. Glaciers are sometimes classified by temperature as faster-flowing temperate glaciers or as slower-flowing polar glaciers.
Glaciers are part of Earth's hydrologic cycle and are second only to the oceans in the total amount of water contained. About 2 percent of Earth's water is currently frozen as ice. Two percent may be a deceiving figure, however, since over 80 percent of the world's freshwater is locked up as ice in glaciers, with the majority of it in Antarctica. The total amount of ice is even more awesome if we estimate the water released upon the hypothetical melting of the world's glaciers. Sea level would rise about 60 meters. This would change the geography of the planet considerably. In contrast, should another ice age occur, sea level would drop drastically. During the last ice age, sea level dropped about 120 meters.
When snowfalls on high mountains or in polar regions, it may become part of the glacial system. Unlike rain, which returns rapidly to the sea or atmosphere, the snow that becomes part of a glacier is involved in a much more slowly cycling system. Here water may be stored in ice form for hundreds or even hundreds of thousands of years before being released again into the liquid water system as meltwater. In the meantime, however, this ice is not static. Glaciers move slowly across the land with tremendous energy, carving into even the hardest rock formations and thereby reshaping the landscape as they engulf, push, drag, and finally deposit rock debris in places far from its original location. As a result, glaciers create a great variety of landforms that remain long after the surface is released from its icy covering.
Throughout most of Earth's history, glaciers did not exist, but at the present time about 10 percent of Earth's land surface is covered by glaciers. Present-day glaciers are found in Antarctica, in Greenland, and at high elevations on all the continents except Australia. In the recent past, from about 2.4 million to about 10,000 years ago, nearly a third of Earth's land area was periodically covered by ice thousands of meters thick. In the much more distant past, other ice ages have occurred. | 724.txt | 0 |
[
"There are glaciers.",
"More land is covered by glaciers than at anytime in the past.",
"There is no ice age.",
"No glaciers are found in Australia."
] | According to paragraph 5, in what way is the present time unusual in the history ofEarth? | Glaciers are slowly moving masses of ice that have accumulated on land in areas where more snowfalls during a year than melts. Snow falls as hexagonal crystals, but once on the ground, snow is soon transformed into a compacted mass of smaller, rounded grains. As the air space around them is lessened by compaction and melting, the grains become denser. With further melting, refreezing, and increased weight from newer snowfall above, the snow reaches a granular recrystallized stage intermediate between flakes and ice known as firn. With additional time, pressure, and refrozen meltwater from above, the small firn granules become larger, interlocked crystals of blue glacial ice. When the ice is thick enough, usually over 30 meters, the weight of the snow and firn will cause the ice crystals toward the bottom to become plastic and to flow outward or downward from the area of snow accumulation.
Glaciers are open systems, with snow as the system's input and meltwater as the system's main output. The glacial system is governed by two basic climatic variables: precipitation and temperature. For a glacier to grow or maintain its mass, there must be sufficient snowfall to match or exceed the annual loss through melting, evaporation, and calving, which occurs when the glacier loses solid chunks as icebergs to the sea or to large lakes. If summer temperatures are high for too long, then all the snowfall from the previous winter will melt. Surplus snowfall is essential for a glacier to develop. A surplus allows snow to accumulate and for the pressure of snow accumulated over the years to transform buried snow into glacial ice with a depth great enough for the ice to flow. Glaciers are sometimes classified by temperature as faster-flowing temperate glaciers or as slower-flowing polar glaciers.
Glaciers are part of Earth's hydrologic cycle and are second only to the oceans in the total amount of water contained. About 2 percent of Earth's water is currently frozen as ice. Two percent may be a deceiving figure, however, since over 80 percent of the world's freshwater is locked up as ice in glaciers, with the majority of it in Antarctica. The total amount of ice is even more awesome if we estimate the water released upon the hypothetical melting of the world's glaciers. Sea level would rise about 60 meters. This would change the geography of the planet considerably. In contrast, should another ice age occur, sea level would drop drastically. During the last ice age, sea level dropped about 120 meters.
When snowfalls on high mountains or in polar regions, it may become part of the glacial system. Unlike rain, which returns rapidly to the sea or atmosphere, the snow that becomes part of a glacier is involved in a much more slowly cycling system. Here water may be stored in ice form for hundreds or even hundreds of thousands of years before being released again into the liquid water system as meltwater. In the meantime, however, this ice is not static. Glaciers move slowly across the land with tremendous energy, carving into even the hardest rock formations and thereby reshaping the landscape as they engulf, push, drag, and finally deposit rock debris in places far from its original location. As a result, glaciers create a great variety of landforms that remain long after the surface is released from its icy covering.
Throughout most of Earth's history, glaciers did not exist, but at the present time about 10 percent of Earth's land surface is covered by glaciers. Present-day glaciers are found in Antarctica, in Greenland, and at high elevations on all the continents except Australia. In the recent past, from about 2.4 million to about 10,000 years ago, nearly a third of Earth's land area was periodically covered by ice thousands of meters thick. In the much more distant past, other ice ages have occurred. | 724.txt | 0 |
[
"One is cracking oneself up when expressing ignorance of mathematics.",
"Mathematics is only discipline to tolerate the shame of knowing nothing about numbers.",
"The shame of admitting that you can not read at a dinner party is paramount of admitting that you do not know about mathematics.",
"Expression of ignorance in mathematics is a boast not only in the academic disciplines but also in other fields."
] | Which one of the following statements is TRUE of status quo of mathematics? | Numbers get a bad press. Almost alone of the academic disciplines, mathematics is one where expressions of ignorance are more of a boast than a shameful admission (imagine admitting at a dinner party that you can't reaD. Yet numbers are more important than ever. They are the language of most of science and much of government, two forces that do much to shape people's lives. They are the nervous system of any modern country, marshalled in support of arguments over everything from defence to which diseases should be treated.
Happily for the number-shy, help is at hand. A book about numbers and how to interpret them doesn't sound like interesting bedtime reading. Yet in the hands of Michael Blastland and Andrew Dilnot, respectively producer and presenter of "More or Less", a BBC radio programme on the subject, that is what it becomes.
The chapters proceed from simple concepts to more complicated ones, starting with the simplest of all: working out how big a number is. That is harder than you might think. The British government's promise to spend £300m ($600m) over five years on child-care looks impressive at first glance. Only after working through the calculations does one realise that it amounts to only £1.15 a week for every family.
The authors avoid a hectoring tone. Their prose is light-hearted and never condescending. Amusing (or occasionally frightening) examples make theoretical arguments instantly accessible. The authors point out that most people have a higher-than-average number of feet (it takes only a single man with one foot to bring the average below two). Incomes are the other way around: thanks to a few billionaires, most people earn less than the average.
Later on, trickier and more emotive subjects are tackled. Much of the second half is taken up with the devilishly tricky business of trying to extract causation from correlation. One such issue is the so-called "cancer clusters". A mobile-phone mast is erected in a village. Soon after, cancer rates rise to several times the national average. But masts are common, and some villages are bound to develop high cancer rates through nothing more sinister than sheer bad luck. Proving correlation is easy, but proving causation-despite how obvious the links may seem-is not. The authors make the sobering point that mortality rates for doctors vary so much that, even if he had been constantly monitored, Harold Shipman (a British doctor who murdered at least 200 patients) would have racked up a body-count of several dozen before coming to official attention.
The central problem, as the authors admit, is that numbers can often be deeply counter-intuitive. Individuals find it difficult to cope with the vast quantities of cash consumed by a modern nation state, and everyday rules of thumb can sometimes lead to utterly wrong conclusions. That is what makes this book so valuable: it provides a reliable guide to a treacherous subject, giving its readers the mental ammunition to make sense of official claims. That it manages to make them laugh at the same time is a rare and welcome feat. | 3494.txt | 0 |
[
"detailed and accessible",
"technical and illuminating",
"professional and inviting",
"theoretical and humorous"
] | The style of "More or Less" by Michael Blastland and Andrew Dilnot can be described as _ . | Numbers get a bad press. Almost alone of the academic disciplines, mathematics is one where expressions of ignorance are more of a boast than a shameful admission (imagine admitting at a dinner party that you can't reaD. Yet numbers are more important than ever. They are the language of most of science and much of government, two forces that do much to shape people's lives. They are the nervous system of any modern country, marshalled in support of arguments over everything from defence to which diseases should be treated.
Happily for the number-shy, help is at hand. A book about numbers and how to interpret them doesn't sound like interesting bedtime reading. Yet in the hands of Michael Blastland and Andrew Dilnot, respectively producer and presenter of "More or Less", a BBC radio programme on the subject, that is what it becomes.
The chapters proceed from simple concepts to more complicated ones, starting with the simplest of all: working out how big a number is. That is harder than you might think. The British government's promise to spend £300m ($600m) over five years on child-care looks impressive at first glance. Only after working through the calculations does one realise that it amounts to only £1.15 a week for every family.
The authors avoid a hectoring tone. Their prose is light-hearted and never condescending. Amusing (or occasionally frightening) examples make theoretical arguments instantly accessible. The authors point out that most people have a higher-than-average number of feet (it takes only a single man with one foot to bring the average below two). Incomes are the other way around: thanks to a few billionaires, most people earn less than the average.
Later on, trickier and more emotive subjects are tackled. Much of the second half is taken up with the devilishly tricky business of trying to extract causation from correlation. One such issue is the so-called "cancer clusters". A mobile-phone mast is erected in a village. Soon after, cancer rates rise to several times the national average. But masts are common, and some villages are bound to develop high cancer rates through nothing more sinister than sheer bad luck. Proving correlation is easy, but proving causation-despite how obvious the links may seem-is not. The authors make the sobering point that mortality rates for doctors vary so much that, even if he had been constantly monitored, Harold Shipman (a British doctor who murdered at least 200 patients) would have racked up a body-count of several dozen before coming to official attention.
The central problem, as the authors admit, is that numbers can often be deeply counter-intuitive. Individuals find it difficult to cope with the vast quantities of cash consumed by a modern nation state, and everyday rules of thumb can sometimes lead to utterly wrong conclusions. That is what makes this book so valuable: it provides a reliable guide to a treacherous subject, giving its readers the mental ammunition to make sense of official claims. That it manages to make them laugh at the same time is a rare and welcome feat. | 3494.txt | 2 |
[
"to correctly understand the meaning of numbers is sometimes very tricky",
"people can understand better about statistical data by comparing them with most common phenomenon",
"the book helps people learn about the secret of numbers through interesting and daily examples",
"the way of calculating average income is the opposite to that of calculating the average number of feet"
] | The author of the article uses the example of average number of feet and average income to demonstrate that _ . | Numbers get a bad press. Almost alone of the academic disciplines, mathematics is one where expressions of ignorance are more of a boast than a shameful admission (imagine admitting at a dinner party that you can't reaD. Yet numbers are more important than ever. They are the language of most of science and much of government, two forces that do much to shape people's lives. They are the nervous system of any modern country, marshalled in support of arguments over everything from defence to which diseases should be treated.
Happily for the number-shy, help is at hand. A book about numbers and how to interpret them doesn't sound like interesting bedtime reading. Yet in the hands of Michael Blastland and Andrew Dilnot, respectively producer and presenter of "More or Less", a BBC radio programme on the subject, that is what it becomes.
The chapters proceed from simple concepts to more complicated ones, starting with the simplest of all: working out how big a number is. That is harder than you might think. The British government's promise to spend £300m ($600m) over five years on child-care looks impressive at first glance. Only after working through the calculations does one realise that it amounts to only £1.15 a week for every family.
The authors avoid a hectoring tone. Their prose is light-hearted and never condescending. Amusing (or occasionally frightening) examples make theoretical arguments instantly accessible. The authors point out that most people have a higher-than-average number of feet (it takes only a single man with one foot to bring the average below two). Incomes are the other way around: thanks to a few billionaires, most people earn less than the average.
Later on, trickier and more emotive subjects are tackled. Much of the second half is taken up with the devilishly tricky business of trying to extract causation from correlation. One such issue is the so-called "cancer clusters". A mobile-phone mast is erected in a village. Soon after, cancer rates rise to several times the national average. But masts are common, and some villages are bound to develop high cancer rates through nothing more sinister than sheer bad luck. Proving correlation is easy, but proving causation-despite how obvious the links may seem-is not. The authors make the sobering point that mortality rates for doctors vary so much that, even if he had been constantly monitored, Harold Shipman (a British doctor who murdered at least 200 patients) would have racked up a body-count of several dozen before coming to official attention.
The central problem, as the authors admit, is that numbers can often be deeply counter-intuitive. Individuals find it difficult to cope with the vast quantities of cash consumed by a modern nation state, and everyday rules of thumb can sometimes lead to utterly wrong conclusions. That is what makes this book so valuable: it provides a reliable guide to a treacherous subject, giving its readers the mental ammunition to make sense of official claims. That it manages to make them laugh at the same time is a rare and welcome feat. | 3494.txt | 2 |
[
"they could not sense any link between these two phenomena.",
"they can only find some vague correlation between them without solid evidence",
"there are not enough proofs to demonstrate that mast could raise cancer rate.",
"they could not deduce a reasonable relation of the cause and effect on the concerning issues"
] | Some villages develop high cancer rates through sheer bad luck other than masts because _ . | Numbers get a bad press. Almost alone of the academic disciplines, mathematics is one where expressions of ignorance are more of a boast than a shameful admission (imagine admitting at a dinner party that you can't reaD. Yet numbers are more important than ever. They are the language of most of science and much of government, two forces that do much to shape people's lives. They are the nervous system of any modern country, marshalled in support of arguments over everything from defence to which diseases should be treated.
Happily for the number-shy, help is at hand. A book about numbers and how to interpret them doesn't sound like interesting bedtime reading. Yet in the hands of Michael Blastland and Andrew Dilnot, respectively producer and presenter of "More or Less", a BBC radio programme on the subject, that is what it becomes.
The chapters proceed from simple concepts to more complicated ones, starting with the simplest of all: working out how big a number is. That is harder than you might think. The British government's promise to spend £300m ($600m) over five years on child-care looks impressive at first glance. Only after working through the calculations does one realise that it amounts to only £1.15 a week for every family.
The authors avoid a hectoring tone. Their prose is light-hearted and never condescending. Amusing (or occasionally frightening) examples make theoretical arguments instantly accessible. The authors point out that most people have a higher-than-average number of feet (it takes only a single man with one foot to bring the average below two). Incomes are the other way around: thanks to a few billionaires, most people earn less than the average.
Later on, trickier and more emotive subjects are tackled. Much of the second half is taken up with the devilishly tricky business of trying to extract causation from correlation. One such issue is the so-called "cancer clusters". A mobile-phone mast is erected in a village. Soon after, cancer rates rise to several times the national average. But masts are common, and some villages are bound to develop high cancer rates through nothing more sinister than sheer bad luck. Proving correlation is easy, but proving causation-despite how obvious the links may seem-is not. The authors make the sobering point that mortality rates for doctors vary so much that, even if he had been constantly monitored, Harold Shipman (a British doctor who murdered at least 200 patients) would have racked up a body-count of several dozen before coming to official attention.
The central problem, as the authors admit, is that numbers can often be deeply counter-intuitive. Individuals find it difficult to cope with the vast quantities of cash consumed by a modern nation state, and everyday rules of thumb can sometimes lead to utterly wrong conclusions. That is what makes this book so valuable: it provides a reliable guide to a treacherous subject, giving its readers the mental ammunition to make sense of official claims. That it manages to make them laugh at the same time is a rare and welcome feat. | 3494.txt | 3 |
[
"numbers are very difficult to understand",
"numbers could be cheating in most occasions.",
"numbers can subtly sensed by intuition.",
"numbers could shape people's minds into more reasonable."
] | According to the authors of "More or Less", the main point they want to demonstrate is that _ . | Numbers get a bad press. Almost alone of the academic disciplines, mathematics is one where expressions of ignorance are more of a boast than a shameful admission (imagine admitting at a dinner party that you can't reaD. Yet numbers are more important than ever. They are the language of most of science and much of government, two forces that do much to shape people's lives. They are the nervous system of any modern country, marshalled in support of arguments over everything from defence to which diseases should be treated.
Happily for the number-shy, help is at hand. A book about numbers and how to interpret them doesn't sound like interesting bedtime reading. Yet in the hands of Michael Blastland and Andrew Dilnot, respectively producer and presenter of "More or Less", a BBC radio programme on the subject, that is what it becomes.
The chapters proceed from simple concepts to more complicated ones, starting with the simplest of all: working out how big a number is. That is harder than you might think. The British government's promise to spend £300m ($600m) over five years on child-care looks impressive at first glance. Only after working through the calculations does one realise that it amounts to only £1.15 a week for every family.
The authors avoid a hectoring tone. Their prose is light-hearted and never condescending. Amusing (or occasionally frightening) examples make theoretical arguments instantly accessible. The authors point out that most people have a higher-than-average number of feet (it takes only a single man with one foot to bring the average below two). Incomes are the other way around: thanks to a few billionaires, most people earn less than the average.
Later on, trickier and more emotive subjects are tackled. Much of the second half is taken up with the devilishly tricky business of trying to extract causation from correlation. One such issue is the so-called "cancer clusters". A mobile-phone mast is erected in a village. Soon after, cancer rates rise to several times the national average. But masts are common, and some villages are bound to develop high cancer rates through nothing more sinister than sheer bad luck. Proving correlation is easy, but proving causation-despite how obvious the links may seem-is not. The authors make the sobering point that mortality rates for doctors vary so much that, even if he had been constantly monitored, Harold Shipman (a British doctor who murdered at least 200 patients) would have racked up a body-count of several dozen before coming to official attention.
The central problem, as the authors admit, is that numbers can often be deeply counter-intuitive. Individuals find it difficult to cope with the vast quantities of cash consumed by a modern nation state, and everyday rules of thumb can sometimes lead to utterly wrong conclusions. That is what makes this book so valuable: it provides a reliable guide to a treacherous subject, giving its readers the mental ammunition to make sense of official claims. That it manages to make them laugh at the same time is a rare and welcome feat. | 3494.txt | 1 |
[
"Philip Glass' works are consistently changing based on the different context and various external conditions.",
"Philip Glass's music is characterized by its unintelligibility.",
"Philip Glass is ignorant of establishing an immutable, sacrosanct urtext.",
"Philip Glass's works are totally alien to modern and even future audience."
] | Future musicologists will lose much sleep over Philip Glass because _ | Imagine how much sleep future musicologists will lose over Philip Glass. Throughout his career he has changed his scores to suit the circumstances, trimming them for recordings, for example, because he believes that nonvisual performances benefit from (relative) concision. The notion of an immutable, sacrosanct urtext the very thing musicologists sift historical evidence hoping to establish is entirely alien to him.
Still, you would think that if Mr. Glass held anything sacred, it would be the structure and format of "Einstein on the Beach." At that opera's premiere in 1976, and in its 1984 and 1992 revivals, "Einstein" played for five hours with no intermission. Free of narrative but rich in associations and imagery Einstein as a madly ecstatic violinist but also as the father of nuclear power the work unfolded inexorably, its repeated musical phrases creating rhythmic wheels within wheels. The libretto, mostly numbers, solfege syllables and quirky, stream-of-consciousness spoken texts, works its own hypnotic spell. Listeners were free to come and go as they pleased, but some of the work's power came from its relentlessness, to say nothing of the quirkiness of Robert Wilson's staging.
The version that Mr. Glass and his ensemble presented at Carnegie Hall on Thursday evening swept away the elements that made the work a happening and transformed it into a concert piece: three hours long, with an intermission and with formal seating rules in force. The breadth of the work was presented, if not its full sweep. The two-hour trim was accomplished by deleting sections from all but a few scenes. Some trims were noticeable: Lucinda Childs's tale of the multicolored bathing cap was intact, as were the quotations from Carole King's "I Feel the Earth Move," but Mr. Bojangles was evicted from this version.
Musically, the score survived the trims and might even have benefited from them: The brisker movement from one section to the next highlighted the degree of inventiveness that drives this piece and pointed up passages of real beauty. In "Knee Play 3," for example, the unaccompanied chorus sings streams of numbers, yet the music has the grandeur of a sacred setting much of the time and, at others, the energy of a symphonic presto. And Tim Fain, the violinist, gave the solo passages in the second, fourth and fifth "Knee Plays" and in the climactic, swirling "Spaceship Interior" scene an electrifying, virtuosic workout.
Some of the work's magic is in the way its elements pull in opposite directions. The repetition of short phrases, on one hand, can be soporific; yet the wheezing keyboard and woodwind textures and the bursts of choral counting, with sibilants creating their own rhythmic patterns, are invigorating. And because the performance is heavily amplified, timbres seem to melt together: Is that repeating fragment a voice, a violin or the top notes of the organ figure? The ensemble, which included musicians who have been with Mr. Glass from the early days as well as newcomers, gave the score a tight, high-energy readi1. | 3650.txt | 0 |
[
"the tale of the multicolored bathing cap.",
"the quotations form Carole King.",
"Mr. Bojangles' scene.",
"Lucinda Childe's adventure."
] | To make the opera become a concert, Mr. Glass trimmed _ | Imagine how much sleep future musicologists will lose over Philip Glass. Throughout his career he has changed his scores to suit the circumstances, trimming them for recordings, for example, because he believes that nonvisual performances benefit from (relative) concision. The notion of an immutable, sacrosanct urtext the very thing musicologists sift historical evidence hoping to establish is entirely alien to him.
Still, you would think that if Mr. Glass held anything sacred, it would be the structure and format of "Einstein on the Beach." At that opera's premiere in 1976, and in its 1984 and 1992 revivals, "Einstein" played for five hours with no intermission. Free of narrative but rich in associations and imagery Einstein as a madly ecstatic violinist but also as the father of nuclear power the work unfolded inexorably, its repeated musical phrases creating rhythmic wheels within wheels. The libretto, mostly numbers, solfege syllables and quirky, stream-of-consciousness spoken texts, works its own hypnotic spell. Listeners were free to come and go as they pleased, but some of the work's power came from its relentlessness, to say nothing of the quirkiness of Robert Wilson's staging.
The version that Mr. Glass and his ensemble presented at Carnegie Hall on Thursday evening swept away the elements that made the work a happening and transformed it into a concert piece: three hours long, with an intermission and with formal seating rules in force. The breadth of the work was presented, if not its full sweep. The two-hour trim was accomplished by deleting sections from all but a few scenes. Some trims were noticeable: Lucinda Childs's tale of the multicolored bathing cap was intact, as were the quotations from Carole King's "I Feel the Earth Move," but Mr. Bojangles was evicted from this version.
Musically, the score survived the trims and might even have benefited from them: The brisker movement from one section to the next highlighted the degree of inventiveness that drives this piece and pointed up passages of real beauty. In "Knee Play 3," for example, the unaccompanied chorus sings streams of numbers, yet the music has the grandeur of a sacred setting much of the time and, at others, the energy of a symphonic presto. And Tim Fain, the violinist, gave the solo passages in the second, fourth and fifth "Knee Plays" and in the climactic, swirling "Spaceship Interior" scene an electrifying, virtuosic workout.
Some of the work's magic is in the way its elements pull in opposite directions. The repetition of short phrases, on one hand, can be soporific; yet the wheezing keyboard and woodwind textures and the bursts of choral counting, with sibilants creating their own rhythmic patterns, are invigorating. And because the performance is heavily amplified, timbres seem to melt together: Is that repeating fragment a voice, a violin or the top notes of the organ figure? The ensemble, which included musicians who have been with Mr. Glass from the early days as well as newcomers, gave the score a tight, high-energy readi1. | 3650.txt | 2 |
[
"The former structure and format was kept constantly for the majority part.",
"The version was changed into a concert with a more formal procedure and a more fixed setting.",
"The version was a success partly because of the advantages brought by the trims.",
"The version was tighter than its ancestor."
] | Which one of the following is NOT true of the new version of "Einstein on the Beach" ? | Imagine how much sleep future musicologists will lose over Philip Glass. Throughout his career he has changed his scores to suit the circumstances, trimming them for recordings, for example, because he believes that nonvisual performances benefit from (relative) concision. The notion of an immutable, sacrosanct urtext the very thing musicologists sift historical evidence hoping to establish is entirely alien to him.
Still, you would think that if Mr. Glass held anything sacred, it would be the structure and format of "Einstein on the Beach." At that opera's premiere in 1976, and in its 1984 and 1992 revivals, "Einstein" played for five hours with no intermission. Free of narrative but rich in associations and imagery Einstein as a madly ecstatic violinist but also as the father of nuclear power the work unfolded inexorably, its repeated musical phrases creating rhythmic wheels within wheels. The libretto, mostly numbers, solfege syllables and quirky, stream-of-consciousness spoken texts, works its own hypnotic spell. Listeners were free to come and go as they pleased, but some of the work's power came from its relentlessness, to say nothing of the quirkiness of Robert Wilson's staging.
The version that Mr. Glass and his ensemble presented at Carnegie Hall on Thursday evening swept away the elements that made the work a happening and transformed it into a concert piece: three hours long, with an intermission and with formal seating rules in force. The breadth of the work was presented, if not its full sweep. The two-hour trim was accomplished by deleting sections from all but a few scenes. Some trims were noticeable: Lucinda Childs's tale of the multicolored bathing cap was intact, as were the quotations from Carole King's "I Feel the Earth Move," but Mr. Bojangles was evicted from this version.
Musically, the score survived the trims and might even have benefited from them: The brisker movement from one section to the next highlighted the degree of inventiveness that drives this piece and pointed up passages of real beauty. In "Knee Play 3," for example, the unaccompanied chorus sings streams of numbers, yet the music has the grandeur of a sacred setting much of the time and, at others, the energy of a symphonic presto. And Tim Fain, the violinist, gave the solo passages in the second, fourth and fifth "Knee Plays" and in the climactic, swirling "Spaceship Interior" scene an electrifying, virtuosic workout.
Some of the work's magic is in the way its elements pull in opposite directions. The repetition of short phrases, on one hand, can be soporific; yet the wheezing keyboard and woodwind textures and the bursts of choral counting, with sibilants creating their own rhythmic patterns, are invigorating. And because the performance is heavily amplified, timbres seem to melt together: Is that repeating fragment a voice, a violin or the top notes of the organ figure? The ensemble, which included musicians who have been with Mr. Glass from the early days as well as newcomers, gave the score a tight, high-energy readi1. | 3650.txt | 0 |
[
"the soporific repetition of phrases and invigorating music.",
"the streams numbers and symphonic energy.",
"the classical violin solo passage and electrifying workout.",
"its innovative nature and authenticity."
] | The contrary elements which added charm to the new version were _ | Imagine how much sleep future musicologists will lose over Philip Glass. Throughout his career he has changed his scores to suit the circumstances, trimming them for recordings, for example, because he believes that nonvisual performances benefit from (relative) concision. The notion of an immutable, sacrosanct urtext the very thing musicologists sift historical evidence hoping to establish is entirely alien to him.
Still, you would think that if Mr. Glass held anything sacred, it would be the structure and format of "Einstein on the Beach." At that opera's premiere in 1976, and in its 1984 and 1992 revivals, "Einstein" played for five hours with no intermission. Free of narrative but rich in associations and imagery Einstein as a madly ecstatic violinist but also as the father of nuclear power the work unfolded inexorably, its repeated musical phrases creating rhythmic wheels within wheels. The libretto, mostly numbers, solfege syllables and quirky, stream-of-consciousness spoken texts, works its own hypnotic spell. Listeners were free to come and go as they pleased, but some of the work's power came from its relentlessness, to say nothing of the quirkiness of Robert Wilson's staging.
The version that Mr. Glass and his ensemble presented at Carnegie Hall on Thursday evening swept away the elements that made the work a happening and transformed it into a concert piece: three hours long, with an intermission and with formal seating rules in force. The breadth of the work was presented, if not its full sweep. The two-hour trim was accomplished by deleting sections from all but a few scenes. Some trims were noticeable: Lucinda Childs's tale of the multicolored bathing cap was intact, as were the quotations from Carole King's "I Feel the Earth Move," but Mr. Bojangles was evicted from this version.
Musically, the score survived the trims and might even have benefited from them: The brisker movement from one section to the next highlighted the degree of inventiveness that drives this piece and pointed up passages of real beauty. In "Knee Play 3," for example, the unaccompanied chorus sings streams of numbers, yet the music has the grandeur of a sacred setting much of the time and, at others, the energy of a symphonic presto. And Tim Fain, the violinist, gave the solo passages in the second, fourth and fifth "Knee Plays" and in the climactic, swirling "Spaceship Interior" scene an electrifying, virtuosic workout.
Some of the work's magic is in the way its elements pull in opposite directions. The repetition of short phrases, on one hand, can be soporific; yet the wheezing keyboard and woodwind textures and the bursts of choral counting, with sibilants creating their own rhythmic patterns, are invigorating. And because the performance is heavily amplified, timbres seem to melt together: Is that repeating fragment a voice, a violin or the top notes of the organ figure? The ensemble, which included musicians who have been with Mr. Glass from the early days as well as newcomers, gave the score a tight, high-energy readi1. | 3650.txt | 3 |
[
"a comparison of two versions of \"Einstein on the Beach\".",
"an introduction of a new art form.",
"a study on the influence of trims on musical works.",
"an analysis of Mr. Glass' works."
] | The passage is mainly _ | Imagine how much sleep future musicologists will lose over Philip Glass. Throughout his career he has changed his scores to suit the circumstances, trimming them for recordings, for example, because he believes that nonvisual performances benefit from (relative) concision. The notion of an immutable, sacrosanct urtext the very thing musicologists sift historical evidence hoping to establish is entirely alien to him.
Still, you would think that if Mr. Glass held anything sacred, it would be the structure and format of "Einstein on the Beach." At that opera's premiere in 1976, and in its 1984 and 1992 revivals, "Einstein" played for five hours with no intermission. Free of narrative but rich in associations and imagery Einstein as a madly ecstatic violinist but also as the father of nuclear power the work unfolded inexorably, its repeated musical phrases creating rhythmic wheels within wheels. The libretto, mostly numbers, solfege syllables and quirky, stream-of-consciousness spoken texts, works its own hypnotic spell. Listeners were free to come and go as they pleased, but some of the work's power came from its relentlessness, to say nothing of the quirkiness of Robert Wilson's staging.
The version that Mr. Glass and his ensemble presented at Carnegie Hall on Thursday evening swept away the elements that made the work a happening and transformed it into a concert piece: three hours long, with an intermission and with formal seating rules in force. The breadth of the work was presented, if not its full sweep. The two-hour trim was accomplished by deleting sections from all but a few scenes. Some trims were noticeable: Lucinda Childs's tale of the multicolored bathing cap was intact, as were the quotations from Carole King's "I Feel the Earth Move," but Mr. Bojangles was evicted from this version.
Musically, the score survived the trims and might even have benefited from them: The brisker movement from one section to the next highlighted the degree of inventiveness that drives this piece and pointed up passages of real beauty. In "Knee Play 3," for example, the unaccompanied chorus sings streams of numbers, yet the music has the grandeur of a sacred setting much of the time and, at others, the energy of a symphonic presto. And Tim Fain, the violinist, gave the solo passages in the second, fourth and fifth "Knee Plays" and in the climactic, swirling "Spaceship Interior" scene an electrifying, virtuosic workout.
Some of the work's magic is in the way its elements pull in opposite directions. The repetition of short phrases, on one hand, can be soporific; yet the wheezing keyboard and woodwind textures and the bursts of choral counting, with sibilants creating their own rhythmic patterns, are invigorating. And because the performance is heavily amplified, timbres seem to melt together: Is that repeating fragment a voice, a violin or the top notes of the organ figure? The ensemble, which included musicians who have been with Mr. Glass from the early days as well as newcomers, gave the score a tight, high-energy readi1. | 3650.txt | 3 |
[
"the meaning of the word didn't change until after the 15th century.",
"the meaning of the word had changed over the years.",
"the Greeks held different concepts from the Romans.",
"princes and merchants added paintings to their collections."
] | The sentence"Museum is a slippery word"in the first paragraph means that | Text D
"Museum"is a slippery word. It first meant (in Greek) anything consecrated to the Muses:a hill,a shrine,a garden,a festival or even a textbook.Both Platos Academy and Aristotles Lyceum had a mouseion,a muses shrine.Although the Greeks already collected detached works of art,many temples-notably that of Hera at Olympia (before which the Olympic flame is still lit)-had collections of objects,some of which were works of art by wellknown masters,while paintings and sculptures in the Alexandrian Museum were incidental to its main purpose.
The Romans also collected and exhibited art from disbanded temples,as well as mineral specimens,exotic plants,animals; and they plundered sculptures and paintings (mostly Greek) for exhibition.Meanwhile,the Greek word had slipped into Latin by transliteration (though not to signify picture galleries,which were called pinacothecae) and museum still more or less meant"Muses- shrine".
The inspirational collections of precious and semi-precious objects were kept in larger churches and monasteries-which focused on the gold-enshrined,bejewelled relics of saints and martyrs.Princes,and later merchants,had similar collections,which became the deposits of natural curiosities:large lumps of amber or coral,irregular pearls,unicorn horns,ostrich eggs,fossil bones and so on.They also included coins and gems-often antique engraved ones-as well as,increasingly,paintings and sculptures.As they multiplied and expanded,to supplement them,the skill of the fakers grew increasingly refined.
At the same time,visitors could admire the very grandest paintings and sculptures in the churches,palaces and castles; they were not"collected"either,but"site-specific",and were considered an integral part both of the fabric of the buildings and of the way of life which went on inside them-and most of the buildings were public ones.However,during the revival of antiquity in the fifteenth century,fragments of antique sculpture were given higher status than the work of any contemporary,so that displays of antiquities would inspire artists to imitation,or even better,to emulation; and so could be considered Muses- shrines in the former sense.The Medici garden near San Marco in Florence,the Belvedere and the Capitol in Rome were the most famous of such early"inspirational"collections.Soon they multiplied,and,gradually,exemplary "modern"works were also added to such galleries.
In the seventeenth century,scientific and prestige collecting became so widespread that three or four collectors independently published directories to museums all over the known world.But it was the age of revolutions and industry which produced the next sharp shift in the way the institution was perceived:the fury against royal and church monuments prompted antiquarians to shelter them in asylum-galleries,of which the Musee des Monuments Francais was the most famous.Then,in the first half of the nineteenth century,museum funding took off,allied to the rise of new wealth:London acquired the National Gallery and the British Museum,the Louvre was organized,the Museum-Insel was begun in Berlin,and the Munich galleries were built.In Vienna,the huge Kunsthistorisches and Naturhistorisches Museums took over much of the imperial treasure.Meanwhile,the decline of craftsmanship (and of public taste with it) inspired the creation of "improving"collections.The Victoria and Albert Museum in London was the most famous,as well as perhaps the largest of them. | 1844.txt | 1 |
[
"the Romans.",
"Florence.",
"Olympia.",
"Greek."
] | The idea that museum could mean a mountain or an object originates from | Text D
"Museum"is a slippery word. It first meant (in Greek) anything consecrated to the Muses:a hill,a shrine,a garden,a festival or even a textbook.Both Platos Academy and Aristotles Lyceum had a mouseion,a muses shrine.Although the Greeks already collected detached works of art,many temples-notably that of Hera at Olympia (before which the Olympic flame is still lit)-had collections of objects,some of which were works of art by wellknown masters,while paintings and sculptures in the Alexandrian Museum were incidental to its main purpose.
The Romans also collected and exhibited art from disbanded temples,as well as mineral specimens,exotic plants,animals; and they plundered sculptures and paintings (mostly Greek) for exhibition.Meanwhile,the Greek word had slipped into Latin by transliteration (though not to signify picture galleries,which were called pinacothecae) and museum still more or less meant"Muses- shrine".
The inspirational collections of precious and semi-precious objects were kept in larger churches and monasteries-which focused on the gold-enshrined,bejewelled relics of saints and martyrs.Princes,and later merchants,had similar collections,which became the deposits of natural curiosities:large lumps of amber or coral,irregular pearls,unicorn horns,ostrich eggs,fossil bones and so on.They also included coins and gems-often antique engraved ones-as well as,increasingly,paintings and sculptures.As they multiplied and expanded,to supplement them,the skill of the fakers grew increasingly refined.
At the same time,visitors could admire the very grandest paintings and sculptures in the churches,palaces and castles; they were not"collected"either,but"site-specific",and were considered an integral part both of the fabric of the buildings and of the way of life which went on inside them-and most of the buildings were public ones.However,during the revival of antiquity in the fifteenth century,fragments of antique sculpture were given higher status than the work of any contemporary,so that displays of antiquities would inspire artists to imitation,or even better,to emulation; and so could be considered Muses- shrines in the former sense.The Medici garden near San Marco in Florence,the Belvedere and the Capitol in Rome were the most famous of such early"inspirational"collections.Soon they multiplied,and,gradually,exemplary "modern"works were also added to such galleries.
In the seventeenth century,scientific and prestige collecting became so widespread that three or four collectors independently published directories to museums all over the known world.But it was the age of revolutions and industry which produced the next sharp shift in the way the institution was perceived:the fury against royal and church monuments prompted antiquarians to shelter them in asylum-galleries,of which the Musee des Monuments Francais was the most famous.Then,in the first half of the nineteenth century,museum funding took off,allied to the rise of new wealth:London acquired the National Gallery and the British Museum,the Louvre was organized,the Museum-Insel was begun in Berlin,and the Munich galleries were built.In Vienna,the huge Kunsthistorisches and Naturhistorisches Museums took over much of the imperial treasure.Meanwhile,the decline of craftsmanship (and of public taste with it) inspired the creation of "improving"collections.The Victoria and Albert Museum in London was the most famous,as well as perhaps the largest of them. | 1844.txt | 3 |
[
"there was a great demand for fakers.",
"fakers grew rapidly in number.",
"fakers became more skillful.",
"fakers became more polite."
] | "...the skill of the fakers grew increasingly refined" in the third paragraph means that | Text D
"Museum"is a slippery word. It first meant (in Greek) anything consecrated to the Muses:a hill,a shrine,a garden,a festival or even a textbook.Both Platos Academy and Aristotles Lyceum had a mouseion,a muses shrine.Although the Greeks already collected detached works of art,many temples-notably that of Hera at Olympia (before which the Olympic flame is still lit)-had collections of objects,some of which were works of art by wellknown masters,while paintings and sculptures in the Alexandrian Museum were incidental to its main purpose.
The Romans also collected and exhibited art from disbanded temples,as well as mineral specimens,exotic plants,animals; and they plundered sculptures and paintings (mostly Greek) for exhibition.Meanwhile,the Greek word had slipped into Latin by transliteration (though not to signify picture galleries,which were called pinacothecae) and museum still more or less meant"Muses- shrine".
The inspirational collections of precious and semi-precious objects were kept in larger churches and monasteries-which focused on the gold-enshrined,bejewelled relics of saints and martyrs.Princes,and later merchants,had similar collections,which became the deposits of natural curiosities:large lumps of amber or coral,irregular pearls,unicorn horns,ostrich eggs,fossil bones and so on.They also included coins and gems-often antique engraved ones-as well as,increasingly,paintings and sculptures.As they multiplied and expanded,to supplement them,the skill of the fakers grew increasingly refined.
At the same time,visitors could admire the very grandest paintings and sculptures in the churches,palaces and castles; they were not"collected"either,but"site-specific",and were considered an integral part both of the fabric of the buildings and of the way of life which went on inside them-and most of the buildings were public ones.However,during the revival of antiquity in the fifteenth century,fragments of antique sculpture were given higher status than the work of any contemporary,so that displays of antiquities would inspire artists to imitation,or even better,to emulation; and so could be considered Muses- shrines in the former sense.The Medici garden near San Marco in Florence,the Belvedere and the Capitol in Rome were the most famous of such early"inspirational"collections.Soon they multiplied,and,gradually,exemplary "modern"works were also added to such galleries.
In the seventeenth century,scientific and prestige collecting became so widespread that three or four collectors independently published directories to museums all over the known world.But it was the age of revolutions and industry which produced the next sharp shift in the way the institution was perceived:the fury against royal and church monuments prompted antiquarians to shelter them in asylum-galleries,of which the Musee des Monuments Francais was the most famous.Then,in the first half of the nineteenth century,museum funding took off,allied to the rise of new wealth:London acquired the National Gallery and the British Museum,the Louvre was organized,the Museum-Insel was begun in Berlin,and the Munich galleries were built.In Vienna,the huge Kunsthistorisches and Naturhistorisches Museums took over much of the imperial treasure.Meanwhile,the decline of craftsmanship (and of public taste with it) inspired the creation of "improving"collections.The Victoria and Albert Museum in London was the most famous,as well as perhaps the largest of them. | 1844.txt | 2 |
[
"collected from elsewhere.",
"made part of the buildings.",
"donated by people.",
"bought by churches."
] | Paintings and sculptures on display in churches in the 15th century were | Text D
"Museum"is a slippery word. It first meant (in Greek) anything consecrated to the Muses:a hill,a shrine,a garden,a festival or even a textbook.Both Platos Academy and Aristotles Lyceum had a mouseion,a muses shrine.Although the Greeks already collected detached works of art,many temples-notably that of Hera at Olympia (before which the Olympic flame is still lit)-had collections of objects,some of which were works of art by wellknown masters,while paintings and sculptures in the Alexandrian Museum were incidental to its main purpose.
The Romans also collected and exhibited art from disbanded temples,as well as mineral specimens,exotic plants,animals; and they plundered sculptures and paintings (mostly Greek) for exhibition.Meanwhile,the Greek word had slipped into Latin by transliteration (though not to signify picture galleries,which were called pinacothecae) and museum still more or less meant"Muses- shrine".
The inspirational collections of precious and semi-precious objects were kept in larger churches and monasteries-which focused on the gold-enshrined,bejewelled relics of saints and martyrs.Princes,and later merchants,had similar collections,which became the deposits of natural curiosities:large lumps of amber or coral,irregular pearls,unicorn horns,ostrich eggs,fossil bones and so on.They also included coins and gems-often antique engraved ones-as well as,increasingly,paintings and sculptures.As they multiplied and expanded,to supplement them,the skill of the fakers grew increasingly refined.
At the same time,visitors could admire the very grandest paintings and sculptures in the churches,palaces and castles; they were not"collected"either,but"site-specific",and were considered an integral part both of the fabric of the buildings and of the way of life which went on inside them-and most of the buildings were public ones.However,during the revival of antiquity in the fifteenth century,fragments of antique sculpture were given higher status than the work of any contemporary,so that displays of antiquities would inspire artists to imitation,or even better,to emulation; and so could be considered Muses- shrines in the former sense.The Medici garden near San Marco in Florence,the Belvedere and the Capitol in Rome were the most famous of such early"inspirational"collections.Soon they multiplied,and,gradually,exemplary "modern"works were also added to such galleries.
In the seventeenth century,scientific and prestige collecting became so widespread that three or four collectors independently published directories to museums all over the known world.But it was the age of revolutions and industry which produced the next sharp shift in the way the institution was perceived:the fury against royal and church monuments prompted antiquarians to shelter them in asylum-galleries,of which the Musee des Monuments Francais was the most famous.Then,in the first half of the nineteenth century,museum funding took off,allied to the rise of new wealth:London acquired the National Gallery and the British Museum,the Louvre was organized,the Museum-Insel was begun in Berlin,and the Munich galleries were built.In Vienna,the huge Kunsthistorisches and Naturhistorisches Museums took over much of the imperial treasure.Meanwhile,the decline of craftsmanship (and of public taste with it) inspired the creation of "improving"collections.The Victoria and Albert Museum in London was the most famous,as well as perhaps the largest of them. | 1844.txt | 1 |
[
"protect royal and church treasures.",
"improve existing collections.",
"stimulate public interest.",
"raise more funds."
] | Modern museums came into existence in order to | Text D
"Museum"is a slippery word. It first meant (in Greek) anything consecrated to the Muses:a hill,a shrine,a garden,a festival or even a textbook.Both Platos Academy and Aristotles Lyceum had a mouseion,a muses shrine.Although the Greeks already collected detached works of art,many temples-notably that of Hera at Olympia (before which the Olympic flame is still lit)-had collections of objects,some of which were works of art by wellknown masters,while paintings and sculptures in the Alexandrian Museum were incidental to its main purpose.
The Romans also collected and exhibited art from disbanded temples,as well as mineral specimens,exotic plants,animals; and they plundered sculptures and paintings (mostly Greek) for exhibition.Meanwhile,the Greek word had slipped into Latin by transliteration (though not to signify picture galleries,which were called pinacothecae) and museum still more or less meant"Muses- shrine".
The inspirational collections of precious and semi-precious objects were kept in larger churches and monasteries-which focused on the gold-enshrined,bejewelled relics of saints and martyrs.Princes,and later merchants,had similar collections,which became the deposits of natural curiosities:large lumps of amber or coral,irregular pearls,unicorn horns,ostrich eggs,fossil bones and so on.They also included coins and gems-often antique engraved ones-as well as,increasingly,paintings and sculptures.As they multiplied and expanded,to supplement them,the skill of the fakers grew increasingly refined.
At the same time,visitors could admire the very grandest paintings and sculptures in the churches,palaces and castles; they were not"collected"either,but"site-specific",and were considered an integral part both of the fabric of the buildings and of the way of life which went on inside them-and most of the buildings were public ones.However,during the revival of antiquity in the fifteenth century,fragments of antique sculpture were given higher status than the work of any contemporary,so that displays of antiquities would inspire artists to imitation,or even better,to emulation; and so could be considered Muses- shrines in the former sense.The Medici garden near San Marco in Florence,the Belvedere and the Capitol in Rome were the most famous of such early"inspirational"collections.Soon they multiplied,and,gradually,exemplary "modern"works were also added to such galleries.
In the seventeenth century,scientific and prestige collecting became so widespread that three or four collectors independently published directories to museums all over the known world.But it was the age of revolutions and industry which produced the next sharp shift in the way the institution was perceived:the fury against royal and church monuments prompted antiquarians to shelter them in asylum-galleries,of which the Musee des Monuments Francais was the most famous.Then,in the first half of the nineteenth century,museum funding took off,allied to the rise of new wealth:London acquired the National Gallery and the British Museum,the Louvre was organized,the Museum-Insel was begun in Berlin,and the Munich galleries were built.In Vienna,the huge Kunsthistorisches and Naturhistorisches Museums took over much of the imperial treasure.Meanwhile,the decline of craftsmanship (and of public taste with it) inspired the creation of "improving"collections.The Victoria and Albert Museum in London was the most famous,as well as perhaps the largest of them. | 1844.txt | 0 |
[
"Collection and collectors.",
"The evolution of museums.",
"Modern museums and their functions.",
"The birth of museums."
] | Which is the main idea of the passage? | Text D
"Museum"is a slippery word. It first meant (in Greek) anything consecrated to the Muses:a hill,a shrine,a garden,a festival or even a textbook.Both Platos Academy and Aristotles Lyceum had a mouseion,a muses shrine.Although the Greeks already collected detached works of art,many temples-notably that of Hera at Olympia (before which the Olympic flame is still lit)-had collections of objects,some of which were works of art by wellknown masters,while paintings and sculptures in the Alexandrian Museum were incidental to its main purpose.
The Romans also collected and exhibited art from disbanded temples,as well as mineral specimens,exotic plants,animals; and they plundered sculptures and paintings (mostly Greek) for exhibition.Meanwhile,the Greek word had slipped into Latin by transliteration (though not to signify picture galleries,which were called pinacothecae) and museum still more or less meant"Muses- shrine".
The inspirational collections of precious and semi-precious objects were kept in larger churches and monasteries-which focused on the gold-enshrined,bejewelled relics of saints and martyrs.Princes,and later merchants,had similar collections,which became the deposits of natural curiosities:large lumps of amber or coral,irregular pearls,unicorn horns,ostrich eggs,fossil bones and so on.They also included coins and gems-often antique engraved ones-as well as,increasingly,paintings and sculptures.As they multiplied and expanded,to supplement them,the skill of the fakers grew increasingly refined.
At the same time,visitors could admire the very grandest paintings and sculptures in the churches,palaces and castles; they were not"collected"either,but"site-specific",and were considered an integral part both of the fabric of the buildings and of the way of life which went on inside them-and most of the buildings were public ones.However,during the revival of antiquity in the fifteenth century,fragments of antique sculpture were given higher status than the work of any contemporary,so that displays of antiquities would inspire artists to imitation,or even better,to emulation; and so could be considered Muses- shrines in the former sense.The Medici garden near San Marco in Florence,the Belvedere and the Capitol in Rome were the most famous of such early"inspirational"collections.Soon they multiplied,and,gradually,exemplary "modern"works were also added to such galleries.
In the seventeenth century,scientific and prestige collecting became so widespread that three or four collectors independently published directories to museums all over the known world.But it was the age of revolutions and industry which produced the next sharp shift in the way the institution was perceived:the fury against royal and church monuments prompted antiquarians to shelter them in asylum-galleries,of which the Musee des Monuments Francais was the most famous.Then,in the first half of the nineteenth century,museum funding took off,allied to the rise of new wealth:London acquired the National Gallery and the British Museum,the Louvre was organized,the Museum-Insel was begun in Berlin,and the Munich galleries were built.In Vienna,the huge Kunsthistorisches and Naturhistorisches Museums took over much of the imperial treasure.Meanwhile,the decline of craftsmanship (and of public taste with it) inspired the creation of "improving"collections.The Victoria and Albert Museum in London was the most famous,as well as perhaps the largest of them. | 1844.txt | 1 |
[
"as fast as",
"a million times slower than",
"about millions of times faster than",
"about a million times faster than"
] | Light speed is _ sound speed | Light travels at a speed which is about a million times faster than the speed of sound. You can get some idea of this difference by watching the start of a race. If you stand some distance away from the starter, you can see smoke from his gun before the sound reaches your ears. This great speed of light produces some strange facts. Sunlight takes about 8 minutes to reach us. If you look at the light of the moon tonight, remember that the light rays left the moon 1.3 seconds before they reached you. The nearest star is so far away that the light that you can see from it tonight started to travel towards you four years ago at a speed of nearly 2 million km. per minute. In some cases, the light from one of tonight's stars had started on its journey to you before you were born.
Thus, if we want to be honest, we can't say, "The stars are shining tonight." We have to say instead, "The stars look pretty. They were shining four years ago, but their light has only just reached the earth." | 3416.txt | 3 |
[
"you can hear the sound before you see the smoke",
"the sound does not travel as fast as light",
"the sound will reach you before the man fires",
"sound travels about a million times faster than light"
] | If you stand 200 metres away from a man who is firing a gun to start a race, you will find out that _ . | Light travels at a speed which is about a million times faster than the speed of sound. You can get some idea of this difference by watching the start of a race. If you stand some distance away from the starter, you can see smoke from his gun before the sound reaches your ears. This great speed of light produces some strange facts. Sunlight takes about 8 minutes to reach us. If you look at the light of the moon tonight, remember that the light rays left the moon 1.3 seconds before they reached you. The nearest star is so far away that the light that you can see from it tonight started to travel towards you four years ago at a speed of nearly 2 million km. per minute. In some cases, the light from one of tonight's stars had started on its journey to you before you were born.
Thus, if we want to be honest, we can't say, "The stars are shining tonight." We have to say instead, "The stars look pretty. They were shining four years ago, but their light has only just reached the earth." | 3416.txt | 1 |
[
"has to travel a greater distance",
"moves less quickly",
"travels much more quickly",
"is less powerful"
] | Sunlight obviously _ than the light of the moon | Light travels at a speed which is about a million times faster than the speed of sound. You can get some idea of this difference by watching the start of a race. If you stand some distance away from the starter, you can see smoke from his gun before the sound reaches your ears. This great speed of light produces some strange facts. Sunlight takes about 8 minutes to reach us. If you look at the light of the moon tonight, remember that the light rays left the moon 1.3 seconds before they reached you. The nearest star is so far away that the light that you can see from it tonight started to travel towards you four years ago at a speed of nearly 2 million km. per minute. In some cases, the light from one of tonight's stars had started on its journey to you before you were born.
Thus, if we want to be honest, we can't say, "The stars are shining tonight." We have to say instead, "The stars look pretty. They were shining four years ago, but their light has only just reached the earth." | 3416.txt | 0 |
[
"the stars have been shining all the time",
"the stars seen tonight will shine four years later",
"the stars were shining long ago but seen tonight",
"the starlight seen today could be seen four years ago"
] | The scientific way of saying "The stars are shining tonight" should be _ . | Light travels at a speed which is about a million times faster than the speed of sound. You can get some idea of this difference by watching the start of a race. If you stand some distance away from the starter, you can see smoke from his gun before the sound reaches your ears. This great speed of light produces some strange facts. Sunlight takes about 8 minutes to reach us. If you look at the light of the moon tonight, remember that the light rays left the moon 1.3 seconds before they reached you. The nearest star is so far away that the light that you can see from it tonight started to travel towards you four years ago at a speed of nearly 2 million km. per minute. In some cases, the light from one of tonight's stars had started on its journey to you before you were born.
Thus, if we want to be honest, we can't say, "The stars are shining tonight." We have to say instead, "The stars look pretty. They were shining four years ago, but their light has only just reached the earth." | 3416.txt | 2 |
[
"Full-time employment is a new international trend.",
"The writer was compelled by circumstances to leave her job.",
"\"A lateral move\" means stepping out of full-time employment.",
"The writer was only too eager to spend more time with her family."
] | Which of the following is true according to Paragraph 1? | When I decided to quit my full time employment it never occurred to me that I might become a part of a new international trend. A lateral move that hurt my pride and blocked my professional progress prompted me to abandon my relatively high profile career although, in the manner of a disgraced government minister, I covered my exit by claiming "I wanted to spend more time with my family".
Curiously, some two-and-a-half years and two novels later, my experiment in what the Americans term "downshifting" has turned my tired excuse into an absolute reality. I have been transformed from a passionate advocate of the philosophy of "having it all," preached by Linda Kelsey for the past seven years in the page of She magazine, into a woman who is happy to settle for a bit of everything.
I have discovered, as perhaps Kelsey will after her much-publicized resignation from the editorship of She after a build-up of stress, that abandoning the doctrine of "juggling your life," and making the alternative move into "downshifting" brings with it far greater rewards than financial success and social status. Nothing could persuade me to return to the kind of life Kelsey used to advocate and I once enjoyed: 12-hour working days, pressured deadlines, the fearful strain of office politics and the limitations of being a parent on "quality time".
In America, the move away from juggling to a simpler, less materialistic lifestyle is a well-established trend. Downshifting -- also known in America as "voluntary simplicity" -- has, ironically, even bred a new area of what might be termed anti-consumerism. There are a number of best-selling downshifting self-help books for people who want to simplify their lives; there are newsletters, such as The Tightwad Gazette, that give hundreds of thousands of Americans useful tips on anything from recycling their cling-film to making their own soap; there are even support groups for those who want to achieve the mid-'90s equivalent of dropping out.
While in America the trend started as a reaction to the economic decline -- after the mass redundancies caused by downsizing in the late '80s -- and is still linked to the politics of thrift, in Britain, at least among the middle-class downshifters of my acquaintance, we have different reasons for seeking to simplify our lives.
For the women of my generation who were urged to keep juggling through the '80s, downshifting in the mid-'90s is not so much a search for the mythical good life -- growing your own organic vegetables, and risking turning into one -- as a personal recognition of your limitations. | 887.txt | 1 |
[
"enables her to realize her dream",
"helps her mold a new philosophy of life",
"prompts her to abandon her high social status",
"leads her to accept the doctrine of She magazine"
] | The writer's experiment shows that downshifting . | When I decided to quit my full time employment it never occurred to me that I might become a part of a new international trend. A lateral move that hurt my pride and blocked my professional progress prompted me to abandon my relatively high profile career although, in the manner of a disgraced government minister, I covered my exit by claiming "I wanted to spend more time with my family".
Curiously, some two-and-a-half years and two novels later, my experiment in what the Americans term "downshifting" has turned my tired excuse into an absolute reality. I have been transformed from a passionate advocate of the philosophy of "having it all," preached by Linda Kelsey for the past seven years in the page of She magazine, into a woman who is happy to settle for a bit of everything.
I have discovered, as perhaps Kelsey will after her much-publicized resignation from the editorship of She after a build-up of stress, that abandoning the doctrine of "juggling your life," and making the alternative move into "downshifting" brings with it far greater rewards than financial success and social status. Nothing could persuade me to return to the kind of life Kelsey used to advocate and I once enjoyed: 12-hour working days, pressured deadlines, the fearful strain of office politics and the limitations of being a parent on "quality time".
In America, the move away from juggling to a simpler, less materialistic lifestyle is a well-established trend. Downshifting -- also known in America as "voluntary simplicity" -- has, ironically, even bred a new area of what might be termed anti-consumerism. There are a number of best-selling downshifting self-help books for people who want to simplify their lives; there are newsletters, such as The Tightwad Gazette, that give hundreds of thousands of Americans useful tips on anything from recycling their cling-film to making their own soap; there are even support groups for those who want to achieve the mid-'90s equivalent of dropping out.
While in America the trend started as a reaction to the economic decline -- after the mass redundancies caused by downsizing in the late '80s -- and is still linked to the politics of thrift, in Britain, at least among the middle-class downshifters of my acquaintance, we have different reasons for seeking to simplify our lives.
For the women of my generation who were urged to keep juggling through the '80s, downshifting in the mid-'90s is not so much a search for the mythical good life -- growing your own organic vegetables, and risking turning into one -- as a personal recognition of your limitations. | 887.txt | 1 |
[
"non-materialistic lifestyle",
"a bit of everything",
"extreme stress",
"anti-consumerism"
] | "Juggling one's life" probably means living a life characterized by _. | When I decided to quit my full time employment it never occurred to me that I might become a part of a new international trend. A lateral move that hurt my pride and blocked my professional progress prompted me to abandon my relatively high profile career although, in the manner of a disgraced government minister, I covered my exit by claiming "I wanted to spend more time with my family".
Curiously, some two-and-a-half years and two novels later, my experiment in what the Americans term "downshifting" has turned my tired excuse into an absolute reality. I have been transformed from a passionate advocate of the philosophy of "having it all," preached by Linda Kelsey for the past seven years in the page of She magazine, into a woman who is happy to settle for a bit of everything.
I have discovered, as perhaps Kelsey will after her much-publicized resignation from the editorship of She after a build-up of stress, that abandoning the doctrine of "juggling your life," and making the alternative move into "downshifting" brings with it far greater rewards than financial success and social status. Nothing could persuade me to return to the kind of life Kelsey used to advocate and I once enjoyed: 12-hour working days, pressured deadlines, the fearful strain of office politics and the limitations of being a parent on "quality time".
In America, the move away from juggling to a simpler, less materialistic lifestyle is a well-established trend. Downshifting -- also known in America as "voluntary simplicity" -- has, ironically, even bred a new area of what might be termed anti-consumerism. There are a number of best-selling downshifting self-help books for people who want to simplify their lives; there are newsletters, such as The Tightwad Gazette, that give hundreds of thousands of Americans useful tips on anything from recycling their cling-film to making their own soap; there are even support groups for those who want to achieve the mid-'90s equivalent of dropping out.
While in America the trend started as a reaction to the economic decline -- after the mass redundancies caused by downsizing in the late '80s -- and is still linked to the politics of thrift, in Britain, at least among the middle-class downshifters of my acquaintance, we have different reasons for seeking to simplify our lives.
For the women of my generation who were urged to keep juggling through the '80s, downshifting in the mid-'90s is not so much a search for the mythical good life -- growing your own organic vegetables, and risking turning into one -- as a personal recognition of your limitations. | 887.txt | 2 |
[
"the quick pace of modern life",
"man's adventurous spirit",
"man's search for mythical experiences",
"the economic situation"
] | According to the passage, downshifting emerged in the U.S. as a result of . | When I decided to quit my full time employment it never occurred to me that I might become a part of a new international trend. A lateral move that hurt my pride and blocked my professional progress prompted me to abandon my relatively high profile career although, in the manner of a disgraced government minister, I covered my exit by claiming "I wanted to spend more time with my family".
Curiously, some two-and-a-half years and two novels later, my experiment in what the Americans term "downshifting" has turned my tired excuse into an absolute reality. I have been transformed from a passionate advocate of the philosophy of "having it all," preached by Linda Kelsey for the past seven years in the page of She magazine, into a woman who is happy to settle for a bit of everything.
I have discovered, as perhaps Kelsey will after her much-publicized resignation from the editorship of She after a build-up of stress, that abandoning the doctrine of "juggling your life," and making the alternative move into "downshifting" brings with it far greater rewards than financial success and social status. Nothing could persuade me to return to the kind of life Kelsey used to advocate and I once enjoyed: 12-hour working days, pressured deadlines, the fearful strain of office politics and the limitations of being a parent on "quality time".
In America, the move away from juggling to a simpler, less materialistic lifestyle is a well-established trend. Downshifting -- also known in America as "voluntary simplicity" -- has, ironically, even bred a new area of what might be termed anti-consumerism. There are a number of best-selling downshifting self-help books for people who want to simplify their lives; there are newsletters, such as The Tightwad Gazette, that give hundreds of thousands of Americans useful tips on anything from recycling their cling-film to making their own soap; there are even support groups for those who want to achieve the mid-'90s equivalent of dropping out.
While in America the trend started as a reaction to the economic decline -- after the mass redundancies caused by downsizing in the late '80s -- and is still linked to the politics of thrift, in Britain, at least among the middle-class downshifters of my acquaintance, we have different reasons for seeking to simplify our lives.
For the women of my generation who were urged to keep juggling through the '80s, downshifting in the mid-'90s is not so much a search for the mythical good life -- growing your own organic vegetables, and risking turning into one -- as a personal recognition of your limitations. | 887.txt | 3 |
[
"friendly",
"impolite",
"brotherly",
"a mixture of love and hate"
] | For centuries, the relationship between Britain and France is _ . | Britain and France are separated by the English Channel, a body of water that can be crossed in as few as 20 minutes. But the cultures of the two countries sometimes seem to be miles apart.
Last Thursday Britain and France celebrated the 100th anniversary of the signing of a friendship agreement called the Entente Cordiality. The agreement marked a new beginning for the countries following centuries of wars and love-hate partnership.
But their relationship has been ups and downs over the past century. Just last year, there were fierce disagreements over the Iraq war-which British Prime Minister Tony Blair supported despite French President Jacques Chirac speaking out against it. This discomfort is expressed in Blair and Chirac's body language at international meetings. While the French leader often greets German Chancellor Gerhard Schroeder with a hug, Blair just receives a handshake. However, some political experts say the war in Iraq could in fact have helped ties.
The history of divisions may well be because of the very different ways in which the two sides see the world. But this doesn't stop 12 million Britons taking holidays in France each year. However, only 3 million French come in the opposite direction. Surveys show that most French people feel closer to the Germans than they do to the British. And the research carried out in Britain has found that only a third of the population believes the French can be trusted. Perhaps this bad feeling comes because the British dislike France's close relationship with Germany, or because the French are not happy with Britain's close links with the US.
Whatever the answer is, as both sides celebrate 100 years of " doubtful friendship" , they are at least able to make jokes about each other. Here's one: What's the best thing about Britain's relationship with France? The English Channel. | 709.txt | 3 |
[
"good",
"harm",
"neither good nor harm",
"both good and harm"
] | The war in Iraq does _ to the relationship between France and Britain. | Britain and France are separated by the English Channel, a body of water that can be crossed in as few as 20 minutes. But the cultures of the two countries sometimes seem to be miles apart.
Last Thursday Britain and France celebrated the 100th anniversary of the signing of a friendship agreement called the Entente Cordiality. The agreement marked a new beginning for the countries following centuries of wars and love-hate partnership.
But their relationship has been ups and downs over the past century. Just last year, there were fierce disagreements over the Iraq war-which British Prime Minister Tony Blair supported despite French President Jacques Chirac speaking out against it. This discomfort is expressed in Blair and Chirac's body language at international meetings. While the French leader often greets German Chancellor Gerhard Schroeder with a hug, Blair just receives a handshake. However, some political experts say the war in Iraq could in fact have helped ties.
The history of divisions may well be because of the very different ways in which the two sides see the world. But this doesn't stop 12 million Britons taking holidays in France each year. However, only 3 million French come in the opposite direction. Surveys show that most French people feel closer to the Germans than they do to the British. And the research carried out in Britain has found that only a third of the population believes the French can be trusted. Perhaps this bad feeling comes because the British dislike France's close relationship with Germany, or because the French are not happy with Britain's close links with the US.
Whatever the answer is, as both sides celebrate 100 years of " doubtful friendship" , they are at least able to make jokes about each other. Here's one: What's the best thing about Britain's relationship with France? The English Channel. | 709.txt | 3 |
[
"Germany; America",
"America; Germany",
"Germany; Germany",
"America; America"
] | The British are not so friendly to _ and the French are not so friendly to _ . | Britain and France are separated by the English Channel, a body of water that can be crossed in as few as 20 minutes. But the cultures of the two countries sometimes seem to be miles apart.
Last Thursday Britain and France celebrated the 100th anniversary of the signing of a friendship agreement called the Entente Cordiality. The agreement marked a new beginning for the countries following centuries of wars and love-hate partnership.
But their relationship has been ups and downs over the past century. Just last year, there were fierce disagreements over the Iraq war-which British Prime Minister Tony Blair supported despite French President Jacques Chirac speaking out against it. This discomfort is expressed in Blair and Chirac's body language at international meetings. While the French leader often greets German Chancellor Gerhard Schroeder with a hug, Blair just receives a handshake. However, some political experts say the war in Iraq could in fact have helped ties.
The history of divisions may well be because of the very different ways in which the two sides see the world. But this doesn't stop 12 million Britons taking holidays in France each year. However, only 3 million French come in the opposite direction. Surveys show that most French people feel closer to the Germans than they do to the British. And the research carried out in Britain has found that only a third of the population believes the French can be trusted. Perhaps this bad feeling comes because the British dislike France's close relationship with Germany, or because the French are not happy with Britain's close links with the US.
Whatever the answer is, as both sides celebrate 100 years of " doubtful friendship" , they are at least able to make jokes about each other. Here's one: What's the best thing about Britain's relationship with France? The English Channel. | 709.txt | 0 |
[
"American people...Britain",
"British people ... Germany",
"French people ... Britain",
"British people ... France"
] | _ are more interested in having holidays in _ . | Britain and France are separated by the English Channel, a body of water that can be crossed in as few as 20 minutes. But the cultures of the two countries sometimes seem to be miles apart.
Last Thursday Britain and France celebrated the 100th anniversary of the signing of a friendship agreement called the Entente Cordiality. The agreement marked a new beginning for the countries following centuries of wars and love-hate partnership.
But their relationship has been ups and downs over the past century. Just last year, there were fierce disagreements over the Iraq war-which British Prime Minister Tony Blair supported despite French President Jacques Chirac speaking out against it. This discomfort is expressed in Blair and Chirac's body language at international meetings. While the French leader often greets German Chancellor Gerhard Schroeder with a hug, Blair just receives a handshake. However, some political experts say the war in Iraq could in fact have helped ties.
The history of divisions may well be because of the very different ways in which the two sides see the world. But this doesn't stop 12 million Britons taking holidays in France each year. However, only 3 million French come in the opposite direction. Surveys show that most French people feel closer to the Germans than they do to the British. And the research carried out in Britain has found that only a third of the population believes the French can be trusted. Perhaps this bad feeling comes because the British dislike France's close relationship with Germany, or because the French are not happy with Britain's close links with the US.
Whatever the answer is, as both sides celebrate 100 years of " doubtful friendship" , they are at least able to make jokes about each other. Here's one: What's the best thing about Britain's relationship with France? The English Channel. | 709.txt | 3 |
[
"As long as the English Channel exists, no further disagreement will form between France and Britain.",
"The English Channel can prevent anything unfriendly happening in both France and Britain.",
"France and Britain are near neighbors, and this will help balance the relationship between them.",
"The English Channel is the largest enemy between France and Britain."
] | What does the last sentence mean? | Britain and France are separated by the English Channel, a body of water that can be crossed in as few as 20 minutes. But the cultures of the two countries sometimes seem to be miles apart.
Last Thursday Britain and France celebrated the 100th anniversary of the signing of a friendship agreement called the Entente Cordiality. The agreement marked a new beginning for the countries following centuries of wars and love-hate partnership.
But their relationship has been ups and downs over the past century. Just last year, there were fierce disagreements over the Iraq war-which British Prime Minister Tony Blair supported despite French President Jacques Chirac speaking out against it. This discomfort is expressed in Blair and Chirac's body language at international meetings. While the French leader often greets German Chancellor Gerhard Schroeder with a hug, Blair just receives a handshake. However, some political experts say the war in Iraq could in fact have helped ties.
The history of divisions may well be because of the very different ways in which the two sides see the world. But this doesn't stop 12 million Britons taking holidays in France each year. However, only 3 million French come in the opposite direction. Surveys show that most French people feel closer to the Germans than they do to the British. And the research carried out in Britain has found that only a third of the population believes the French can be trusted. Perhaps this bad feeling comes because the British dislike France's close relationship with Germany, or because the French are not happy with Britain's close links with the US.
Whatever the answer is, as both sides celebrate 100 years of " doubtful friendship" , they are at least able to make jokes about each other. Here's one: What's the best thing about Britain's relationship with France? The English Channel. | 709.txt | 2 |
[
"the New Madrid fault in Missouri",
"the San Andreas and the New Madrid faults",
"the causes of faults",
"current scientific knowledge about faults"
] | This passage is mainly about. | Everyone has heard of the San Andreas fault (¶Ï²ã), which constantly threatens California and the West Coast with earthquakes. But how many people know about the equally serious New Madrid fault in Missouri?
Between December of 1811 and February of 1812, three major earthquakes occurred, all centered around the town of New Madrid, Missouri, on the Mississippi River. Property damage was severe. Buildings in the area were almost destroyed. Whole forests fell at once, and huge cracks opened in the ground, allowing smell of sulfur(Áò»Ç)to filter upward.
The Mississippi River itself completely changed character, developing sudden rapids and whirlpools. Several times it changed its course, and once, according to some observers, it actually appeared to run backwards.Few people were killed in the New Marid earthquakes, probably simply because few people lived in the area in 1811; but the severity of the earthquakes are shown by the fact that the shock waves rang bells in church towers in Charleston, South Carolina, on the coast. Buildings shook in New York City, and clocks wer stopped in Washington, D.C. Scientists now know that America's two major faults are essentially different. The San Andreas is a horizontal boundary between two major land masses that are slowly moving in opposite directions. California earthquakes result when the movement of these two masses suddenly lurches (Çãб) forward.
The New Madrid fault, on the other hand, is a vertical fault; at some points, possibly hundreds of millions of years ago, rock was pushed up toward the surface, probably by volcanoes under the surface. Suddenly, the volcanoes cooled and the rock collapsed, leaving huge cracks. Even now, the rock continues to settle downwards, and sudden sinking motions trigger (´¥·¢) earthquakes in the region. The fault itself, a large crack in this layer of rock, with dozens of other cracks that split off from it, extends from northeastArkansas through Missouri and into southern lllinois.
Scientists who have studied the New Madrid fault say there have been numerous smaller quakes in the area since 1811; these smaller quakes indicate that larger ones are probably coming, but the scientists say have no method of predictingwhen a large earthquake will occur | 1155.txt | 1 |
[
"a horizontal fault",
"a vertical fault",
"a more serious fault than the San Andreas fault",
"responsible for forming the Mississippi River"
] | The New Madrid fault is. | Everyone has heard of the San Andreas fault (¶Ï²ã), which constantly threatens California and the West Coast with earthquakes. But how many people know about the equally serious New Madrid fault in Missouri?
Between December of 1811 and February of 1812, three major earthquakes occurred, all centered around the town of New Madrid, Missouri, on the Mississippi River. Property damage was severe. Buildings in the area were almost destroyed. Whole forests fell at once, and huge cracks opened in the ground, allowing smell of sulfur(Áò»Ç)to filter upward.
The Mississippi River itself completely changed character, developing sudden rapids and whirlpools. Several times it changed its course, and once, according to some observers, it actually appeared to run backwards.Few people were killed in the New Marid earthquakes, probably simply because few people lived in the area in 1811; but the severity of the earthquakes are shown by the fact that the shock waves rang bells in church towers in Charleston, South Carolina, on the coast. Buildings shook in New York City, and clocks wer stopped in Washington, D.C. Scientists now know that America's two major faults are essentially different. The San Andreas is a horizontal boundary between two major land masses that are slowly moving in opposite directions. California earthquakes result when the movement of these two masses suddenly lurches (Çãб) forward.
The New Madrid fault, on the other hand, is a vertical fault; at some points, possibly hundreds of millions of years ago, rock was pushed up toward the surface, probably by volcanoes under the surface. Suddenly, the volcanoes cooled and the rock collapsed, leaving huge cracks. Even now, the rock continues to settle downwards, and sudden sinking motions trigger (´¥·¢) earthquakes in the region. The fault itself, a large crack in this layer of rock, with dozens of other cracks that split off from it, extends from northeastArkansas through Missouri and into southern lllinois.
Scientists who have studied the New Madrid fault say there have been numerous smaller quakes in the area since 1811; these smaller quakes indicate that larger ones are probably coming, but the scientists say have no method of predictingwhen a large earthquake will occur | 1155.txt | 1 |
[
"it is probably as dangerous to live in Missouri as in California",
"the New Madrid fault will eventually develop a mountain range in Missouri",
"California will become an island in future",
"A big earthquake will occur to California soon"
] | We may conclude from the passage that. | Everyone has heard of the San Andreas fault (¶Ï²ã), which constantly threatens California and the West Coast with earthquakes. But how many people know about the equally serious New Madrid fault in Missouri?
Between December of 1811 and February of 1812, three major earthquakes occurred, all centered around the town of New Madrid, Missouri, on the Mississippi River. Property damage was severe. Buildings in the area were almost destroyed. Whole forests fell at once, and huge cracks opened in the ground, allowing smell of sulfur(Áò»Ç)to filter upward.
The Mississippi River itself completely changed character, developing sudden rapids and whirlpools. Several times it changed its course, and once, according to some observers, it actually appeared to run backwards.Few people were killed in the New Marid earthquakes, probably simply because few people lived in the area in 1811; but the severity of the earthquakes are shown by the fact that the shock waves rang bells in church towers in Charleston, South Carolina, on the coast. Buildings shook in New York City, and clocks wer stopped in Washington, D.C. Scientists now know that America's two major faults are essentially different. The San Andreas is a horizontal boundary between two major land masses that are slowly moving in opposite directions. California earthquakes result when the movement of these two masses suddenly lurches (Çãб) forward.
The New Madrid fault, on the other hand, is a vertical fault; at some points, possibly hundreds of millions of years ago, rock was pushed up toward the surface, probably by volcanoes under the surface. Suddenly, the volcanoes cooled and the rock collapsed, leaving huge cracks. Even now, the rock continues to settle downwards, and sudden sinking motions trigger (´¥·¢) earthquakes in the region. The fault itself, a large crack in this layer of rock, with dozens of other cracks that split off from it, extends from northeastArkansas through Missouri and into southern lllinois.
Scientists who have studied the New Madrid fault say there have been numerous smaller quakes in the area since 1811; these smaller quakes indicate that larger ones are probably coming, but the scientists say have no method of predictingwhen a large earthquake will occur | 1155.txt | 0 |
[
"horizontal faults are more dangerous than vertical faults.",
"Vertical faults are more dangerous than horizontal faults",
"Earthquakes occur only around fault areas",
"California will break into pieces by an eventual earthquake"
] | This passage implies that. | Everyone has heard of the San Andreas fault (¶Ï²ã), which constantly threatens California and the West Coast with earthquakes. But how many people know about the equally serious New Madrid fault in Missouri?
Between December of 1811 and February of 1812, three major earthquakes occurred, all centered around the town of New Madrid, Missouri, on the Mississippi River. Property damage was severe. Buildings in the area were almost destroyed. Whole forests fell at once, and huge cracks opened in the ground, allowing smell of sulfur(Áò»Ç)to filter upward.
The Mississippi River itself completely changed character, developing sudden rapids and whirlpools. Several times it changed its course, and once, according to some observers, it actually appeared to run backwards.Few people were killed in the New Marid earthquakes, probably simply because few people lived in the area in 1811; but the severity of the earthquakes are shown by the fact that the shock waves rang bells in church towers in Charleston, South Carolina, on the coast. Buildings shook in New York City, and clocks wer stopped in Washington, D.C. Scientists now know that America's two major faults are essentially different. The San Andreas is a horizontal boundary between two major land masses that are slowly moving in opposite directions. California earthquakes result when the movement of these two masses suddenly lurches (Çãб) forward.
The New Madrid fault, on the other hand, is a vertical fault; at some points, possibly hundreds of millions of years ago, rock was pushed up toward the surface, probably by volcanoes under the surface. Suddenly, the volcanoes cooled and the rock collapsed, leaving huge cracks. Even now, the rock continues to settle downwards, and sudden sinking motions trigger (´¥·¢) earthquakes in the region. The fault itself, a large crack in this layer of rock, with dozens of other cracks that split off from it, extends from northeastArkansas through Missouri and into southern lllinois.
Scientists who have studied the New Madrid fault say there have been numerous smaller quakes in the area since 1811; these smaller quakes indicate that larger ones are probably coming, but the scientists say have no method of predictingwhen a large earthquake will occur | 1155.txt | 2 |
[
"greatly",
"basically",
"extremely",
"necessarily"
] | As used in the first sentence of the fourth paragraph, the word essentially means. | Everyone has heard of the San Andreas fault (¶Ï²ã), which constantly threatens California and the West Coast with earthquakes. But how many people know about the equally serious New Madrid fault in Missouri?
Between December of 1811 and February of 1812, three major earthquakes occurred, all centered around the town of New Madrid, Missouri, on the Mississippi River. Property damage was severe. Buildings in the area were almost destroyed. Whole forests fell at once, and huge cracks opened in the ground, allowing smell of sulfur(Áò»Ç)to filter upward.
The Mississippi River itself completely changed character, developing sudden rapids and whirlpools. Several times it changed its course, and once, according to some observers, it actually appeared to run backwards.Few people were killed in the New Marid earthquakes, probably simply because few people lived in the area in 1811; but the severity of the earthquakes are shown by the fact that the shock waves rang bells in church towers in Charleston, South Carolina, on the coast. Buildings shook in New York City, and clocks wer stopped in Washington, D.C. Scientists now know that America's two major faults are essentially different. The San Andreas is a horizontal boundary between two major land masses that are slowly moving in opposite directions. California earthquakes result when the movement of these two masses suddenly lurches (Çãб) forward.
The New Madrid fault, on the other hand, is a vertical fault; at some points, possibly hundreds of millions of years ago, rock was pushed up toward the surface, probably by volcanoes under the surface. Suddenly, the volcanoes cooled and the rock collapsed, leaving huge cracks. Even now, the rock continues to settle downwards, and sudden sinking motions trigger (´¥·¢) earthquakes in the region. The fault itself, a large crack in this layer of rock, with dozens of other cracks that split off from it, extends from northeastArkansas through Missouri and into southern lllinois.
Scientists who have studied the New Madrid fault say there have been numerous smaller quakes in the area since 1811; these smaller quakes indicate that larger ones are probably coming, but the scientists say have no method of predictingwhen a large earthquake will occur | 1155.txt | 2 |
[
"only when we can see well",
"only when we cannot see perfectly",
"even if we can see well",
"only when we realize how important our eyes are"
] | We should take good care of our eyes. | When we see well, we do not think about our eyes very often. It is only when we cannot see perfectly that we realize how important our eyes are.
People who are near-sighted can only see things that are very close to their eyes, Everything else seems blurry(=unclear). Many people who do a lot of work, such as writing, reading and sewing become near-sighted. Then
People who are far-sighted suffer from just the opposite problem. They can see things that are far away, but they have difficulty in reading a book unless they hold it at arm's length. If they want to do much reading ,they must get glasses, too.
Other people do not see clearly because their eyes are not exactly the right shape. They have what is called astigmatism . This, too, can be corrected by glasses. Some people's eyes become cloudy because of cataracts . Long ago these people often became blind. Now, however, it is possible to operate on the cataracts and remove them.
Having two good eyes is important for judging distances. Each eye sees things from a slightly different angle . To prove this to yourself, look at an object our of one eye; then look at the same object out of your other eye. You will find the object's relation to the background and other things around it has changed. The difference between these two different eye views helps us to judge how far away an object is. People who have only one eye cannot judge distance as people with two eyes. | 2063.txt | 2 |
[
"near-sighted",
"far-sighted",
"astigmatic",
"suffering from cataracts"
] | When things far away seem indistinct , one is probably. | When we see well, we do not think about our eyes very often. It is only when we cannot see perfectly that we realize how important our eyes are.
People who are near-sighted can only see things that are very close to their eyes, Everything else seems blurry(=unclear). Many people who do a lot of work, such as writing, reading and sewing become near-sighted. Then
People who are far-sighted suffer from just the opposite problem. They can see things that are far away, but they have difficulty in reading a book unless they hold it at arm's length. If they want to do much reading ,they must get glasses, too.
Other people do not see clearly because their eyes are not exactly the right shape. They have what is called astigmatism . This, too, can be corrected by glasses. Some people's eyes become cloudy because of cataracts . Long ago these people often became blind. Now, however, it is possible to operate on the cataracts and remove them.
Having two good eyes is important for judging distances. Each eye sees things from a slightly different angle . To prove this to yourself, look at an object our of one eye; then look at the same object out of your other eye. You will find the object's relation to the background and other things around it has changed. The difference between these two different eye views helps us to judge how far away an object is. People who have only one eye cannot judge distance as people with two eyes. | 2063.txt | 0 |
[
"seeing at night",
"seeing objects far away",
"looking over a wide area",
"judging distances"
] | Having two eyes instead of one is particularly useful for. | When we see well, we do not think about our eyes very often. It is only when we cannot see perfectly that we realize how important our eyes are.
People who are near-sighted can only see things that are very close to their eyes, Everything else seems blurry(=unclear). Many people who do a lot of work, such as writing, reading and sewing become near-sighted. Then
People who are far-sighted suffer from just the opposite problem. They can see things that are far away, but they have difficulty in reading a book unless they hold it at arm's length. If they want to do much reading ,they must get glasses, too.
Other people do not see clearly because their eyes are not exactly the right shape. They have what is called astigmatism . This, too, can be corrected by glasses. Some people's eyes become cloudy because of cataracts . Long ago these people often became blind. Now, however, it is possible to operate on the cataracts and remove them.
Having two good eyes is important for judging distances. Each eye sees things from a slightly different angle . To prove this to yourself, look at an object our of one eye; then look at the same object out of your other eye. You will find the object's relation to the background and other things around it has changed. The difference between these two different eye views helps us to judge how far away an object is. People who have only one eye cannot judge distance as people with two eyes. | 2063.txt | 3 |
[
"one eye bigger than the other",
"eyes that are not exactly the right shape",
"a difficulty that can be corrected by an operation",
"an eye difficulty that cannot be corrected by glasses"
] | People who suffer from astigmatism have. | When we see well, we do not think about our eyes very often. It is only when we cannot see perfectly that we realize how important our eyes are.
People who are near-sighted can only see things that are very close to their eyes, Everything else seems blurry(=unclear). Many people who do a lot of work, such as writing, reading and sewing become near-sighted. Then
People who are far-sighted suffer from just the opposite problem. They can see things that are far away, but they have difficulty in reading a book unless they hold it at arm's length. If they want to do much reading ,they must get glasses, too.
Other people do not see clearly because their eyes are not exactly the right shape. They have what is called astigmatism . This, too, can be corrected by glasses. Some people's eyes become cloudy because of cataracts . Long ago these people often became blind. Now, however, it is possible to operate on the cataracts and remove them.
Having two good eyes is important for judging distances. Each eye sees things from a slightly different angle . To prove this to yourself, look at an object our of one eye; then look at the same object out of your other eye. You will find the object's relation to the background and other things around it has changed. The difference between these two different eye views helps us to judge how far away an object is. People who have only one eye cannot judge distance as people with two eyes. | 2063.txt | 1 |
[
"More men taking an extended parental leave．",
"People's changing attitudes towards family．",
"More women entering business management．",
"The improvement of their socioeconomic status．"
] | What gives women a ray of hope to achieve work life balance? | The endless debate about"work-life balance"often contains a hopeful footnote about stayat home dads．If American society and business won't make it easier on future female leaderswho choose to have children，there is still the ray of hope that increasing numbers of full-timefathers will．But based on today's socioeconomic trends，this hopeis，unfortunately，misguided．
It's true that the number of men who have left work to do their thing as full-time parentshas doubled in a decade，but it's still very small：only 0．8％of married couples where the stay-at-horne father was out of the labor force for a year．Even that percentage is likely inflatedby men thrust into their caretaker role by a downsizing．This is simply not a large enoughgroup to reduce the social stigmaand force other adjustments necessary to supportingmen in this decision．even if onlywork more than their family．
Even shorter times away from work for working fathers are already difficult．A study foundthat 85％of new fathers take some time off after the birth of a child-but for all but a few．it's aweek or two at most． Meanwhile，the average for women who take leave is more than loweeks．
Such choices impact who moves up in the organization．While you're away，someone elseis doing your work，making your sales，taking care of your customers．That can't help you atwork．It can only hurt you．Women，of course，face the same issues of returning after a longabsence．But with many more women than men choosing to leave the workforce entirely toraise families，returning from an extended parental leave doesn't raise as many eyebrowsas it does for men．
Women would make more if they didn't break their earning trajectoryby leaving theworkforce，or if higher-paying professions were more family friendly．In the foreseeablefuture，Stay at home fathers may make all the difference for individual families．but theirpresence won't reduce the numbers of high potential women who are forced to choosebetween family and career． | 2192.txt | 1 |
[
"Women are better at taking care of children．",
"Many men value work more than their family．",
"Their number is too small to make a difference．",
"Not many men have the chance to stay at home．"
] | Why does the author say the hope for more full-time fathers is misguided? | The endless debate about"work-life balance"often contains a hopeful footnote about stayat home dads．If American society and business won't make it easier on future female leaderswho choose to have children，there is still the ray of hope that increasing numbers of full-timefathers will．But based on today's socioeconomic trends，this hopeis，unfortunately，misguided．
It's true that the number of men who have left work to do their thing as full-time parentshas doubled in a decade，but it's still very small：only 0．8％of married couples where the stay-at-horne father was out of the labor force for a year．Even that percentage is likely inflatedby men thrust into their caretaker role by a downsizing．This is simply not a large enoughgroup to reduce the social stigmaand force other adjustments necessary to supportingmen in this decision．even if onlywork more than their family．
Even shorter times away from work for working fathers are already difficult．A study foundthat 85％of new fathers take some time off after the birth of a child-but for all but a few．it's aweek or two at most． Meanwhile，the average for women who take leave is more than loweeks．
Such choices impact who moves up in the organization．While you're away，someone elseis doing your work，making your sales，taking care of your customers．That can't help you atwork．It can only hurt you．Women，of course，face the same issues of returning after a longabsence．But with many more women than men choosing to leave the workforce entirely toraise families，returning from an extended parental leave doesn't raise as many eyebrowsas it does for men．
Women would make more if they didn't break their earning trajectoryby leaving theworkforce，or if higher-paying professions were more family friendly．In the foreseeablefuture，Stay at home fathers may make all the difference for individual families．but theirpresence won't reduce the numbers of high potential women who are forced to choosebetween family and career． | 2192.txt | 2 |
[
"A long leave will have a negative impact on their career．",
"They just have too many responsibilities to fulfill at work．",
"The economic loss will be too much for their family to bear．",
"They are likely to get fired if absent from work for too lon9．"
] | Why do few men take a long parental leave? | The endless debate about"work-life balance"often contains a hopeful footnote about stayat home dads．If American society and business won't make it easier on future female leaderswho choose to have children，there is still the ray of hope that increasing numbers of full-timefathers will．But based on today's socioeconomic trends，this hopeis，unfortunately，misguided．
It's true that the number of men who have left work to do their thing as full-time parentshas doubled in a decade，but it's still very small：only 0．8％of married couples where the stay-at-horne father was out of the labor force for a year．Even that percentage is likely inflatedby men thrust into their caretaker role by a downsizing．This is simply not a large enoughgroup to reduce the social stigmaand force other adjustments necessary to supportingmen in this decision．even if onlywork more than their family．
Even shorter times away from work for working fathers are already difficult．A study foundthat 85％of new fathers take some time off after the birth of a child-but for all but a few．it's aweek or two at most． Meanwhile，the average for women who take leave is more than loweeks．
Such choices impact who moves up in the organization．While you're away，someone elseis doing your work，making your sales，taking care of your customers．That can't help you atwork．It can only hurt you．Women，of course，face the same issues of returning after a longabsence．But with many more women than men choosing to leave the workforce entirely toraise families，returning from an extended parental leave doesn't raise as many eyebrowsas it does for men．
Women would make more if they didn't break their earning trajectoryby leaving theworkforce，or if higher-paying professions were more family friendly．In the foreseeablefuture，Stay at home fathers may make all the difference for individual families．but theirpresence won't reduce the numbers of high potential women who are forced to choosebetween family and career． | 2192.txt | 0 |
[
"Jealousy．",
"Surprise",
"Admiration",
"Sympathy．"
] | What is the most likely reaction to men returning from an extended parental leave? | The endless debate about"work-life balance"often contains a hopeful footnote about stayat home dads．If American society and business won't make it easier on future female leaderswho choose to have children，there is still the ray of hope that increasing numbers of full-timefathers will．But based on today's socioeconomic trends，this hopeis，unfortunately，misguided．
It's true that the number of men who have left work to do their thing as full-time parentshas doubled in a decade，but it's still very small：only 0．8％of married couples where the stay-at-horne father was out of the labor force for a year．Even that percentage is likely inflatedby men thrust into their caretaker role by a downsizing．This is simply not a large enoughgroup to reduce the social stigmaand force other adjustments necessary to supportingmen in this decision．even if onlywork more than their family．
Even shorter times away from work for working fathers are already difficult．A study foundthat 85％of new fathers take some time off after the birth of a child-but for all but a few．it's aweek or two at most． Meanwhile，the average for women who take leave is more than loweeks．
Such choices impact who moves up in the organization．While you're away，someone elseis doing your work，making your sales，taking care of your customers．That can't help you atwork．It can only hurt you．Women，of course，face the same issues of returning after a longabsence．But with many more women than men choosing to leave the workforce entirely toraise families，returning from an extended parental leave doesn't raise as many eyebrowsas it does for men．
Women would make more if they didn't break their earning trajectoryby leaving theworkforce，or if higher-paying professions were more family friendly．In the foreseeablefuture，Stay at home fathers may make all the difference for individual families．but theirpresence won't reduce the numbers of high potential women who are forced to choosebetween family and career． | 2192.txt | 1 |
[
"They will benefit from the trend of more fathers staying at home．",
"They will find high-paying professions a bit more family-friendly．",
"They are unlikely to break their career trajectory to raise a family．",
"They will still face the difficult choice between career and children．"
] | What does the author say about high-potential women in the not-too-distant future? | The endless debate about"work-life balance"often contains a hopeful footnote about stayat home dads．If American society and business won't make it easier on future female leaderswho choose to have children，there is still the ray of hope that increasing numbers of full-timefathers will．But based on today's socioeconomic trends，this hopeis，unfortunately，misguided．
It's true that the number of men who have left work to do their thing as full-time parentshas doubled in a decade，but it's still very small：only 0．8％of married couples where the stay-at-horne father was out of the labor force for a year．Even that percentage is likely inflatedby men thrust into their caretaker role by a downsizing．This is simply not a large enoughgroup to reduce the social stigmaand force other adjustments necessary to supportingmen in this decision．even if onlywork more than their family．
Even shorter times away from work for working fathers are already difficult．A study foundthat 85％of new fathers take some time off after the birth of a child-but for all but a few．it's aweek or two at most． Meanwhile，the average for women who take leave is more than loweeks．
Such choices impact who moves up in the organization．While you're away，someone elseis doing your work，making your sales，taking care of your customers．That can't help you atwork．It can only hurt you．Women，of course，face the same issues of returning after a longabsence．But with many more women than men choosing to leave the workforce entirely toraise families，returning from an extended parental leave doesn't raise as many eyebrowsas it does for men．
Women would make more if they didn't break their earning trajectoryby leaving theworkforce，or if higher-paying professions were more family friendly．In the foreseeablefuture，Stay at home fathers may make all the difference for individual families．but theirpresence won't reduce the numbers of high potential women who are forced to choosebetween family and career． | 2192.txt | 3 |
[
"It reflects Americans' preference for imported goods.",
"It signifies a change in American economic structure.",
"It is the result of America's growing focus on domestic market.",
"It could lead to slower growth of the national economy."
] | How do pessimists interpret the U.S. trade deficit in June? | What's the one word of advice a well-meaning professional would give to a recent college graduate? China"} India! Brazil! How about trade!
When the Commerce Department reported last week that the trade deficit in June approached $50 billion, it set off a new round of economic doomsaying. Imports, which soared to $200.3 billion in the month, are subtracted in the calculation of gross domestic product. The larger the trade deficit, the smaller the GDP. Should such imbalances continue, pessimists say, they could contribute to slower growth.
But there's another way of looking at the trade data. Over the past two years, the figures on imports and exports seem not to signal a double-dip recession - a renewed decline in the broad level of economic activity in the United States - but an economic expansion.
The rising volume of trade - more goods and services shuttling in and out of the United States - is good news for many sectors. Companies engaged in shipping, trucking, rail freight, delivery, and logistics have all been reporting better than expected results. The rising numbers sig¬nify growing vitality in foreign markets - when we import more stuff, it puts more cash in the hands of people around the world, and U.S. exports are rising because more foreigners have the ability to buy the things we produce and market. The rising tide of trade is also good news for people who work in trade-sensitive businesses, especially those that produce commodities for which global demand sets the price - agricultural goods, mining, metals, oil.
And while exports always seem to lag, U.S. companies are becoming more involved in the global economy with each passing month. General Motors sells as many cars in China as in America each month. While that may not do much for imports, it does help GM's balance sheet - and hence makes the jobs of U.S.-based executives more stable.
One great challenge for the U.S. economy is slack domestic consumer demand. Americans are
paying down debt, saving more, and spending more carefully. That's to be expected, given what we've been through. But there's a bigger challenge. Can U.S.-based businesses, large and small, figure out how to get a piece of growing global demand? Unless you want to pick up and move to India, or Brazil, or China, the best way to do that is through trade. It may seem obvious, but it's no longer enough simply to do business with our friends and neighbors here at home.
Companies and individuals who don't have a strategy to export more, or to get more involved in foreign markets, or to play a role in global trade, are shutting themselves out of the lion's share of economic opportunity in our world. | 1121.txt | 0 |
[
"It indicates that economic activities in the U.S. have increased.",
"It shows that U.S. economy is slipping further into recession.",
"It signals decreasing domestic demand for goods and services.",
"It reflects the fluctuations in the international market."
] | What does the author say about the trade data of the past two years? | What's the one word of advice a well-meaning professional would give to a recent college graduate? China"} India! Brazil! How about trade!
When the Commerce Department reported last week that the trade deficit in June approached $50 billion, it set off a new round of economic doomsaying. Imports, which soared to $200.3 billion in the month, are subtracted in the calculation of gross domestic product. The larger the trade deficit, the smaller the GDP. Should such imbalances continue, pessimists say, they could contribute to slower growth.
But there's another way of looking at the trade data. Over the past two years, the figures on imports and exports seem not to signal a double-dip recession - a renewed decline in the broad level of economic activity in the United States - but an economic expansion.
The rising volume of trade - more goods and services shuttling in and out of the United States - is good news for many sectors. Companies engaged in shipping, trucking, rail freight, delivery, and logistics have all been reporting better than expected results. The rising numbers sig¬nify growing vitality in foreign markets - when we import more stuff, it puts more cash in the hands of people around the world, and U.S. exports are rising because more foreigners have the ability to buy the things we produce and market. The rising tide of trade is also good news for people who work in trade-sensitive businesses, especially those that produce commodities for which global demand sets the price - agricultural goods, mining, metals, oil.
And while exports always seem to lag, U.S. companies are becoming more involved in the global economy with each passing month. General Motors sells as many cars in China as in America each month. While that may not do much for imports, it does help GM's balance sheet - and hence makes the jobs of U.S.-based executives more stable.
One great challenge for the U.S. economy is slack domestic consumer demand. Americans are
paying down debt, saving more, and spending more carefully. That's to be expected, given what we've been through. But there's a bigger challenge. Can U.S.-based businesses, large and small, figure out how to get a piece of growing global demand? Unless you want to pick up and move to India, or Brazil, or China, the best way to do that is through trade. It may seem obvious, but it's no longer enough simply to do business with our friends and neighbors here at home.
Companies and individuals who don't have a strategy to export more, or to get more involved in foreign markets, or to play a role in global trade, are shutting themselves out of the lion's share of economic opportunity in our world. | 1121.txt | 0 |
[
"People who have expertise in international trade.",
"Consumers who favor imported goods and services.",
"Producers of agricultural goods and raw materials.",
"Retailers dealing in foreign goods and services."
] | Who particularly benefit from the rising volume of trade? | What's the one word of advice a well-meaning professional would give to a recent college graduate? China"} India! Brazil! How about trade!
When the Commerce Department reported last week that the trade deficit in June approached $50 billion, it set off a new round of economic doomsaying. Imports, which soared to $200.3 billion in the month, are subtracted in the calculation of gross domestic product. The larger the trade deficit, the smaller the GDP. Should such imbalances continue, pessimists say, they could contribute to slower growth.
But there's another way of looking at the trade data. Over the past two years, the figures on imports and exports seem not to signal a double-dip recession - a renewed decline in the broad level of economic activity in the United States - but an economic expansion.
The rising volume of trade - more goods and services shuttling in and out of the United States - is good news for many sectors. Companies engaged in shipping, trucking, rail freight, delivery, and logistics have all been reporting better than expected results. The rising numbers sig¬nify growing vitality in foreign markets - when we import more stuff, it puts more cash in the hands of people around the world, and U.S. exports are rising because more foreigners have the ability to buy the things we produce and market. The rising tide of trade is also good news for people who work in trade-sensitive businesses, especially those that produce commodities for which global demand sets the price - agricultural goods, mining, metals, oil.
And while exports always seem to lag, U.S. companies are becoming more involved in the global economy with each passing month. General Motors sells as many cars in China as in America each month. While that may not do much for imports, it does help GM's balance sheet - and hence makes the jobs of U.S.-based executives more stable.
One great challenge for the U.S. economy is slack domestic consumer demand. Americans are
paying down debt, saving more, and spending more carefully. That's to be expected, given what we've been through. But there's a bigger challenge. Can U.S.-based businesses, large and small, figure out how to get a piece of growing global demand? Unless you want to pick up and move to India, or Brazil, or China, the best way to do that is through trade. It may seem obvious, but it's no longer enough simply to do business with our friends and neighbors here at home.
Companies and individuals who don't have a strategy to export more, or to get more involved in foreign markets, or to play a role in global trade, are shutting themselves out of the lion's share of economic opportunity in our world. | 1121.txt | 2 |
[
"Competition from overseas.",
"People's reluctance to spend.",
"Slack trade activities.",
"Decreasing productivity."
] | What is one of the challenges facing the American economy? | What's the one word of advice a well-meaning professional would give to a recent college graduate? China"} India! Brazil! How about trade!
When the Commerce Department reported last week that the trade deficit in June approached $50 billion, it set off a new round of economic doomsaying. Imports, which soared to $200.3 billion in the month, are subtracted in the calculation of gross domestic product. The larger the trade deficit, the smaller the GDP. Should such imbalances continue, pessimists say, they could contribute to slower growth.
But there's another way of looking at the trade data. Over the past two years, the figures on imports and exports seem not to signal a double-dip recession - a renewed decline in the broad level of economic activity in the United States - but an economic expansion.
The rising volume of trade - more goods and services shuttling in and out of the United States - is good news for many sectors. Companies engaged in shipping, trucking, rail freight, delivery, and logistics have all been reporting better than expected results. The rising numbers sig¬nify growing vitality in foreign markets - when we import more stuff, it puts more cash in the hands of people around the world, and U.S. exports are rising because more foreigners have the ability to buy the things we produce and market. The rising tide of trade is also good news for people who work in trade-sensitive businesses, especially those that produce commodities for which global demand sets the price - agricultural goods, mining, metals, oil.
And while exports always seem to lag, U.S. companies are becoming more involved in the global economy with each passing month. General Motors sells as many cars in China as in America each month. While that may not do much for imports, it does help GM's balance sheet - and hence makes the jobs of U.S.-based executives more stable.
One great challenge for the U.S. economy is slack domestic consumer demand. Americans are
paying down debt, saving more, and spending more carefully. That's to be expected, given what we've been through. But there's a bigger challenge. Can U.S.-based businesses, large and small, figure out how to get a piece of growing global demand? Unless you want to pick up and move to India, or Brazil, or China, the best way to do that is through trade. It may seem obvious, but it's no longer enough simply to do business with our friends and neighbors here at home.
Companies and individuals who don't have a strategy to export more, or to get more involved in foreign markets, or to play a role in global trade, are shutting themselves out of the lion's share of economic opportunity in our world. | 1121.txt | 2 |
[
"To import more cheap goods from developing countries.",
"To move their companies to where labor is cheaper.",
"To increase their market share overseas.",
"To be alert to fluctuations in foreign markets."
] | What is the author's advice to U.S. companies and individuals? | What's the one word of advice a well-meaning professional would give to a recent college graduate? China"} India! Brazil! How about trade!
When the Commerce Department reported last week that the trade deficit in June approached $50 billion, it set off a new round of economic doomsaying. Imports, which soared to $200.3 billion in the month, are subtracted in the calculation of gross domestic product. The larger the trade deficit, the smaller the GDP. Should such imbalances continue, pessimists say, they could contribute to slower growth.
But there's another way of looking at the trade data. Over the past two years, the figures on imports and exports seem not to signal a double-dip recession - a renewed decline in the broad level of economic activity in the United States - but an economic expansion.
The rising volume of trade - more goods and services shuttling in and out of the United States - is good news for many sectors. Companies engaged in shipping, trucking, rail freight, delivery, and logistics have all been reporting better than expected results. The rising numbers sig¬nify growing vitality in foreign markets - when we import more stuff, it puts more cash in the hands of people around the world, and U.S. exports are rising because more foreigners have the ability to buy the things we produce and market. The rising tide of trade is also good news for people who work in trade-sensitive businesses, especially those that produce commodities for which global demand sets the price - agricultural goods, mining, metals, oil.
And while exports always seem to lag, U.S. companies are becoming more involved in the global economy with each passing month. General Motors sells as many cars in China as in America each month. While that may not do much for imports, it does help GM's balance sheet - and hence makes the jobs of U.S.-based executives more stable.
One great challenge for the U.S. economy is slack domestic consumer demand. Americans are
paying down debt, saving more, and spending more carefully. That's to be expected, given what we've been through. But there's a bigger challenge. Can U.S.-based businesses, large and small, figure out how to get a piece of growing global demand? Unless you want to pick up and move to India, or Brazil, or China, the best way to do that is through trade. It may seem obvious, but it's no longer enough simply to do business with our friends and neighbors here at home.
Companies and individuals who don't have a strategy to export more, or to get more involved in foreign markets, or to play a role in global trade, are shutting themselves out of the lion's share of economic opportunity in our world. | 1121.txt | 1 |
[
"complain personally to the manager",
"threaten to take the matter to court",
"write a firm letter of complaint to the store of purchase",
"show some written proof of the purchase to the store"
] | When a consumer finds that his or her in it, the first thing he or she should do is to _ . | When a consumer finds that an item she or he bought is faulty or in some other way does not live up to the manufacturer's claims, the first step is to present the warranty, or any other records which might help, at the store of purchase. In most cases, this action will produce results. However, if it does not, there are various means the consumer may use to gain satisfaction. A simple and common method used by many consumers is to complain directly to the store manager. In general, the "higher up" his or her complaint, the faster he or she can expect it to be settled. In such a case, it is usually settled in the consumer's favor, assuming he or she has a just claim.
Consumers should complain in person whenever possible, but if they cannot get to the place of purchase, it is acceptable to phone or write the complaint in a letter.
Complaining is usually most effective when it is done politely but firmly, and especially when the consumer can demonstrate what is wrong with the item in question. If this cannot be done, the consumer will succeed best by presenting specific information as to what is wrong, rather than by making general statements. For example, "The left speaker does not work at all and the sound coming out of the right one is unclear" is better than "This stereo does not work". The store manager may advice the consumer to write to the manufacturer. If so, the consumer should do this, stating the complaint as politely and firmly as possible. If a polite complaint does not achieve the desired result, the consumer can go to a step further. She or he can threaten to take the seller to court or report the seller to a private or public organization responsible for protecting consumer's rights. | 348.txt | 3 |
[
"Explain exactly what is wrong with the item.",
"Threaten to take the seller to court.",
"Make polite and general statements about the problem.",
"Avoid having direct contact with the store manager."
] | How can a consumer make his or her complaint more effective, according to the passage? | When a consumer finds that an item she or he bought is faulty or in some other way does not live up to the manufacturer's claims, the first step is to present the warranty, or any other records which might help, at the store of purchase. In most cases, this action will produce results. However, if it does not, there are various means the consumer may use to gain satisfaction. A simple and common method used by many consumers is to complain directly to the store manager. In general, the "higher up" his or her complaint, the faster he or she can expect it to be settled. In such a case, it is usually settled in the consumer's favor, assuming he or she has a just claim.
Consumers should complain in person whenever possible, but if they cannot get to the place of purchase, it is acceptable to phone or write the complaint in a letter.
Complaining is usually most effective when it is done politely but firmly, and especially when the consumer can demonstrate what is wrong with the item in question. If this cannot be done, the consumer will succeed best by presenting specific information as to what is wrong, rather than by making general statements. For example, "The left speaker does not work at all and the sound coming out of the right one is unclear" is better than "This stereo does not work". The store manager may advice the consumer to write to the manufacturer. If so, the consumer should do this, stating the complaint as politely and firmly as possible. If a polite complaint does not achieve the desired result, the consumer can go to a step further. She or he can threaten to take the seller to court or report the seller to a private or public organization responsible for protecting consumer's rights. | 348.txt | 0 |
[
"Complain to the store manager in person.",
"Complain to the manufacturer.",
"Write a complaint letter to the manager.",
"Turn to the Consumers' Rights Protection Organization for help."
] | According to the passage, which of the following is suggested as the last alternative that consumers may turn to? | When a consumer finds that an item she or he bought is faulty or in some other way does not live up to the manufacturer's claims, the first step is to present the warranty, or any other records which might help, at the store of purchase. In most cases, this action will produce results. However, if it does not, there are various means the consumer may use to gain satisfaction. A simple and common method used by many consumers is to complain directly to the store manager. In general, the "higher up" his or her complaint, the faster he or she can expect it to be settled. In such a case, it is usually settled in the consumer's favor, assuming he or she has a just claim.
Consumers should complain in person whenever possible, but if they cannot get to the place of purchase, it is acceptable to phone or write the complaint in a letter.
Complaining is usually most effective when it is done politely but firmly, and especially when the consumer can demonstrate what is wrong with the item in question. If this cannot be done, the consumer will succeed best by presenting specific information as to what is wrong, rather than by making general statements. For example, "The left speaker does not work at all and the sound coming out of the right one is unclear" is better than "This stereo does not work". The store manager may advice the consumer to write to the manufacturer. If so, the consumer should do this, stating the complaint as politely and firmly as possible. If a polite complaint does not achieve the desired result, the consumer can go to a step further. She or he can threaten to take the seller to court or report the seller to a private or public organization responsible for protecting consumer's rights. | 348.txt | 3 |
[
"meet the standard of",
"realize the purpose of",
"fulfill the demands of",
"keep the promise of"
] | The phrase "live up to" in this context means _ . | When a consumer finds that an item she or he bought is faulty or in some other way does not live up to the manufacturer's claims, the first step is to present the warranty, or any other records which might help, at the store of purchase. In most cases, this action will produce results. However, if it does not, there are various means the consumer may use to gain satisfaction. A simple and common method used by many consumers is to complain directly to the store manager. In general, the "higher up" his or her complaint, the faster he or she can expect it to be settled. In such a case, it is usually settled in the consumer's favor, assuming he or she has a just claim.
Consumers should complain in person whenever possible, but if they cannot get to the place of purchase, it is acceptable to phone or write the complaint in a letter.
Complaining is usually most effective when it is done politely but firmly, and especially when the consumer can demonstrate what is wrong with the item in question. If this cannot be done, the consumer will succeed best by presenting specific information as to what is wrong, rather than by making general statements. For example, "The left speaker does not work at all and the sound coming out of the right one is unclear" is better than "This stereo does not work". The store manager may advice the consumer to write to the manufacturer. If so, the consumer should do this, stating the complaint as politely and firmly as possible. If a polite complaint does not achieve the desired result, the consumer can go to a step further. She or he can threaten to take the seller to court or report the seller to a private or public organization responsible for protecting consumer's rights. | 348.txt | 0 |
[
"how to settle a consumer's complaint about a faulty item",
"how to make an effective complaint about a faulty item",
"how to avoid buying a faulty item",
"how to deal with complaints from customers"
] | The passage tells us _ . | When a consumer finds that an item she or he bought is faulty or in some other way does not live up to the manufacturer's claims, the first step is to present the warranty, or any other records which might help, at the store of purchase. In most cases, this action will produce results. However, if it does not, there are various means the consumer may use to gain satisfaction. A simple and common method used by many consumers is to complain directly to the store manager. In general, the "higher up" his or her complaint, the faster he or she can expect it to be settled. In such a case, it is usually settled in the consumer's favor, assuming he or she has a just claim.
Consumers should complain in person whenever possible, but if they cannot get to the place of purchase, it is acceptable to phone or write the complaint in a letter.
Complaining is usually most effective when it is done politely but firmly, and especially when the consumer can demonstrate what is wrong with the item in question. If this cannot be done, the consumer will succeed best by presenting specific information as to what is wrong, rather than by making general statements. For example, "The left speaker does not work at all and the sound coming out of the right one is unclear" is better than "This stereo does not work". The store manager may advice the consumer to write to the manufacturer. If so, the consumer should do this, stating the complaint as politely and firmly as possible. If a polite complaint does not achieve the desired result, the consumer can go to a step further. She or he can threaten to take the seller to court or report the seller to a private or public organization responsible for protecting consumer's rights. | 348.txt | 1 |
[
"readily availableB.long lastingC.denseD.flexible",
"long lasting",
"dense",
"flexible"
] | The word "durable" in the passage is closest in meaning to | In nineteenth-century America, practically everything that was built involved wood.Pine was especially attractive for building purposes.It is durable and strong, yet soft enough to be easily worked with even the simplest of hand tools.It also floats nicely on water, which allowed it to be transported to distant markets across the nation.The central and northern reaches of the Great Lakes states-Michigan, Wisconsin, and Minnesota-all contained extensive pine forests as well as many large rivers for floating logs into the Great Lakes, from where they were transported nationwide.
By 1860, the settlement of the American West along with timber shortages in the East converged with ever-widening impact on the pine forests of the Great Lakes states. Over the next 30 years, lumbering became a full-fledged enterprise in Michigan, Wisconsin, and Minnesota. Newly formed lumbering corporations bought up huge tracts of pineland and set about systematically cutting the trees. Both the colonists and the later industrialists saw timber as a commodity, but the latter group adopted a far more thorough and calculating approach to removing trees. In this sense, what happened between 1860 and 1890 represented a significant break with the past. No longer were farmers in search of extra income the main source for shingles, firewood, and other wood products. By the 1870s, farmers and city dwellers alike purchased forest products from large manufacturing companies located in the Great Lakes states rather than chopping wood themselves or buying it locally.
The commercialization of lumbering was in part the product of technological change. The early, thick saw blades tended to waste a large quantity of wood, with perhaps as much as a third of the log left behind on the floor as sawdust or scrap. In the 1870s, however, the British-invented band saw, with its thinner blade, became standard issue in the Great Lakes states' lumber factories.Meanwhile, the rise of steam-powered mills streamlined production by allowing for the more efficient, centralized, and continuous cutting of lumber. Steam helped to automate a variety of tasks, from cutting to the carrying away of waste. Mills also employed steam to heat log ponds, preventing them from freezing and making possible year-round lumber production.
For industrial lumbering to succeed, a way had to be found to neutralize the effects of the seasons on production. Traditionally, cutting took place in the winter, when snow and ice made it easier to drag logs on sleds or sleighs to the banks of streams. Once the streams and lakes thawed, workers rafted the logs to mills, where they were cut into lumber in the summer. If nature did not cooperate-if the winter proved dry and warm, if the spring thaw was delayed-production would suffer. To counter the effects of climate on lumber production, loggers experimented with a variety of techniques for transporting trees out of the woods. In the 1870s, loggers in the Great Lakes states began sprinkling water on sleigh roads, giving them an artificial ice coating to facilitate travel. The ice reduced the friction and allowed workers to move larger and heavier loads.
But all the sprinkling in the world would not save a logger from the threat of a warm winter. Without snow the sleigh roads turned to mud. In the 1870s, a set of snowless winters left lumber companies to ponder ways of liberating themselves from the seasons. Railroads were one possibility.At first, the remoteness of the pine forests discouraged common carriers from laying track.But increasing lumber prices in the late 1870s combined with periodic warm, dry winters compelled loggers to turn to iron rails. By 1887, 89 logging railroads crisscrossed Michigan, transforming logging from a winter activity into a year-round one.
Once the logs arrived at a river, the trip downstream to a mill could be a long and tortuous one.Logjams (buildups of logs that prevent logs from moving downstream) were common-at times stretching for 10 miles-and became even more frequent as pressure on the northern Midwest pinelands increased in the 1860s. To help keep the logs moving efficiently, barriers called booms (essentially a chain of floating logs) were constructed to control the direction of the timber. By the 1870s, lumber companies existed in all the major logging areas of the northern Midwest. | 2455.txt | 1 |
[
"It was long lasting.",
"It was relatively easy to transport.",
"Its softness made it easy to work with.",
"It produced buildings that were especially attractive."
] | According to paragraph 1, all of the following characteristics of pine made it a desirable material for building in nineteenth-century America EXCEPT: | In nineteenth-century America, practically everything that was built involved wood.Pine was especially attractive for building purposes.It is durable and strong, yet soft enough to be easily worked with even the simplest of hand tools.It also floats nicely on water, which allowed it to be transported to distant markets across the nation.The central and northern reaches of the Great Lakes states-Michigan, Wisconsin, and Minnesota-all contained extensive pine forests as well as many large rivers for floating logs into the Great Lakes, from where they were transported nationwide.
By 1860, the settlement of the American West along with timber shortages in the East converged with ever-widening impact on the pine forests of the Great Lakes states. Over the next 30 years, lumbering became a full-fledged enterprise in Michigan, Wisconsin, and Minnesota. Newly formed lumbering corporations bought up huge tracts of pineland and set about systematically cutting the trees. Both the colonists and the later industrialists saw timber as a commodity, but the latter group adopted a far more thorough and calculating approach to removing trees. In this sense, what happened between 1860 and 1890 represented a significant break with the past. No longer were farmers in search of extra income the main source for shingles, firewood, and other wood products. By the 1870s, farmers and city dwellers alike purchased forest products from large manufacturing companies located in the Great Lakes states rather than chopping wood themselves or buying it locally.
The commercialization of lumbering was in part the product of technological change. The early, thick saw blades tended to waste a large quantity of wood, with perhaps as much as a third of the log left behind on the floor as sawdust or scrap. In the 1870s, however, the British-invented band saw, with its thinner blade, became standard issue in the Great Lakes states' lumber factories.Meanwhile, the rise of steam-powered mills streamlined production by allowing for the more efficient, centralized, and continuous cutting of lumber. Steam helped to automate a variety of tasks, from cutting to the carrying away of waste. Mills also employed steam to heat log ponds, preventing them from freezing and making possible year-round lumber production.
For industrial lumbering to succeed, a way had to be found to neutralize the effects of the seasons on production. Traditionally, cutting took place in the winter, when snow and ice made it easier to drag logs on sleds or sleighs to the banks of streams. Once the streams and lakes thawed, workers rafted the logs to mills, where they were cut into lumber in the summer. If nature did not cooperate-if the winter proved dry and warm, if the spring thaw was delayed-production would suffer. To counter the effects of climate on lumber production, loggers experimented with a variety of techniques for transporting trees out of the woods. In the 1870s, loggers in the Great Lakes states began sprinkling water on sleigh roads, giving them an artificial ice coating to facilitate travel. The ice reduced the friction and allowed workers to move larger and heavier loads.
But all the sprinkling in the world would not save a logger from the threat of a warm winter. Without snow the sleigh roads turned to mud. In the 1870s, a set of snowless winters left lumber companies to ponder ways of liberating themselves from the seasons. Railroads were one possibility.At first, the remoteness of the pine forests discouraged common carriers from laying track.But increasing lumber prices in the late 1870s combined with periodic warm, dry winters compelled loggers to turn to iron rails. By 1887, 89 logging railroads crisscrossed Michigan, transforming logging from a winter activity into a year-round one.
Once the logs arrived at a river, the trip downstream to a mill could be a long and tortuous one.Logjams (buildups of logs that prevent logs from moving downstream) were common-at times stretching for 10 miles-and became even more frequent as pressure on the northern Midwest pinelands increased in the 1860s. To help keep the logs moving efficiently, barriers called booms (essentially a chain of floating logs) were constructed to control the direction of the timber. By the 1870s, lumber companies existed in all the major logging areas of the northern Midwest. | 2455.txt | 3 |
[
"product",
"problem",
"opportunity",
"advantage"
] | The word "commodity" in the passage is closest in meaning to | In nineteenth-century America, practically everything that was built involved wood.Pine was especially attractive for building purposes.It is durable and strong, yet soft enough to be easily worked with even the simplest of hand tools.It also floats nicely on water, which allowed it to be transported to distant markets across the nation.The central and northern reaches of the Great Lakes states-Michigan, Wisconsin, and Minnesota-all contained extensive pine forests as well as many large rivers for floating logs into the Great Lakes, from where they were transported nationwide.
By 1860, the settlement of the American West along with timber shortages in the East converged with ever-widening impact on the pine forests of the Great Lakes states. Over the next 30 years, lumbering became a full-fledged enterprise in Michigan, Wisconsin, and Minnesota. Newly formed lumbering corporations bought up huge tracts of pineland and set about systematically cutting the trees. Both the colonists and the later industrialists saw timber as a commodity, but the latter group adopted a far more thorough and calculating approach to removing trees. In this sense, what happened between 1860 and 1890 represented a significant break with the past. No longer were farmers in search of extra income the main source for shingles, firewood, and other wood products. By the 1870s, farmers and city dwellers alike purchased forest products from large manufacturing companies located in the Great Lakes states rather than chopping wood themselves or buying it locally.
The commercialization of lumbering was in part the product of technological change. The early, thick saw blades tended to waste a large quantity of wood, with perhaps as much as a third of the log left behind on the floor as sawdust or scrap. In the 1870s, however, the British-invented band saw, with its thinner blade, became standard issue in the Great Lakes states' lumber factories.Meanwhile, the rise of steam-powered mills streamlined production by allowing for the more efficient, centralized, and continuous cutting of lumber. Steam helped to automate a variety of tasks, from cutting to the carrying away of waste. Mills also employed steam to heat log ponds, preventing them from freezing and making possible year-round lumber production.
For industrial lumbering to succeed, a way had to be found to neutralize the effects of the seasons on production. Traditionally, cutting took place in the winter, when snow and ice made it easier to drag logs on sleds or sleighs to the banks of streams. Once the streams and lakes thawed, workers rafted the logs to mills, where they were cut into lumber in the summer. If nature did not cooperate-if the winter proved dry and warm, if the spring thaw was delayed-production would suffer. To counter the effects of climate on lumber production, loggers experimented with a variety of techniques for transporting trees out of the woods. In the 1870s, loggers in the Great Lakes states began sprinkling water on sleigh roads, giving them an artificial ice coating to facilitate travel. The ice reduced the friction and allowed workers to move larger and heavier loads.
But all the sprinkling in the world would not save a logger from the threat of a warm winter. Without snow the sleigh roads turned to mud. In the 1870s, a set of snowless winters left lumber companies to ponder ways of liberating themselves from the seasons. Railroads were one possibility.At first, the remoteness of the pine forests discouraged common carriers from laying track.But increasing lumber prices in the late 1870s combined with periodic warm, dry winters compelled loggers to turn to iron rails. By 1887, 89 logging railroads crisscrossed Michigan, transforming logging from a winter activity into a year-round one.
Once the logs arrived at a river, the trip downstream to a mill could be a long and tortuous one.Logjams (buildups of logs that prevent logs from moving downstream) were common-at times stretching for 10 miles-and became even more frequent as pressure on the northern Midwest pinelands increased in the 1860s. To help keep the logs moving efficiently, barriers called booms (essentially a chain of floating logs) were constructed to control the direction of the timber. By the 1870s, lumber companies existed in all the major logging areas of the northern Midwest. | 2455.txt | 0 |
[
"Farmers of the American West earned most of their income by selling timber to newly arrived settlers.",
"Timber came primarily from farmers who wished to supplement their income.",
"Timber was much more expensive before the year 1860 because it was less readily available.",
"Timber came primarily from large manufacturing companies in the East."
] | What can be inferred from paragraph 2 about timber in America before the year 1860? | In nineteenth-century America, practically everything that was built involved wood.Pine was especially attractive for building purposes.It is durable and strong, yet soft enough to be easily worked with even the simplest of hand tools.It also floats nicely on water, which allowed it to be transported to distant markets across the nation.The central and northern reaches of the Great Lakes states-Michigan, Wisconsin, and Minnesota-all contained extensive pine forests as well as many large rivers for floating logs into the Great Lakes, from where they were transported nationwide.
By 1860, the settlement of the American West along with timber shortages in the East converged with ever-widening impact on the pine forests of the Great Lakes states. Over the next 30 years, lumbering became a full-fledged enterprise in Michigan, Wisconsin, and Minnesota. Newly formed lumbering corporations bought up huge tracts of pineland and set about systematically cutting the trees. Both the colonists and the later industrialists saw timber as a commodity, but the latter group adopted a far more thorough and calculating approach to removing trees. In this sense, what happened between 1860 and 1890 represented a significant break with the past. No longer were farmers in search of extra income the main source for shingles, firewood, and other wood products. By the 1870s, farmers and city dwellers alike purchased forest products from large manufacturing companies located in the Great Lakes states rather than chopping wood themselves or buying it locally.
The commercialization of lumbering was in part the product of technological change. The early, thick saw blades tended to waste a large quantity of wood, with perhaps as much as a third of the log left behind on the floor as sawdust or scrap. In the 1870s, however, the British-invented band saw, with its thinner blade, became standard issue in the Great Lakes states' lumber factories.Meanwhile, the rise of steam-powered mills streamlined production by allowing for the more efficient, centralized, and continuous cutting of lumber. Steam helped to automate a variety of tasks, from cutting to the carrying away of waste. Mills also employed steam to heat log ponds, preventing them from freezing and making possible year-round lumber production.
For industrial lumbering to succeed, a way had to be found to neutralize the effects of the seasons on production. Traditionally, cutting took place in the winter, when snow and ice made it easier to drag logs on sleds or sleighs to the banks of streams. Once the streams and lakes thawed, workers rafted the logs to mills, where they were cut into lumber in the summer. If nature did not cooperate-if the winter proved dry and warm, if the spring thaw was delayed-production would suffer. To counter the effects of climate on lumber production, loggers experimented with a variety of techniques for transporting trees out of the woods. In the 1870s, loggers in the Great Lakes states began sprinkling water on sleigh roads, giving them an artificial ice coating to facilitate travel. The ice reduced the friction and allowed workers to move larger and heavier loads.
But all the sprinkling in the world would not save a logger from the threat of a warm winter. Without snow the sleigh roads turned to mud. In the 1870s, a set of snowless winters left lumber companies to ponder ways of liberating themselves from the seasons. Railroads were one possibility.At first, the remoteness of the pine forests discouraged common carriers from laying track.But increasing lumber prices in the late 1870s combined with periodic warm, dry winters compelled loggers to turn to iron rails. By 1887, 89 logging railroads crisscrossed Michigan, transforming logging from a winter activity into a year-round one.
Once the logs arrived at a river, the trip downstream to a mill could be a long and tortuous one.Logjams (buildups of logs that prevent logs from moving downstream) were common-at times stretching for 10 miles-and became even more frequent as pressure on the northern Midwest pinelands increased in the 1860s. To help keep the logs moving efficiently, barriers called booms (essentially a chain of floating logs) were constructed to control the direction of the timber. By the 1870s, lumber companies existed in all the major logging areas of the northern Midwest. | 2455.txt | 1 |
[
"To give an example of how steam power led to technological advancements",
"To help explain how the thickness of a saw blade determines how much wood is wasted",
"To explain how competition with other countries benefited the American lumber industry",
"To illustrate the impact of new technology on the lumber industry"
] | Why does the author discuss the "British-invented band saw"? | In nineteenth-century America, practically everything that was built involved wood.Pine was especially attractive for building purposes.It is durable and strong, yet soft enough to be easily worked with even the simplest of hand tools.It also floats nicely on water, which allowed it to be transported to distant markets across the nation.The central and northern reaches of the Great Lakes states-Michigan, Wisconsin, and Minnesota-all contained extensive pine forests as well as many large rivers for floating logs into the Great Lakes, from where they were transported nationwide.
By 1860, the settlement of the American West along with timber shortages in the East converged with ever-widening impact on the pine forests of the Great Lakes states. Over the next 30 years, lumbering became a full-fledged enterprise in Michigan, Wisconsin, and Minnesota. Newly formed lumbering corporations bought up huge tracts of pineland and set about systematically cutting the trees. Both the colonists and the later industrialists saw timber as a commodity, but the latter group adopted a far more thorough and calculating approach to removing trees. In this sense, what happened between 1860 and 1890 represented a significant break with the past. No longer were farmers in search of extra income the main source for shingles, firewood, and other wood products. By the 1870s, farmers and city dwellers alike purchased forest products from large manufacturing companies located in the Great Lakes states rather than chopping wood themselves or buying it locally.
The commercialization of lumbering was in part the product of technological change. The early, thick saw blades tended to waste a large quantity of wood, with perhaps as much as a third of the log left behind on the floor as sawdust or scrap. In the 1870s, however, the British-invented band saw, with its thinner blade, became standard issue in the Great Lakes states' lumber factories.Meanwhile, the rise of steam-powered mills streamlined production by allowing for the more efficient, centralized, and continuous cutting of lumber. Steam helped to automate a variety of tasks, from cutting to the carrying away of waste. Mills also employed steam to heat log ponds, preventing them from freezing and making possible year-round lumber production.
For industrial lumbering to succeed, a way had to be found to neutralize the effects of the seasons on production. Traditionally, cutting took place in the winter, when snow and ice made it easier to drag logs on sleds or sleighs to the banks of streams. Once the streams and lakes thawed, workers rafted the logs to mills, where they were cut into lumber in the summer. If nature did not cooperate-if the winter proved dry and warm, if the spring thaw was delayed-production would suffer. To counter the effects of climate on lumber production, loggers experimented with a variety of techniques for transporting trees out of the woods. In the 1870s, loggers in the Great Lakes states began sprinkling water on sleigh roads, giving them an artificial ice coating to facilitate travel. The ice reduced the friction and allowed workers to move larger and heavier loads.
But all the sprinkling in the world would not save a logger from the threat of a warm winter. Without snow the sleigh roads turned to mud. In the 1870s, a set of snowless winters left lumber companies to ponder ways of liberating themselves from the seasons. Railroads were one possibility.At first, the remoteness of the pine forests discouraged common carriers from laying track.But increasing lumber prices in the late 1870s combined with periodic warm, dry winters compelled loggers to turn to iron rails. By 1887, 89 logging railroads crisscrossed Michigan, transforming logging from a winter activity into a year-round one.
Once the logs arrived at a river, the trip downstream to a mill could be a long and tortuous one.Logjams (buildups of logs that prevent logs from moving downstream) were common-at times stretching for 10 miles-and became even more frequent as pressure on the northern Midwest pinelands increased in the 1860s. To help keep the logs moving efficiently, barriers called booms (essentially a chain of floating logs) were constructed to control the direction of the timber. By the 1870s, lumber companies existed in all the major logging areas of the northern Midwest. | 2455.txt | 3 |
[
"encouraging",
"introducing",
"making possible",
"emphasizing"
] | The phrase allowing for "allowing for" in the passage is closest in meaning to | In nineteenth-century America, practically everything that was built involved wood.Pine was especially attractive for building purposes.It is durable and strong, yet soft enough to be easily worked with even the simplest of hand tools.It also floats nicely on water, which allowed it to be transported to distant markets across the nation.The central and northern reaches of the Great Lakes states-Michigan, Wisconsin, and Minnesota-all contained extensive pine forests as well as many large rivers for floating logs into the Great Lakes, from where they were transported nationwide.
By 1860, the settlement of the American West along with timber shortages in the East converged with ever-widening impact on the pine forests of the Great Lakes states. Over the next 30 years, lumbering became a full-fledged enterprise in Michigan, Wisconsin, and Minnesota. Newly formed lumbering corporations bought up huge tracts of pineland and set about systematically cutting the trees. Both the colonists and the later industrialists saw timber as a commodity, but the latter group adopted a far more thorough and calculating approach to removing trees. In this sense, what happened between 1860 and 1890 represented a significant break with the past. No longer were farmers in search of extra income the main source for shingles, firewood, and other wood products. By the 1870s, farmers and city dwellers alike purchased forest products from large manufacturing companies located in the Great Lakes states rather than chopping wood themselves or buying it locally.
The commercialization of lumbering was in part the product of technological change. The early, thick saw blades tended to waste a large quantity of wood, with perhaps as much as a third of the log left behind on the floor as sawdust or scrap. In the 1870s, however, the British-invented band saw, with its thinner blade, became standard issue in the Great Lakes states' lumber factories.Meanwhile, the rise of steam-powered mills streamlined production by allowing for the more efficient, centralized, and continuous cutting of lumber. Steam helped to automate a variety of tasks, from cutting to the carrying away of waste. Mills also employed steam to heat log ponds, preventing them from freezing and making possible year-round lumber production.
For industrial lumbering to succeed, a way had to be found to neutralize the effects of the seasons on production. Traditionally, cutting took place in the winter, when snow and ice made it easier to drag logs on sleds or sleighs to the banks of streams. Once the streams and lakes thawed, workers rafted the logs to mills, where they were cut into lumber in the summer. If nature did not cooperate-if the winter proved dry and warm, if the spring thaw was delayed-production would suffer. To counter the effects of climate on lumber production, loggers experimented with a variety of techniques for transporting trees out of the woods. In the 1870s, loggers in the Great Lakes states began sprinkling water on sleigh roads, giving them an artificial ice coating to facilitate travel. The ice reduced the friction and allowed workers to move larger and heavier loads.
But all the sprinkling in the world would not save a logger from the threat of a warm winter. Without snow the sleigh roads turned to mud. In the 1870s, a set of snowless winters left lumber companies to ponder ways of liberating themselves from the seasons. Railroads were one possibility.At first, the remoteness of the pine forests discouraged common carriers from laying track.But increasing lumber prices in the late 1870s combined with periodic warm, dry winters compelled loggers to turn to iron rails. By 1887, 89 logging railroads crisscrossed Michigan, transforming logging from a winter activity into a year-round one.
Once the logs arrived at a river, the trip downstream to a mill could be a long and tortuous one.Logjams (buildups of logs that prevent logs from moving downstream) were common-at times stretching for 10 miles-and became even more frequent as pressure on the northern Midwest pinelands increased in the 1860s. To help keep the logs moving efficiently, barriers called booms (essentially a chain of floating logs) were constructed to control the direction of the timber. By the 1870s, lumber companies existed in all the major logging areas of the northern Midwest. | 2455.txt | 2 |
[
"Work became centralized, and many tasks were automated.",
"Lumber could be produced more efficiently and on a larger scale.",
"Waste materials could be re-used as fuel to power the lumber mills.",
"Lumber production could continue throughout the cold winter months."
] | All of the following are mentioned in paragraph 3 as resulting from the use of steam in the lumber industry EXCEPT: | In nineteenth-century America, practically everything that was built involved wood.Pine was especially attractive for building purposes.It is durable and strong, yet soft enough to be easily worked with even the simplest of hand tools.It also floats nicely on water, which allowed it to be transported to distant markets across the nation.The central and northern reaches of the Great Lakes states-Michigan, Wisconsin, and Minnesota-all contained extensive pine forests as well as many large rivers for floating logs into the Great Lakes, from where they were transported nationwide.
By 1860, the settlement of the American West along with timber shortages in the East converged with ever-widening impact on the pine forests of the Great Lakes states. Over the next 30 years, lumbering became a full-fledged enterprise in Michigan, Wisconsin, and Minnesota. Newly formed lumbering corporations bought up huge tracts of pineland and set about systematically cutting the trees. Both the colonists and the later industrialists saw timber as a commodity, but the latter group adopted a far more thorough and calculating approach to removing trees. In this sense, what happened between 1860 and 1890 represented a significant break with the past. No longer were farmers in search of extra income the main source for shingles, firewood, and other wood products. By the 1870s, farmers and city dwellers alike purchased forest products from large manufacturing companies located in the Great Lakes states rather than chopping wood themselves or buying it locally.
The commercialization of lumbering was in part the product of technological change. The early, thick saw blades tended to waste a large quantity of wood, with perhaps as much as a third of the log left behind on the floor as sawdust or scrap. In the 1870s, however, the British-invented band saw, with its thinner blade, became standard issue in the Great Lakes states' lumber factories.Meanwhile, the rise of steam-powered mills streamlined production by allowing for the more efficient, centralized, and continuous cutting of lumber. Steam helped to automate a variety of tasks, from cutting to the carrying away of waste. Mills also employed steam to heat log ponds, preventing them from freezing and making possible year-round lumber production.
For industrial lumbering to succeed, a way had to be found to neutralize the effects of the seasons on production. Traditionally, cutting took place in the winter, when snow and ice made it easier to drag logs on sleds or sleighs to the banks of streams. Once the streams and lakes thawed, workers rafted the logs to mills, where they were cut into lumber in the summer. If nature did not cooperate-if the winter proved dry and warm, if the spring thaw was delayed-production would suffer. To counter the effects of climate on lumber production, loggers experimented with a variety of techniques for transporting trees out of the woods. In the 1870s, loggers in the Great Lakes states began sprinkling water on sleigh roads, giving them an artificial ice coating to facilitate travel. The ice reduced the friction and allowed workers to move larger and heavier loads.
But all the sprinkling in the world would not save a logger from the threat of a warm winter. Without snow the sleigh roads turned to mud. In the 1870s, a set of snowless winters left lumber companies to ponder ways of liberating themselves from the seasons. Railroads were one possibility.At first, the remoteness of the pine forests discouraged common carriers from laying track.But increasing lumber prices in the late 1870s combined with periodic warm, dry winters compelled loggers to turn to iron rails. By 1887, 89 logging railroads crisscrossed Michigan, transforming logging from a winter activity into a year-round one.
Once the logs arrived at a river, the trip downstream to a mill could be a long and tortuous one.Logjams (buildups of logs that prevent logs from moving downstream) were common-at times stretching for 10 miles-and became even more frequent as pressure on the northern Midwest pinelands increased in the 1860s. To help keep the logs moving efficiently, barriers called booms (essentially a chain of floating logs) were constructed to control the direction of the timber. By the 1870s, lumber companies existed in all the major logging areas of the northern Midwest. | 2455.txt | 2 |
[
"expand",
"ease",
"transform",
"permit"
] | The word "facilitate" in the passage is closest in meaning to | In nineteenth-century America, practically everything that was built involved wood.Pine was especially attractive for building purposes.It is durable and strong, yet soft enough to be easily worked with even the simplest of hand tools.It also floats nicely on water, which allowed it to be transported to distant markets across the nation.The central and northern reaches of the Great Lakes states-Michigan, Wisconsin, and Minnesota-all contained extensive pine forests as well as many large rivers for floating logs into the Great Lakes, from where they were transported nationwide.
By 1860, the settlement of the American West along with timber shortages in the East converged with ever-widening impact on the pine forests of the Great Lakes states. Over the next 30 years, lumbering became a full-fledged enterprise in Michigan, Wisconsin, and Minnesota. Newly formed lumbering corporations bought up huge tracts of pineland and set about systematically cutting the trees. Both the colonists and the later industrialists saw timber as a commodity, but the latter group adopted a far more thorough and calculating approach to removing trees. In this sense, what happened between 1860 and 1890 represented a significant break with the past. No longer were farmers in search of extra income the main source for shingles, firewood, and other wood products. By the 1870s, farmers and city dwellers alike purchased forest products from large manufacturing companies located in the Great Lakes states rather than chopping wood themselves or buying it locally.
The commercialization of lumbering was in part the product of technological change. The early, thick saw blades tended to waste a large quantity of wood, with perhaps as much as a third of the log left behind on the floor as sawdust or scrap. In the 1870s, however, the British-invented band saw, with its thinner blade, became standard issue in the Great Lakes states' lumber factories.Meanwhile, the rise of steam-powered mills streamlined production by allowing for the more efficient, centralized, and continuous cutting of lumber. Steam helped to automate a variety of tasks, from cutting to the carrying away of waste. Mills also employed steam to heat log ponds, preventing them from freezing and making possible year-round lumber production.
For industrial lumbering to succeed, a way had to be found to neutralize the effects of the seasons on production. Traditionally, cutting took place in the winter, when snow and ice made it easier to drag logs on sleds or sleighs to the banks of streams. Once the streams and lakes thawed, workers rafted the logs to mills, where they were cut into lumber in the summer. If nature did not cooperate-if the winter proved dry and warm, if the spring thaw was delayed-production would suffer. To counter the effects of climate on lumber production, loggers experimented with a variety of techniques for transporting trees out of the woods. In the 1870s, loggers in the Great Lakes states began sprinkling water on sleigh roads, giving them an artificial ice coating to facilitate travel. The ice reduced the friction and allowed workers to move larger and heavier loads.
But all the sprinkling in the world would not save a logger from the threat of a warm winter. Without snow the sleigh roads turned to mud. In the 1870s, a set of snowless winters left lumber companies to ponder ways of liberating themselves from the seasons. Railroads were one possibility.At first, the remoteness of the pine forests discouraged common carriers from laying track.But increasing lumber prices in the late 1870s combined with periodic warm, dry winters compelled loggers to turn to iron rails. By 1887, 89 logging railroads crisscrossed Michigan, transforming logging from a winter activity into a year-round one.
Once the logs arrived at a river, the trip downstream to a mill could be a long and tortuous one.Logjams (buildups of logs that prevent logs from moving downstream) were common-at times stretching for 10 miles-and became even more frequent as pressure on the northern Midwest pinelands increased in the 1860s. To help keep the logs moving efficiently, barriers called booms (essentially a chain of floating logs) were constructed to control the direction of the timber. By the 1870s, lumber companies existed in all the major logging areas of the northern Midwest. | 2455.txt | 1 |
[
"Certain trees would become dry and yield low-quality lumber.",
"There would not be enough water in streams and lakes to raft the logs to mills.",
"It would be more difficult to transport logs to streams and lakes.",
"Rivers would not be full enough in the spring to power mills."
] | According to paragraph 4, how could a warm, dry winter interfere with lumber production? | In nineteenth-century America, practically everything that was built involved wood.Pine was especially attractive for building purposes.It is durable and strong, yet soft enough to be easily worked with even the simplest of hand tools.It also floats nicely on water, which allowed it to be transported to distant markets across the nation.The central and northern reaches of the Great Lakes states-Michigan, Wisconsin, and Minnesota-all contained extensive pine forests as well as many large rivers for floating logs into the Great Lakes, from where they were transported nationwide.
By 1860, the settlement of the American West along with timber shortages in the East converged with ever-widening impact on the pine forests of the Great Lakes states. Over the next 30 years, lumbering became a full-fledged enterprise in Michigan, Wisconsin, and Minnesota. Newly formed lumbering corporations bought up huge tracts of pineland and set about systematically cutting the trees. Both the colonists and the later industrialists saw timber as a commodity, but the latter group adopted a far more thorough and calculating approach to removing trees. In this sense, what happened between 1860 and 1890 represented a significant break with the past. No longer were farmers in search of extra income the main source for shingles, firewood, and other wood products. By the 1870s, farmers and city dwellers alike purchased forest products from large manufacturing companies located in the Great Lakes states rather than chopping wood themselves or buying it locally.
The commercialization of lumbering was in part the product of technological change. The early, thick saw blades tended to waste a large quantity of wood, with perhaps as much as a third of the log left behind on the floor as sawdust or scrap. In the 1870s, however, the British-invented band saw, with its thinner blade, became standard issue in the Great Lakes states' lumber factories.Meanwhile, the rise of steam-powered mills streamlined production by allowing for the more efficient, centralized, and continuous cutting of lumber. Steam helped to automate a variety of tasks, from cutting to the carrying away of waste. Mills also employed steam to heat log ponds, preventing them from freezing and making possible year-round lumber production.
For industrial lumbering to succeed, a way had to be found to neutralize the effects of the seasons on production. Traditionally, cutting took place in the winter, when snow and ice made it easier to drag logs on sleds or sleighs to the banks of streams. Once the streams and lakes thawed, workers rafted the logs to mills, where they were cut into lumber in the summer. If nature did not cooperate-if the winter proved dry and warm, if the spring thaw was delayed-production would suffer. To counter the effects of climate on lumber production, loggers experimented with a variety of techniques for transporting trees out of the woods. In the 1870s, loggers in the Great Lakes states began sprinkling water on sleigh roads, giving them an artificial ice coating to facilitate travel. The ice reduced the friction and allowed workers to move larger and heavier loads.
But all the sprinkling in the world would not save a logger from the threat of a warm winter. Without snow the sleigh roads turned to mud. In the 1870s, a set of snowless winters left lumber companies to ponder ways of liberating themselves from the seasons. Railroads were one possibility.At first, the remoteness of the pine forests discouraged common carriers from laying track.But increasing lumber prices in the late 1870s combined with periodic warm, dry winters compelled loggers to turn to iron rails. By 1887, 89 logging railroads crisscrossed Michigan, transforming logging from a winter activity into a year-round one.
Once the logs arrived at a river, the trip downstream to a mill could be a long and tortuous one.Logjams (buildups of logs that prevent logs from moving downstream) were common-at times stretching for 10 miles-and became even more frequent as pressure on the northern Midwest pinelands increased in the 1860s. To help keep the logs moving efficiently, barriers called booms (essentially a chain of floating logs) were constructed to control the direction of the timber. By the 1870s, lumber companies existed in all the major logging areas of the northern Midwest. | 2455.txt | 2 |
[
"decline",
"density",
"size",
"isolation"
] | The word "remoteness" in the passage is closest in meaning to | In nineteenth-century America, practically everything that was built involved wood.Pine was especially attractive for building purposes.It is durable and strong, yet soft enough to be easily worked with even the simplest of hand tools.It also floats nicely on water, which allowed it to be transported to distant markets across the nation.The central and northern reaches of the Great Lakes states-Michigan, Wisconsin, and Minnesota-all contained extensive pine forests as well as many large rivers for floating logs into the Great Lakes, from where they were transported nationwide.
By 1860, the settlement of the American West along with timber shortages in the East converged with ever-widening impact on the pine forests of the Great Lakes states. Over the next 30 years, lumbering became a full-fledged enterprise in Michigan, Wisconsin, and Minnesota. Newly formed lumbering corporations bought up huge tracts of pineland and set about systematically cutting the trees. Both the colonists and the later industrialists saw timber as a commodity, but the latter group adopted a far more thorough and calculating approach to removing trees. In this sense, what happened between 1860 and 1890 represented a significant break with the past. No longer were farmers in search of extra income the main source for shingles, firewood, and other wood products. By the 1870s, farmers and city dwellers alike purchased forest products from large manufacturing companies located in the Great Lakes states rather than chopping wood themselves or buying it locally.
The commercialization of lumbering was in part the product of technological change. The early, thick saw blades tended to waste a large quantity of wood, with perhaps as much as a third of the log left behind on the floor as sawdust or scrap. In the 1870s, however, the British-invented band saw, with its thinner blade, became standard issue in the Great Lakes states' lumber factories.Meanwhile, the rise of steam-powered mills streamlined production by allowing for the more efficient, centralized, and continuous cutting of lumber. Steam helped to automate a variety of tasks, from cutting to the carrying away of waste. Mills also employed steam to heat log ponds, preventing them from freezing and making possible year-round lumber production.
For industrial lumbering to succeed, a way had to be found to neutralize the effects of the seasons on production. Traditionally, cutting took place in the winter, when snow and ice made it easier to drag logs on sleds or sleighs to the banks of streams. Once the streams and lakes thawed, workers rafted the logs to mills, where they were cut into lumber in the summer. If nature did not cooperate-if the winter proved dry and warm, if the spring thaw was delayed-production would suffer. To counter the effects of climate on lumber production, loggers experimented with a variety of techniques for transporting trees out of the woods. In the 1870s, loggers in the Great Lakes states began sprinkling water on sleigh roads, giving them an artificial ice coating to facilitate travel. The ice reduced the friction and allowed workers to move larger and heavier loads.
But all the sprinkling in the world would not save a logger from the threat of a warm winter. Without snow the sleigh roads turned to mud. In the 1870s, a set of snowless winters left lumber companies to ponder ways of liberating themselves from the seasons. Railroads were one possibility.At first, the remoteness of the pine forests discouraged common carriers from laying track.But increasing lumber prices in the late 1870s combined with periodic warm, dry winters compelled loggers to turn to iron rails. By 1887, 89 logging railroads crisscrossed Michigan, transforming logging from a winter activity into a year-round one.
Once the logs arrived at a river, the trip downstream to a mill could be a long and tortuous one.Logjams (buildups of logs that prevent logs from moving downstream) were common-at times stretching for 10 miles-and became even more frequent as pressure on the northern Midwest pinelands increased in the 1860s. To help keep the logs moving efficiently, barriers called booms (essentially a chain of floating logs) were constructed to control the direction of the timber. By the 1870s, lumber companies existed in all the major logging areas of the northern Midwest. | 2455.txt | 3 |
[
"To argue that Michigan had replaced other Great Lakes states as the center of the lumbering industry",
"To provide evidence of the growing importance of logging railroads to the lumbering industry",
"To support the claim that Michigan winters had become more severe in the late 1800s than they had been earlier",
"To challenge the idea that climate discouraged the laying of track"
] | In paragraph 5, why does the author include the information that 89 logging railroads crisscrossed Michigan by 1887? | In nineteenth-century America, practically everything that was built involved wood.Pine was especially attractive for building purposes.It is durable and strong, yet soft enough to be easily worked with even the simplest of hand tools.It also floats nicely on water, which allowed it to be transported to distant markets across the nation.The central and northern reaches of the Great Lakes states-Michigan, Wisconsin, and Minnesota-all contained extensive pine forests as well as many large rivers for floating logs into the Great Lakes, from where they were transported nationwide.
By 1860, the settlement of the American West along with timber shortages in the East converged with ever-widening impact on the pine forests of the Great Lakes states. Over the next 30 years, lumbering became a full-fledged enterprise in Michigan, Wisconsin, and Minnesota. Newly formed lumbering corporations bought up huge tracts of pineland and set about systematically cutting the trees. Both the colonists and the later industrialists saw timber as a commodity, but the latter group adopted a far more thorough and calculating approach to removing trees. In this sense, what happened between 1860 and 1890 represented a significant break with the past. No longer were farmers in search of extra income the main source for shingles, firewood, and other wood products. By the 1870s, farmers and city dwellers alike purchased forest products from large manufacturing companies located in the Great Lakes states rather than chopping wood themselves or buying it locally.
The commercialization of lumbering was in part the product of technological change. The early, thick saw blades tended to waste a large quantity of wood, with perhaps as much as a third of the log left behind on the floor as sawdust or scrap. In the 1870s, however, the British-invented band saw, with its thinner blade, became standard issue in the Great Lakes states' lumber factories.Meanwhile, the rise of steam-powered mills streamlined production by allowing for the more efficient, centralized, and continuous cutting of lumber. Steam helped to automate a variety of tasks, from cutting to the carrying away of waste. Mills also employed steam to heat log ponds, preventing them from freezing and making possible year-round lumber production.
For industrial lumbering to succeed, a way had to be found to neutralize the effects of the seasons on production. Traditionally, cutting took place in the winter, when snow and ice made it easier to drag logs on sleds or sleighs to the banks of streams. Once the streams and lakes thawed, workers rafted the logs to mills, where they were cut into lumber in the summer. If nature did not cooperate-if the winter proved dry and warm, if the spring thaw was delayed-production would suffer. To counter the effects of climate on lumber production, loggers experimented with a variety of techniques for transporting trees out of the woods. In the 1870s, loggers in the Great Lakes states began sprinkling water on sleigh roads, giving them an artificial ice coating to facilitate travel. The ice reduced the friction and allowed workers to move larger and heavier loads.
But all the sprinkling in the world would not save a logger from the threat of a warm winter. Without snow the sleigh roads turned to mud. In the 1870s, a set of snowless winters left lumber companies to ponder ways of liberating themselves from the seasons. Railroads were one possibility.At first, the remoteness of the pine forests discouraged common carriers from laying track.But increasing lumber prices in the late 1870s combined with periodic warm, dry winters compelled loggers to turn to iron rails. By 1887, 89 logging railroads crisscrossed Michigan, transforming logging from a winter activity into a year-round one.
Once the logs arrived at a river, the trip downstream to a mill could be a long and tortuous one.Logjams (buildups of logs that prevent logs from moving downstream) were common-at times stretching for 10 miles-and became even more frequent as pressure on the northern Midwest pinelands increased in the 1860s. To help keep the logs moving efficiently, barriers called booms (essentially a chain of floating logs) were constructed to control the direction of the timber. By the 1870s, lumber companies existed in all the major logging areas of the northern Midwest. | 2455.txt | 1 |
[
"reducing the pressures placed on the northern Midwest pinelands in the 1860s",
"reducing the length of the downstream trip to a mill by as much as 10 miles",
"increasing the number of logs that could be floated down a river at a single time",
"allowing logs to move downstream more quickly and easily"
] | According to paragraph 6, the construction of booms benefited the logging industry by | In nineteenth-century America, practically everything that was built involved wood.Pine was especially attractive for building purposes.It is durable and strong, yet soft enough to be easily worked with even the simplest of hand tools.It also floats nicely on water, which allowed it to be transported to distant markets across the nation.The central and northern reaches of the Great Lakes states-Michigan, Wisconsin, and Minnesota-all contained extensive pine forests as well as many large rivers for floating logs into the Great Lakes, from where they were transported nationwide.
By 1860, the settlement of the American West along with timber shortages in the East converged with ever-widening impact on the pine forests of the Great Lakes states. Over the next 30 years, lumbering became a full-fledged enterprise in Michigan, Wisconsin, and Minnesota. Newly formed lumbering corporations bought up huge tracts of pineland and set about systematically cutting the trees. Both the colonists and the later industrialists saw timber as a commodity, but the latter group adopted a far more thorough and calculating approach to removing trees. In this sense, what happened between 1860 and 1890 represented a significant break with the past. No longer were farmers in search of extra income the main source for shingles, firewood, and other wood products. By the 1870s, farmers and city dwellers alike purchased forest products from large manufacturing companies located in the Great Lakes states rather than chopping wood themselves or buying it locally.
The commercialization of lumbering was in part the product of technological change. The early, thick saw blades tended to waste a large quantity of wood, with perhaps as much as a third of the log left behind on the floor as sawdust or scrap. In the 1870s, however, the British-invented band saw, with its thinner blade, became standard issue in the Great Lakes states' lumber factories.Meanwhile, the rise of steam-powered mills streamlined production by allowing for the more efficient, centralized, and continuous cutting of lumber. Steam helped to automate a variety of tasks, from cutting to the carrying away of waste. Mills also employed steam to heat log ponds, preventing them from freezing and making possible year-round lumber production.
For industrial lumbering to succeed, a way had to be found to neutralize the effects of the seasons on production. Traditionally, cutting took place in the winter, when snow and ice made it easier to drag logs on sleds or sleighs to the banks of streams. Once the streams and lakes thawed, workers rafted the logs to mills, where they were cut into lumber in the summer. If nature did not cooperate-if the winter proved dry and warm, if the spring thaw was delayed-production would suffer. To counter the effects of climate on lumber production, loggers experimented with a variety of techniques for transporting trees out of the woods. In the 1870s, loggers in the Great Lakes states began sprinkling water on sleigh roads, giving them an artificial ice coating to facilitate travel. The ice reduced the friction and allowed workers to move larger and heavier loads.
But all the sprinkling in the world would not save a logger from the threat of a warm winter. Without snow the sleigh roads turned to mud. In the 1870s, a set of snowless winters left lumber companies to ponder ways of liberating themselves from the seasons. Railroads were one possibility.At first, the remoteness of the pine forests discouraged common carriers from laying track.But increasing lumber prices in the late 1870s combined with periodic warm, dry winters compelled loggers to turn to iron rails. By 1887, 89 logging railroads crisscrossed Michigan, transforming logging from a winter activity into a year-round one.
Once the logs arrived at a river, the trip downstream to a mill could be a long and tortuous one.Logjams (buildups of logs that prevent logs from moving downstream) were common-at times stretching for 10 miles-and became even more frequent as pressure on the northern Midwest pinelands increased in the 1860s. To help keep the logs moving efficiently, barriers called booms (essentially a chain of floating logs) were constructed to control the direction of the timber. By the 1870s, lumber companies existed in all the major logging areas of the northern Midwest. | 2455.txt | 3 |
[
"It tells us what people did in past days.",
"It generates quite a buzz in recent days.",
"It provides latest news about everything.",
"It informs what people do in the future."
] | What is real-time web search.like Twitter? | Real.time web search--which scours only the latest updates to services like Twitter-is currently generating quite a buzz because it can provide a glimpse of what people around the world are thinking or doing at any given moment.Interest in this kind of search is so great that，according to recent leaks，Google is considering buying Twitter.
The latest research from the interact search giant，though，suggests that real-time results could be even more powerful-they may reveal the future as well as the present.
Google researchers Hyunyoung Choi and Hal Varian combined data from Google Trends on the popularity of different search terms with models used by economists to predict trends in areas such as travel and home sales.The result?Better forecasts in A.most every case.It works because searches reveal something about people's intentions.Google has demonstrated before that search data can predict flu outbreaks，and last week World Bank economist Erik Feyen said he could cut errors in a model that forecasts lending to the private sector by 15％using Google search data.
But real-time results could have even more predictive power：knowing what people are actually doing，not just thinking，at a particular instant gives a strong hint of the future consequences.
Johan Bollen of Los A.amos NationA. Laboratory and A.berto Pepe of the University of California，Los Angeles，applied a mood rating system to the text from over 10，000 Future Me emails sent in 2006 to gauge people's hopes，fears and predictions for the future.They found that emails directed at 2007 to 2012 were significantly more depressed in tone than messages aimed at the subsequent six years.Could they have predicted the world's current economic slump?
Without more data，that is no more than an intriguing possibility.So Bollen plans to look at more Future Me emails，as well as Twitter messages，to search for mood swings that foreshadow other economic changes.If he finds any such links.the sanle sources might be used to try and predict future economic fluctuations.
So will our online footsteps become a central part of economic forecasting?We'11 have to wait and see--0r perhaps do a quick web search. | 1222.txt | 2 |
[
"They gain nothing special from the combination of data and models.",
"11ley indeed reveal something about people's intentions in such areas.",
"They find that the future trends cannot be predicted from the research.",
"They totally understand the future trends of these areas from research."
] | What is the result of research established by Google researchers Hyunyoung Choi and Hal Varian? | Real.time web search--which scours only the latest updates to services like Twitter-is currently generating quite a buzz because it can provide a glimpse of what people around the world are thinking or doing at any given moment.Interest in this kind of search is so great that，according to recent leaks，Google is considering buying Twitter.
The latest research from the interact search giant，though，suggests that real-time results could be even more powerful-they may reveal the future as well as the present.
Google researchers Hyunyoung Choi and Hal Varian combined data from Google Trends on the popularity of different search terms with models used by economists to predict trends in areas such as travel and home sales.The result?Better forecasts in A.most every case.It works because searches reveal something about people's intentions.Google has demonstrated before that search data can predict flu outbreaks，and last week World Bank economist Erik Feyen said he could cut errors in a model that forecasts lending to the private sector by 15％using Google search data.
But real-time results could have even more predictive power：knowing what people are actually doing，not just thinking，at a particular instant gives a strong hint of the future consequences.
Johan Bollen of Los A.amos NationA. Laboratory and A.berto Pepe of the University of California，Los Angeles，applied a mood rating system to the text from over 10，000 Future Me emails sent in 2006 to gauge people's hopes，fears and predictions for the future.They found that emails directed at 2007 to 2012 were significantly more depressed in tone than messages aimed at the subsequent six years.Could they have predicted the world's current economic slump?
Without more data，that is no more than an intriguing possibility.So Bollen plans to look at more Future Me emails，as well as Twitter messages，to search for mood swings that foreshadow other economic changes.If he finds any such links.the sanle sources might be used to try and predict future economic fluctuations.
So will our online footsteps become a central part of economic forecasting?We'11 have to wait and see--0r perhaps do a quick web search. | 1222.txt | 1 |
[
"It is possible for researchers to get some hints from the Future Me emails.",
"There is no relationship between the depression and economic slump.",
"There is a potential relationship between depression and economic slump.",
"The Future Me emails may indicate people's reaction about future prediction."
] | What can we infer from Para.5? | Real.time web search--which scours only the latest updates to services like Twitter-is currently generating quite a buzz because it can provide a glimpse of what people around the world are thinking or doing at any given moment.Interest in this kind of search is so great that，according to recent leaks，Google is considering buying Twitter.
The latest research from the interact search giant，though，suggests that real-time results could be even more powerful-they may reveal the future as well as the present.
Google researchers Hyunyoung Choi and Hal Varian combined data from Google Trends on the popularity of different search terms with models used by economists to predict trends in areas such as travel and home sales.The result?Better forecasts in A.most every case.It works because searches reveal something about people's intentions.Google has demonstrated before that search data can predict flu outbreaks，and last week World Bank economist Erik Feyen said he could cut errors in a model that forecasts lending to the private sector by 15％using Google search data.
But real-time results could have even more predictive power：knowing what people are actually doing，not just thinking，at a particular instant gives a strong hint of the future consequences.
Johan Bollen of Los A.amos NationA. Laboratory and A.berto Pepe of the University of California，Los Angeles，applied a mood rating system to the text from over 10，000 Future Me emails sent in 2006 to gauge people's hopes，fears and predictions for the future.They found that emails directed at 2007 to 2012 were significantly more depressed in tone than messages aimed at the subsequent six years.Could they have predicted the world's current economic slump?
Without more data，that is no more than an intriguing possibility.So Bollen plans to look at more Future Me emails，as well as Twitter messages，to search for mood swings that foreshadow other economic changes.If he finds any such links.the sanle sources might be used to try and predict future economic fluctuations.
So will our online footsteps become a central part of economic forecasting?We'11 have to wait and see--0r perhaps do a quick web search. | 1222.txt | 3 |
[
"More data are necessary to turn this possibility to be reality.",
"The possibility is just all intriguing possibility without data.",
"No amount of data cannot be a strong proof for the possibility.",
"More data are needed to turn it out to be a pure possibility."
] | What's the meaning of"Without more data,that is no more than an intriguing possibility."? | Real.time web search--which scours only the latest updates to services like Twitter-is currently generating quite a buzz because it can provide a glimpse of what people around the world are thinking or doing at any given moment.Interest in this kind of search is so great that，according to recent leaks，Google is considering buying Twitter.
The latest research from the interact search giant，though，suggests that real-time results could be even more powerful-they may reveal the future as well as the present.
Google researchers Hyunyoung Choi and Hal Varian combined data from Google Trends on the popularity of different search terms with models used by economists to predict trends in areas such as travel and home sales.The result?Better forecasts in A.most every case.It works because searches reveal something about people's intentions.Google has demonstrated before that search data can predict flu outbreaks，and last week World Bank economist Erik Feyen said he could cut errors in a model that forecasts lending to the private sector by 15％using Google search data.
But real-time results could have even more predictive power：knowing what people are actually doing，not just thinking，at a particular instant gives a strong hint of the future consequences.
Johan Bollen of Los A.amos NationA. Laboratory and A.berto Pepe of the University of California，Los Angeles，applied a mood rating system to the text from over 10，000 Future Me emails sent in 2006 to gauge people's hopes，fears and predictions for the future.They found that emails directed at 2007 to 2012 were significantly more depressed in tone than messages aimed at the subsequent six years.Could they have predicted the world's current economic slump?
Without more data，that is no more than an intriguing possibility.So Bollen plans to look at more Future Me emails，as well as Twitter messages，to search for mood swings that foreshadow other economic changes.If he finds any such links.the sanle sources might be used to try and predict future economic fluctuations.
So will our online footsteps become a central part of economic forecasting?We'11 have to wait and see--0r perhaps do a quick web search. | 1222.txt | 0 |
[
"Negative.",
"Critical.",
"Optimistic.",
"Indifferent."
] | What's the attitude of author to real.time search? | Real.time web search--which scours only the latest updates to services like Twitter-is currently generating quite a buzz because it can provide a glimpse of what people around the world are thinking or doing at any given moment.Interest in this kind of search is so great that，according to recent leaks，Google is considering buying Twitter.
The latest research from the interact search giant，though，suggests that real-time results could be even more powerful-they may reveal the future as well as the present.
Google researchers Hyunyoung Choi and Hal Varian combined data from Google Trends on the popularity of different search terms with models used by economists to predict trends in areas such as travel and home sales.The result?Better forecasts in A.most every case.It works because searches reveal something about people's intentions.Google has demonstrated before that search data can predict flu outbreaks，and last week World Bank economist Erik Feyen said he could cut errors in a model that forecasts lending to the private sector by 15％using Google search data.
But real-time results could have even more predictive power：knowing what people are actually doing，not just thinking，at a particular instant gives a strong hint of the future consequences.
Johan Bollen of Los A.amos NationA. Laboratory and A.berto Pepe of the University of California，Los Angeles，applied a mood rating system to the text from over 10，000 Future Me emails sent in 2006 to gauge people's hopes，fears and predictions for the future.They found that emails directed at 2007 to 2012 were significantly more depressed in tone than messages aimed at the subsequent six years.Could they have predicted the world's current economic slump?
Without more data，that is no more than an intriguing possibility.So Bollen plans to look at more Future Me emails，as well as Twitter messages，to search for mood swings that foreshadow other economic changes.If he finds any such links.the sanle sources might be used to try and predict future economic fluctuations.
So will our online footsteps become a central part of economic forecasting?We'11 have to wait and see--0r perhaps do a quick web search. | 1222.txt | 2 |
[
"production techniques",
"similarity to other crafts",
"unusual materials",
"resemblance to earlier pottery"
] | The passage mainly discusses ancient Greek pottery and its | Often enough the craft worker's place of employment in ancient Greece was set in rural isolation. Potter, for instance, found it convenient to locate their workshops near their source of clay, regardless of its relation to the center of settlement. At Corinth and Athens, however, two of the best-known potters' quarters were situated on the cities' outskirts, and potters and makers of terra-cotta figurines were also established well within the city of Athens itself. The techniques of pottery manufacture had evolved well before the Greek period, but marked stylistic developments occurred in shape and in decoration, for example, in the interplay of black and other glazes with the red surface of the fired pot. Athenian black-figure and red-figure decoration, which emphasized human figures rather than animal images, was adopted between 630 and 530 B.C.; its distinctive color and luster were the result of the skillful adjustments of the kiln's temperature during an extended three-stage period if firing the clayware. Whether it was the potters or the vase-painters who initiated changes in firing is unclear, the functions of making and decorating were usually divided between them, but neither group can have been so specialized that they did not share in the concerns of the other.
The broad utility of terra-cotta was such that workers in clay could generally afford to confine themselves to either decorated ware and housewares like cooking pots and storage jars or building materials like roof tiles and drainpipes. Some sixth- and fifth-century B.C. Athenian pottery establishments are known to have concentrated on a limited range of fine ware, but a rural pottery establishment on the island of Thasos produced many types of pottery and roof tiles too, presumably to meet local demand. Molds were used to create particular effects for some products, such as relief-decorated vessels and figurines; for other products such as roof tiles, which were in some quantity, they were used to facilitate mass production. There were also a number of poor-quality figurines and painted pots produced in quantity by easy, inexpensive means - as numerous featureless statuettes and unattractive cases testify. | 4274.txt | 0 |
[
"as a result of",
"no matter what",
"proud of",
"according to"
] | The phrase "regardless of" in line 3 is closest in meaning to | Often enough the craft worker's place of employment in ancient Greece was set in rural isolation. Potter, for instance, found it convenient to locate their workshops near their source of clay, regardless of its relation to the center of settlement. At Corinth and Athens, however, two of the best-known potters' quarters were situated on the cities' outskirts, and potters and makers of terra-cotta figurines were also established well within the city of Athens itself. The techniques of pottery manufacture had evolved well before the Greek period, but marked stylistic developments occurred in shape and in decoration, for example, in the interplay of black and other glazes with the red surface of the fired pot. Athenian black-figure and red-figure decoration, which emphasized human figures rather than animal images, was adopted between 630 and 530 B.C.; its distinctive color and luster were the result of the skillful adjustments of the kiln's temperature during an extended three-stage period if firing the clayware. Whether it was the potters or the vase-painters who initiated changes in firing is unclear, the functions of making and decorating were usually divided between them, but neither group can have been so specialized that they did not share in the concerns of the other.
The broad utility of terra-cotta was such that workers in clay could generally afford to confine themselves to either decorated ware and housewares like cooking pots and storage jars or building materials like roof tiles and drainpipes. Some sixth- and fifth-century B.C. Athenian pottery establishments are known to have concentrated on a limited range of fine ware, but a rural pottery establishment on the island of Thasos produced many types of pottery and roof tiles too, presumably to meet local demand. Molds were used to create particular effects for some products, such as relief-decorated vessels and figurines; for other products such as roof tiles, which were in some quantity, they were used to facilitate mass production. There were also a number of poor-quality figurines and painted pots produced in quantity by easy, inexpensive means - as numerous featureless statuettes and unattractive cases testify. | 4274.txt | 1 |
[
"in city centers",
"on the outskirts of cities",
"where clay could be found",
"near other potters' workshops"
] | It can be inferred from the passage that most pottery establishments in ancient Greece were situated | Often enough the craft worker's place of employment in ancient Greece was set in rural isolation. Potter, for instance, found it convenient to locate their workshops near their source of clay, regardless of its relation to the center of settlement. At Corinth and Athens, however, two of the best-known potters' quarters were situated on the cities' outskirts, and potters and makers of terra-cotta figurines were also established well within the city of Athens itself. The techniques of pottery manufacture had evolved well before the Greek period, but marked stylistic developments occurred in shape and in decoration, for example, in the interplay of black and other glazes with the red surface of the fired pot. Athenian black-figure and red-figure decoration, which emphasized human figures rather than animal images, was adopted between 630 and 530 B.C.; its distinctive color and luster were the result of the skillful adjustments of the kiln's temperature during an extended three-stage period if firing the clayware. Whether it was the potters or the vase-painters who initiated changes in firing is unclear, the functions of making and decorating were usually divided between them, but neither group can have been so specialized that they did not share in the concerns of the other.
The broad utility of terra-cotta was such that workers in clay could generally afford to confine themselves to either decorated ware and housewares like cooking pots and storage jars or building materials like roof tiles and drainpipes. Some sixth- and fifth-century B.C. Athenian pottery establishments are known to have concentrated on a limited range of fine ware, but a rural pottery establishment on the island of Thasos produced many types of pottery and roof tiles too, presumably to meet local demand. Molds were used to create particular effects for some products, such as relief-decorated vessels and figurines; for other products such as roof tiles, which were in some quantity, they were used to facilitate mass production. There were also a number of poor-quality figurines and painted pots produced in quantity by easy, inexpensive means - as numerous featureless statuettes and unattractive cases testify. | 4274.txt | 2 |
[
"original",
"attractive",
"noticeable",
"patterned"
] | The word "marked" in line 7 is closest in meaning to | Often enough the craft worker's place of employment in ancient Greece was set in rural isolation. Potter, for instance, found it convenient to locate their workshops near their source of clay, regardless of its relation to the center of settlement. At Corinth and Athens, however, two of the best-known potters' quarters were situated on the cities' outskirts, and potters and makers of terra-cotta figurines were also established well within the city of Athens itself. The techniques of pottery manufacture had evolved well before the Greek period, but marked stylistic developments occurred in shape and in decoration, for example, in the interplay of black and other glazes with the red surface of the fired pot. Athenian black-figure and red-figure decoration, which emphasized human figures rather than animal images, was adopted between 630 and 530 B.C.; its distinctive color and luster were the result of the skillful adjustments of the kiln's temperature during an extended three-stage period if firing the clayware. Whether it was the potters or the vase-painters who initiated changes in firing is unclear, the functions of making and decorating were usually divided between them, but neither group can have been so specialized that they did not share in the concerns of the other.
The broad utility of terra-cotta was such that workers in clay could generally afford to confine themselves to either decorated ware and housewares like cooking pots and storage jars or building materials like roof tiles and drainpipes. Some sixth- and fifth-century B.C. Athenian pottery establishments are known to have concentrated on a limited range of fine ware, but a rural pottery establishment on the island of Thasos produced many types of pottery and roof tiles too, presumably to meet local demand. Molds were used to create particular effects for some products, such as relief-decorated vessels and figurines; for other products such as roof tiles, which were in some quantity, they were used to facilitate mass production. There were also a number of poor-quality figurines and painted pots produced in quantity by easy, inexpensive means - as numerous featureless statuettes and unattractive cases testify. | 4274.txt | 2 |
[
"adapt",
"train",
"restrict",
"organize"
] | The word "confine" in line 17 is closest in meaning to | Often enough the craft worker's place of employment in ancient Greece was set in rural isolation. Potter, for instance, found it convenient to locate their workshops near their source of clay, regardless of its relation to the center of settlement. At Corinth and Athens, however, two of the best-known potters' quarters were situated on the cities' outskirts, and potters and makers of terra-cotta figurines were also established well within the city of Athens itself. The techniques of pottery manufacture had evolved well before the Greek period, but marked stylistic developments occurred in shape and in decoration, for example, in the interplay of black and other glazes with the red surface of the fired pot. Athenian black-figure and red-figure decoration, which emphasized human figures rather than animal images, was adopted between 630 and 530 B.C.; its distinctive color and luster were the result of the skillful adjustments of the kiln's temperature during an extended three-stage period if firing the clayware. Whether it was the potters or the vase-painters who initiated changes in firing is unclear, the functions of making and decorating were usually divided between them, but neither group can have been so specialized that they did not share in the concerns of the other.
The broad utility of terra-cotta was such that workers in clay could generally afford to confine themselves to either decorated ware and housewares like cooking pots and storage jars or building materials like roof tiles and drainpipes. Some sixth- and fifth-century B.C. Athenian pottery establishments are known to have concentrated on a limited range of fine ware, but a rural pottery establishment on the island of Thasos produced many types of pottery and roof tiles too, presumably to meet local demand. Molds were used to create particular effects for some products, such as relief-decorated vessels and figurines; for other products such as roof tiles, which were in some quantity, they were used to facilitate mass production. There were also a number of poor-quality figurines and painted pots produced in quantity by easy, inexpensive means - as numerous featureless statuettes and unattractive cases testify. | 4274.txt | 2 |
[
"It did not break during the firing process.",
"It was less expensive than other available materials.",
"Its surface had a lasting shine.",
"It could be used for many purposes."
] | It can be inferred from the passage that terra-cotta had which of the following advantages | Often enough the craft worker's place of employment in ancient Greece was set in rural isolation. Potter, for instance, found it convenient to locate their workshops near their source of clay, regardless of its relation to the center of settlement. At Corinth and Athens, however, two of the best-known potters' quarters were situated on the cities' outskirts, and potters and makers of terra-cotta figurines were also established well within the city of Athens itself. The techniques of pottery manufacture had evolved well before the Greek period, but marked stylistic developments occurred in shape and in decoration, for example, in the interplay of black and other glazes with the red surface of the fired pot. Athenian black-figure and red-figure decoration, which emphasized human figures rather than animal images, was adopted between 630 and 530 B.C.; its distinctive color and luster were the result of the skillful adjustments of the kiln's temperature during an extended three-stage period if firing the clayware. Whether it was the potters or the vase-painters who initiated changes in firing is unclear, the functions of making and decorating were usually divided between them, but neither group can have been so specialized that they did not share in the concerns of the other.
The broad utility of terra-cotta was such that workers in clay could generally afford to confine themselves to either decorated ware and housewares like cooking pots and storage jars or building materials like roof tiles and drainpipes. Some sixth- and fifth-century B.C. Athenian pottery establishments are known to have concentrated on a limited range of fine ware, but a rural pottery establishment on the island of Thasos produced many types of pottery and roof tiles too, presumably to meet local demand. Molds were used to create particular effects for some products, such as relief-decorated vessels and figurines; for other products such as roof tiles, which were in some quantity, they were used to facilitate mass production. There were also a number of poor-quality figurines and painted pots produced in quantity by easy, inexpensive means - as numerous featureless statuettes and unattractive cases testify. | 4274.txt | 3 |
[
"frequently",
"practically",
"preferably",
"probably"
] | The word "presumably" in line 21 is closest in meaning to | Often enough the craft worker's place of employment in ancient Greece was set in rural isolation. Potter, for instance, found it convenient to locate their workshops near their source of clay, regardless of its relation to the center of settlement. At Corinth and Athens, however, two of the best-known potters' quarters were situated on the cities' outskirts, and potters and makers of terra-cotta figurines were also established well within the city of Athens itself. The techniques of pottery manufacture had evolved well before the Greek period, but marked stylistic developments occurred in shape and in decoration, for example, in the interplay of black and other glazes with the red surface of the fired pot. Athenian black-figure and red-figure decoration, which emphasized human figures rather than animal images, was adopted between 630 and 530 B.C.; its distinctive color and luster were the result of the skillful adjustments of the kiln's temperature during an extended three-stage period if firing the clayware. Whether it was the potters or the vase-painters who initiated changes in firing is unclear, the functions of making and decorating were usually divided between them, but neither group can have been so specialized that they did not share in the concerns of the other.
The broad utility of terra-cotta was such that workers in clay could generally afford to confine themselves to either decorated ware and housewares like cooking pots and storage jars or building materials like roof tiles and drainpipes. Some sixth- and fifth-century B.C. Athenian pottery establishments are known to have concentrated on a limited range of fine ware, but a rural pottery establishment on the island of Thasos produced many types of pottery and roof tiles too, presumably to meet local demand. Molds were used to create particular effects for some products, such as relief-decorated vessels and figurines; for other products such as roof tiles, which were in some quantity, they were used to facilitate mass production. There were also a number of poor-quality figurines and painted pots produced in quantity by easy, inexpensive means - as numerous featureless statuettes and unattractive cases testify. | 4274.txt | 3 |
[
"molds",
"particular effects",
"products",
"vessels and figurines"
] | The word "they" in line 24 refers to | Often enough the craft worker's place of employment in ancient Greece was set in rural isolation. Potter, for instance, found it convenient to locate their workshops near their source of clay, regardless of its relation to the center of settlement. At Corinth and Athens, however, two of the best-known potters' quarters were situated on the cities' outskirts, and potters and makers of terra-cotta figurines were also established well within the city of Athens itself. The techniques of pottery manufacture had evolved well before the Greek period, but marked stylistic developments occurred in shape and in decoration, for example, in the interplay of black and other glazes with the red surface of the fired pot. Athenian black-figure and red-figure decoration, which emphasized human figures rather than animal images, was adopted between 630 and 530 B.C.; its distinctive color and luster were the result of the skillful adjustments of the kiln's temperature during an extended three-stage period if firing the clayware. Whether it was the potters or the vase-painters who initiated changes in firing is unclear, the functions of making and decorating were usually divided between them, but neither group can have been so specialized that they did not share in the concerns of the other.
The broad utility of terra-cotta was such that workers in clay could generally afford to confine themselves to either decorated ware and housewares like cooking pots and storage jars or building materials like roof tiles and drainpipes. Some sixth- and fifth-century B.C. Athenian pottery establishments are known to have concentrated on a limited range of fine ware, but a rural pottery establishment on the island of Thasos produced many types of pottery and roof tiles too, presumably to meet local demand. Molds were used to create particular effects for some products, such as relief-decorated vessels and figurines; for other products such as roof tiles, which were in some quantity, they were used to facilitate mass production. There were also a number of poor-quality figurines and painted pots produced in quantity by easy, inexpensive means - as numerous featureless statuettes and unattractive cases testify. | 4274.txt | 0 |
[
"Their functions were so specialized that they lacked common concerns.",
"They sometimes produced inferior ware.",
"They produced pieces that had unusual color and shine.",
"They decorated many of their works with human images."
] | According to the passage , all of the following are true of ancient Greek potters and vase painters EXCEPT: | Often enough the craft worker's place of employment in ancient Greece was set in rural isolation. Potter, for instance, found it convenient to locate their workshops near their source of clay, regardless of its relation to the center of settlement. At Corinth and Athens, however, two of the best-known potters' quarters were situated on the cities' outskirts, and potters and makers of terra-cotta figurines were also established well within the city of Athens itself. The techniques of pottery manufacture had evolved well before the Greek period, but marked stylistic developments occurred in shape and in decoration, for example, in the interplay of black and other glazes with the red surface of the fired pot. Athenian black-figure and red-figure decoration, which emphasized human figures rather than animal images, was adopted between 630 and 530 B.C.; its distinctive color and luster were the result of the skillful adjustments of the kiln's temperature during an extended three-stage period if firing the clayware. Whether it was the potters or the vase-painters who initiated changes in firing is unclear, the functions of making and decorating were usually divided between them, but neither group can have been so specialized that they did not share in the concerns of the other.
The broad utility of terra-cotta was such that workers in clay could generally afford to confine themselves to either decorated ware and housewares like cooking pots and storage jars or building materials like roof tiles and drainpipes. Some sixth- and fifth-century B.C. Athenian pottery establishments are known to have concentrated on a limited range of fine ware, but a rural pottery establishment on the island of Thasos produced many types of pottery and roof tiles too, presumably to meet local demand. Molds were used to create particular effects for some products, such as relief-decorated vessels and figurines; for other products such as roof tiles, which were in some quantity, they were used to facilitate mass production. There were also a number of poor-quality figurines and painted pots produced in quantity by easy, inexpensive means - as numerous featureless statuettes and unattractive cases testify. | 4274.txt | 0 |
[
"Richard Ⅲ.",
"Lover's Labour's Lost",
"As You Like It",
"The Merchant of Venice"
] | which play will be performed by the National Theatre of China? | In the coming months, we are bringing together artists form all over the globe, to enjoy speaking Shakespeare's plays in their own language, in our Globe, within the architecture Shakespeare wrote for. Please come and join us.
National Theatre of China Beijing|Chinese
This great occasion will be the National Theatre of China's first visit to the UK. The company's productions show the new face of 21st century Chinese theatre. This production of
Shakespeare's Richard III will be directed by the National's Associate Director，Wang Xiaoying.
Date & Time : Saturday 28 April,2.30pm & Sunday 29 April,1.30pm & 6.30pm
Marjanishvili Theatre Tbilisi | Georgian
One of the most famous theatres in Georgia,the Marjanishvili,founded in 1928,appears regularly at theatre festivals all over the world. This new production of It is helmedby the company's Artistic Director Levan Tsuladze.
Date & Time :Friday 18May,2.30pm & Saturday 19May,7.30pm
Deafinitely Theatre London | British Sign Language (BSL)
By translating the rich and humourous text of Love's Labour's Lost into the physical language of BSL,Deafinitely Theatre creates a new interpretation of Shakespeare's comedy and aims to build a bridge between deaf and hearing worlds by performing to both groups as one audience.
Date & Time : Tuesday 22 May,2.30pm & Wednesday 23 May,7.30pm
Habima National Theatre Tel Aviv | Hebrew
The Habima is the centre of Hebrew-language theatre worldwide ,Founded in Moscow after the 1905 revolution, the company eventually settled in Tel Aviv in the late 1920s,Since 1958, z&xxk they have been recognised as the national theatre of Israel.This production of Shakespeare's The Merchant of Venice marks their first visit to the UK.
Date & Time :Monday 28May,7.30 & Tuesday 29 May,7.30pm | 3723.txt | 0 |
[
"It has two groups of actors",
"It is the leading theatre in London",
"It performs plays in BSL",
"It is good at producing comedies"
] | What is special about Deafinitely Theatre? | In the coming months, we are bringing together artists form all over the globe, to enjoy speaking Shakespeare's plays in their own language, in our Globe, within the architecture Shakespeare wrote for. Please come and join us.
National Theatre of China Beijing|Chinese
This great occasion will be the National Theatre of China's first visit to the UK. The company's productions show the new face of 21st century Chinese theatre. This production of
Shakespeare's Richard III will be directed by the National's Associate Director，Wang Xiaoying.
Date & Time : Saturday 28 April,2.30pm & Sunday 29 April,1.30pm & 6.30pm
Marjanishvili Theatre Tbilisi | Georgian
One of the most famous theatres in Georgia,the Marjanishvili,founded in 1928,appears regularly at theatre festivals all over the world. This new production of It is helmedby the company's Artistic Director Levan Tsuladze.
Date & Time :Friday 18May,2.30pm & Saturday 19May,7.30pm
Deafinitely Theatre London | British Sign Language (BSL)
By translating the rich and humourous text of Love's Labour's Lost into the physical language of BSL,Deafinitely Theatre creates a new interpretation of Shakespeare's comedy and aims to build a bridge between deaf and hearing worlds by performing to both groups as one audience.
Date & Time : Tuesday 22 May,2.30pm & Wednesday 23 May,7.30pm
Habima National Theatre Tel Aviv | Hebrew
The Habima is the centre of Hebrew-language theatre worldwide ,Founded in Moscow after the 1905 revolution, the company eventually settled in Tel Aviv in the late 1920s,Since 1958, z&xxk they have been recognised as the national theatre of Israel.This production of Shakespeare's The Merchant of Venice marks their first visit to the UK.
Date & Time :Monday 28May,7.30 & Tuesday 29 May,7.30pm | 3723.txt | 2 |
[
"On Saturday 28 April.",
"On Sunday 29 April",
"On Tuesday 22 May.",
"On Tuesday 29 May"
] | When can you see a play in Hebrew? | In the coming months, we are bringing together artists form all over the globe, to enjoy speaking Shakespeare's plays in their own language, in our Globe, within the architecture Shakespeare wrote for. Please come and join us.
National Theatre of China Beijing|Chinese
This great occasion will be the National Theatre of China's first visit to the UK. The company's productions show the new face of 21st century Chinese theatre. This production of
Shakespeare's Richard III will be directed by the National's Associate Director，Wang Xiaoying.
Date & Time : Saturday 28 April,2.30pm & Sunday 29 April,1.30pm & 6.30pm
Marjanishvili Theatre Tbilisi | Georgian
One of the most famous theatres in Georgia,the Marjanishvili,founded in 1928,appears regularly at theatre festivals all over the world. This new production of It is helmedby the company's Artistic Director Levan Tsuladze.
Date & Time :Friday 18May,2.30pm & Saturday 19May,7.30pm
Deafinitely Theatre London | British Sign Language (BSL)
By translating the rich and humourous text of Love's Labour's Lost into the physical language of BSL,Deafinitely Theatre creates a new interpretation of Shakespeare's comedy and aims to build a bridge between deaf and hearing worlds by performing to both groups as one audience.
Date & Time : Tuesday 22 May,2.30pm & Wednesday 23 May,7.30pm
Habima National Theatre Tel Aviv | Hebrew
The Habima is the centre of Hebrew-language theatre worldwide ,Founded in Moscow after the 1905 revolution, the company eventually settled in Tel Aviv in the late 1920s,Since 1958, z&xxk they have been recognised as the national theatre of Israel.This production of Shakespeare's The Merchant of Venice marks their first visit to the UK.
Date & Time :Monday 28May,7.30 & Tuesday 29 May,7.30pm | 3723.txt | 3 |
[
"to start a fire",
"to cook food",
"to power a heating-system",
"in a war"
] | Solar energy was first used_ . | The first person to use the sun's energy on a large scale was the Greek, Archimedes. He used it to set fire to an attacking Roman fleet at Syracuse in 212 B. C. He did this by means of a burning glass composed of small square mirrors made to move in all directions on hinges . In the early twentieth century, solar energy was used to power water distillation plants in Chile and irrigation pumps in Egypt.
Today over ninety-eight per cent of our energy comes from fossil fuels; coal, oil and natural gas. But coal and oil are not only fuels. They are also important raw materials for our chemical industries. People now think we should limit their use as fuel, otherwise the world's supply will soon run out. Consequently, much research is being done into the practical use of the sun for heating (and cooling) buildings. The less fossil fuel we use now, the more we will have for the future.
Solar energy is transmitted from the sun-through space-to earth by electromagnetic radiation. It must be converted to heat before it can be used. Various types of solar energy collectors (also called absorbers or absorber plates) are used to convert the sun's radiation to heat. Solar-heated hot water provides not only the building's hot-water requirements, but space-heating as well. This solar system, based on water-heating, works like this. Each of its collectors, placed on the roof, consists of a shallow fiberglass tray that holds a number of copper tubes under a special glass cover. The tubes are, in turn, fixed to a blackened metal surface which absorbs energy from the sun. The sun's rays, passing through the glass, heat the water in the tubes.
Since the energy is available only during the day and only then when there is not a great deal of cloud cover, the heat must be stored. This can be done in wa¬ter, or in rock or pebble beds. The energy is stored in the hot water in the pipes. | 1444.txt | 3 |
[
"It must be stored in rock beds.",
"It must be distilled.",
"It must be converted to heat.",
"It must be purified."
] | What must be done to solar energy before it can be used? | The first person to use the sun's energy on a large scale was the Greek, Archimedes. He used it to set fire to an attacking Roman fleet at Syracuse in 212 B. C. He did this by means of a burning glass composed of small square mirrors made to move in all directions on hinges . In the early twentieth century, solar energy was used to power water distillation plants in Chile and irrigation pumps in Egypt.
Today over ninety-eight per cent of our energy comes from fossil fuels; coal, oil and natural gas. But coal and oil are not only fuels. They are also important raw materials for our chemical industries. People now think we should limit their use as fuel, otherwise the world's supply will soon run out. Consequently, much research is being done into the practical use of the sun for heating (and cooling) buildings. The less fossil fuel we use now, the more we will have for the future.
Solar energy is transmitted from the sun-through space-to earth by electromagnetic radiation. It must be converted to heat before it can be used. Various types of solar energy collectors (also called absorbers or absorber plates) are used to convert the sun's radiation to heat. Solar-heated hot water provides not only the building's hot-water requirements, but space-heating as well. This solar system, based on water-heating, works like this. Each of its collectors, placed on the roof, consists of a shallow fiberglass tray that holds a number of copper tubes under a special glass cover. The tubes are, in turn, fixed to a blackened metal surface which absorbs energy from the sun. The sun's rays, passing through the glass, heat the water in the tubes.
Since the energy is available only during the day and only then when there is not a great deal of cloud cover, the heat must be stored. This can be done in wa¬ter, or in rock or pebble beds. The energy is stored in the hot water in the pipes. | 1444.txt | 2 |
[
"more irrigation projects are needed",
"the construction industry is expanding",
"fossil fuels are running out",
"it transmits electromagnetic radiation"
] | There is so much research into the use of solar energy because '_ . | The first person to use the sun's energy on a large scale was the Greek, Archimedes. He used it to set fire to an attacking Roman fleet at Syracuse in 212 B. C. He did this by means of a burning glass composed of small square mirrors made to move in all directions on hinges . In the early twentieth century, solar energy was used to power water distillation plants in Chile and irrigation pumps in Egypt.
Today over ninety-eight per cent of our energy comes from fossil fuels; coal, oil and natural gas. But coal and oil are not only fuels. They are also important raw materials for our chemical industries. People now think we should limit their use as fuel, otherwise the world's supply will soon run out. Consequently, much research is being done into the practical use of the sun for heating (and cooling) buildings. The less fossil fuel we use now, the more we will have for the future.
Solar energy is transmitted from the sun-through space-to earth by electromagnetic radiation. It must be converted to heat before it can be used. Various types of solar energy collectors (also called absorbers or absorber plates) are used to convert the sun's radiation to heat. Solar-heated hot water provides not only the building's hot-water requirements, but space-heating as well. This solar system, based on water-heating, works like this. Each of its collectors, placed on the roof, consists of a shallow fiberglass tray that holds a number of copper tubes under a special glass cover. The tubes are, in turn, fixed to a blackened metal surface which absorbs energy from the sun. The sun's rays, passing through the glass, heat the water in the tubes.
Since the energy is available only during the day and only then when there is not a great deal of cloud cover, the heat must be stored. This can be done in wa¬ter, or in rock or pebble beds. The energy is stored in the hot water in the pipes. | 1444.txt | 2 |
[
"it is limited",
"there is not much of it",
"it is not always available",
"the passage does not tell us why"
] | Solar energy must be stored because_ . | The first person to use the sun's energy on a large scale was the Greek, Archimedes. He used it to set fire to an attacking Roman fleet at Syracuse in 212 B. C. He did this by means of a burning glass composed of small square mirrors made to move in all directions on hinges . In the early twentieth century, solar energy was used to power water distillation plants in Chile and irrigation pumps in Egypt.
Today over ninety-eight per cent of our energy comes from fossil fuels; coal, oil and natural gas. But coal and oil are not only fuels. They are also important raw materials for our chemical industries. People now think we should limit their use as fuel, otherwise the world's supply will soon run out. Consequently, much research is being done into the practical use of the sun for heating (and cooling) buildings. The less fossil fuel we use now, the more we will have for the future.
Solar energy is transmitted from the sun-through space-to earth by electromagnetic radiation. It must be converted to heat before it can be used. Various types of solar energy collectors (also called absorbers or absorber plates) are used to convert the sun's radiation to heat. Solar-heated hot water provides not only the building's hot-water requirements, but space-heating as well. This solar system, based on water-heating, works like this. Each of its collectors, placed on the roof, consists of a shallow fiberglass tray that holds a number of copper tubes under a special glass cover. The tubes are, in turn, fixed to a blackened metal surface which absorbs energy from the sun. The sun's rays, passing through the glass, heat the water in the tubes.
Since the energy is available only during the day and only then when there is not a great deal of cloud cover, the heat must be stored. This can be done in wa¬ter, or in rock or pebble beds. The energy is stored in the hot water in the pipes. | 1444.txt | 2 |
[
"2.",
"3.",
"4.",
"More than 4."
] | How many uses has solar energy been put to according to the passage? | The first person to use the sun's energy on a large scale was the Greek, Archimedes. He used it to set fire to an attacking Roman fleet at Syracuse in 212 B. C. He did this by means of a burning glass composed of small square mirrors made to move in all directions on hinges . In the early twentieth century, solar energy was used to power water distillation plants in Chile and irrigation pumps in Egypt.
Today over ninety-eight per cent of our energy comes from fossil fuels; coal, oil and natural gas. But coal and oil are not only fuels. They are also important raw materials for our chemical industries. People now think we should limit their use as fuel, otherwise the world's supply will soon run out. Consequently, much research is being done into the practical use of the sun for heating (and cooling) buildings. The less fossil fuel we use now, the more we will have for the future.
Solar energy is transmitted from the sun-through space-to earth by electromagnetic radiation. It must be converted to heat before it can be used. Various types of solar energy collectors (also called absorbers or absorber plates) are used to convert the sun's radiation to heat. Solar-heated hot water provides not only the building's hot-water requirements, but space-heating as well. This solar system, based on water-heating, works like this. Each of its collectors, placed on the roof, consists of a shallow fiberglass tray that holds a number of copper tubes under a special glass cover. The tubes are, in turn, fixed to a blackened metal surface which absorbs energy from the sun. The sun's rays, passing through the glass, heat the water in the tubes.
Since the energy is available only during the day and only then when there is not a great deal of cloud cover, the heat must be stored. This can be done in wa¬ter, or in rock or pebble beds. The energy is stored in the hot water in the pipes. | 1444.txt | 1 |
[
"Characteristics of pterosaur wings",
"The discovery of fossil remains of Archaeopteryx",
"Reasons for the extinction of early flying vertebrates",
"The development of flight in reptiles and birds"
] | What does the passage mainly discuss? | The first flying vertebrates were true reptiles in which one of the fingers of the front limbs became very elongated, providing support for a flap of stretched skin that served as a wing. These were the pterosaurs, literally the "winged lizards." The earliest pterosaurs arose near the end of the Triassic period of the Mesozoic Era, some 70 million years before the first known fossils of true birds occur, and they presumably dominated the skies until they were eventually displaced by birds. Like the dinosaurs, some the pterosaurs became gigantic; the largest fossil discovered is of an individual that had a wingspan of 50 feet or more, larger than many airplanes. These flying reptiles had large, tooth-filled jaws, but their bodies were small and probably without the necessary powerful muscles for sustained wing movement. They must have been expert gliders, not skillful fliers, relying on wind power for their locomotion.
Birds, despite sharing common reptilian ancestors with pterosaurs, evolved quite separately and have been much more successful in their dominance of the air. They are an example of a common theme in evolution, the more or less parallel development of different types of body structure and function for the same reason - in this case, for flight. Although the fossil record, as always, is not complete enough to determine definitively the evolutionary lineage of the birds or in as much detail as one would like, it is better in this case than for many other animal groups. That is because of the unusual preservation in a limestone quarry in southern Germany of Archaeopteryx, a fossil that many have called the link between dinosaurs and birds. Indeed, had it not been for the superb preservation of these fossils, they might well have been classified as dinosaurs. They have the skull and teeth of a reptile as well as a bony tail, but in the line-grained limestone in which these fossils occur there are delicate impressions of feathers and fine details of bone structure that make it clear that Archaeopteryx was a bird. All birds living today, from the great condors of the Andes to the tiniest wrens, trace their origin back to the Mesozoic dinosaurs. | 2069.txt | 3 |
[
"They evolved from strong limb muscles.",
"They consisted of an extension of skin.",
"They connected the front and back limbs.",
"They required fingers of equal length."
] | Which of the following is true of early reptile wings? | The first flying vertebrates were true reptiles in which one of the fingers of the front limbs became very elongated, providing support for a flap of stretched skin that served as a wing. These were the pterosaurs, literally the "winged lizards." The earliest pterosaurs arose near the end of the Triassic period of the Mesozoic Era, some 70 million years before the first known fossils of true birds occur, and they presumably dominated the skies until they were eventually displaced by birds. Like the dinosaurs, some the pterosaurs became gigantic; the largest fossil discovered is of an individual that had a wingspan of 50 feet or more, larger than many airplanes. These flying reptiles had large, tooth-filled jaws, but their bodies were small and probably without the necessary powerful muscles for sustained wing movement. They must have been expert gliders, not skillful fliers, relying on wind power for their locomotion.
Birds, despite sharing common reptilian ancestors with pterosaurs, evolved quite separately and have been much more successful in their dominance of the air. They are an example of a common theme in evolution, the more or less parallel development of different types of body structure and function for the same reason - in this case, for flight. Although the fossil record, as always, is not complete enough to determine definitively the evolutionary lineage of the birds or in as much detail as one would like, it is better in this case than for many other animal groups. That is because of the unusual preservation in a limestone quarry in southern Germany of Archaeopteryx, a fossil that many have called the link between dinosaurs and birds. Indeed, had it not been for the superb preservation of these fossils, they might well have been classified as dinosaurs. They have the skull and teeth of a reptile as well as a bony tail, but in the line-grained limestone in which these fossils occur there are delicate impressions of feathers and fine details of bone structure that make it clear that Archaeopteryx was a bird. All birds living today, from the great condors of the Andes to the tiniest wrens, trace their origin back to the Mesozoic dinosaurs. | 2069.txt | 1 |
[
"creating",
"meaning",
"related to",
"simplified"
] | The word "literally" in line 3 is closest in meaning to | The first flying vertebrates were true reptiles in which one of the fingers of the front limbs became very elongated, providing support for a flap of stretched skin that served as a wing. These were the pterosaurs, literally the "winged lizards." The earliest pterosaurs arose near the end of the Triassic period of the Mesozoic Era, some 70 million years before the first known fossils of true birds occur, and they presumably dominated the skies until they were eventually displaced by birds. Like the dinosaurs, some the pterosaurs became gigantic; the largest fossil discovered is of an individual that had a wingspan of 50 feet or more, larger than many airplanes. These flying reptiles had large, tooth-filled jaws, but their bodies were small and probably without the necessary powerful muscles for sustained wing movement. They must have been expert gliders, not skillful fliers, relying on wind power for their locomotion.
Birds, despite sharing common reptilian ancestors with pterosaurs, evolved quite separately and have been much more successful in their dominance of the air. They are an example of a common theme in evolution, the more or less parallel development of different types of body structure and function for the same reason - in this case, for flight. Although the fossil record, as always, is not complete enough to determine definitively the evolutionary lineage of the birds or in as much detail as one would like, it is better in this case than for many other animal groups. That is because of the unusual preservation in a limestone quarry in southern Germany of Archaeopteryx, a fossil that many have called the link between dinosaurs and birds. Indeed, had it not been for the superb preservation of these fossils, they might well have been classified as dinosaurs. They have the skull and teeth of a reptile as well as a bony tail, but in the line-grained limestone in which these fossils occur there are delicate impressions of feathers and fine details of bone structure that make it clear that Archaeopteryx was a bird. All birds living today, from the great condors of the Andes to the tiniest wrens, trace their origin back to the Mesozoic dinosaurs. | 2069.txt | 1 |
[
"in the early Triassic period",
"before the appearance of pterosaurs",
"after the decline of pterosaurs",
"before dinosaurs could be found on land."
] | It can be inferred from the passage that birds were probably dominant in the skies | The first flying vertebrates were true reptiles in which one of the fingers of the front limbs became very elongated, providing support for a flap of stretched skin that served as a wing. These were the pterosaurs, literally the "winged lizards." The earliest pterosaurs arose near the end of the Triassic period of the Mesozoic Era, some 70 million years before the first known fossils of true birds occur, and they presumably dominated the skies until they were eventually displaced by birds. Like the dinosaurs, some the pterosaurs became gigantic; the largest fossil discovered is of an individual that had a wingspan of 50 feet or more, larger than many airplanes. These flying reptiles had large, tooth-filled jaws, but their bodies were small and probably without the necessary powerful muscles for sustained wing movement. They must have been expert gliders, not skillful fliers, relying on wind power for their locomotion.
Birds, despite sharing common reptilian ancestors with pterosaurs, evolved quite separately and have been much more successful in their dominance of the air. They are an example of a common theme in evolution, the more or less parallel development of different types of body structure and function for the same reason - in this case, for flight. Although the fossil record, as always, is not complete enough to determine definitively the evolutionary lineage of the birds or in as much detail as one would like, it is better in this case than for many other animal groups. That is because of the unusual preservation in a limestone quarry in southern Germany of Archaeopteryx, a fossil that many have called the link between dinosaurs and birds. Indeed, had it not been for the superb preservation of these fossils, they might well have been classified as dinosaurs. They have the skull and teeth of a reptile as well as a bony tail, but in the line-grained limestone in which these fossils occur there are delicate impressions of feathers and fine details of bone structure that make it clear that Archaeopteryx was a bird. All birds living today, from the great condors of the Andes to the tiniest wrens, trace their origin back to the Mesozoic dinosaurs. | 2069.txt | 2 |
[
"illustrate the size of wingspans in some pterosaurs",
"compare the energy needs of dinosaurs with those of modern machines",
"demonstrate the differences between mechanized flight and animal flight",
"establish the practical applications of the study of fossils"
] | The author mentions airplanes in line 8 in order to | The first flying vertebrates were true reptiles in which one of the fingers of the front limbs became very elongated, providing support for a flap of stretched skin that served as a wing. These were the pterosaurs, literally the "winged lizards." The earliest pterosaurs arose near the end of the Triassic period of the Mesozoic Era, some 70 million years before the first known fossils of true birds occur, and they presumably dominated the skies until they were eventually displaced by birds. Like the dinosaurs, some the pterosaurs became gigantic; the largest fossil discovered is of an individual that had a wingspan of 50 feet or more, larger than many airplanes. These flying reptiles had large, tooth-filled jaws, but their bodies were small and probably without the necessary powerful muscles for sustained wing movement. They must have been expert gliders, not skillful fliers, relying on wind power for their locomotion.
Birds, despite sharing common reptilian ancestors with pterosaurs, evolved quite separately and have been much more successful in their dominance of the air. They are an example of a common theme in evolution, the more or less parallel development of different types of body structure and function for the same reason - in this case, for flight. Although the fossil record, as always, is not complete enough to determine definitively the evolutionary lineage of the birds or in as much detail as one would like, it is better in this case than for many other animal groups. That is because of the unusual preservation in a limestone quarry in southern Germany of Archaeopteryx, a fossil that many have called the link between dinosaurs and birds. Indeed, had it not been for the superb preservation of these fossils, they might well have been classified as dinosaurs. They have the skull and teeth of a reptile as well as a bony tail, but in the line-grained limestone in which these fossils occur there are delicate impressions of feathers and fine details of bone structure that make it clear that Archaeopteryx was a bird. All birds living today, from the great condors of the Andes to the tiniest wrens, trace their origin back to the Mesozoic dinosaurs. | 2069.txt | 0 |
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