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[
"powerful muscles",
"bodies",
"jaws",
"flying reptiles"
] | The word "They" in line 10 refers to | The first flying vertebrates were true reptiles in which one of the fingers of the front limbs became very elongated, providing support for a flap of stretched skin that served as a wing. These were the pterosaurs, literally the "winged lizards." The earliest pterosaurs arose near the end of the Triassic period of the Mesozoic Era, some 70 million years before the first known fossils of true birds occur, and they presumably dominated the skies until they were eventually displaced by birds. Like the dinosaurs, some the pterosaurs became gigantic; the largest fossil discovered is of an individual that had a wingspan of 50 feet or more, larger than many airplanes. These flying reptiles had large, tooth-filled jaws, but their bodies were small and probably without the necessary powerful muscles for sustained wing movement. They must have been expert gliders, not skillful fliers, relying on wind power for their locomotion.
Birds, despite sharing common reptilian ancestors with pterosaurs, evolved quite separately and have been much more successful in their dominance of the air. They are an example of a common theme in evolution, the more or less parallel development of different types of body structure and function for the same reason - in this case, for flight. Although the fossil record, as always, is not complete enough to determine definitively the evolutionary lineage of the birds or in as much detail as one would like, it is better in this case than for many other animal groups. That is because of the unusual preservation in a limestone quarry in southern Germany of Archaeopteryx, a fossil that many have called the link between dinosaurs and birds. Indeed, had it not been for the superb preservation of these fossils, they might well have been classified as dinosaurs. They have the skull and teeth of a reptile as well as a bony tail, but in the line-grained limestone in which these fossils occur there are delicate impressions of feathers and fine details of bone structure that make it clear that Archaeopteryx was a bird. All birds living today, from the great condors of the Andes to the tiniest wrens, trace their origin back to the Mesozoic dinosaurs. | 2069.txt | 3 |
[
"of their limited wingspan",
"of their disproportionately large bodies",
"they lacked muscles needed for extended flight",
"climate conditions of the time provided insufficient wind power"
] | According to the passage , pterosaurs were probably "not skillful fliers" (lines 10-11) because | The first flying vertebrates were true reptiles in which one of the fingers of the front limbs became very elongated, providing support for a flap of stretched skin that served as a wing. These were the pterosaurs, literally the "winged lizards." The earliest pterosaurs arose near the end of the Triassic period of the Mesozoic Era, some 70 million years before the first known fossils of true birds occur, and they presumably dominated the skies until they were eventually displaced by birds. Like the dinosaurs, some the pterosaurs became gigantic; the largest fossil discovered is of an individual that had a wingspan of 50 feet or more, larger than many airplanes. These flying reptiles had large, tooth-filled jaws, but their bodies were small and probably without the necessary powerful muscles for sustained wing movement. They must have been expert gliders, not skillful fliers, relying on wind power for their locomotion.
Birds, despite sharing common reptilian ancestors with pterosaurs, evolved quite separately and have been much more successful in their dominance of the air. They are an example of a common theme in evolution, the more or less parallel development of different types of body structure and function for the same reason - in this case, for flight. Although the fossil record, as always, is not complete enough to determine definitively the evolutionary lineage of the birds or in as much detail as one would like, it is better in this case than for many other animal groups. That is because of the unusual preservation in a limestone quarry in southern Germany of Archaeopteryx, a fossil that many have called the link between dinosaurs and birds. Indeed, had it not been for the superb preservation of these fossils, they might well have been classified as dinosaurs. They have the skull and teeth of a reptile as well as a bony tail, but in the line-grained limestone in which these fossils occur there are delicate impressions of feathers and fine details of bone structure that make it clear that Archaeopteryx was a bird. All birds living today, from the great condors of the Andes to the tiniest wrens, trace their origin back to the Mesozoic dinosaurs. | 2069.txt | 2 |
[
"a similarity in body structure to pterosaurs",
"an evolution from pterosaurs",
"the dominance of birds and pterosaurs over land animals",
"a separate but parallel development process to that of pterosaurs"
] | In paragraph 2, the author discusses the development of flight in birds as resulting from | The first flying vertebrates were true reptiles in which one of the fingers of the front limbs became very elongated, providing support for a flap of stretched skin that served as a wing. These were the pterosaurs, literally the "winged lizards." The earliest pterosaurs arose near the end of the Triassic period of the Mesozoic Era, some 70 million years before the first known fossils of true birds occur, and they presumably dominated the skies until they were eventually displaced by birds. Like the dinosaurs, some the pterosaurs became gigantic; the largest fossil discovered is of an individual that had a wingspan of 50 feet or more, larger than many airplanes. These flying reptiles had large, tooth-filled jaws, but their bodies were small and probably without the necessary powerful muscles for sustained wing movement. They must have been expert gliders, not skillful fliers, relying on wind power for their locomotion.
Birds, despite sharing common reptilian ancestors with pterosaurs, evolved quite separately and have been much more successful in their dominance of the air. They are an example of a common theme in evolution, the more or less parallel development of different types of body structure and function for the same reason - in this case, for flight. Although the fossil record, as always, is not complete enough to determine definitively the evolutionary lineage of the birds or in as much detail as one would like, it is better in this case than for many other animal groups. That is because of the unusual preservation in a limestone quarry in southern Germany of Archaeopteryx, a fossil that many have called the link between dinosaurs and birds. Indeed, had it not been for the superb preservation of these fossils, they might well have been classified as dinosaurs. They have the skull and teeth of a reptile as well as a bony tail, but in the line-grained limestone in which these fossils occur there are delicate impressions of feathers and fine details of bone structure that make it clear that Archaeopteryx was a bird. All birds living today, from the great condors of the Andes to the tiniest wrens, trace their origin back to the Mesozoic dinosaurs. | 2069.txt | 3 |
[
"perfected",
"replaced",
"categorized",
"protected"
] | The word "classified" in line 21 is closest in meaning to | The first flying vertebrates were true reptiles in which one of the fingers of the front limbs became very elongated, providing support for a flap of stretched skin that served as a wing. These were the pterosaurs, literally the "winged lizards." The earliest pterosaurs arose near the end of the Triassic period of the Mesozoic Era, some 70 million years before the first known fossils of true birds occur, and they presumably dominated the skies until they were eventually displaced by birds. Like the dinosaurs, some the pterosaurs became gigantic; the largest fossil discovered is of an individual that had a wingspan of 50 feet or more, larger than many airplanes. These flying reptiles had large, tooth-filled jaws, but their bodies were small and probably without the necessary powerful muscles for sustained wing movement. They must have been expert gliders, not skillful fliers, relying on wind power for their locomotion.
Birds, despite sharing common reptilian ancestors with pterosaurs, evolved quite separately and have been much more successful in their dominance of the air. They are an example of a common theme in evolution, the more or less parallel development of different types of body structure and function for the same reason - in this case, for flight. Although the fossil record, as always, is not complete enough to determine definitively the evolutionary lineage of the birds or in as much detail as one would like, it is better in this case than for many other animal groups. That is because of the unusual preservation in a limestone quarry in southern Germany of Archaeopteryx, a fossil that many have called the link between dinosaurs and birds. Indeed, had it not been for the superb preservation of these fossils, they might well have been classified as dinosaurs. They have the skull and teeth of a reptile as well as a bony tail, but in the line-grained limestone in which these fossils occur there are delicate impressions of feathers and fine details of bone structure that make it clear that Archaeopteryx was a bird. All birds living today, from the great condors of the Andes to the tiniest wrens, trace their origin back to the Mesozoic dinosaurs. | 2069.txt | 2 |
[
"Its tail",
"Its teeth",
"The shape of its skull",
"Details of its bone structure"
] | Which of the following helped researchers determine that Archaeopteryx was not a dinosaur? | The first flying vertebrates were true reptiles in which one of the fingers of the front limbs became very elongated, providing support for a flap of stretched skin that served as a wing. These were the pterosaurs, literally the "winged lizards." The earliest pterosaurs arose near the end of the Triassic period of the Mesozoic Era, some 70 million years before the first known fossils of true birds occur, and they presumably dominated the skies until they were eventually displaced by birds. Like the dinosaurs, some the pterosaurs became gigantic; the largest fossil discovered is of an individual that had a wingspan of 50 feet or more, larger than many airplanes. These flying reptiles had large, tooth-filled jaws, but their bodies were small and probably without the necessary powerful muscles for sustained wing movement. They must have been expert gliders, not skillful fliers, relying on wind power for their locomotion.
Birds, despite sharing common reptilian ancestors with pterosaurs, evolved quite separately and have been much more successful in their dominance of the air. They are an example of a common theme in evolution, the more or less parallel development of different types of body structure and function for the same reason - in this case, for flight. Although the fossil record, as always, is not complete enough to determine definitively the evolutionary lineage of the birds or in as much detail as one would like, it is better in this case than for many other animal groups. That is because of the unusual preservation in a limestone quarry in southern Germany of Archaeopteryx, a fossil that many have called the link between dinosaurs and birds. Indeed, had it not been for the superb preservation of these fossils, they might well have been classified as dinosaurs. They have the skull and teeth of a reptile as well as a bony tail, but in the line-grained limestone in which these fossils occur there are delicate impressions of feathers and fine details of bone structure that make it clear that Archaeopteryx was a bird. All birds living today, from the great condors of the Andes to the tiniest wrens, trace their origin back to the Mesozoic dinosaurs. | 2069.txt | 3 |
[
"It is thought to demonstrate that birds evolved from dinosaurs.",
"It is proof that the climate and soils of Europe have changed over time.",
"It suggests that dinosaurs were dominant in areas rich in limestone.",
"It supports the theory that Archaeopteryx was a powerful dinosaur."
] | What is the significance of the discovery that was made in southern Germany? | The first flying vertebrates were true reptiles in which one of the fingers of the front limbs became very elongated, providing support for a flap of stretched skin that served as a wing. These were the pterosaurs, literally the "winged lizards." The earliest pterosaurs arose near the end of the Triassic period of the Mesozoic Era, some 70 million years before the first known fossils of true birds occur, and they presumably dominated the skies until they were eventually displaced by birds. Like the dinosaurs, some the pterosaurs became gigantic; the largest fossil discovered is of an individual that had a wingspan of 50 feet or more, larger than many airplanes. These flying reptiles had large, tooth-filled jaws, but their bodies were small and probably without the necessary powerful muscles for sustained wing movement. They must have been expert gliders, not skillful fliers, relying on wind power for their locomotion.
Birds, despite sharing common reptilian ancestors with pterosaurs, evolved quite separately and have been much more successful in their dominance of the air. They are an example of a common theme in evolution, the more or less parallel development of different types of body structure and function for the same reason - in this case, for flight. Although the fossil record, as always, is not complete enough to determine definitively the evolutionary lineage of the birds or in as much detail as one would like, it is better in this case than for many other animal groups. That is because of the unusual preservation in a limestone quarry in southern Germany of Archaeopteryx, a fossil that many have called the link between dinosaurs and birds. Indeed, had it not been for the superb preservation of these fossils, they might well have been classified as dinosaurs. They have the skull and teeth of a reptile as well as a bony tail, but in the line-grained limestone in which these fossils occur there are delicate impressions of feathers and fine details of bone structure that make it clear that Archaeopteryx was a bird. All birds living today, from the great condors of the Andes to the tiniest wrens, trace their origin back to the Mesozoic dinosaurs. | 2069.txt | 0 |
[
"the slow development of the economy",
"the poor and jobless people's own faults",
"the lack of responsibility on the part of society",
"the large number of people who were not well-educated"
] | People used to think that poverty and unemployment were due to ________. | A hundred years ago it was assumed and scientifically "proved" by economists that the laws of society made it necessary to have a vast army of poor and jobless people in order to keep the economy going. Today, hardly anybody would dare to voice this principle. It is generally accepted that nobody should be excluded from the wealth Western industrialized countries, a system of insurance has been introduced which guarantees everyone a minimum of subsistence in case of unemployment, sickness and old age. I would go one step further and argue that, even if these conditions are not present, everyone has the right to receive the means to subsist , in other words, he can claim this subsistence minimum without having to have any "reason". I would suggest, however, that it should be limited to a definite period of time, let's say two years, so as to avoid the encouraging of an abnormal attitude which refused any kind of social obligation.
This may sound like a fantastic proposal, but so, I think, our insurance system would have sounded to people a hundred years ago. The main objection to such a scheme would be that if each person were entitled to receive minimum support, people would not work. This assumption rests on the fallacy of the inherent laziness in human nature, actually, aside from abnormally lazy people, there would be very few who would not want to earn more than the minimum, and who would prefer to do nothing rather than work.
However, the suspicions against a system of guaranteed subsistence minimum are not groundless, from the standpoint of those who want to use ownership of capital for the purpose of forcing others to accept the work conditions they offer. If nobody were forced to accept work in order not to starve, work would have to be sufficiently interesting and attractive to induce one to accept it. Freedom of contract is possible only if both parties are free to accept and reject it; in the present capitalist system this is not the case.
But such a system would not only be the beginning of real freedom of contract between employers and employees, its principal advantage would be the improvement of freedom in inter-personal relationships in every sphere of daily life. | 2822.txt | 2 |
[
"the present system of social insurance should be improved",
"everybody should be granted a minimum of subsistence without any \"reason\"",
"everybody has the right to share in the wealth of the country",
"people have to change their attitude towards the poor"
] | Now it is widely accepted that ________. | A hundred years ago it was assumed and scientifically "proved" by economists that the laws of society made it necessary to have a vast army of poor and jobless people in order to keep the economy going. Today, hardly anybody would dare to voice this principle. It is generally accepted that nobody should be excluded from the wealth Western industrialized countries, a system of insurance has been introduced which guarantees everyone a minimum of subsistence in case of unemployment, sickness and old age. I would go one step further and argue that, even if these conditions are not present, everyone has the right to receive the means to subsist , in other words, he can claim this subsistence minimum without having to have any "reason". I would suggest, however, that it should be limited to a definite period of time, let's say two years, so as to avoid the encouraging of an abnormal attitude which refused any kind of social obligation.
This may sound like a fantastic proposal, but so, I think, our insurance system would have sounded to people a hundred years ago. The main objection to such a scheme would be that if each person were entitled to receive minimum support, people would not work. This assumption rests on the fallacy of the inherent laziness in human nature, actually, aside from abnormally lazy people, there would be very few who would not want to earn more than the minimum, and who would prefer to do nothing rather than work.
However, the suspicions against a system of guaranteed subsistence minimum are not groundless, from the standpoint of those who want to use ownership of capital for the purpose of forcing others to accept the work conditions they offer. If nobody were forced to accept work in order not to starve, work would have to be sufficiently interesting and attractive to induce one to accept it. Freedom of contract is possible only if both parties are free to accept and reject it; in the present capitalist system this is not the case.
But such a system would not only be the beginning of real freedom of contract between employers and employees, its principal advantage would be the improvement of freedom in inter-personal relationships in every sphere of daily life. | 2822.txt | 1 |
[
"provide benefits for the sick, old and unemployed",
"encourage people to take on more social obligations",
"guarantee everyone the right to be employed",
"provide everyone with the right to a minimum subsistence for a certain period"
] | The writer argues that a system of social insurance should ________. | A hundred years ago it was assumed and scientifically "proved" by economists that the laws of society made it necessary to have a vast army of poor and jobless people in order to keep the economy going. Today, hardly anybody would dare to voice this principle. It is generally accepted that nobody should be excluded from the wealth Western industrialized countries, a system of insurance has been introduced which guarantees everyone a minimum of subsistence in case of unemployment, sickness and old age. I would go one step further and argue that, even if these conditions are not present, everyone has the right to receive the means to subsist , in other words, he can claim this subsistence minimum without having to have any "reason". I would suggest, however, that it should be limited to a definite period of time, let's say two years, so as to avoid the encouraging of an abnormal attitude which refused any kind of social obligation.
This may sound like a fantastic proposal, but so, I think, our insurance system would have sounded to people a hundred years ago. The main objection to such a scheme would be that if each person were entitled to receive minimum support, people would not work. This assumption rests on the fallacy of the inherent laziness in human nature, actually, aside from abnormally lazy people, there would be very few who would not want to earn more than the minimum, and who would prefer to do nothing rather than work.
However, the suspicions against a system of guaranteed subsistence minimum are not groundless, from the standpoint of those who want to use ownership of capital for the purpose of forcing others to accept the work conditions they offer. If nobody were forced to accept work in order not to starve, work would have to be sufficiently interesting and attractive to induce one to accept it. Freedom of contract is possible only if both parties are free to accept and reject it; in the present capitalist system this is not the case.
But such a system would not only be the beginning of real freedom of contract between employers and employees, its principal advantage would be the improvement of freedom in inter-personal relationships in every sphere of daily life. | 2822.txt | 1 |
[
"doubt",
"fact",
"strong argument",
"wrong belief"
] | The word "fallacy" (Para. 2. L. 6) means ________. | A hundred years ago it was assumed and scientifically "proved" by economists that the laws of society made it necessary to have a vast army of poor and jobless people in order to keep the economy going. Today, hardly anybody would dare to voice this principle. It is generally accepted that nobody should be excluded from the wealth Western industrialized countries, a system of insurance has been introduced which guarantees everyone a minimum of subsistence in case of unemployment, sickness and old age. I would go one step further and argue that, even if these conditions are not present, everyone has the right to receive the means to subsist , in other words, he can claim this subsistence minimum without having to have any "reason". I would suggest, however, that it should be limited to a definite period of time, let's say two years, so as to avoid the encouraging of an abnormal attitude which refused any kind of social obligation.
This may sound like a fantastic proposal, but so, I think, our insurance system would have sounded to people a hundred years ago. The main objection to such a scheme would be that if each person were entitled to receive minimum support, people would not work. This assumption rests on the fallacy of the inherent laziness in human nature, actually, aside from abnormally lazy people, there would be very few who would not want to earn more than the minimum, and who would prefer to do nothing rather than work.
However, the suspicions against a system of guaranteed subsistence minimum are not groundless, from the standpoint of those who want to use ownership of capital for the purpose of forcing others to accept the work conditions they offer. If nobody were forced to accept work in order not to starve, work would have to be sufficiently interesting and attractive to induce one to accept it. Freedom of contract is possible only if both parties are free to accept and reject it; in the present capitalist system this is not the case.
But such a system would not only be the beginning of real freedom of contract between employers and employees, its principal advantage would be the improvement of freedom in inter-personal relationships in every sphere of daily life. | 2822.txt | 3 |
[
"demands too much from society",
"makes freedom of contract impossible",
"helps people take interest in their work",
"helps bring about changes in the relationship among people"
] | According to the writer, a system of guaranteed subsistence minimum ________. | A hundred years ago it was assumed and scientifically "proved" by economists that the laws of society made it necessary to have a vast army of poor and jobless people in order to keep the economy going. Today, hardly anybody would dare to voice this principle. It is generally accepted that nobody should be excluded from the wealth Western industrialized countries, a system of insurance has been introduced which guarantees everyone a minimum of subsistence in case of unemployment, sickness and old age. I would go one step further and argue that, even if these conditions are not present, everyone has the right to receive the means to subsist , in other words, he can claim this subsistence minimum without having to have any "reason". I would suggest, however, that it should be limited to a definite period of time, let's say two years, so as to avoid the encouraging of an abnormal attitude which refused any kind of social obligation.
This may sound like a fantastic proposal, but so, I think, our insurance system would have sounded to people a hundred years ago. The main objection to such a scheme would be that if each person were entitled to receive minimum support, people would not work. This assumption rests on the fallacy of the inherent laziness in human nature, actually, aside from abnormally lazy people, there would be very few who would not want to earn more than the minimum, and who would prefer to do nothing rather than work.
However, the suspicions against a system of guaranteed subsistence minimum are not groundless, from the standpoint of those who want to use ownership of capital for the purpose of forcing others to accept the work conditions they offer. If nobody were forced to accept work in order not to starve, work would have to be sufficiently interesting and attractive to induce one to accept it. Freedom of contract is possible only if both parties are free to accept and reject it; in the present capitalist system this is not the case.
But such a system would not only be the beginning of real freedom of contract between employers and employees, its principal advantage would be the improvement of freedom in inter-personal relationships in every sphere of daily life. | 2822.txt | 3 |
[
"significant",
"Time-consuming",
"apparent",
"Brand-new"
] | The word "nascent" (line 3, paragraph 1) most probably means . | (The Economist, Jan 5th,2006)
"THIS is a really exciting time-a new era is starting," says Peter Bazalgette, the chief creative officer of Endemol, the television company behind "Big Brother" and other popular shows. He is referring to the upsurge of interest in mobile television, a nascent industry at the intersection of telecoms and media which offers new opportunities to device-makers, content producers and mobile-network operators.
Already, many mobile operators offer a selection of television channels or individual shows, which are "streamed" across their third-generation (3G) networks. In South Korea, television is also sent to mobile phones via satellite and terrestrial broadcast networks, which is far more efficient than sending video across mobile networks. In Europe, the Italian arm of 3, a mobile operator, recently acquired Canale 7, a television channel, with a view to launching mobile-TV broadcasts in Italy in the second half of 2006.
Meanwhile, Apple Computer, which launched a video-capable version of its iPod portable music-player in October, is striking deals with television networks to expand the range of shows that can be purchased for viewing on the device, including "Lost", "Desperate Housewives" and "Law & Order".
Despite all this activity, however, the prospects for mobile-TV are unclear. For a start, nobody really knows if consumers will pay for it, though surveys suggest they like the idea. Informa, a consultancy, says there will be 125m mobile-TV users by 2010. But many other mobile technologies inspired high hopes and then failed to live up to expectations. And even if people do want TV on the move, there is further uncertainty in two areas: technology and business models.
At the moment, mobile TV is mostly streamed over 3G networks. But sending an individual data stream to each viewer is inefficient and will be unsustainable in the long run if mobile-TV takes off. So the general consensus is that 3G streaming is a prelude to the construction of dedicated mobile-TV broadcast networks, which transmit digital TV signals on entirely different frequencies to those used for voice and data. There are three main standards: DVB-H, favoured in Europe; DMB, which has been adopted in South Korea and Japan; and MediaFLO, which is being rolled out in America. Watching TV using any of these technologies requires a TV-capable handset, of course.
In contrast, watching downloaded TV programmes on an iPod or other portable video player is already possible today. And unlike a programme streamed over 3G or broadcast via a dedicated mobile-TV network, shows stored on an iPod can be watched on an underground train or in regions with patchy network coverage. That suggests that some shows (such as dramA. better suit the download model, while others (such as live news, sports or reality shows) are better suited to real-time transmission. The two approaches will probably co-exist.
Just as there are several competing mobile-TV technologies, there are also many possible business models. Mobile operators might choose to build their own mobile-TV broadcast networks; or they could form a consortium and build a shared network; or existing broadcasters could build such networks.
The big question is whether the broadcasters and mobile operators can agree how to divide the spoils, assuming there are any. Broadcasters own the content, but mobile operators generally control the handsets, and they do not always see eye to eye. In South Korea, a consortium of broadcasters launched a free-to-air DMB network last month, but the country's mobile operators were reluctant to provide their users with handsets able to receive the broadcasts, since they were unwilling to undermine the prospects for their own subscription-based mobile-TV services.
Then there is the question of who will fund the production of mobile-TV content: broadcasters, operators or advertisers? Again, the answer is probably "all of the above". | 1082.txt | 3 |
[
"communication companies welcome mobile TV",
"mobile-TV is not allowed in many countries",
"mobile-TV has already been served in many countries",
"mobile-TV is coming to an end"
] | It can be inferred from paragraph 2 that . | (The Economist, Jan 5th,2006)
"THIS is a really exciting time-a new era is starting," says Peter Bazalgette, the chief creative officer of Endemol, the television company behind "Big Brother" and other popular shows. He is referring to the upsurge of interest in mobile television, a nascent industry at the intersection of telecoms and media which offers new opportunities to device-makers, content producers and mobile-network operators.
Already, many mobile operators offer a selection of television channels or individual shows, which are "streamed" across their third-generation (3G) networks. In South Korea, television is also sent to mobile phones via satellite and terrestrial broadcast networks, which is far more efficient than sending video across mobile networks. In Europe, the Italian arm of 3, a mobile operator, recently acquired Canale 7, a television channel, with a view to launching mobile-TV broadcasts in Italy in the second half of 2006.
Meanwhile, Apple Computer, which launched a video-capable version of its iPod portable music-player in October, is striking deals with television networks to expand the range of shows that can be purchased for viewing on the device, including "Lost", "Desperate Housewives" and "Law & Order".
Despite all this activity, however, the prospects for mobile-TV are unclear. For a start, nobody really knows if consumers will pay for it, though surveys suggest they like the idea. Informa, a consultancy, says there will be 125m mobile-TV users by 2010. But many other mobile technologies inspired high hopes and then failed to live up to expectations. And even if people do want TV on the move, there is further uncertainty in two areas: technology and business models.
At the moment, mobile TV is mostly streamed over 3G networks. But sending an individual data stream to each viewer is inefficient and will be unsustainable in the long run if mobile-TV takes off. So the general consensus is that 3G streaming is a prelude to the construction of dedicated mobile-TV broadcast networks, which transmit digital TV signals on entirely different frequencies to those used for voice and data. There are three main standards: DVB-H, favoured in Europe; DMB, which has been adopted in South Korea and Japan; and MediaFLO, which is being rolled out in America. Watching TV using any of these technologies requires a TV-capable handset, of course.
In contrast, watching downloaded TV programmes on an iPod or other portable video player is already possible today. And unlike a programme streamed over 3G or broadcast via a dedicated mobile-TV network, shows stored on an iPod can be watched on an underground train or in regions with patchy network coverage. That suggests that some shows (such as dramA. better suit the download model, while others (such as live news, sports or reality shows) are better suited to real-time transmission. The two approaches will probably co-exist.
Just as there are several competing mobile-TV technologies, there are also many possible business models. Mobile operators might choose to build their own mobile-TV broadcast networks; or they could form a consortium and build a shared network; or existing broadcasters could build such networks.
The big question is whether the broadcasters and mobile operators can agree how to divide the spoils, assuming there are any. Broadcasters own the content, but mobile operators generally control the handsets, and they do not always see eye to eye. In South Korea, a consortium of broadcasters launched a free-to-air DMB network last month, but the country's mobile operators were reluctant to provide their users with handsets able to receive the broadcasts, since they were unwilling to undermine the prospects for their own subscription-based mobile-TV services.
Then there is the question of who will fund the production of mobile-TV content: broadcasters, operators or advertisers? Again, the answer is probably "all of the above". | 1082.txt | 2 |
[
"the prospect of mobile-TV is bright",
"surveys and observations on mobile-TV is not quite credible",
"MTV has encountered great technology troubles",
"consultancy companies play an important role in MTV business"
] | The author cites the example of Informa to demonstrate that . | (The Economist, Jan 5th,2006)
"THIS is a really exciting time-a new era is starting," says Peter Bazalgette, the chief creative officer of Endemol, the television company behind "Big Brother" and other popular shows. He is referring to the upsurge of interest in mobile television, a nascent industry at the intersection of telecoms and media which offers new opportunities to device-makers, content producers and mobile-network operators.
Already, many mobile operators offer a selection of television channels or individual shows, which are "streamed" across their third-generation (3G) networks. In South Korea, television is also sent to mobile phones via satellite and terrestrial broadcast networks, which is far more efficient than sending video across mobile networks. In Europe, the Italian arm of 3, a mobile operator, recently acquired Canale 7, a television channel, with a view to launching mobile-TV broadcasts in Italy in the second half of 2006.
Meanwhile, Apple Computer, which launched a video-capable version of its iPod portable music-player in October, is striking deals with television networks to expand the range of shows that can be purchased for viewing on the device, including "Lost", "Desperate Housewives" and "Law & Order".
Despite all this activity, however, the prospects for mobile-TV are unclear. For a start, nobody really knows if consumers will pay for it, though surveys suggest they like the idea. Informa, a consultancy, says there will be 125m mobile-TV users by 2010. But many other mobile technologies inspired high hopes and then failed to live up to expectations. And even if people do want TV on the move, there is further uncertainty in two areas: technology and business models.
At the moment, mobile TV is mostly streamed over 3G networks. But sending an individual data stream to each viewer is inefficient and will be unsustainable in the long run if mobile-TV takes off. So the general consensus is that 3G streaming is a prelude to the construction of dedicated mobile-TV broadcast networks, which transmit digital TV signals on entirely different frequencies to those used for voice and data. There are three main standards: DVB-H, favoured in Europe; DMB, which has been adopted in South Korea and Japan; and MediaFLO, which is being rolled out in America. Watching TV using any of these technologies requires a TV-capable handset, of course.
In contrast, watching downloaded TV programmes on an iPod or other portable video player is already possible today. And unlike a programme streamed over 3G or broadcast via a dedicated mobile-TV network, shows stored on an iPod can be watched on an underground train or in regions with patchy network coverage. That suggests that some shows (such as dramA. better suit the download model, while others (such as live news, sports or reality shows) are better suited to real-time transmission. The two approaches will probably co-exist.
Just as there are several competing mobile-TV technologies, there are also many possible business models. Mobile operators might choose to build their own mobile-TV broadcast networks; or they could form a consortium and build a shared network; or existing broadcasters could build such networks.
The big question is whether the broadcasters and mobile operators can agree how to divide the spoils, assuming there are any. Broadcasters own the content, but mobile operators generally control the handsets, and they do not always see eye to eye. In South Korea, a consortium of broadcasters launched a free-to-air DMB network last month, but the country's mobile operators were reluctant to provide their users with handsets able to receive the broadcasts, since they were unwilling to undermine the prospects for their own subscription-based mobile-TV services.
Then there is the question of who will fund the production of mobile-TV content: broadcasters, operators or advertisers? Again, the answer is probably "all of the above". | 1082.txt | 0 |
[
"optimistic",
"impartial",
"puzzled",
"suspicious"
] | According to the passage, the author istowards the prospects of MTV . | (The Economist, Jan 5th,2006)
"THIS is a really exciting time-a new era is starting," says Peter Bazalgette, the chief creative officer of Endemol, the television company behind "Big Brother" and other popular shows. He is referring to the upsurge of interest in mobile television, a nascent industry at the intersection of telecoms and media which offers new opportunities to device-makers, content producers and mobile-network operators.
Already, many mobile operators offer a selection of television channels or individual shows, which are "streamed" across their third-generation (3G) networks. In South Korea, television is also sent to mobile phones via satellite and terrestrial broadcast networks, which is far more efficient than sending video across mobile networks. In Europe, the Italian arm of 3, a mobile operator, recently acquired Canale 7, a television channel, with a view to launching mobile-TV broadcasts in Italy in the second half of 2006.
Meanwhile, Apple Computer, which launched a video-capable version of its iPod portable music-player in October, is striking deals with television networks to expand the range of shows that can be purchased for viewing on the device, including "Lost", "Desperate Housewives" and "Law & Order".
Despite all this activity, however, the prospects for mobile-TV are unclear. For a start, nobody really knows if consumers will pay for it, though surveys suggest they like the idea. Informa, a consultancy, says there will be 125m mobile-TV users by 2010. But many other mobile technologies inspired high hopes and then failed to live up to expectations. And even if people do want TV on the move, there is further uncertainty in two areas: technology and business models.
At the moment, mobile TV is mostly streamed over 3G networks. But sending an individual data stream to each viewer is inefficient and will be unsustainable in the long run if mobile-TV takes off. So the general consensus is that 3G streaming is a prelude to the construction of dedicated mobile-TV broadcast networks, which transmit digital TV signals on entirely different frequencies to those used for voice and data. There are three main standards: DVB-H, favoured in Europe; DMB, which has been adopted in South Korea and Japan; and MediaFLO, which is being rolled out in America. Watching TV using any of these technologies requires a TV-capable handset, of course.
In contrast, watching downloaded TV programmes on an iPod or other portable video player is already possible today. And unlike a programme streamed over 3G or broadcast via a dedicated mobile-TV network, shows stored on an iPod can be watched on an underground train or in regions with patchy network coverage. That suggests that some shows (such as dramA. better suit the download model, while others (such as live news, sports or reality shows) are better suited to real-time transmission. The two approaches will probably co-exist.
Just as there are several competing mobile-TV technologies, there are also many possible business models. Mobile operators might choose to build their own mobile-TV broadcast networks; or they could form a consortium and build a shared network; or existing broadcasters could build such networks.
The big question is whether the broadcasters and mobile operators can agree how to divide the spoils, assuming there are any. Broadcasters own the content, but mobile operators generally control the handsets, and they do not always see eye to eye. In South Korea, a consortium of broadcasters launched a free-to-air DMB network last month, but the country's mobile operators were reluctant to provide their users with handsets able to receive the broadcasts, since they were unwilling to undermine the prospects for their own subscription-based mobile-TV services.
Then there is the question of who will fund the production of mobile-TV content: broadcasters, operators or advertisers? Again, the answer is probably "all of the above". | 1082.txt | 3 |
[
"MTV, a Foggy Business",
"Embracing MTV",
"Business Models",
"Ways for MTV"
] | Which of the following can be the best title for the passage? | (The Economist, Jan 5th,2006)
"THIS is a really exciting time-a new era is starting," says Peter Bazalgette, the chief creative officer of Endemol, the television company behind "Big Brother" and other popular shows. He is referring to the upsurge of interest in mobile television, a nascent industry at the intersection of telecoms and media which offers new opportunities to device-makers, content producers and mobile-network operators.
Already, many mobile operators offer a selection of television channels or individual shows, which are "streamed" across their third-generation (3G) networks. In South Korea, television is also sent to mobile phones via satellite and terrestrial broadcast networks, which is far more efficient than sending video across mobile networks. In Europe, the Italian arm of 3, a mobile operator, recently acquired Canale 7, a television channel, with a view to launching mobile-TV broadcasts in Italy in the second half of 2006.
Meanwhile, Apple Computer, which launched a video-capable version of its iPod portable music-player in October, is striking deals with television networks to expand the range of shows that can be purchased for viewing on the device, including "Lost", "Desperate Housewives" and "Law & Order".
Despite all this activity, however, the prospects for mobile-TV are unclear. For a start, nobody really knows if consumers will pay for it, though surveys suggest they like the idea. Informa, a consultancy, says there will be 125m mobile-TV users by 2010. But many other mobile technologies inspired high hopes and then failed to live up to expectations. And even if people do want TV on the move, there is further uncertainty in two areas: technology and business models.
At the moment, mobile TV is mostly streamed over 3G networks. But sending an individual data stream to each viewer is inefficient and will be unsustainable in the long run if mobile-TV takes off. So the general consensus is that 3G streaming is a prelude to the construction of dedicated mobile-TV broadcast networks, which transmit digital TV signals on entirely different frequencies to those used for voice and data. There are three main standards: DVB-H, favoured in Europe; DMB, which has been adopted in South Korea and Japan; and MediaFLO, which is being rolled out in America. Watching TV using any of these technologies requires a TV-capable handset, of course.
In contrast, watching downloaded TV programmes on an iPod or other portable video player is already possible today. And unlike a programme streamed over 3G or broadcast via a dedicated mobile-TV network, shows stored on an iPod can be watched on an underground train or in regions with patchy network coverage. That suggests that some shows (such as dramA. better suit the download model, while others (such as live news, sports or reality shows) are better suited to real-time transmission. The two approaches will probably co-exist.
Just as there are several competing mobile-TV technologies, there are also many possible business models. Mobile operators might choose to build their own mobile-TV broadcast networks; or they could form a consortium and build a shared network; or existing broadcasters could build such networks.
The big question is whether the broadcasters and mobile operators can agree how to divide the spoils, assuming there are any. Broadcasters own the content, but mobile operators generally control the handsets, and they do not always see eye to eye. In South Korea, a consortium of broadcasters launched a free-to-air DMB network last month, but the country's mobile operators were reluctant to provide their users with handsets able to receive the broadcasts, since they were unwilling to undermine the prospects for their own subscription-based mobile-TV services.
Then there is the question of who will fund the production of mobile-TV content: broadcasters, operators or advertisers? Again, the answer is probably "all of the above". | 1082.txt | 0 |
[
"they want to show themselves to be patriots",
"they are afraid such films may anger audiences",
"films with violence in them are no longer popu1ar",
"films with terrorist themes are reflections on violence."
] | Some filmmakers hesitate to release new films with violent content because _ . | One positive consequence of our current national crisis may be at least a temporary shadow in Hollywood's culture of violence. Fearful of offending audiences in the wake of the terrorist attack, some moviemakers have postponed the release of film with terrorist themes. Television writers are delaying scripts with warlike and terrorist scenarios.It is probably good thinking. My local video store tells me nobody is checking out " disaster" movies. Says the manager, " Currently, people want comedy. They want an escape from stories about violence and terrorism." Similarly, in the music business, there's a run on patriotic and inspirational tapes and CDs.
According to The New York Times, the self scrutiny among these czars of mass-entertainment taste is unprecedented in scale, sweeping aside hundreds of millions of dollars in projects that no longer seem appropriate. A reasonable concern is that this might be a short term phenomenon. Once life returns to something more normal, will Hollywood return to its bad old ways? The Times offers a glimmer of hope. The industry's titans,it suggests, are struggling with much more difficulties, long range questions of what the public will want once the initial shock from the terrorist attacks wears off. Many in the industry admit they do not know where the boundaries of taste and consumer tolerance now lie.
This is an opportunity for some of us to suggest to Hollywood where that boundary of consumer tolerance is, especially those of us who have not yet convinced Hollywood to cease its descent into ever lower of the dumbness of our young.
The nonprofit Parents Television Council, which monitors the quality of TV programming, says in its latest report that today's TV shows are more laced than ever with vulgarities, sexual immorality, crudities, violence, and foul language. The traditional family hour between 8p.m.and 9p.m., when the networks used to offer programs for the entire family, has disappeared. The problem looks like it will get worse.
That certainly looked to be the case before the Sept.11th assault. One pre attack New York Times story reported that TV producers were crusading for scripts that include every crude word imaginable. The struggles between net-work censors and producers, according to the report, were " growing more intense" . Producers like Aaron Sorkin of " The West Wing" planned to keep pushing hard. He was quoted as saying," There's absolutely no reason why we can't use the language of adulthood in programs that are about adults" .
My guess is that a lot of adults don't use the language Mr. Sorkin wants to use, and don't enjoy having their children hear it. At this moment of crisis in our nation's history, thought has become more thoughtful, prayerful, and spiritual. It may be the time to tell the entertainment industry that we want not a temporary pause in the flow of tastelessness, but a long term clean-up. | 789.txt | 1 |
[
"produce appropriate films with no violent content for the audiences",
"prevent themselves from slipping into their old bad ways",
"understand to what extent their films have contributed to the national crisis",
"find out where the boundaries of taste and consumer tolerance lie"
] | The " self-scrutiny" in the second paragraph refers to filmmakers attempt to _ . | One positive consequence of our current national crisis may be at least a temporary shadow in Hollywood's culture of violence. Fearful of offending audiences in the wake of the terrorist attack, some moviemakers have postponed the release of film with terrorist themes. Television writers are delaying scripts with warlike and terrorist scenarios.It is probably good thinking. My local video store tells me nobody is checking out " disaster" movies. Says the manager, " Currently, people want comedy. They want an escape from stories about violence and terrorism." Similarly, in the music business, there's a run on patriotic and inspirational tapes and CDs.
According to The New York Times, the self scrutiny among these czars of mass-entertainment taste is unprecedented in scale, sweeping aside hundreds of millions of dollars in projects that no longer seem appropriate. A reasonable concern is that this might be a short term phenomenon. Once life returns to something more normal, will Hollywood return to its bad old ways? The Times offers a glimmer of hope. The industry's titans,it suggests, are struggling with much more difficulties, long range questions of what the public will want once the initial shock from the terrorist attacks wears off. Many in the industry admit they do not know where the boundaries of taste and consumer tolerance now lie.
This is an opportunity for some of us to suggest to Hollywood where that boundary of consumer tolerance is, especially those of us who have not yet convinced Hollywood to cease its descent into ever lower of the dumbness of our young.
The nonprofit Parents Television Council, which monitors the quality of TV programming, says in its latest report that today's TV shows are more laced than ever with vulgarities, sexual immorality, crudities, violence, and foul language. The traditional family hour between 8p.m.and 9p.m., when the networks used to offer programs for the entire family, has disappeared. The problem looks like it will get worse.
That certainly looked to be the case before the Sept.11th assault. One pre attack New York Times story reported that TV producers were crusading for scripts that include every crude word imaginable. The struggles between net-work censors and producers, according to the report, were " growing more intense" . Producers like Aaron Sorkin of " The West Wing" planned to keep pushing hard. He was quoted as saying," There's absolutely no reason why we can't use the language of adulthood in programs that are about adults" .
My guess is that a lot of adults don't use the language Mr. Sorkin wants to use, and don't enjoy having their children hear it. At this moment of crisis in our nation's history, thought has become more thoughtful, prayerful, and spiritual. It may be the time to tell the entertainment industry that we want not a temporary pause in the flow of tastelessness, but a long term clean-up. | 789.txt | 3 |
[
"tell filmmakers where the boundaries of their taste lie",
"point out to Hollywood how bad their films are",
"accuse the filmmakers of desensitizing their children",
"ask filmmakers to make films that reflect traditional family life"
] | The author thinks that it is time for the general audience to _ . | One positive consequence of our current national crisis may be at least a temporary shadow in Hollywood's culture of violence. Fearful of offending audiences in the wake of the terrorist attack, some moviemakers have postponed the release of film with terrorist themes. Television writers are delaying scripts with warlike and terrorist scenarios.It is probably good thinking. My local video store tells me nobody is checking out " disaster" movies. Says the manager, " Currently, people want comedy. They want an escape from stories about violence and terrorism." Similarly, in the music business, there's a run on patriotic and inspirational tapes and CDs.
According to The New York Times, the self scrutiny among these czars of mass-entertainment taste is unprecedented in scale, sweeping aside hundreds of millions of dollars in projects that no longer seem appropriate. A reasonable concern is that this might be a short term phenomenon. Once life returns to something more normal, will Hollywood return to its bad old ways? The Times offers a glimmer of hope. The industry's titans,it suggests, are struggling with much more difficulties, long range questions of what the public will want once the initial shock from the terrorist attacks wears off. Many in the industry admit they do not know where the boundaries of taste and consumer tolerance now lie.
This is an opportunity for some of us to suggest to Hollywood where that boundary of consumer tolerance is, especially those of us who have not yet convinced Hollywood to cease its descent into ever lower of the dumbness of our young.
The nonprofit Parents Television Council, which monitors the quality of TV programming, says in its latest report that today's TV shows are more laced than ever with vulgarities, sexual immorality, crudities, violence, and foul language. The traditional family hour between 8p.m.and 9p.m., when the networks used to offer programs for the entire family, has disappeared. The problem looks like it will get worse.
That certainly looked to be the case before the Sept.11th assault. One pre attack New York Times story reported that TV producers were crusading for scripts that include every crude word imaginable. The struggles between net-work censors and producers, according to the report, were " growing more intense" . Producers like Aaron Sorkin of " The West Wing" planned to keep pushing hard. He was quoted as saying," There's absolutely no reason why we can't use the language of adulthood in programs that are about adults" .
My guess is that a lot of adults don't use the language Mr. Sorkin wants to use, and don't enjoy having their children hear it. At this moment of crisis in our nation's history, thought has become more thoughtful, prayerful, and spiritual. It may be the time to tell the entertainment industry that we want not a temporary pause in the flow of tastelessness, but a long term clean-up. | 789.txt | 0 |
[
"He is strongly against using crude language in films.",
"He starts the struggles between network censors and producer.",
"He insists no restraint be set to the language used in films.",
"He believes that it is time to clean up the entertainment industry."
] | Which of the following statements is TRUE about Aaron Sorkin? | One positive consequence of our current national crisis may be at least a temporary shadow in Hollywood's culture of violence. Fearful of offending audiences in the wake of the terrorist attack, some moviemakers have postponed the release of film with terrorist themes. Television writers are delaying scripts with warlike and terrorist scenarios.It is probably good thinking. My local video store tells me nobody is checking out " disaster" movies. Says the manager, " Currently, people want comedy. They want an escape from stories about violence and terrorism." Similarly, in the music business, there's a run on patriotic and inspirational tapes and CDs.
According to The New York Times, the self scrutiny among these czars of mass-entertainment taste is unprecedented in scale, sweeping aside hundreds of millions of dollars in projects that no longer seem appropriate. A reasonable concern is that this might be a short term phenomenon. Once life returns to something more normal, will Hollywood return to its bad old ways? The Times offers a glimmer of hope. The industry's titans,it suggests, are struggling with much more difficulties, long range questions of what the public will want once the initial shock from the terrorist attacks wears off. Many in the industry admit they do not know where the boundaries of taste and consumer tolerance now lie.
This is an opportunity for some of us to suggest to Hollywood where that boundary of consumer tolerance is, especially those of us who have not yet convinced Hollywood to cease its descent into ever lower of the dumbness of our young.
The nonprofit Parents Television Council, which monitors the quality of TV programming, says in its latest report that today's TV shows are more laced than ever with vulgarities, sexual immorality, crudities, violence, and foul language. The traditional family hour between 8p.m.and 9p.m., when the networks used to offer programs for the entire family, has disappeared. The problem looks like it will get worse.
That certainly looked to be the case before the Sept.11th assault. One pre attack New York Times story reported that TV producers were crusading for scripts that include every crude word imaginable. The struggles between net-work censors and producers, according to the report, were " growing more intense" . Producers like Aaron Sorkin of " The West Wing" planned to keep pushing hard. He was quoted as saying," There's absolutely no reason why we can't use the language of adulthood in programs that are about adults" .
My guess is that a lot of adults don't use the language Mr. Sorkin wants to use, and don't enjoy having their children hear it. At this moment of crisis in our nation's history, thought has become more thoughtful, prayerful, and spiritual. It may be the time to tell the entertainment industry that we want not a temporary pause in the flow of tastelessness, but a long term clean-up. | 789.txt | 2 |
[
"to acknowledge the current practice of the entertainment industry",
"to show his admiration for the current practice of the entertainment industry",
"to accuse the entertainment industry of their current practice",
"to show tolerance of the current practice of the entertainment industry"
] | The author's purpose in writing this passage is _ . | One positive consequence of our current national crisis may be at least a temporary shadow in Hollywood's culture of violence. Fearful of offending audiences in the wake of the terrorist attack, some moviemakers have postponed the release of film with terrorist themes. Television writers are delaying scripts with warlike and terrorist scenarios.It is probably good thinking. My local video store tells me nobody is checking out " disaster" movies. Says the manager, " Currently, people want comedy. They want an escape from stories about violence and terrorism." Similarly, in the music business, there's a run on patriotic and inspirational tapes and CDs.
According to The New York Times, the self scrutiny among these czars of mass-entertainment taste is unprecedented in scale, sweeping aside hundreds of millions of dollars in projects that no longer seem appropriate. A reasonable concern is that this might be a short term phenomenon. Once life returns to something more normal, will Hollywood return to its bad old ways? The Times offers a glimmer of hope. The industry's titans,it suggests, are struggling with much more difficulties, long range questions of what the public will want once the initial shock from the terrorist attacks wears off. Many in the industry admit they do not know where the boundaries of taste and consumer tolerance now lie.
This is an opportunity for some of us to suggest to Hollywood where that boundary of consumer tolerance is, especially those of us who have not yet convinced Hollywood to cease its descent into ever lower of the dumbness of our young.
The nonprofit Parents Television Council, which monitors the quality of TV programming, says in its latest report that today's TV shows are more laced than ever with vulgarities, sexual immorality, crudities, violence, and foul language. The traditional family hour between 8p.m.and 9p.m., when the networks used to offer programs for the entire family, has disappeared. The problem looks like it will get worse.
That certainly looked to be the case before the Sept.11th assault. One pre attack New York Times story reported that TV producers were crusading for scripts that include every crude word imaginable. The struggles between net-work censors and producers, according to the report, were " growing more intense" . Producers like Aaron Sorkin of " The West Wing" planned to keep pushing hard. He was quoted as saying," There's absolutely no reason why we can't use the language of adulthood in programs that are about adults" .
My guess is that a lot of adults don't use the language Mr. Sorkin wants to use, and don't enjoy having their children hear it. At this moment of crisis in our nation's history, thought has become more thoughtful, prayerful, and spiritual. It may be the time to tell the entertainment industry that we want not a temporary pause in the flow of tastelessness, but a long term clean-up. | 789.txt | 2 |
[
"It should cause no alarm whatsoever.",
"They just cannot do anything about it.",
"It should be regarded as a kind of disease.",
"They can delay it with advances in science."
] | What do people generally believe about aging? | Aging happens to all of us, and is generally thought of as a natural part of life. It would seem silly to call such a thing a "disease."
On the other hand, scientists are increasingly learning that aging and biological age are two different things, and that the former is a key risk factor for conditions such as heart disease, cancer and many more. In that light, aging itself might be seen as something treatable, the way you would treat high blood pressure or a vitamin deficiency.
Biophysicist Alex Zhavoronkov believes that aging should be considered a disease. He said that describing aging as a disease creates incentives to develop treatments.
"It unties the hands of the pharmaceutical. industry so that they can begin treating the disease and not just the side effects," he said.
"Right now, people think of aging as natural and something you can't control," he said. "In academic circles, people take aging research as just an interest area where they can try to develop interventions. The medical community also takes aging for granted, and can do nothing about it except keep people within a certain health range."
But if aging were recognized as a disease, he said, "It would attract funding and change the way we do health care. What matters is understanding that aging is curable."
"It was always known that the body accumulates damage," he added. "The only way to cure aging is to find ways to repair that damage. I think of it as preventive medicine for age-related conditions."
Leonard Hayflick, a professor at the University of California, San Francisco, said the idea that aging can be cured implies the human lifespan can be increased, which some researchers suggest is possible. Hayflick is not among them.
"There're many people who recover from cancer, stroke, or heart disease. But they continue to age, because aging is separate from their disease," Hayflick said. "Even if those causes of death were eliminated, life expectancy would still not go much beyond 92 years." | 2405.txt | 1 |
[
"It might be prevented and treated.",
"It can be as risky as heart disease.",
"It results from a vitamin deficiency.",
"It is an irreversible biological process."
] | How do many scientists view aging now? | Aging happens to all of us, and is generally thought of as a natural part of life. It would seem silly to call such a thing a "disease."
On the other hand, scientists are increasingly learning that aging and biological age are two different things, and that the former is a key risk factor for conditions such as heart disease, cancer and many more. In that light, aging itself might be seen as something treatable, the way you would treat high blood pressure or a vitamin deficiency.
Biophysicist Alex Zhavoronkov believes that aging should be considered a disease. He said that describing aging as a disease creates incentives to develop treatments.
"It unties the hands of the pharmaceutical. industry so that they can begin treating the disease and not just the side effects," he said.
"Right now, people think of aging as natural and something you can't control," he said. "In academic circles, people take aging research as just an interest area where they can try to develop interventions. The medical community also takes aging for granted, and can do nothing about it except keep people within a certain health range."
But if aging were recognized as a disease, he said, "It would attract funding and change the way we do health care. What matters is understanding that aging is curable."
"It was always known that the body accumulates damage," he added. "The only way to cure aging is to find ways to repair that damage. I think of it as preventive medicine for age-related conditions."
Leonard Hayflick, a professor at the University of California, San Francisco, said the idea that aging can be cured implies the human lifespan can be increased, which some researchers suggest is possible. Hayflick is not among them.
"There're many people who recover from cancer, stroke, or heart disease. But they continue to age, because aging is separate from their disease," Hayflick said. "Even if those causes of death were eliminated, life expectancy would still not go much beyond 92 years." | 2405.txt | 0 |
[
"It will prompt people to take aging more seriously.",
"It will greatly help reduce the side effects of aging.",
"It will free pharmacists from the conventional beliefs about aging.",
"It will motivate doctors and pharmacists to find ways to treat aging."
] | What does Alex Zhavoronkov think of "describing aging as a disease"? | Aging happens to all of us, and is generally thought of as a natural part of life. It would seem silly to call such a thing a "disease."
On the other hand, scientists are increasingly learning that aging and biological age are two different things, and that the former is a key risk factor for conditions such as heart disease, cancer and many more. In that light, aging itself might be seen as something treatable, the way you would treat high blood pressure or a vitamin deficiency.
Biophysicist Alex Zhavoronkov believes that aging should be considered a disease. He said that describing aging as a disease creates incentives to develop treatments.
"It unties the hands of the pharmaceutical. industry so that they can begin treating the disease and not just the side effects," he said.
"Right now, people think of aging as natural and something you can't control," he said. "In academic circles, people take aging research as just an interest area where they can try to develop interventions. The medical community also takes aging for granted, and can do nothing about it except keep people within a certain health range."
But if aging were recognized as a disease, he said, "It would attract funding and change the way we do health care. What matters is understanding that aging is curable."
"It was always known that the body accumulates damage," he added. "The only way to cure aging is to find ways to repair that damage. I think of it as preventive medicine for age-related conditions."
Leonard Hayflick, a professor at the University of California, San Francisco, said the idea that aging can be cured implies the human lifespan can be increased, which some researchers suggest is possible. Hayflick is not among them.
"There're many people who recover from cancer, stroke, or heart disease. But they continue to age, because aging is separate from their disease," Hayflick said. "Even if those causes of death were eliminated, life expectancy would still not go much beyond 92 years." | 2405.txt | 3 |
[
"They now have a strong interest in research on aging.",
"They differ from the academic circles in their view on aging.",
"They can contribute to people's health only to a limited extent.",
"They have ways to intervene in people's aging process."
] | What do we learn about the medical community? | Aging happens to all of us, and is generally thought of as a natural part of life. It would seem silly to call such a thing a "disease."
On the other hand, scientists are increasingly learning that aging and biological age are two different things, and that the former is a key risk factor for conditions such as heart disease, cancer and many more. In that light, aging itself might be seen as something treatable, the way you would treat high blood pressure or a vitamin deficiency.
Biophysicist Alex Zhavoronkov believes that aging should be considered a disease. He said that describing aging as a disease creates incentives to develop treatments.
"It unties the hands of the pharmaceutical. industry so that they can begin treating the disease and not just the side effects," he said.
"Right now, people think of aging as natural and something you can't control," he said. "In academic circles, people take aging research as just an interest area where they can try to develop interventions. The medical community also takes aging for granted, and can do nothing about it except keep people within a certain health range."
But if aging were recognized as a disease, he said, "It would attract funding and change the way we do health care. What matters is understanding that aging is curable."
"It was always known that the body accumulates damage," he added. "The only way to cure aging is to find ways to repair that damage. I think of it as preventive medicine for age-related conditions."
Leonard Hayflick, a professor at the University of California, San Francisco, said the idea that aging can be cured implies the human lifespan can be increased, which some researchers suggest is possible. Hayflick is not among them.
"There're many people who recover from cancer, stroke, or heart disease. But they continue to age, because aging is separate from their disease," Hayflick said. "Even if those causes of death were eliminated, life expectancy would still not go much beyond 92 years." | 2405.txt | 2 |
[
"The human lifespan cannot be prolonged.",
"Aging is hardly separable from disease.",
"Few people live up to the age of 92.",
"Heart disease is the major cause of aging."
] | What does professor Leonard Hayflick believe? | Aging happens to all of us, and is generally thought of as a natural part of life. It would seem silly to call such a thing a "disease."
On the other hand, scientists are increasingly learning that aging and biological age are two different things, and that the former is a key risk factor for conditions such as heart disease, cancer and many more. In that light, aging itself might be seen as something treatable, the way you would treat high blood pressure or a vitamin deficiency.
Biophysicist Alex Zhavoronkov believes that aging should be considered a disease. He said that describing aging as a disease creates incentives to develop treatments.
"It unties the hands of the pharmaceutical. industry so that they can begin treating the disease and not just the side effects," he said.
"Right now, people think of aging as natural and something you can't control," he said. "In academic circles, people take aging research as just an interest area where they can try to develop interventions. The medical community also takes aging for granted, and can do nothing about it except keep people within a certain health range."
But if aging were recognized as a disease, he said, "It would attract funding and change the way we do health care. What matters is understanding that aging is curable."
"It was always known that the body accumulates damage," he added. "The only way to cure aging is to find ways to repair that damage. I think of it as preventive medicine for age-related conditions."
Leonard Hayflick, a professor at the University of California, San Francisco, said the idea that aging can be cured implies the human lifespan can be increased, which some researchers suggest is possible. Hayflick is not among them.
"There're many people who recover from cancer, stroke, or heart disease. But they continue to age, because aging is separate from their disease," Hayflick said. "Even if those causes of death were eliminated, life expectancy would still not go much beyond 92 years." | 2405.txt | 0 |
[
"a basis for explaining human genetic diversity",
"an aid to understanding different populations",
"an explanation for social and cultural differences",
"a term to describe individual human characteristics"
] | Du Bois was opposed to the use of race as _ . | More than 100 years ago, American sociologist W. E. B. Du Bois was concerned that race was being used as a biological explanation for what he understood to be social and cultural differences between different populations of people. He spoke out against the idea of "white" and "black" as distinct groups, claiming that these distinctions ignored the scope of human diversity.
Science would favor Du Bois. Today, the mainstream belief among scientists is that race is a social construct without biological meaning. In an article published in the journal Science, four scholars say racial categories need to be phased out.
"Essentially, I could not agree more with the authors," said Svante Pääbo, a biologist and director of the Max Planck Institute for Evolutionary Anthropology in Germany. In one example that demonstrated genetic differences were not fixed along racial lines, the full genomes of James Watson and Craig Venter, two famous American scientists of European ancestry, were compared to that of a Korean scientist, Seong-Jin Kim. It turned out that Watson and Venter shared fewer variations in their genetic sequences than they each shared with Kim.
Michael Yudell, a professor of public health at Drexel University in Philadelphia, said that modem genetics research is operating in a paradox: on the one hand, race is understood to be a useful tool to illuminate human genetic diversity, but on the other hand, race is also understood to be a poorly defined marker of that diversity.
Assumptions about genetic differences between people of different races could be particularly dangerous in a medical setting. "If you make clinical predictions based on somebody's race, you're going to be wrong a good chunk of the time," Yudell told Live Science. In the paper, he and his colleagues used the example of cystic fibrosis, which is underdiagnosed in people of African ancestry because it is thought of as a "white" disease.
So what other variables could be used if the racial concept is thrown out? Yudell said scientists need to get more specific with their language, perhaps using terms like "ancestry" or "population" that might more precisely reflect the relationship between humans and their genes, on both the individual and population level. The researchers also acknowledged that there are a few areas where race as a construct might still be useful in scientific research: as a political and social, but not biological, variable.
"While we argue phasing out racial terminology in the biological sciences, we also acknowledge that using race as a political or social category to study racism, although filled with lots of challenges, remains necessary given our need to understand how structural inequities and discrimination produce health disparities between groups." Yudell said. | 2228.txt | 0 |
[
"modern genetics research is likely to fuel racial conflicts",
"race is a poorly defined marker of human genetic diversity",
"race as a biological term can explain human genetic diversity",
"genetics research should consider social and cultural variables"
] | The study by Svante Pääbo served as an example to show _ . | More than 100 years ago, American sociologist W. E. B. Du Bois was concerned that race was being used as a biological explanation for what he understood to be social and cultural differences between different populations of people. He spoke out against the idea of "white" and "black" as distinct groups, claiming that these distinctions ignored the scope of human diversity.
Science would favor Du Bois. Today, the mainstream belief among scientists is that race is a social construct without biological meaning. In an article published in the journal Science, four scholars say racial categories need to be phased out.
"Essentially, I could not agree more with the authors," said Svante Pääbo, a biologist and director of the Max Planck Institute for Evolutionary Anthropology in Germany. In one example that demonstrated genetic differences were not fixed along racial lines, the full genomes of James Watson and Craig Venter, two famous American scientists of European ancestry, were compared to that of a Korean scientist, Seong-Jin Kim. It turned out that Watson and Venter shared fewer variations in their genetic sequences than they each shared with Kim.
Michael Yudell, a professor of public health at Drexel University in Philadelphia, said that modem genetics research is operating in a paradox: on the one hand, race is understood to be a useful tool to illuminate human genetic diversity, but on the other hand, race is also understood to be a poorly defined marker of that diversity.
Assumptions about genetic differences between people of different races could be particularly dangerous in a medical setting. "If you make clinical predictions based on somebody's race, you're going to be wrong a good chunk of the time," Yudell told Live Science. In the paper, he and his colleagues used the example of cystic fibrosis, which is underdiagnosed in people of African ancestry because it is thought of as a "white" disease.
So what other variables could be used if the racial concept is thrown out? Yudell said scientists need to get more specific with their language, perhaps using terms like "ancestry" or "population" that might more precisely reflect the relationship between humans and their genes, on both the individual and population level. The researchers also acknowledged that there are a few areas where race as a construct might still be useful in scientific research: as a political and social, but not biological, variable.
"While we argue phasing out racial terminology in the biological sciences, we also acknowledge that using race as a political or social category to study racism, although filled with lots of challenges, remains necessary given our need to understand how structural inequities and discrimination produce health disparities between groups." Yudell said. | 2228.txt | 1 |
[
"it is absolutely necessary to put race aside in making diagnosis",
"it is important to include social variables in genetics research",
"racial categories for genetic diversity could lead to wrong clinical predictions",
"discrimination against black people may cause negligence in clinical treatment"
] | The example of the disease cystic fibrosis underdiagnosed in people of African ancestry demonstrates that _ . | More than 100 years ago, American sociologist W. E. B. Du Bois was concerned that race was being used as a biological explanation for what he understood to be social and cultural differences between different populations of people. He spoke out against the idea of "white" and "black" as distinct groups, claiming that these distinctions ignored the scope of human diversity.
Science would favor Du Bois. Today, the mainstream belief among scientists is that race is a social construct without biological meaning. In an article published in the journal Science, four scholars say racial categories need to be phased out.
"Essentially, I could not agree more with the authors," said Svante Pääbo, a biologist and director of the Max Planck Institute for Evolutionary Anthropology in Germany. In one example that demonstrated genetic differences were not fixed along racial lines, the full genomes of James Watson and Craig Venter, two famous American scientists of European ancestry, were compared to that of a Korean scientist, Seong-Jin Kim. It turned out that Watson and Venter shared fewer variations in their genetic sequences than they each shared with Kim.
Michael Yudell, a professor of public health at Drexel University in Philadelphia, said that modem genetics research is operating in a paradox: on the one hand, race is understood to be a useful tool to illuminate human genetic diversity, but on the other hand, race is also understood to be a poorly defined marker of that diversity.
Assumptions about genetic differences between people of different races could be particularly dangerous in a medical setting. "If you make clinical predictions based on somebody's race, you're going to be wrong a good chunk of the time," Yudell told Live Science. In the paper, he and his colleagues used the example of cystic fibrosis, which is underdiagnosed in people of African ancestry because it is thought of as a "white" disease.
So what other variables could be used if the racial concept is thrown out? Yudell said scientists need to get more specific with their language, perhaps using terms like "ancestry" or "population" that might more precisely reflect the relationship between humans and their genes, on both the individual and population level. The researchers also acknowledged that there are a few areas where race as a construct might still be useful in scientific research: as a political and social, but not biological, variable.
"While we argue phasing out racial terminology in the biological sciences, we also acknowledge that using race as a political or social category to study racism, although filled with lots of challenges, remains necessary given our need to understand how structural inequities and discrimination produce health disparities between groups." Yudell said. | 2228.txt | 2 |
[
"They be more precise with the language they use.",
"They refrain from using politically sensitive terms.",
"They throw out irrelevant concepts in their research.",
"They examine all possible variables in their research."
] | What is Yudell's suggestion to scientists? | More than 100 years ago, American sociologist W. E. B. Du Bois was concerned that race was being used as a biological explanation for what he understood to be social and cultural differences between different populations of people. He spoke out against the idea of "white" and "black" as distinct groups, claiming that these distinctions ignored the scope of human diversity.
Science would favor Du Bois. Today, the mainstream belief among scientists is that race is a social construct without biological meaning. In an article published in the journal Science, four scholars say racial categories need to be phased out.
"Essentially, I could not agree more with the authors," said Svante Pääbo, a biologist and director of the Max Planck Institute for Evolutionary Anthropology in Germany. In one example that demonstrated genetic differences were not fixed along racial lines, the full genomes of James Watson and Craig Venter, two famous American scientists of European ancestry, were compared to that of a Korean scientist, Seong-Jin Kim. It turned out that Watson and Venter shared fewer variations in their genetic sequences than they each shared with Kim.
Michael Yudell, a professor of public health at Drexel University in Philadelphia, said that modem genetics research is operating in a paradox: on the one hand, race is understood to be a useful tool to illuminate human genetic diversity, but on the other hand, race is also understood to be a poorly defined marker of that diversity.
Assumptions about genetic differences between people of different races could be particularly dangerous in a medical setting. "If you make clinical predictions based on somebody's race, you're going to be wrong a good chunk of the time," Yudell told Live Science. In the paper, he and his colleagues used the example of cystic fibrosis, which is underdiagnosed in people of African ancestry because it is thought of as a "white" disease.
So what other variables could be used if the racial concept is thrown out? Yudell said scientists need to get more specific with their language, perhaps using terms like "ancestry" or "population" that might more precisely reflect the relationship between humans and their genes, on both the individual and population level. The researchers also acknowledged that there are a few areas where race as a construct might still be useful in scientific research: as a political and social, but not biological, variable.
"While we argue phasing out racial terminology in the biological sciences, we also acknowledge that using race as a political or social category to study racism, although filled with lots of challenges, remains necessary given our need to understand how structural inequities and discrimination produce health disparities between groups." Yudell said. | 2228.txt | 0 |
[
"Clinging to racism prolongs inequity and discrimination.",
"Physiological disparities are quite striking among races.",
"Doing away with racial discrimination is challenging.",
"Racial terms are still useful in certain fields of study."
] | What can be inferred from Yudell's remark in the last paragraph? | More than 100 years ago, American sociologist W. E. B. Du Bois was concerned that race was being used as a biological explanation for what he understood to be social and cultural differences between different populations of people. He spoke out against the idea of "white" and "black" as distinct groups, claiming that these distinctions ignored the scope of human diversity.
Science would favor Du Bois. Today, the mainstream belief among scientists is that race is a social construct without biological meaning. In an article published in the journal Science, four scholars say racial categories need to be phased out.
"Essentially, I could not agree more with the authors," said Svante Pääbo, a biologist and director of the Max Planck Institute for Evolutionary Anthropology in Germany. In one example that demonstrated genetic differences were not fixed along racial lines, the full genomes of James Watson and Craig Venter, two famous American scientists of European ancestry, were compared to that of a Korean scientist, Seong-Jin Kim. It turned out that Watson and Venter shared fewer variations in their genetic sequences than they each shared with Kim.
Michael Yudell, a professor of public health at Drexel University in Philadelphia, said that modem genetics research is operating in a paradox: on the one hand, race is understood to be a useful tool to illuminate human genetic diversity, but on the other hand, race is also understood to be a poorly defined marker of that diversity.
Assumptions about genetic differences between people of different races could be particularly dangerous in a medical setting. "If you make clinical predictions based on somebody's race, you're going to be wrong a good chunk of the time," Yudell told Live Science. In the paper, he and his colleagues used the example of cystic fibrosis, which is underdiagnosed in people of African ancestry because it is thought of as a "white" disease.
So what other variables could be used if the racial concept is thrown out? Yudell said scientists need to get more specific with their language, perhaps using terms like "ancestry" or "population" that might more precisely reflect the relationship between humans and their genes, on both the individual and population level. The researchers also acknowledged that there are a few areas where race as a construct might still be useful in scientific research: as a political and social, but not biological, variable.
"While we argue phasing out racial terminology in the biological sciences, we also acknowledge that using race as a political or social category to study racism, although filled with lots of challenges, remains necessary given our need to understand how structural inequities and discrimination produce health disparities between groups." Yudell said. | 2228.txt | 3 |
[
"the complaints of people in apartment houses",
"the cause of Mrs Groeger's death",
"the longevity of people like Mrs.Groeger",
"the image of cities in general"
] | The Vienna survey may help to explain _ . | When Mrs.Joseph Groeger died recently in Vienna，Austria，people asked the obvious，"Why did she live to be 107?" Answers were provided by a survey conducted among 148 Viennese men and women who had reached the age of 100.Somewhat surprising was the fact that the majority had lived most of their lives in cities.In spite of the city's image as an unhealthy place，city living often provides benefits that country living can lack.One factor seems to be important to the longevityof those interviewed. This factor is exercise.in the cities it is often faster to walk short distances than to wait for a bus.Even taking public transportation often requires some walking.Smaller apartment houses have no elevators，and so people must climb stairs.City people can usually walk to local supermarkets Since parking spaces are hard to find，there is often no alternative to walking.
On the other hand，those who live in the country and suburbs do not have to walk every day.In fact，the opposite is often true.To go to school，work，or almost anywhere else，they must ride in cars. | 2401.txt | 2 |
[
"benefits of walking",
"occasions for walking in city life",
"comments made by city people",
"problems of city living"
] | The purpose of the second paragraph is to list some _ . | When Mrs.Joseph Groeger died recently in Vienna，Austria，people asked the obvious，"Why did she live to be 107?" Answers were provided by a survey conducted among 148 Viennese men and women who had reached the age of 100.Somewhat surprising was the fact that the majority had lived most of their lives in cities.In spite of the city's image as an unhealthy place，city living often provides benefits that country living can lack.One factor seems to be important to the longevityof those interviewed. This factor is exercise.in the cities it is often faster to walk short distances than to wait for a bus.Even taking public transportation often requires some walking.Smaller apartment houses have no elevators，and so people must climb stairs.City people can usually walk to local supermarkets Since parking spaces are hard to find，there is often no alternative to walking.
On the other hand，those who live in the country and suburbs do not have to walk every day.In fact，the opposite is often true.To go to school，work，or almost anywhere else，they must ride in cars. | 2401.txt | 1 |
[
"to take the elevator",
"to walk up the stairs",
"to ride in a car",
"to find an alternative to walking"
] | To reach the third floor of a building.it would probably be most healthful _ . | When Mrs.Joseph Groeger died recently in Vienna，Austria，people asked the obvious，"Why did she live to be 107?" Answers were provided by a survey conducted among 148 Viennese men and women who had reached the age of 100.Somewhat surprising was the fact that the majority had lived most of their lives in cities.In spite of the city's image as an unhealthy place，city living often provides benefits that country living can lack.One factor seems to be important to the longevityof those interviewed. This factor is exercise.in the cities it is often faster to walk short distances than to wait for a bus.Even taking public transportation often requires some walking.Smaller apartment houses have no elevators，and so people must climb stairs.City people can usually walk to local supermarkets Since parking spaces are hard to find，there is often no alternative to walking.
On the other hand，those who live in the country and suburbs do not have to walk every day.In fact，the opposite is often true.To go to school，work，or almost anywhere else，they must ride in cars. | 2401.txt | 1 |
[
"they don't live near business areas",
"they don't need the exercise",
"they never have parking problems",
"they can't afford to take the bus"
] | People who live in the country probably do more driving than walking because _ . | When Mrs.Joseph Groeger died recently in Vienna，Austria，people asked the obvious，"Why did she live to be 107?" Answers were provided by a survey conducted among 148 Viennese men and women who had reached the age of 100.Somewhat surprising was the fact that the majority had lived most of their lives in cities.In spite of the city's image as an unhealthy place，city living often provides benefits that country living can lack.One factor seems to be important to the longevityof those interviewed. This factor is exercise.in the cities it is often faster to walk short distances than to wait for a bus.Even taking public transportation often requires some walking.Smaller apartment houses have no elevators，and so people must climb stairs.City people can usually walk to local supermarkets Since parking spaces are hard to find，there is often no alternative to walking.
On the other hand，those who live in the country and suburbs do not have to walk every day.In fact，the opposite is often true.To go to school，work，or almost anywhere else，they must ride in cars. | 2401.txt | 0 |
[
"air pollution is not serious",
"anyone can live to be 107",
"country people should move to the city",
"walking is a healthful exercise"
] | A conclusion that can be drawn from this passage is that _ . | When Mrs.Joseph Groeger died recently in Vienna，Austria，people asked the obvious，"Why did she live to be 107?" Answers were provided by a survey conducted among 148 Viennese men and women who had reached the age of 100.Somewhat surprising was the fact that the majority had lived most of their lives in cities.In spite of the city's image as an unhealthy place，city living often provides benefits that country living can lack.One factor seems to be important to the longevityof those interviewed. This factor is exercise.in the cities it is often faster to walk short distances than to wait for a bus.Even taking public transportation often requires some walking.Smaller apartment houses have no elevators，and so people must climb stairs.City people can usually walk to local supermarkets Since parking spaces are hard to find，there is often no alternative to walking.
On the other hand，those who live in the country and suburbs do not have to walk every day.In fact，the opposite is often true.To go to school，work，or almost anywhere else，they must ride in cars. | 2401.txt | 3 |
[
"was seriously ill.",
"was too tired.",
"was worried about the coming test.",
"couldn't find his history notebook."
] | Paul felt uneasy because he | Paul couldn't sleep last night. He woke up early and sat up, and then he lay down again. He felt terrible. "I must be sick," he thought. "but I must study for that test."
He got up and looked for his history notebook. He finally found it under a pile of clothes on a chair. He went over his history notes, but he couldn't remember any of the facts in the notes. "What shall I do?" he thought. He felt terrible.
Just then Paul's telephone rang. He put down his notebook and picked up the telephone.
"Good morning," Jack's voice said, "You must be wrong about that test."
"What do you mean?" Paul asked weakly.
"We're not going to have the test today." Jack said. "I wrote down the date in my notebook. The test will be next Wednesday; it isn't today. How do you feel this morning?"
"Fine," said Paul. "Just fine!" Suddenly he really felt fine. | 1584.txt | 2 |
[
"was good at history.",
"liked to study history.",
"lost interest in history.",
"was ready for the history test."
] | It seemed that Paul | Paul couldn't sleep last night. He woke up early and sat up, and then he lay down again. He felt terrible. "I must be sick," he thought. "but I must study for that test."
He got up and looked for his history notebook. He finally found it under a pile of clothes on a chair. He went over his history notes, but he couldn't remember any of the facts in the notes. "What shall I do?" he thought. He felt terrible.
Just then Paul's telephone rang. He put down his notebook and picked up the telephone.
"Good morning," Jack's voice said, "You must be wrong about that test."
"What do you mean?" Paul asked weakly.
"We're not going to have the test today." Jack said. "I wrote down the date in my notebook. The test will be next Wednesday; it isn't today. How do you feel this morning?"
"Fine," said Paul. "Just fine!" Suddenly he really felt fine. | 1584.txt | 2 |
[
"The telephone call.",
"the coming test.",
"Jack's notebook",
"The fact that the test was not to be given that day."
] | What made Paul feel fine at once? | Paul couldn't sleep last night. He woke up early and sat up, and then he lay down again. He felt terrible. "I must be sick," he thought. "but I must study for that test."
He got up and looked for his history notebook. He finally found it under a pile of clothes on a chair. He went over his history notes, but he couldn't remember any of the facts in the notes. "What shall I do?" he thought. He felt terrible.
Just then Paul's telephone rang. He put down his notebook and picked up the telephone.
"Good morning," Jack's voice said, "You must be wrong about that test."
"What do you mean?" Paul asked weakly.
"We're not going to have the test today." Jack said. "I wrote down the date in my notebook. The test will be next Wednesday; it isn't today. How do you feel this morning?"
"Fine," said Paul. "Just fine!" Suddenly he really felt fine. | 1584.txt | 3 |
[
"knew Paul.",
"knew Paul very well.",
"wanted to help Paul with his history.",
"would lend Paul his notebook.."
] | "How do you feel this morning?" From this question we can see Jack | Paul couldn't sleep last night. He woke up early and sat up, and then he lay down again. He felt terrible. "I must be sick," he thought. "but I must study for that test."
He got up and looked for his history notebook. He finally found it under a pile of clothes on a chair. He went over his history notes, but he couldn't remember any of the facts in the notes. "What shall I do?" he thought. He felt terrible.
Just then Paul's telephone rang. He put down his notebook and picked up the telephone.
"Good morning," Jack's voice said, "You must be wrong about that test."
"What do you mean?" Paul asked weakly.
"We're not going to have the test today." Jack said. "I wrote down the date in my notebook. The test will be next Wednesday; it isn't today. How do you feel this morning?"
"Fine," said Paul. "Just fine!" Suddenly he really felt fine. | 1584.txt | 1 |
[
"Jack was as poor at history as Paul.",
"Jack was as good at history as Paul.",
"Jack was better at history than Paul.",
"Jack was poorer at history than Paul."
] | We can guess from the passage that | Paul couldn't sleep last night. He woke up early and sat up, and then he lay down again. He felt terrible. "I must be sick," he thought. "but I must study for that test."
He got up and looked for his history notebook. He finally found it under a pile of clothes on a chair. He went over his history notes, but he couldn't remember any of the facts in the notes. "What shall I do?" he thought. He felt terrible.
Just then Paul's telephone rang. He put down his notebook and picked up the telephone.
"Good morning," Jack's voice said, "You must be wrong about that test."
"What do you mean?" Paul asked weakly.
"We're not going to have the test today." Jack said. "I wrote down the date in my notebook. The test will be next Wednesday; it isn't today. How do you feel this morning?"
"Fine," said Paul. "Just fine!" Suddenly he really felt fine. | 1584.txt | 0 |
[
"fewer railways are built",
"fewer people can use their feet",
"more people go abroad",
"fewer people can ride horses"
] | Because of the existence of cars_ . | The motor car has been among the biggest influences on life in the 20th century, a powerful factor in the progress of civilization. It can, unfortunately, be a source of danger-but for every life it takes it saves a dozen, speeding the desperately ill to hospital, carrying food to the famine stricken. It has disturbed many of the tranquil preserves of the leisured, but opened new playgrounds to millions. Because of it the ability to ride a horse is a rare skill, railways are no longer a decisive factor in shaping our communities, and many people have forgotten the value of using their own two feet. But it has given the world a new mobility.
Perhaps the basic appeal of motoring is its promise of independence. It offers freedom from the time-tables of public transportation, from the need to travel by the same route in the same vehicle to the same place as countless others. It is the opportunity to meander, to leave disappointing places for more hopeful ones; to flee from bad weather and to get the children to school on time. To exploit these advantages the motorist has to accept responsibilities. At the wheel a driver has a duty to be patient, skilful, and sober. All too easily he can shatter the health of other road users and, indeed, the happiness of all of us who have a right to enjoy privacy and the countryside's beauty and tranquility. And there is the financial responsibility. For many families a car represents the second largest financial investment of their lives; in pursuit of the freedom a car can bring, millions of people stake something approaching a year's net income to buy a bright metal box that may depreciate at the rate of the rent they pay and cost as much to run as it does to heat and light a home.
A car is, nevertheless, a miracle if it is used to the'full. It is an unremarked wonder that this complex machine, containing about 5000 parts, some of which work to tolerances of l/1000th of an inch or less, comes into the hands of completely untrained owners, depends on them for care and upkeep, and yet goes on working efficiently year after year. In a laboratory or workshop such a valuable device could be controlled by a skilled operator, and it is a tribute to the motor industry's designers and engineers that so little mechanical trouble is experienced by the owners of Britain's nine million cars. | 1462.txt | 3 |
[
"acts responsibly",
"has obligations to exploit his advantages",
"has obligations to help other road users",
"has obligations to be patient, skillful, and sober"
] | The writer says that, at the wheel, the driver_ . | The motor car has been among the biggest influences on life in the 20th century, a powerful factor in the progress of civilization. It can, unfortunately, be a source of danger-but for every life it takes it saves a dozen, speeding the desperately ill to hospital, carrying food to the famine stricken. It has disturbed many of the tranquil preserves of the leisured, but opened new playgrounds to millions. Because of it the ability to ride a horse is a rare skill, railways are no longer a decisive factor in shaping our communities, and many people have forgotten the value of using their own two feet. But it has given the world a new mobility.
Perhaps the basic appeal of motoring is its promise of independence. It offers freedom from the time-tables of public transportation, from the need to travel by the same route in the same vehicle to the same place as countless others. It is the opportunity to meander, to leave disappointing places for more hopeful ones; to flee from bad weather and to get the children to school on time. To exploit these advantages the motorist has to accept responsibilities. At the wheel a driver has a duty to be patient, skilful, and sober. All too easily he can shatter the health of other road users and, indeed, the happiness of all of us who have a right to enjoy privacy and the countryside's beauty and tranquility. And there is the financial responsibility. For many families a car represents the second largest financial investment of their lives; in pursuit of the freedom a car can bring, millions of people stake something approaching a year's net income to buy a bright metal box that may depreciate at the rate of the rent they pay and cost as much to run as it does to heat and light a home.
A car is, nevertheless, a miracle if it is used to the'full. It is an unremarked wonder that this complex machine, containing about 5000 parts, some of which work to tolerances of l/1000th of an inch or less, comes into the hands of completely untrained owners, depends on them for care and upkeep, and yet goes on working efficiently year after year. In a laboratory or workshop such a valuable device could be controlled by a skilled operator, and it is a tribute to the motor industry's designers and engineers that so little mechanical trouble is experienced by the owners of Britain's nine million cars. | 1462.txt | 3 |
[
"are financially responsible concerning cars",
"are financially irresponsible concerning cars",
"buy a car only after they have bought a house",
"spend more on a car than on almost anything else"
] | Many families_ . | The motor car has been among the biggest influences on life in the 20th century, a powerful factor in the progress of civilization. It can, unfortunately, be a source of danger-but for every life it takes it saves a dozen, speeding the desperately ill to hospital, carrying food to the famine stricken. It has disturbed many of the tranquil preserves of the leisured, but opened new playgrounds to millions. Because of it the ability to ride a horse is a rare skill, railways are no longer a decisive factor in shaping our communities, and many people have forgotten the value of using their own two feet. But it has given the world a new mobility.
Perhaps the basic appeal of motoring is its promise of independence. It offers freedom from the time-tables of public transportation, from the need to travel by the same route in the same vehicle to the same place as countless others. It is the opportunity to meander, to leave disappointing places for more hopeful ones; to flee from bad weather and to get the children to school on time. To exploit these advantages the motorist has to accept responsibilities. At the wheel a driver has a duty to be patient, skilful, and sober. All too easily he can shatter the health of other road users and, indeed, the happiness of all of us who have a right to enjoy privacy and the countryside's beauty and tranquility. And there is the financial responsibility. For many families a car represents the second largest financial investment of their lives; in pursuit of the freedom a car can bring, millions of people stake something approaching a year's net income to buy a bright metal box that may depreciate at the rate of the rent they pay and cost as much to run as it does to heat and light a home.
A car is, nevertheless, a miracle if it is used to the'full. It is an unremarked wonder that this complex machine, containing about 5000 parts, some of which work to tolerances of l/1000th of an inch or less, comes into the hands of completely untrained owners, depends on them for care and upkeep, and yet goes on working efficiently year after year. In a laboratory or workshop such a valuable device could be controlled by a skilled operator, and it is a tribute to the motor industry's designers and engineers that so little mechanical trouble is experienced by the owners of Britain's nine million cars. | 1462.txt | 1 |
[
"pay more for their cars than for their houses",
"spend money on their cars instead of on the rent",
"spend almost as much as what they can make in a year to buy a car",
"could pay their rent on what they would save without a car"
] | Millions of people_ . | The motor car has been among the biggest influences on life in the 20th century, a powerful factor in the progress of civilization. It can, unfortunately, be a source of danger-but for every life it takes it saves a dozen, speeding the desperately ill to hospital, carrying food to the famine stricken. It has disturbed many of the tranquil preserves of the leisured, but opened new playgrounds to millions. Because of it the ability to ride a horse is a rare skill, railways are no longer a decisive factor in shaping our communities, and many people have forgotten the value of using their own two feet. But it has given the world a new mobility.
Perhaps the basic appeal of motoring is its promise of independence. It offers freedom from the time-tables of public transportation, from the need to travel by the same route in the same vehicle to the same place as countless others. It is the opportunity to meander, to leave disappointing places for more hopeful ones; to flee from bad weather and to get the children to school on time. To exploit these advantages the motorist has to accept responsibilities. At the wheel a driver has a duty to be patient, skilful, and sober. All too easily he can shatter the health of other road users and, indeed, the happiness of all of us who have a right to enjoy privacy and the countryside's beauty and tranquility. And there is the financial responsibility. For many families a car represents the second largest financial investment of their lives; in pursuit of the freedom a car can bring, millions of people stake something approaching a year's net income to buy a bright metal box that may depreciate at the rate of the rent they pay and cost as much to run as it does to heat and light a home.
A car is, nevertheless, a miracle if it is used to the'full. It is an unremarked wonder that this complex machine, containing about 5000 parts, some of which work to tolerances of l/1000th of an inch or less, comes into the hands of completely untrained owners, depends on them for care and upkeep, and yet goes on working efficiently year after year. In a laboratory or workshop such a valuable device could be controlled by a skilled operator, and it is a tribute to the motor industry's designers and engineers that so little mechanical trouble is experienced by the owners of Britain's nine million cars. | 1462.txt | 2 |
[
"drive it as much as possible",
"drive it as slowly as possible",
"drive it as fast as possible",
"drive it as little as possible"
] | A car is well worth the price you pay if you_ . | The motor car has been among the biggest influences on life in the 20th century, a powerful factor in the progress of civilization. It can, unfortunately, be a source of danger-but for every life it takes it saves a dozen, speeding the desperately ill to hospital, carrying food to the famine stricken. It has disturbed many of the tranquil preserves of the leisured, but opened new playgrounds to millions. Because of it the ability to ride a horse is a rare skill, railways are no longer a decisive factor in shaping our communities, and many people have forgotten the value of using their own two feet. But it has given the world a new mobility.
Perhaps the basic appeal of motoring is its promise of independence. It offers freedom from the time-tables of public transportation, from the need to travel by the same route in the same vehicle to the same place as countless others. It is the opportunity to meander, to leave disappointing places for more hopeful ones; to flee from bad weather and to get the children to school on time. To exploit these advantages the motorist has to accept responsibilities. At the wheel a driver has a duty to be patient, skilful, and sober. All too easily he can shatter the health of other road users and, indeed, the happiness of all of us who have a right to enjoy privacy and the countryside's beauty and tranquility. And there is the financial responsibility. For many families a car represents the second largest financial investment of their lives; in pursuit of the freedom a car can bring, millions of people stake something approaching a year's net income to buy a bright metal box that may depreciate at the rate of the rent they pay and cost as much to run as it does to heat and light a home.
A car is, nevertheless, a miracle if it is used to the'full. It is an unremarked wonder that this complex machine, containing about 5000 parts, some of which work to tolerances of l/1000th of an inch or less, comes into the hands of completely untrained owners, depends on them for care and upkeep, and yet goes on working efficiently year after year. In a laboratory or workshop such a valuable device could be controlled by a skilled operator, and it is a tribute to the motor industry's designers and engineers that so little mechanical trouble is experienced by the owners of Britain's nine million cars. | 1462.txt | 0 |
[
"bring weight problems",
"bring you much trouble in your life",
"make you worried about your foods",
"make you hate delicious foods"
] | Holidays are happy days with pleasure but they may _ . | Do you love holidays but hate the increase of weight that follows? You are not alone.
Holidays are happy days with pleasure and delicious foods. Many people, however, are worried about the weight that comes along with these delicious foods.
With proper planning, though, it is possible to control your weight. The idea is to enjoy the holidays but not to eat too much. You don't have to turn away from the foods that you enjoy. The following suggestions may be of some help to you.
Do not miss meals. Before you leave home for a feast, have a small, low fat snack.This may help to keep you from getting too excited before delicious foods.
Begin with clear soup and fruit or vegetables. A large glass of water before you eat may help you feel full. Use a small plate; a large plate will encourage you to have more than enough.
Better not have highfat foods. Dishes that look oily or creamy have much fat in them.
Choose lean meat. Fill your plate with salad and green vegetables.
If you have a sweet tooth, try mints and fruits. They don't have fat content as cream and chocolate.
Don't let exercise take a break during the holidays. A 20minute walk after a meal can help burn off extra calories. | 651.txt | 0 |
[
"drink much water and have vegetables only",
"not eat much food in high fat",
"not accept invitations to feasts",
"turn away from delicious foods"
] | In order to really enjoy your holidays without putting on weight, you'd better _ . | Do you love holidays but hate the increase of weight that follows? You are not alone.
Holidays are happy days with pleasure and delicious foods. Many people, however, are worried about the weight that comes along with these delicious foods.
With proper planning, though, it is possible to control your weight. The idea is to enjoy the holidays but not to eat too much. You don't have to turn away from the foods that you enjoy. The following suggestions may be of some help to you.
Do not miss meals. Before you leave home for a feast, have a small, low fat snack.This may help to keep you from getting too excited before delicious foods.
Begin with clear soup and fruit or vegetables. A large glass of water before you eat may help you feel full. Use a small plate; a large plate will encourage you to have more than enough.
Better not have highfat foods. Dishes that look oily or creamy have much fat in them.
Choose lean meat. Fill your plate with salad and green vegetables.
If you have a sweet tooth, try mints and fruits. They don't have fat content as cream and chocolate.
Don't let exercise take a break during the holidays. A 20minute walk after a meal can help burn off extra calories. | 651.txt | 1 |
[
"vegetables",
"water",
"calories of energy",
"physical exercise"
] | According to the passage, _ is a necessary part to stop you from putting on weight. | Do you love holidays but hate the increase of weight that follows? You are not alone.
Holidays are happy days with pleasure and delicious foods. Many people, however, are worried about the weight that comes along with these delicious foods.
With proper planning, though, it is possible to control your weight. The idea is to enjoy the holidays but not to eat too much. You don't have to turn away from the foods that you enjoy. The following suggestions may be of some help to you.
Do not miss meals. Before you leave home for a feast, have a small, low fat snack.This may help to keep you from getting too excited before delicious foods.
Begin with clear soup and fruit or vegetables. A large glass of water before you eat may help you feel full. Use a small plate; a large plate will encourage you to have more than enough.
Better not have highfat foods. Dishes that look oily or creamy have much fat in them.
Choose lean meat. Fill your plate with salad and green vegetables.
If you have a sweet tooth, try mints and fruits. They don't have fat content as cream and chocolate.
Don't let exercise take a break during the holidays. A 20minute walk after a meal can help burn off extra calories. | 651.txt | 3 |
[
"distance",
"culture",
"conversation",
"relationship"
] | In proxemics, _ governs the standing space between two persons. | Proxemics is the study of what governs how closely one person stands to another. People who feel close will be close, though the actual distances will vary between cultures. For Amreicans we can discern four main categories of distance: intimate, personal, social and public. Intimate ranges from direct contact to about 45 centimeters. This is for the closest relationships such as those between husband and wife. Beyond this comes personal distance. This stands at between 45 and 80 centimeters. It is the most usual distance maintained for conversations between friends and relatives. Social distance covers people who work together or are meeting at social gatherings. Distances here tend to be kept between 1.30 to 2 meters. Beyond this comes public distance, such as that between a lecturer and his audience.
All cultures draw lines between what is an appropriate and what is an inappropriate social distance for different types of relationship. They differ, however, in where they draw these lines. Look at an international reception withrepresentatives from the US and Arabic countries conversing and you will see the Americans pirouetting backwards around the hall pursued by their Arab partners. The Americans will be trying to keep the distance between themselves and their partners which they have grown used to regarding as "normal". They probably will not even notice themselves trying to adjust the distance between themselves and their partners, though they may have vague feeling that their Arab neighbors are being a bit "pushy". The Arab, on the other hand, coming from a culture where much closer distance is the norm, may be feeling that the Americans are being "stand-offish". Finding themselves happier standing close to and even touching those they are in conversation with they will persistently pursue the Americans round the room trying to close the distance between them.
The appropriateness of physical contact varies between different cultures too. One study of the number of times people conversing in coffee shops over a one hour period showed the following interesting variations: London, 0; Florida, 2; Paris, 10; and Puerto Rico 180. Not only dose it vary between societies, however, it also varies between different subcultures within one society. Young people in Britain, for example, are more likely to touch and hug friends than are the older generation. This may be partly a matter of growing older, but it also reflects the fact that the older generation grew up at a time when touching was less common for all age groups. Forty years ago, for example, footballers would never hug and kiss one another on the field after a goal as they do today. | 3969.txt | 3 |
[
"cold and distant in behaviour",
"ungentlemanlike in behaviour",
"inhuman in behaviour",
"polite in behaviour"
] | The word " stand-offish" (Line 14, Para. 2) could best be replaced by _ . | Proxemics is the study of what governs how closely one person stands to another. People who feel close will be close, though the actual distances will vary between cultures. For Amreicans we can discern four main categories of distance: intimate, personal, social and public. Intimate ranges from direct contact to about 45 centimeters. This is for the closest relationships such as those between husband and wife. Beyond this comes personal distance. This stands at between 45 and 80 centimeters. It is the most usual distance maintained for conversations between friends and relatives. Social distance covers people who work together or are meeting at social gatherings. Distances here tend to be kept between 1.30 to 2 meters. Beyond this comes public distance, such as that between a lecturer and his audience.
All cultures draw lines between what is an appropriate and what is an inappropriate social distance for different types of relationship. They differ, however, in where they draw these lines. Look at an international reception withrepresentatives from the US and Arabic countries conversing and you will see the Americans pirouetting backwards around the hall pursued by their Arab partners. The Americans will be trying to keep the distance between themselves and their partners which they have grown used to regarding as "normal". They probably will not even notice themselves trying to adjust the distance between themselves and their partners, though they may have vague feeling that their Arab neighbors are being a bit "pushy". The Arab, on the other hand, coming from a culture where much closer distance is the norm, may be feeling that the Americans are being "stand-offish". Finding themselves happier standing close to and even touching those they are in conversation with they will persistently pursue the Americans round the room trying to close the distance between them.
The appropriateness of physical contact varies between different cultures too. One study of the number of times people conversing in coffee shops over a one hour period showed the following interesting variations: London, 0; Florida, 2; Paris, 10; and Puerto Rico 180. Not only dose it vary between societies, however, it also varies between different subcultures within one society. Young people in Britain, for example, are more likely to touch and hug friends than are the older generation. This may be partly a matter of growing older, but it also reflects the fact that the older generation grew up at a time when touching was less common for all age groups. Forty years ago, for example, footballers would never hug and kiss one another on the field after a goal as they do today. | 3969.txt | 0 |
[
"appropriate",
"inappropriate",
"rash",
"impetuous"
] | In conversation with an American partner at an international reception, an Arab deems that close distant is _ . | Proxemics is the study of what governs how closely one person stands to another. People who feel close will be close, though the actual distances will vary between cultures. For Amreicans we can discern four main categories of distance: intimate, personal, social and public. Intimate ranges from direct contact to about 45 centimeters. This is for the closest relationships such as those between husband and wife. Beyond this comes personal distance. This stands at between 45 and 80 centimeters. It is the most usual distance maintained for conversations between friends and relatives. Social distance covers people who work together or are meeting at social gatherings. Distances here tend to be kept between 1.30 to 2 meters. Beyond this comes public distance, such as that between a lecturer and his audience.
All cultures draw lines between what is an appropriate and what is an inappropriate social distance for different types of relationship. They differ, however, in where they draw these lines. Look at an international reception withrepresentatives from the US and Arabic countries conversing and you will see the Americans pirouetting backwards around the hall pursued by their Arab partners. The Americans will be trying to keep the distance between themselves and their partners which they have grown used to regarding as "normal". They probably will not even notice themselves trying to adjust the distance between themselves and their partners, though they may have vague feeling that their Arab neighbors are being a bit "pushy". The Arab, on the other hand, coming from a culture where much closer distance is the norm, may be feeling that the Americans are being "stand-offish". Finding themselves happier standing close to and even touching those they are in conversation with they will persistently pursue the Americans round the room trying to close the distance between them.
The appropriateness of physical contact varies between different cultures too. One study of the number of times people conversing in coffee shops over a one hour period showed the following interesting variations: London, 0; Florida, 2; Paris, 10; and Puerto Rico 180. Not only dose it vary between societies, however, it also varies between different subcultures within one society. Young people in Britain, for example, are more likely to touch and hug friends than are the older generation. This may be partly a matter of growing older, but it also reflects the fact that the older generation grew up at a time when touching was less common for all age groups. Forty years ago, for example, footballers would never hug and kiss one another on the field after a goal as they do today. | 3969.txt | 0 |
[
"time",
"city",
"country",
"people"
] | We can infer from the third paragragh that the appropriateness of physical contact also varies with _ . | Proxemics is the study of what governs how closely one person stands to another. People who feel close will be close, though the actual distances will vary between cultures. For Amreicans we can discern four main categories of distance: intimate, personal, social and public. Intimate ranges from direct contact to about 45 centimeters. This is for the closest relationships such as those between husband and wife. Beyond this comes personal distance. This stands at between 45 and 80 centimeters. It is the most usual distance maintained for conversations between friends and relatives. Social distance covers people who work together or are meeting at social gatherings. Distances here tend to be kept between 1.30 to 2 meters. Beyond this comes public distance, such as that between a lecturer and his audience.
All cultures draw lines between what is an appropriate and what is an inappropriate social distance for different types of relationship. They differ, however, in where they draw these lines. Look at an international reception withrepresentatives from the US and Arabic countries conversing and you will see the Americans pirouetting backwards around the hall pursued by their Arab partners. The Americans will be trying to keep the distance between themselves and their partners which they have grown used to regarding as "normal". They probably will not even notice themselves trying to adjust the distance between themselves and their partners, though they may have vague feeling that their Arab neighbors are being a bit "pushy". The Arab, on the other hand, coming from a culture where much closer distance is the norm, may be feeling that the Americans are being "stand-offish". Finding themselves happier standing close to and even touching those they are in conversation with they will persistently pursue the Americans round the room trying to close the distance between them.
The appropriateness of physical contact varies between different cultures too. One study of the number of times people conversing in coffee shops over a one hour period showed the following interesting variations: London, 0; Florida, 2; Paris, 10; and Puerto Rico 180. Not only dose it vary between societies, however, it also varies between different subcultures within one society. Young people in Britain, for example, are more likely to touch and hug friends than are the older generation. This may be partly a matter of growing older, but it also reflects the fact that the older generation grew up at a time when touching was less common for all age groups. Forty years ago, for example, footballers would never hug and kiss one another on the field after a goal as they do today. | 3969.txt | 0 |
[
"Proxemics",
"Appropriateness of Social Distance",
"Appropriateness Relationships Between Two Persons",
"Appropriateness Physical Contact Between Two Persons"
] | The best title for the passage would be _ . | Proxemics is the study of what governs how closely one person stands to another. People who feel close will be close, though the actual distances will vary between cultures. For Amreicans we can discern four main categories of distance: intimate, personal, social and public. Intimate ranges from direct contact to about 45 centimeters. This is for the closest relationships such as those between husband and wife. Beyond this comes personal distance. This stands at between 45 and 80 centimeters. It is the most usual distance maintained for conversations between friends and relatives. Social distance covers people who work together or are meeting at social gatherings. Distances here tend to be kept between 1.30 to 2 meters. Beyond this comes public distance, such as that between a lecturer and his audience.
All cultures draw lines between what is an appropriate and what is an inappropriate social distance for different types of relationship. They differ, however, in where they draw these lines. Look at an international reception withrepresentatives from the US and Arabic countries conversing and you will see the Americans pirouetting backwards around the hall pursued by their Arab partners. The Americans will be trying to keep the distance between themselves and their partners which they have grown used to regarding as "normal". They probably will not even notice themselves trying to adjust the distance between themselves and their partners, though they may have vague feeling that their Arab neighbors are being a bit "pushy". The Arab, on the other hand, coming from a culture where much closer distance is the norm, may be feeling that the Americans are being "stand-offish". Finding themselves happier standing close to and even touching those they are in conversation with they will persistently pursue the Americans round the room trying to close the distance between them.
The appropriateness of physical contact varies between different cultures too. One study of the number of times people conversing in coffee shops over a one hour period showed the following interesting variations: London, 0; Florida, 2; Paris, 10; and Puerto Rico 180. Not only dose it vary between societies, however, it also varies between different subcultures within one society. Young people in Britain, for example, are more likely to touch and hug friends than are the older generation. This may be partly a matter of growing older, but it also reflects the fact that the older generation grew up at a time when touching was less common for all age groups. Forty years ago, for example, footballers would never hug and kiss one another on the field after a goal as they do today. | 3969.txt | 0 |
[
"In the second half of this year.",
"In 2004.",
"In the first half of this year.",
"In 2008."
] | When did China announce the project? | China to Launch 1st Lunar Probe Chang'e I This Year
China says the launch of its first lunar probe Chang'e I is just around the corner. Chinese scientists made the announcement on Wednesday, saying the satellite would be launched in the second half of this year.
Since China announced the project in 2004, the country's first lunar exploration project has drawn world-wide attention. Now, China's space scientists say the satellite is ready for lift off.
Ouyang Ziyuan, chief scientist, China's lunar exploration project, said, "Preparations for the satellite, rocket, ground control and data reception are ready for the exploration. We will be able to launch the probe the second half of this year."
The probe's operational orbit has already been decided on. Chang'e I is scheduled to enter the moon's orbit after a nearly 400 000-kilometer journey in space. And a committee of over 100 space experts has also been established for the project. The scientists have agreed to share the data sent back by Chang'e I on the lunar environment.
Ouyang Ziyuan said, "We will make a 3D map of the moon and research the distribution of lunar elements, lunar soil thickness and the moon's surface environment."
Ouyang Ziyuan says Chang'e I will be carried by a Long March A3 carrier rocket for its launch. This is scheduled to take place at the Xi'Chang Satellite Launch Center. | 2790.txt | 1 |
[
"300 000 kilometers.",
"400 000 meters.",
"400 000 000 meters.",
"5 000 000 kilometers."
] | How long will Chang'e I travel before it enters the moon's orbit? | China to Launch 1st Lunar Probe Chang'e I This Year
China says the launch of its first lunar probe Chang'e I is just around the corner. Chinese scientists made the announcement on Wednesday, saying the satellite would be launched in the second half of this year.
Since China announced the project in 2004, the country's first lunar exploration project has drawn world-wide attention. Now, China's space scientists say the satellite is ready for lift off.
Ouyang Ziyuan, chief scientist, China's lunar exploration project, said, "Preparations for the satellite, rocket, ground control and data reception are ready for the exploration. We will be able to launch the probe the second half of this year."
The probe's operational orbit has already been decided on. Chang'e I is scheduled to enter the moon's orbit after a nearly 400 000-kilometer journey in space. And a committee of over 100 space experts has also been established for the project. The scientists have agreed to share the data sent back by Chang'e I on the lunar environment.
Ouyang Ziyuan said, "We will make a 3D map of the moon and research the distribution of lunar elements, lunar soil thickness and the moon's surface environment."
Ouyang Ziyuan says Chang'e I will be carried by a Long March A3 carrier rocket for its launch. This is scheduled to take place at the Xi'Chang Satellite Launch Center. | 2790.txt | 2 |
[
"It will just circle around the moon.",
"It will make a 2D map of the moon and research the distribution of lunar elements.",
"It will send the TV signals to make our life more colorful.",
"It will make a 3D map of the moon and do some research about the moon."
] | What will Chang'e I do in space? | China to Launch 1st Lunar Probe Chang'e I This Year
China says the launch of its first lunar probe Chang'e I is just around the corner. Chinese scientists made the announcement on Wednesday, saying the satellite would be launched in the second half of this year.
Since China announced the project in 2004, the country's first lunar exploration project has drawn world-wide attention. Now, China's space scientists say the satellite is ready for lift off.
Ouyang Ziyuan, chief scientist, China's lunar exploration project, said, "Preparations for the satellite, rocket, ground control and data reception are ready for the exploration. We will be able to launch the probe the second half of this year."
The probe's operational orbit has already been decided on. Chang'e I is scheduled to enter the moon's orbit after a nearly 400 000-kilometer journey in space. And a committee of over 100 space experts has also been established for the project. The scientists have agreed to share the data sent back by Chang'e I on the lunar environment.
Ouyang Ziyuan said, "We will make a 3D map of the moon and research the distribution of lunar elements, lunar soil thickness and the moon's surface environment."
Ouyang Ziyuan says Chang'e I will be carried by a Long March A3 carrier rocket for its launch. This is scheduled to take place at the Xi'Chang Satellite Launch Center. | 2790.txt | 3 |
[
"The committee is made up of less than 100 space experts.",
"It is scheduled to launch at the Jiuquan Satellite Launch Center.",
"The data sent back by Chang'e I will be shared by the scientists.",
"Chang'e I will be carried by a Long March B3 carrier rocket for its launch."
] | Which one is TRUE? | China to Launch 1st Lunar Probe Chang'e I This Year
China says the launch of its first lunar probe Chang'e I is just around the corner. Chinese scientists made the announcement on Wednesday, saying the satellite would be launched in the second half of this year.
Since China announced the project in 2004, the country's first lunar exploration project has drawn world-wide attention. Now, China's space scientists say the satellite is ready for lift off.
Ouyang Ziyuan, chief scientist, China's lunar exploration project, said, "Preparations for the satellite, rocket, ground control and data reception are ready for the exploration. We will be able to launch the probe the second half of this year."
The probe's operational orbit has already been decided on. Chang'e I is scheduled to enter the moon's orbit after a nearly 400 000-kilometer journey in space. And a committee of over 100 space experts has also been established for the project. The scientists have agreed to share the data sent back by Chang'e I on the lunar environment.
Ouyang Ziyuan said, "We will make a 3D map of the moon and research the distribution of lunar elements, lunar soil thickness and the moon's surface environment."
Ouyang Ziyuan says Chang'e I will be carried by a Long March A3 carrier rocket for its launch. This is scheduled to take place at the Xi'Chang Satellite Launch Center. | 2790.txt | 2 |
[
"a diary kept by a practicing neurobehavioral researcher",
"a newspaper article on recent advances in the biochemistry of learning",
"a technical article on experimental techniques in the field of molecular biology",
"an article summarizing a series of scientific investigations in neurobehavioral research"
] | This passage was most likely excerpted from | Few areas of neurobehavioral research seemed more promising in the early sixties than that investigating the relationship between protein synthesis and learning. The conceptual framework for this research was derived directly from molecular biology, which had shown that genetic information is stored in nucleic acids and expressed in proteins. Why not acquired information as well?
The first step toward establishing a connection between protein synthesis and learning seemed to be to block memory (cause amnesia) by interrupting the production of proteins. We were fortunate in finding a nonlethal dosage of puromycin that could, it first appeared, thoroughly inhibit brain protein synthesis as well as reliably produce amnesia.
Before the actual connection between protein synthesis and learning could be established, however, we began to have doubts about whether inhibition of protein synthesis was in fact the method by which puromycin produced amnesia. First other drugs, glutarimides-themselves potent protein-synthesis inhibitors-either failed to cause amnesia in some situations where it could easily be induced by puromycin or produced an amnesia with a different time course from that of puromycin. Second puromycin was found to inhibit protein synthesis by breaking certain amino-acid chains, and the resulting fragments were suspected of being the actual cause of amnesia in some cases. Third, puromycin was reported to cause abnormalities in the brain including seizures. Thus, not only were decreased protein synthesis and amnesia dissociated, but alternative mechanisms for the amnestic action of puromycin were readily suggested
So, puromycin turned out of be a disappointment. It came to be regarded as a poor agent for amnesia studies, although, of course, it was poor only in the context of our original paradigm of protein-synthesis inhibition. In our frustration, our initial response was simply to change drugs rather than cur conceptual orientation. After many such disappointments, however, it now appears unlikely that we will make a firm connection between protein synthesis and learning merely by pursuing the approaches of the past. Our experience with drugs has shown that all the amnestic agents often interfere with memory in ways that seem unrelated to their inhibition of protein synthesis, More importantly, the notion that the interruption or intensification of protein production in the brain can be related in cause-and-effect fashion to learning now seems simplistic and unproductive. Remove the battery from a car and the car will not go. Drive the car a long distance at high speed and the battery will become more highly charged. Neither of these facts proves that the battery powers the car only a knowledge of the overall automotive system will reveal its mechanism of locomotion and the role of the battery within that system. | 1998.txt | 3 |
[
"demonstrated the importance of amino- acid fragmentation in the induction of amnesia",
"cast doubt on the value of puromycin in the neurobehavioral investigation of learning",
"revealed the importance of amnesia in the neurobehavioral study of learning",
"not supported the hypothesis that learning is directly dependent on protein synthesis"
] | The primary porpoise of the passage is to show that extensive experimentation has | Few areas of neurobehavioral research seemed more promising in the early sixties than that investigating the relationship between protein synthesis and learning. The conceptual framework for this research was derived directly from molecular biology, which had shown that genetic information is stored in nucleic acids and expressed in proteins. Why not acquired information as well?
The first step toward establishing a connection between protein synthesis and learning seemed to be to block memory (cause amnesia) by interrupting the production of proteins. We were fortunate in finding a nonlethal dosage of puromycin that could, it first appeared, thoroughly inhibit brain protein synthesis as well as reliably produce amnesia.
Before the actual connection between protein synthesis and learning could be established, however, we began to have doubts about whether inhibition of protein synthesis was in fact the method by which puromycin produced amnesia. First other drugs, glutarimides-themselves potent protein-synthesis inhibitors-either failed to cause amnesia in some situations where it could easily be induced by puromycin or produced an amnesia with a different time course from that of puromycin. Second puromycin was found to inhibit protein synthesis by breaking certain amino-acid chains, and the resulting fragments were suspected of being the actual cause of amnesia in some cases. Third, puromycin was reported to cause abnormalities in the brain including seizures. Thus, not only were decreased protein synthesis and amnesia dissociated, but alternative mechanisms for the amnestic action of puromycin were readily suggested
So, puromycin turned out of be a disappointment. It came to be regarded as a poor agent for amnesia studies, although, of course, it was poor only in the context of our original paradigm of protein-synthesis inhibition. In our frustration, our initial response was simply to change drugs rather than cur conceptual orientation. After many such disappointments, however, it now appears unlikely that we will make a firm connection between protein synthesis and learning merely by pursuing the approaches of the past. Our experience with drugs has shown that all the amnestic agents often interfere with memory in ways that seem unrelated to their inhibition of protein synthesis, More importantly, the notion that the interruption or intensification of protein production in the brain can be related in cause-and-effect fashion to learning now seems simplistic and unproductive. Remove the battery from a car and the car will not go. Drive the car a long distance at high speed and the battery will become more highly charged. Neither of these facts proves that the battery powers the car only a knowledge of the overall automotive system will reveal its mechanism of locomotion and the role of the battery within that system. | 1998.txt | 3 |
[
"Traditional theories about learning",
"New techniques in protein synthesis",
"Previous discoveries in molecular biology",
"Specific research into learning and amnesia"
] | According to the passage, neurobehaviorists initially based their that protein synthesis was related to learning on which of the following? | Few areas of neurobehavioral research seemed more promising in the early sixties than that investigating the relationship between protein synthesis and learning. The conceptual framework for this research was derived directly from molecular biology, which had shown that genetic information is stored in nucleic acids and expressed in proteins. Why not acquired information as well?
The first step toward establishing a connection between protein synthesis and learning seemed to be to block memory (cause amnesia) by interrupting the production of proteins. We were fortunate in finding a nonlethal dosage of puromycin that could, it first appeared, thoroughly inhibit brain protein synthesis as well as reliably produce amnesia.
Before the actual connection between protein synthesis and learning could be established, however, we began to have doubts about whether inhibition of protein synthesis was in fact the method by which puromycin produced amnesia. First other drugs, glutarimides-themselves potent protein-synthesis inhibitors-either failed to cause amnesia in some situations where it could easily be induced by puromycin or produced an amnesia with a different time course from that of puromycin. Second puromycin was found to inhibit protein synthesis by breaking certain amino-acid chains, and the resulting fragments were suspected of being the actual cause of amnesia in some cases. Third, puromycin was reported to cause abnormalities in the brain including seizures. Thus, not only were decreased protein synthesis and amnesia dissociated, but alternative mechanisms for the amnestic action of puromycin were readily suggested
So, puromycin turned out of be a disappointment. It came to be regarded as a poor agent for amnesia studies, although, of course, it was poor only in the context of our original paradigm of protein-synthesis inhibition. In our frustration, our initial response was simply to change drugs rather than cur conceptual orientation. After many such disappointments, however, it now appears unlikely that we will make a firm connection between protein synthesis and learning merely by pursuing the approaches of the past. Our experience with drugs has shown that all the amnestic agents often interfere with memory in ways that seem unrelated to their inhibition of protein synthesis, More importantly, the notion that the interruption or intensification of protein production in the brain can be related in cause-and-effect fashion to learning now seems simplistic and unproductive. Remove the battery from a car and the car will not go. Drive the car a long distance at high speed and the battery will become more highly charged. Neither of these facts proves that the battery powers the car only a knowledge of the overall automotive system will reveal its mechanism of locomotion and the role of the battery within that system. | 1998.txt | 2 |
[
"brain seizures",
"memory loss",
"inhibition of protein synthesis",
"destruction of genetic information"
] | The passage mentions all of the following as effects of puromycin EXCEPT | Few areas of neurobehavioral research seemed more promising in the early sixties than that investigating the relationship between protein synthesis and learning. The conceptual framework for this research was derived directly from molecular biology, which had shown that genetic information is stored in nucleic acids and expressed in proteins. Why not acquired information as well?
The first step toward establishing a connection between protein synthesis and learning seemed to be to block memory (cause amnesia) by interrupting the production of proteins. We were fortunate in finding a nonlethal dosage of puromycin that could, it first appeared, thoroughly inhibit brain protein synthesis as well as reliably produce amnesia.
Before the actual connection between protein synthesis and learning could be established, however, we began to have doubts about whether inhibition of protein synthesis was in fact the method by which puromycin produced amnesia. First other drugs, glutarimides-themselves potent protein-synthesis inhibitors-either failed to cause amnesia in some situations where it could easily be induced by puromycin or produced an amnesia with a different time course from that of puromycin. Second puromycin was found to inhibit protein synthesis by breaking certain amino-acid chains, and the resulting fragments were suspected of being the actual cause of amnesia in some cases. Third, puromycin was reported to cause abnormalities in the brain including seizures. Thus, not only were decreased protein synthesis and amnesia dissociated, but alternative mechanisms for the amnestic action of puromycin were readily suggested
So, puromycin turned out of be a disappointment. It came to be regarded as a poor agent for amnesia studies, although, of course, it was poor only in the context of our original paradigm of protein-synthesis inhibition. In our frustration, our initial response was simply to change drugs rather than cur conceptual orientation. After many such disappointments, however, it now appears unlikely that we will make a firm connection between protein synthesis and learning merely by pursuing the approaches of the past. Our experience with drugs has shown that all the amnestic agents often interfere with memory in ways that seem unrelated to their inhibition of protein synthesis, More importantly, the notion that the interruption or intensification of protein production in the brain can be related in cause-and-effect fashion to learning now seems simplistic and unproductive. Remove the battery from a car and the car will not go. Drive the car a long distance at high speed and the battery will become more highly charged. Neither of these facts proves that the battery powers the car only a knowledge of the overall automotive system will reveal its mechanism of locomotion and the role of the battery within that system. | 1998.txt | 3 |
[
"They ceased to experiment with puromycin, and shifted to other promising protein-synthesis inhibitions.",
"They ceased to experiment with puromycin, and reexamined through experiments the relationship between genetic information and acquired information.",
"They continued to experiment with puromycin, but applied their results to other facets of memory research.",
"They continued to experiment with puromycin, but also tried other protein-synthesis inhibitors."
] | It can be inferred from the passage that, after puromycin was perceived to be a disappointment, researchers did which of the following? | Few areas of neurobehavioral research seemed more promising in the early sixties than that investigating the relationship between protein synthesis and learning. The conceptual framework for this research was derived directly from molecular biology, which had shown that genetic information is stored in nucleic acids and expressed in proteins. Why not acquired information as well?
The first step toward establishing a connection between protein synthesis and learning seemed to be to block memory (cause amnesia) by interrupting the production of proteins. We were fortunate in finding a nonlethal dosage of puromycin that could, it first appeared, thoroughly inhibit brain protein synthesis as well as reliably produce amnesia.
Before the actual connection between protein synthesis and learning could be established, however, we began to have doubts about whether inhibition of protein synthesis was in fact the method by which puromycin produced amnesia. First other drugs, glutarimides-themselves potent protein-synthesis inhibitors-either failed to cause amnesia in some situations where it could easily be induced by puromycin or produced an amnesia with a different time course from that of puromycin. Second puromycin was found to inhibit protein synthesis by breaking certain amino-acid chains, and the resulting fragments were suspected of being the actual cause of amnesia in some cases. Third, puromycin was reported to cause abnormalities in the brain including seizures. Thus, not only were decreased protein synthesis and amnesia dissociated, but alternative mechanisms for the amnestic action of puromycin were readily suggested
So, puromycin turned out of be a disappointment. It came to be regarded as a poor agent for amnesia studies, although, of course, it was poor only in the context of our original paradigm of protein-synthesis inhibition. In our frustration, our initial response was simply to change drugs rather than cur conceptual orientation. After many such disappointments, however, it now appears unlikely that we will make a firm connection between protein synthesis and learning merely by pursuing the approaches of the past. Our experience with drugs has shown that all the amnestic agents often interfere with memory in ways that seem unrelated to their inhibition of protein synthesis, More importantly, the notion that the interruption or intensification of protein production in the brain can be related in cause-and-effect fashion to learning now seems simplistic and unproductive. Remove the battery from a car and the car will not go. Drive the car a long distance at high speed and the battery will become more highly charged. Neither of these facts proves that the battery powers the car only a knowledge of the overall automotive system will reveal its mechanism of locomotion and the role of the battery within that system. | 1998.txt | 0 |
[
"Puromycin",
"Amnesia",
"Glutarimides",
"Protein synthesis"
] | In the example of the car (lines 73-82), the battery is meant to represent which of the following elements in the neurobehavioral research program? | Few areas of neurobehavioral research seemed more promising in the early sixties than that investigating the relationship between protein synthesis and learning. The conceptual framework for this research was derived directly from molecular biology, which had shown that genetic information is stored in nucleic acids and expressed in proteins. Why not acquired information as well?
The first step toward establishing a connection between protein synthesis and learning seemed to be to block memory (cause amnesia) by interrupting the production of proteins. We were fortunate in finding a nonlethal dosage of puromycin that could, it first appeared, thoroughly inhibit brain protein synthesis as well as reliably produce amnesia.
Before the actual connection between protein synthesis and learning could be established, however, we began to have doubts about whether inhibition of protein synthesis was in fact the method by which puromycin produced amnesia. First other drugs, glutarimides-themselves potent protein-synthesis inhibitors-either failed to cause amnesia in some situations where it could easily be induced by puromycin or produced an amnesia with a different time course from that of puromycin. Second puromycin was found to inhibit protein synthesis by breaking certain amino-acid chains, and the resulting fragments were suspected of being the actual cause of amnesia in some cases. Third, puromycin was reported to cause abnormalities in the brain including seizures. Thus, not only were decreased protein synthesis and amnesia dissociated, but alternative mechanisms for the amnestic action of puromycin were readily suggested
So, puromycin turned out of be a disappointment. It came to be regarded as a poor agent for amnesia studies, although, of course, it was poor only in the context of our original paradigm of protein-synthesis inhibition. In our frustration, our initial response was simply to change drugs rather than cur conceptual orientation. After many such disappointments, however, it now appears unlikely that we will make a firm connection between protein synthesis and learning merely by pursuing the approaches of the past. Our experience with drugs has shown that all the amnestic agents often interfere with memory in ways that seem unrelated to their inhibition of protein synthesis, More importantly, the notion that the interruption or intensification of protein production in the brain can be related in cause-and-effect fashion to learning now seems simplistic and unproductive. Remove the battery from a car and the car will not go. Drive the car a long distance at high speed and the battery will become more highly charged. Neither of these facts proves that the battery powers the car only a knowledge of the overall automotive system will reveal its mechanism of locomotion and the role of the battery within that system. | 1998.txt | 3 |
[
"The failures of the past, however, must not impede further research into the amnestic action of protein-synthesis inhibitors",
"It is a legacy of this research, therefore, that molecular biology's genetic models have led to disagreements among neuro-behaviorists.",
"The ambivalent status of current research, however, should not deter neurobe-haviorists from exploring the deeper connections between protein production and learning.",
"It is important in the future, therefore, for behavioral biochemists to focus on the several components of the total learning system."
] | Which of the following statements would be most likely to come alter the last sentence of the passage? | Few areas of neurobehavioral research seemed more promising in the early sixties than that investigating the relationship between protein synthesis and learning. The conceptual framework for this research was derived directly from molecular biology, which had shown that genetic information is stored in nucleic acids and expressed in proteins. Why not acquired information as well?
The first step toward establishing a connection between protein synthesis and learning seemed to be to block memory (cause amnesia) by interrupting the production of proteins. We were fortunate in finding a nonlethal dosage of puromycin that could, it first appeared, thoroughly inhibit brain protein synthesis as well as reliably produce amnesia.
Before the actual connection between protein synthesis and learning could be established, however, we began to have doubts about whether inhibition of protein synthesis was in fact the method by which puromycin produced amnesia. First other drugs, glutarimides-themselves potent protein-synthesis inhibitors-either failed to cause amnesia in some situations where it could easily be induced by puromycin or produced an amnesia with a different time course from that of puromycin. Second puromycin was found to inhibit protein synthesis by breaking certain amino-acid chains, and the resulting fragments were suspected of being the actual cause of amnesia in some cases. Third, puromycin was reported to cause abnormalities in the brain including seizures. Thus, not only were decreased protein synthesis and amnesia dissociated, but alternative mechanisms for the amnestic action of puromycin were readily suggested
So, puromycin turned out of be a disappointment. It came to be regarded as a poor agent for amnesia studies, although, of course, it was poor only in the context of our original paradigm of protein-synthesis inhibition. In our frustration, our initial response was simply to change drugs rather than cur conceptual orientation. After many such disappointments, however, it now appears unlikely that we will make a firm connection between protein synthesis and learning merely by pursuing the approaches of the past. Our experience with drugs has shown that all the amnestic agents often interfere with memory in ways that seem unrelated to their inhibition of protein synthesis, More importantly, the notion that the interruption or intensification of protein production in the brain can be related in cause-and-effect fashion to learning now seems simplistic and unproductive. Remove the battery from a car and the car will not go. Drive the car a long distance at high speed and the battery will become more highly charged. Neither of these facts proves that the battery powers the car only a knowledge of the overall automotive system will reveal its mechanism of locomotion and the role of the battery within that system. | 1998.txt | 3 |
[
"￡800",
"￡500",
"￡4500",
"5000"
] | If you earn ￡5000 from renting a room in one year, the tax you need to pay will be based on _ . | Exploit your parking space
An unused parking space or garage can make money. If you live near a city center or an airport, you could make anything up to £200 or £300 a week. Put an advertisementfor free on Letpark or Atmyhousepark.
Renta room
Spare room? Not only will a lodgerearn you an income, but also, thanks to the government-backed "rent a room" program, you won't have to pay any tax on the first £4500 you make per year. Try advertising your room on Roomspare or Roommateeasy.
Make money during special events
Don't want a full-time lodger? Then rent on a short-term basis. If you live in the capital, renting a room out during the Olympics or other big events could bring in money, Grashpadder can advertise your space.
Live on set
Renting your home out as a "film set" could earn you hundreds of pounds a day, depending on the film production company and how long your home is needed. A quick search on the Internet will bring up dozens of online companies that allow you to register your home for free-but you will be charged if your home gets picked.
Use your roof
You need the right kind of roof, but some energy companies pay the cost of fixing solar equipment(around￡14,000), and let you use the energy produced for nothing. In return, they get paid for unused energy fed back into the National Grid. However, you have to sign a 25-year agreement with the supplier, which could prevent you from changing the roof. | 1336.txt | 1 |
[
"On Letpark.",
"On Roomspare.",
"On Grashpadder.",
"On Roommateeasy."
] | Where can you put an advertisement to rent out a room during a big event? | Exploit your parking space
An unused parking space or garage can make money. If you live near a city center or an airport, you could make anything up to £200 or £300 a week. Put an advertisementfor free on Letpark or Atmyhousepark.
Renta room
Spare room? Not only will a lodgerearn you an income, but also, thanks to the government-backed "rent a room" program, you won't have to pay any tax on the first £4500 you make per year. Try advertising your room on Roomspare or Roommateeasy.
Make money during special events
Don't want a full-time lodger? Then rent on a short-term basis. If you live in the capital, renting a room out during the Olympics or other big events could bring in money, Grashpadder can advertise your space.
Live on set
Renting your home out as a "film set" could earn you hundreds of pounds a day, depending on the film production company and how long your home is needed. A quick search on the Internet will bring up dozens of online companies that allow you to register your home for free-but you will be charged if your home gets picked.
Use your roof
You need the right kind of roof, but some energy companies pay the cost of fixing solar equipment(around￡14,000), and let you use the energy produced for nothing. In return, they get paid for unused energy fed back into the National Grid. However, you have to sign a 25-year agreement with the supplier, which could prevent you from changing the roof. | 1336.txt | 2 |
[
"sign an agreement with the government",
"pay around ￡14,000 for the equipment",
"sell the roof to some energy companies",
"keep the roof unchanged for within 25 years"
] | If you want to use energy free, you have to _ . | Exploit your parking space
An unused parking space or garage can make money. If you live near a city center or an airport, you could make anything up to £200 or £300 a week. Put an advertisementfor free on Letpark or Atmyhousepark.
Renta room
Spare room? Not only will a lodgerearn you an income, but also, thanks to the government-backed "rent a room" program, you won't have to pay any tax on the first £4500 you make per year. Try advertising your room on Roomspare or Roommateeasy.
Make money during special events
Don't want a full-time lodger? Then rent on a short-term basis. If you live in the capital, renting a room out during the Olympics or other big events could bring in money, Grashpadder can advertise your space.
Live on set
Renting your home out as a "film set" could earn you hundreds of pounds a day, depending on the film production company and how long your home is needed. A quick search on the Internet will bring up dozens of online companies that allow you to register your home for free-but you will be charged if your home gets picked.
Use your roof
You need the right kind of roof, but some energy companies pay the cost of fixing solar equipment(around￡14,000), and let you use the energy produced for nothing. In return, they get paid for unused energy fed back into the National Grid. However, you have to sign a 25-year agreement with the supplier, which could prevent you from changing the roof. | 1336.txt | 3 |
[
"Lodgers.",
"Advertisers.",
"House owners.",
"Online companies"
] | For whom the text most probably written? | Exploit your parking space
An unused parking space or garage can make money. If you live near a city center or an airport, you could make anything up to £200 or £300 a week. Put an advertisementfor free on Letpark or Atmyhousepark.
Renta room
Spare room? Not only will a lodgerearn you an income, but also, thanks to the government-backed "rent a room" program, you won't have to pay any tax on the first £4500 you make per year. Try advertising your room on Roomspare or Roommateeasy.
Make money during special events
Don't want a full-time lodger? Then rent on a short-term basis. If you live in the capital, renting a room out during the Olympics or other big events could bring in money, Grashpadder can advertise your space.
Live on set
Renting your home out as a "film set" could earn you hundreds of pounds a day, depending on the film production company and how long your home is needed. A quick search on the Internet will bring up dozens of online companies that allow you to register your home for free-but you will be charged if your home gets picked.
Use your roof
You need the right kind of roof, but some energy companies pay the cost of fixing solar equipment(around￡14,000), and let you use the energy produced for nothing. In return, they get paid for unused energy fed back into the National Grid. However, you have to sign a 25-year agreement with the supplier, which could prevent you from changing the roof. | 1336.txt | 2 |
[
"thunderstorm",
"cause",
"disaster",
"danger"
] | The word" thunderbolt" （Line 6, Paragraph 1）most probably means _ . | After five years of litigation, the World Trade Organisation （WTO）is about to deliver its preliminary ruling on America's complaint against the provision of prohibited subsidies to Europe's commercial aircraft industry. The United States alleges that this support was worth $200 billion over 20 years. In a few months the WTO will rule on a counter-claim by the European Union that Boeing received about $24 billion in subsidies over the past two decades as well as large, non-repayable benefits from military and space contracts. Both rulings are subject to appeal. This first ruling is a potential thunderbolt that could ignite a damaging trade dispute between America and Europe at a time when both economies need to present a united front on trade, to prevent a slide towards protectionism.
The origins of the dispute lie in America's decision, at Boeing's prompting, to withdraw in 2004 from a 12-year-old bilateral agreement with Europe governing trade in large civil aircraft. The agreement banned direct production and sales subsidies, but let governments continue to funnel money into new aircraft projects. It permitted both repayable direct state aid（the European approach）covering up to a third of all development costs, known as launch aid, and indirect state aid（the American approach）if limited to 3% of the domestic industry's sales volume. Boeing, however, says it expected the deal to lead to a gradual reduction in subsidies to Airbus. When this failed to materialise, it withdrew. What caused its patience to run out? Two things: the success of Airbus in achieving rough market-share parity at the end of the 1990s, and resentment over launch aid for the A380, the superjumbo designed to bring to an end the long reign of the 747.
Boeing is right to argue that all subsidies distort competition. But although the subsidies that Airbus receives are different from Boeing's, they are not necessarily much worse. At least they are transparent-and Europe claims that by 2007 Airbus had repaid 40% more than it had been given. Nor has the effect of the subsidies received by both firms been anti-competitive. Boeing and Airbus fight like rats in a sack for every sale, with the consequence that airlines have been able to buy cheaper and better aircraft than if one firm had been dominant.
Two other points should be borne in mind. The first is that it is out of date to see either firm as a national champion. The size and riskiness of large commercial-aircraft projects has forced even Boeing to create extended international supply chains. Second, the aircraft-makers' subsidies pale by comparison with those doled out by governments on both sides of the Atlantic in the past year. Leaving aside the trillions of dollars spent on preventing financial collapse, industrial subsidies of a kind almost certainly illegal under WTO rules have mushroomed.
Both sides should therefore hold their fire until the WTO rules on Europe's complaint. Then, putting further litigation to one side, they should head for the negotiating table. The aim should be to secure a new deal along the lines of the old agreement, but this time with an explicit goal of phasing out the most egregious subsidies within a reasonable period. The alternative of an escalating tit-for-tat trade dispute between Europe and America does not bear thinking about. | 535.txt | 1 |
[
"the breach of their bilateral agreement",
"the different approaches of governmental subsidies",
"whether the governmental assistance they receive is legal",
"whether governmental subsidies would affect market competition"
] | The main problem concerning the dispute between American and European air industries is _ . | After five years of litigation, the World Trade Organisation （WTO）is about to deliver its preliminary ruling on America's complaint against the provision of prohibited subsidies to Europe's commercial aircraft industry. The United States alleges that this support was worth $200 billion over 20 years. In a few months the WTO will rule on a counter-claim by the European Union that Boeing received about $24 billion in subsidies over the past two decades as well as large, non-repayable benefits from military and space contracts. Both rulings are subject to appeal. This first ruling is a potential thunderbolt that could ignite a damaging trade dispute between America and Europe at a time when both economies need to present a united front on trade, to prevent a slide towards protectionism.
The origins of the dispute lie in America's decision, at Boeing's prompting, to withdraw in 2004 from a 12-year-old bilateral agreement with Europe governing trade in large civil aircraft. The agreement banned direct production and sales subsidies, but let governments continue to funnel money into new aircraft projects. It permitted both repayable direct state aid（the European approach）covering up to a third of all development costs, known as launch aid, and indirect state aid（the American approach）if limited to 3% of the domestic industry's sales volume. Boeing, however, says it expected the deal to lead to a gradual reduction in subsidies to Airbus. When this failed to materialise, it withdrew. What caused its patience to run out? Two things: the success of Airbus in achieving rough market-share parity at the end of the 1990s, and resentment over launch aid for the A380, the superjumbo designed to bring to an end the long reign of the 747.
Boeing is right to argue that all subsidies distort competition. But although the subsidies that Airbus receives are different from Boeing's, they are not necessarily much worse. At least they are transparent-and Europe claims that by 2007 Airbus had repaid 40% more than it had been given. Nor has the effect of the subsidies received by both firms been anti-competitive. Boeing and Airbus fight like rats in a sack for every sale, with the consequence that airlines have been able to buy cheaper and better aircraft than if one firm had been dominant.
Two other points should be borne in mind. The first is that it is out of date to see either firm as a national champion. The size and riskiness of large commercial-aircraft projects has forced even Boeing to create extended international supply chains. Second, the aircraft-makers' subsidies pale by comparison with those doled out by governments on both sides of the Atlantic in the past year. Leaving aside the trillions of dollars spent on preventing financial collapse, industrial subsidies of a kind almost certainly illegal under WTO rules have mushroomed.
Both sides should therefore hold their fire until the WTO rules on Europe's complaint. Then, putting further litigation to one side, they should head for the negotiating table. The aim should be to secure a new deal along the lines of the old agreement, but this time with an explicit goal of phasing out the most egregious subsidies within a reasonable period. The alternative of an escalating tit-for-tat trade dispute between Europe and America does not bear thinking about. | 535.txt | 2 |
[
"it was because of Boeing that America decided to withdraw the bilateral agreement",
"by withdrawing the bilateral agreement, Boeing expected to realize a gradual reduction in subsidies to Airbus",
"the form of subsidy that Boeing receives is superior than that Airbus receives",
"subsidies received by Boeing and Airbus have significantly affected a fair market order"
] | From the passage we can infer that _ . | After five years of litigation, the World Trade Organisation （WTO）is about to deliver its preliminary ruling on America's complaint against the provision of prohibited subsidies to Europe's commercial aircraft industry. The United States alleges that this support was worth $200 billion over 20 years. In a few months the WTO will rule on a counter-claim by the European Union that Boeing received about $24 billion in subsidies over the past two decades as well as large, non-repayable benefits from military and space contracts. Both rulings are subject to appeal. This first ruling is a potential thunderbolt that could ignite a damaging trade dispute between America and Europe at a time when both economies need to present a united front on trade, to prevent a slide towards protectionism.
The origins of the dispute lie in America's decision, at Boeing's prompting, to withdraw in 2004 from a 12-year-old bilateral agreement with Europe governing trade in large civil aircraft. The agreement banned direct production and sales subsidies, but let governments continue to funnel money into new aircraft projects. It permitted both repayable direct state aid（the European approach）covering up to a third of all development costs, known as launch aid, and indirect state aid（the American approach）if limited to 3% of the domestic industry's sales volume. Boeing, however, says it expected the deal to lead to a gradual reduction in subsidies to Airbus. When this failed to materialise, it withdrew. What caused its patience to run out? Two things: the success of Airbus in achieving rough market-share parity at the end of the 1990s, and resentment over launch aid for the A380, the superjumbo designed to bring to an end the long reign of the 747.
Boeing is right to argue that all subsidies distort competition. But although the subsidies that Airbus receives are different from Boeing's, they are not necessarily much worse. At least they are transparent-and Europe claims that by 2007 Airbus had repaid 40% more than it had been given. Nor has the effect of the subsidies received by both firms been anti-competitive. Boeing and Airbus fight like rats in a sack for every sale, with the consequence that airlines have been able to buy cheaper and better aircraft than if one firm had been dominant.
Two other points should be borne in mind. The first is that it is out of date to see either firm as a national champion. The size and riskiness of large commercial-aircraft projects has forced even Boeing to create extended international supply chains. Second, the aircraft-makers' subsidies pale by comparison with those doled out by governments on both sides of the Atlantic in the past year. Leaving aside the trillions of dollars spent on preventing financial collapse, industrial subsidies of a kind almost certainly illegal under WTO rules have mushroomed.
Both sides should therefore hold their fire until the WTO rules on Europe's complaint. Then, putting further litigation to one side, they should head for the negotiating table. The aim should be to secure a new deal along the lines of the old agreement, but this time with an explicit goal of phasing out the most egregious subsidies within a reasonable period. The alternative of an escalating tit-for-tat trade dispute between Europe and America does not bear thinking about. | 535.txt | 0 |
[
"in this case subsidies do not completely distort the market competition",
"Boeing itself is no longer a national but a multinational company",
"the subsidy dispute will lead to a war between America and Europe",
"governmental subsidies are becoming increasingly common"
] | According to the author, Boeing's argument is not quite correct because of the following reasons EXCEPT _ . | After five years of litigation, the World Trade Organisation （WTO）is about to deliver its preliminary ruling on America's complaint against the provision of prohibited subsidies to Europe's commercial aircraft industry. The United States alleges that this support was worth $200 billion over 20 years. In a few months the WTO will rule on a counter-claim by the European Union that Boeing received about $24 billion in subsidies over the past two decades as well as large, non-repayable benefits from military and space contracts. Both rulings are subject to appeal. This first ruling is a potential thunderbolt that could ignite a damaging trade dispute between America and Europe at a time when both economies need to present a united front on trade, to prevent a slide towards protectionism.
The origins of the dispute lie in America's decision, at Boeing's prompting, to withdraw in 2004 from a 12-year-old bilateral agreement with Europe governing trade in large civil aircraft. The agreement banned direct production and sales subsidies, but let governments continue to funnel money into new aircraft projects. It permitted both repayable direct state aid（the European approach）covering up to a third of all development costs, known as launch aid, and indirect state aid（the American approach）if limited to 3% of the domestic industry's sales volume. Boeing, however, says it expected the deal to lead to a gradual reduction in subsidies to Airbus. When this failed to materialise, it withdrew. What caused its patience to run out? Two things: the success of Airbus in achieving rough market-share parity at the end of the 1990s, and resentment over launch aid for the A380, the superjumbo designed to bring to an end the long reign of the 747.
Boeing is right to argue that all subsidies distort competition. But although the subsidies that Airbus receives are different from Boeing's, they are not necessarily much worse. At least they are transparent-and Europe claims that by 2007 Airbus had repaid 40% more than it had been given. Nor has the effect of the subsidies received by both firms been anti-competitive. Boeing and Airbus fight like rats in a sack for every sale, with the consequence that airlines have been able to buy cheaper and better aircraft than if one firm had been dominant.
Two other points should be borne in mind. The first is that it is out of date to see either firm as a national champion. The size and riskiness of large commercial-aircraft projects has forced even Boeing to create extended international supply chains. Second, the aircraft-makers' subsidies pale by comparison with those doled out by governments on both sides of the Atlantic in the past year. Leaving aside the trillions of dollars spent on preventing financial collapse, industrial subsidies of a kind almost certainly illegal under WTO rules have mushroomed.
Both sides should therefore hold their fire until the WTO rules on Europe's complaint. Then, putting further litigation to one side, they should head for the negotiating table. The aim should be to secure a new deal along the lines of the old agreement, but this time with an explicit goal of phasing out the most egregious subsidies within a reasonable period. The alternative of an escalating tit-for-tat trade dispute between Europe and America does not bear thinking about. | 535.txt | 2 |
[
"the best way to solve the problem is to wait for WTO's ruling",
"both litigation and negotiation should go ahead shoulder by shoulder",
"both parties should start negotiating to reach a new deal in place of the old one",
"both parties cannot afford a long-term vicious cycle of sue and counter-sue"
] | We can learn from the last paragraph that _ . | After five years of litigation, the World Trade Organisation （WTO）is about to deliver its preliminary ruling on America's complaint against the provision of prohibited subsidies to Europe's commercial aircraft industry. The United States alleges that this support was worth $200 billion over 20 years. In a few months the WTO will rule on a counter-claim by the European Union that Boeing received about $24 billion in subsidies over the past two decades as well as large, non-repayable benefits from military and space contracts. Both rulings are subject to appeal. This first ruling is a potential thunderbolt that could ignite a damaging trade dispute between America and Europe at a time when both economies need to present a united front on trade, to prevent a slide towards protectionism.
The origins of the dispute lie in America's decision, at Boeing's prompting, to withdraw in 2004 from a 12-year-old bilateral agreement with Europe governing trade in large civil aircraft. The agreement banned direct production and sales subsidies, but let governments continue to funnel money into new aircraft projects. It permitted both repayable direct state aid（the European approach）covering up to a third of all development costs, known as launch aid, and indirect state aid（the American approach）if limited to 3% of the domestic industry's sales volume. Boeing, however, says it expected the deal to lead to a gradual reduction in subsidies to Airbus. When this failed to materialise, it withdrew. What caused its patience to run out? Two things: the success of Airbus in achieving rough market-share parity at the end of the 1990s, and resentment over launch aid for the A380, the superjumbo designed to bring to an end the long reign of the 747.
Boeing is right to argue that all subsidies distort competition. But although the subsidies that Airbus receives are different from Boeing's, they are not necessarily much worse. At least they are transparent-and Europe claims that by 2007 Airbus had repaid 40% more than it had been given. Nor has the effect of the subsidies received by both firms been anti-competitive. Boeing and Airbus fight like rats in a sack for every sale, with the consequence that airlines have been able to buy cheaper and better aircraft than if one firm had been dominant.
Two other points should be borne in mind. The first is that it is out of date to see either firm as a national champion. The size and riskiness of large commercial-aircraft projects has forced even Boeing to create extended international supply chains. Second, the aircraft-makers' subsidies pale by comparison with those doled out by governments on both sides of the Atlantic in the past year. Leaving aside the trillions of dollars spent on preventing financial collapse, industrial subsidies of a kind almost certainly illegal under WTO rules have mushroomed.
Both sides should therefore hold their fire until the WTO rules on Europe's complaint. Then, putting further litigation to one side, they should head for the negotiating table. The aim should be to secure a new deal along the lines of the old agreement, but this time with an explicit goal of phasing out the most egregious subsidies within a reasonable period. The alternative of an escalating tit-for-tat trade dispute between Europe and America does not bear thinking about. | 535.txt | 3 |
[
"Whether they have large brains.",
"Whether they have self-awareness.",
"Whether they enjoy outdoor exercises.",
"Whether they enjoy playing with mirrors."
] | What can mirror tests tell us about animals? | For those who study the development of intelligencein the animal world, self-awareness is an important measurement. An animal that is awareof itself has a high level of intelligence.
Awareness can be tested by studying whether the animal recognizes itself in the mirror, that is, its own reflected image.Many animals fail this exercise bitterly, paying very little attention to the reflected image. Only humans, and some intelligent animals like apes and dolphins, have been shown to recognize that the image in the mirror is of themselves.
Now another animal has joined the club. In the Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences, researchers report that an Asian elephant has passed the mirror self-reflection test. "We thought that elephants were the next important animal," said Diana Reiss of the Wildlife Conservation Society, an author of the study with Joshua M. Plotnik and Fans
B.M. de Waal of Emory University. With their large brains, Reiss said, elephants "seemed like cousins to apes and dolphins."
The researchers tested Happy, Maxine and Patty, three elephants at the Bronx Zoo. They put an 8-foot-square mirror on a wall of the animals' play area (out of the sight of zoo visitors) and recorded what happened with cameras, including one built in the mirror.
The elephants used their long noses to find what was behind it, and to examine parts of their bodies.
Of the three, Happy then passed the test, in which a clear mark was painted on one side of her face. She could tell the mark was there by looking in the mirror, and she used the mirror to touch the mark with her long nose.
Diana Reiss said, "We knew elephants were intelligent, but now we can talk about their intelligence in a better way." | 3055.txt | 1 |
[
"They are most familiar to readers.",
"They are big favorites with zoo visitors.",
"They are included in the study by Reiss.",
"They are already known to be intelligent."
] | Why does the author mention apes and dolphins in the text? | For those who study the development of intelligencein the animal world, self-awareness is an important measurement. An animal that is awareof itself has a high level of intelligence.
Awareness can be tested by studying whether the animal recognizes itself in the mirror, that is, its own reflected image.Many animals fail this exercise bitterly, paying very little attention to the reflected image. Only humans, and some intelligent animals like apes and dolphins, have been shown to recognize that the image in the mirror is of themselves.
Now another animal has joined the club. In the Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences, researchers report that an Asian elephant has passed the mirror self-reflection test. "We thought that elephants were the next important animal," said Diana Reiss of the Wildlife Conservation Society, an author of the study with Joshua M. Plotnik and Fans
B.M. de Waal of Emory University. With their large brains, Reiss said, elephants "seemed like cousins to apes and dolphins."
The researchers tested Happy, Maxine and Patty, three elephants at the Bronx Zoo. They put an 8-foot-square mirror on a wall of the animals' play area (out of the sight of zoo visitors) and recorded what happened with cameras, including one built in the mirror.
The elephants used their long noses to find what was behind it, and to examine parts of their bodies.
Of the three, Happy then passed the test, in which a clear mark was painted on one side of her face. She could tell the mark was there by looking in the mirror, and she used the mirror to touch the mark with her long nose.
Diana Reiss said, "We knew elephants were intelligent, but now we can talk about their intelligence in a better way." | 3055.txt | 3 |
[
"She used her nose to search behind the mirror.",
"She recognized her own image in the mirror.",
"She painted a mark on her own face.",
"She found the hidden camera."
] | What made Happy different from Maxine and Patty? | For those who study the development of intelligencein the animal world, self-awareness is an important measurement. An animal that is awareof itself has a high level of intelligence.
Awareness can be tested by studying whether the animal recognizes itself in the mirror, that is, its own reflected image.Many animals fail this exercise bitterly, paying very little attention to the reflected image. Only humans, and some intelligent animals like apes and dolphins, have been shown to recognize that the image in the mirror is of themselves.
Now another animal has joined the club. In the Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences, researchers report that an Asian elephant has passed the mirror self-reflection test. "We thought that elephants were the next important animal," said Diana Reiss of the Wildlife Conservation Society, an author of the study with Joshua M. Plotnik and Fans
B.M. de Waal of Emory University. With their large brains, Reiss said, elephants "seemed like cousins to apes and dolphins."
The researchers tested Happy, Maxine and Patty, three elephants at the Bronx Zoo. They put an 8-foot-square mirror on a wall of the animals' play area (out of the sight of zoo visitors) and recorded what happened with cameras, including one built in the mirror.
The elephants used their long noses to find what was behind it, and to examine parts of their bodies.
Of the three, Happy then passed the test, in which a clear mark was painted on one side of her face. She could tell the mark was there by looking in the mirror, and she used the mirror to touch the mark with her long nose.
Diana Reiss said, "We knew elephants were intelligent, but now we can talk about their intelligence in a better way." | 3055.txt | 1 |
[
"Chicago became the headquarters for eleven new railroads.",
"Chicago became the most important city east of the Mississippi River.",
"Chicago was transformed from a village into a large city.",
"Chicago replaced eastern cities as the main buyer of farm products from the region."
] | According to paragraph 1, what effect did the expansion of rail links have on Chicago? | In the United States, railroads spearheaded the second phase of the transportation revolution by overtaking the previous importance of canals. The mid-1800s saw a great expansion of American railroads. The major cities east of the Mississippi River were linked by a spiderweb of railroad tracks. Chicago's growth illustrates the impact of these rail links. In 1849 Chicago was a village of a few hundred people with virtually no rail service. By 1860 it had become a city of 100,000, served by eleven railroads.Farmers to the north and west of Chicago no longer had to ship their grain, livestock, and dairy products down the Mississippi River to New Orleans; they could now ship their products directly east. Chicago supplanted New Orleans as the interior of America's main commercial hub.
The east-west rail lines stimulated the settlement and agricultural development of the Midwest. By 1860 Illinois, Indiana, and Wisconsin had replaced Ohio, Pennsylvania, and New York as the leading wheat-growing states. Enabling farmers to speed their products to the East, railroads increased the value of farmland and promoted additional settlement. In turn, population growth in agricultural areas triggered industrial development in cities such as Chicago, Davenport (IowA., and Minneapolis, for the new settlers needed lumber for fences and houses and mills to grind wheat into flour.
Railroads also propelled the growth of small towns along their routes. The Illinois Central Railroad, which had more track than any other railroad in 1855, made money not only from its traffic but also from real estate speculation. Purchasing land for stations along its path, the Illinois Central then laid out towns around the stations. The selection of Manteno, Illinois, as a stop of the Illinois Central, for example, transformed the site from a crossroads without a single house in 1854 into a bustling town of nearly a thousand in 1860, replete with hotels, lumberyards, grain elevators, and gristmills. By the Civil War (1861-1865), few thought of the railroad-linked Midwest as a frontier region or viewed its inhabitants as pioneers.
As the nation's first big business, the railroads transformed the conduct of business. During the early 1830s, railroads, like canals, depended on financial aid from state governments. With the onset of economic depression in the late 1830s, however, state governments scrapped overly ambitious railroad projects. Convinced that railroads burdened them with high taxes and blasted hopes, voters turned against state aid, and in the early 1840s, several states amended their constitutions to bar state funding for railroads and canals. The federal government took up some of the slack, but federal aid did not provide a major stimulus to railroads before 1860. Rather, part of the burden of finance passed to city and county governments in agricultural areas that wanted to attract railroads. Such municipal governments, for example, often gave railroads rights-of-way, grants of land for stations, and public funds.
The dramatic expansion of the railroad network in the 1850s, however, strained the financing capacity of local governments and required a turn toward private investment, which had never been absent from the picture. Well aware of the economic benefits of railroads, individuals living near them had long purchased railroad stock issued by governments and had directly bought stock in railroads, often paying by contributing their labor to building the railroads. But the large railroads of the 1850s needed more capital than such small investors could generate. Gradually, the center of railroad financing shifted to New York City, and in fact, it was the railroad boom of the 1850s that helped make Wall Street in New York City the nation's greatest capital market. The stocks of all the leading railroads were traded on the floor of the New York Stock Exchange during the 1850s. In addition, the growth of railroads turned New York City into the center of modern investment firms. The investment firms evaluated the stock of railroads in the smaller American cities and then found purchasers for these stocks in New York City, Philadelphia, Paris, London, Amsterdam, and Hamburg. Controlling the flow of funds to railroads, the investment bankers began to exert influence over the railroads' internal affairs by supervising administrative reorganizations in times of trouble. | 1173.txt | 2 |
[
"by 1860 there were more railroads in Illinois, Indiana, and Wisconsin than in Ohio, Pennsylvania, and New York.",
"the expansion of east-west rail lines made transporting Midwestern products to East Coast markets relatively fast and easy.",
"by 1860 states such as Ohio, Pennsylvania, and New York had become more interested in industrial development than in agriculture.",
"most of the farmers who had grown wheat in Ohio, Pennsylvania, or New York resettled in the Midwest after the expansion of east-west rail lines."
] | Paragraph 2 supports the idea that Illinois, Indiana, and Wisconsin were able to become the leading wheat-growing states by 1860 in large part because | In the United States, railroads spearheaded the second phase of the transportation revolution by overtaking the previous importance of canals. The mid-1800s saw a great expansion of American railroads. The major cities east of the Mississippi River were linked by a spiderweb of railroad tracks. Chicago's growth illustrates the impact of these rail links. In 1849 Chicago was a village of a few hundred people with virtually no rail service. By 1860 it had become a city of 100,000, served by eleven railroads.Farmers to the north and west of Chicago no longer had to ship their grain, livestock, and dairy products down the Mississippi River to New Orleans; they could now ship their products directly east. Chicago supplanted New Orleans as the interior of America's main commercial hub.
The east-west rail lines stimulated the settlement and agricultural development of the Midwest. By 1860 Illinois, Indiana, and Wisconsin had replaced Ohio, Pennsylvania, and New York as the leading wheat-growing states. Enabling farmers to speed their products to the East, railroads increased the value of farmland and promoted additional settlement. In turn, population growth in agricultural areas triggered industrial development in cities such as Chicago, Davenport (IowA., and Minneapolis, for the new settlers needed lumber for fences and houses and mills to grind wheat into flour.
Railroads also propelled the growth of small towns along their routes. The Illinois Central Railroad, which had more track than any other railroad in 1855, made money not only from its traffic but also from real estate speculation. Purchasing land for stations along its path, the Illinois Central then laid out towns around the stations. The selection of Manteno, Illinois, as a stop of the Illinois Central, for example, transformed the site from a crossroads without a single house in 1854 into a bustling town of nearly a thousand in 1860, replete with hotels, lumberyards, grain elevators, and gristmills. By the Civil War (1861-1865), few thought of the railroad-linked Midwest as a frontier region or viewed its inhabitants as pioneers.
As the nation's first big business, the railroads transformed the conduct of business. During the early 1830s, railroads, like canals, depended on financial aid from state governments. With the onset of economic depression in the late 1830s, however, state governments scrapped overly ambitious railroad projects. Convinced that railroads burdened them with high taxes and blasted hopes, voters turned against state aid, and in the early 1840s, several states amended their constitutions to bar state funding for railroads and canals. The federal government took up some of the slack, but federal aid did not provide a major stimulus to railroads before 1860. Rather, part of the burden of finance passed to city and county governments in agricultural areas that wanted to attract railroads. Such municipal governments, for example, often gave railroads rights-of-way, grants of land for stations, and public funds.
The dramatic expansion of the railroad network in the 1850s, however, strained the financing capacity of local governments and required a turn toward private investment, which had never been absent from the picture. Well aware of the economic benefits of railroads, individuals living near them had long purchased railroad stock issued by governments and had directly bought stock in railroads, often paying by contributing their labor to building the railroads. But the large railroads of the 1850s needed more capital than such small investors could generate. Gradually, the center of railroad financing shifted to New York City, and in fact, it was the railroad boom of the 1850s that helped make Wall Street in New York City the nation's greatest capital market. The stocks of all the leading railroads were traded on the floor of the New York Stock Exchange during the 1850s. In addition, the growth of railroads turned New York City into the center of modern investment firms. The investment firms evaluated the stock of railroads in the smaller American cities and then found purchasers for these stocks in New York City, Philadelphia, Paris, London, Amsterdam, and Hamburg. Controlling the flow of funds to railroads, the investment bankers began to exert influence over the railroads' internal affairs by supervising administrative reorganizations in times of trouble. | 1173.txt | 1 |
[
"encouraged.",
"controlled.",
"promised.",
"predicted."
] | The word "promoted" in the passage is closest in meaning to | In the United States, railroads spearheaded the second phase of the transportation revolution by overtaking the previous importance of canals. The mid-1800s saw a great expansion of American railroads. The major cities east of the Mississippi River were linked by a spiderweb of railroad tracks. Chicago's growth illustrates the impact of these rail links. In 1849 Chicago was a village of a few hundred people with virtually no rail service. By 1860 it had become a city of 100,000, served by eleven railroads.Farmers to the north and west of Chicago no longer had to ship their grain, livestock, and dairy products down the Mississippi River to New Orleans; they could now ship their products directly east. Chicago supplanted New Orleans as the interior of America's main commercial hub.
The east-west rail lines stimulated the settlement and agricultural development of the Midwest. By 1860 Illinois, Indiana, and Wisconsin had replaced Ohio, Pennsylvania, and New York as the leading wheat-growing states. Enabling farmers to speed their products to the East, railroads increased the value of farmland and promoted additional settlement. In turn, population growth in agricultural areas triggered industrial development in cities such as Chicago, Davenport (IowA., and Minneapolis, for the new settlers needed lumber for fences and houses and mills to grind wheat into flour.
Railroads also propelled the growth of small towns along their routes. The Illinois Central Railroad, which had more track than any other railroad in 1855, made money not only from its traffic but also from real estate speculation. Purchasing land for stations along its path, the Illinois Central then laid out towns around the stations. The selection of Manteno, Illinois, as a stop of the Illinois Central, for example, transformed the site from a crossroads without a single house in 1854 into a bustling town of nearly a thousand in 1860, replete with hotels, lumberyards, grain elevators, and gristmills. By the Civil War (1861-1865), few thought of the railroad-linked Midwest as a frontier region or viewed its inhabitants as pioneers.
As the nation's first big business, the railroads transformed the conduct of business. During the early 1830s, railroads, like canals, depended on financial aid from state governments. With the onset of economic depression in the late 1830s, however, state governments scrapped overly ambitious railroad projects. Convinced that railroads burdened them with high taxes and blasted hopes, voters turned against state aid, and in the early 1840s, several states amended their constitutions to bar state funding for railroads and canals. The federal government took up some of the slack, but federal aid did not provide a major stimulus to railroads before 1860. Rather, part of the burden of finance passed to city and county governments in agricultural areas that wanted to attract railroads. Such municipal governments, for example, often gave railroads rights-of-way, grants of land for stations, and public funds.
The dramatic expansion of the railroad network in the 1850s, however, strained the financing capacity of local governments and required a turn toward private investment, which had never been absent from the picture. Well aware of the economic benefits of railroads, individuals living near them had long purchased railroad stock issued by governments and had directly bought stock in railroads, often paying by contributing their labor to building the railroads. But the large railroads of the 1850s needed more capital than such small investors could generate. Gradually, the center of railroad financing shifted to New York City, and in fact, it was the railroad boom of the 1850s that helped make Wall Street in New York City the nation's greatest capital market. The stocks of all the leading railroads were traded on the floor of the New York Stock Exchange during the 1850s. In addition, the growth of railroads turned New York City into the center of modern investment firms. The investment firms evaluated the stock of railroads in the smaller American cities and then found purchasers for these stocks in New York City, Philadelphia, Paris, London, Amsterdam, and Hamburg. Controlling the flow of funds to railroads, the investment bankers began to exert influence over the railroads' internal affairs by supervising administrative reorganizations in times of trouble. | 1173.txt | 0 |
[
"slow the rate at which population grew in many Midwestern cities.",
"increase the demand for industrial products from Midwestern cities.",
"encourage the extension of east-west rail lines to the Midwest.",
"reduce the pressure on Midwestern farmers to get their products to market faster."
] | According to paragraph 2, one effect of the increased agricultural development in the Midwest was to | In the United States, railroads spearheaded the second phase of the transportation revolution by overtaking the previous importance of canals. The mid-1800s saw a great expansion of American railroads. The major cities east of the Mississippi River were linked by a spiderweb of railroad tracks. Chicago's growth illustrates the impact of these rail links. In 1849 Chicago was a village of a few hundred people with virtually no rail service. By 1860 it had become a city of 100,000, served by eleven railroads.Farmers to the north and west of Chicago no longer had to ship their grain, livestock, and dairy products down the Mississippi River to New Orleans; they could now ship their products directly east. Chicago supplanted New Orleans as the interior of America's main commercial hub.
The east-west rail lines stimulated the settlement and agricultural development of the Midwest. By 1860 Illinois, Indiana, and Wisconsin had replaced Ohio, Pennsylvania, and New York as the leading wheat-growing states. Enabling farmers to speed their products to the East, railroads increased the value of farmland and promoted additional settlement. In turn, population growth in agricultural areas triggered industrial development in cities such as Chicago, Davenport (IowA., and Minneapolis, for the new settlers needed lumber for fences and houses and mills to grind wheat into flour.
Railroads also propelled the growth of small towns along their routes. The Illinois Central Railroad, which had more track than any other railroad in 1855, made money not only from its traffic but also from real estate speculation. Purchasing land for stations along its path, the Illinois Central then laid out towns around the stations. The selection of Manteno, Illinois, as a stop of the Illinois Central, for example, transformed the site from a crossroads without a single house in 1854 into a bustling town of nearly a thousand in 1860, replete with hotels, lumberyards, grain elevators, and gristmills. By the Civil War (1861-1865), few thought of the railroad-linked Midwest as a frontier region or viewed its inhabitants as pioneers.
As the nation's first big business, the railroads transformed the conduct of business. During the early 1830s, railroads, like canals, depended on financial aid from state governments. With the onset of economic depression in the late 1830s, however, state governments scrapped overly ambitious railroad projects. Convinced that railroads burdened them with high taxes and blasted hopes, voters turned against state aid, and in the early 1840s, several states amended their constitutions to bar state funding for railroads and canals. The federal government took up some of the slack, but federal aid did not provide a major stimulus to railroads before 1860. Rather, part of the burden of finance passed to city and county governments in agricultural areas that wanted to attract railroads. Such municipal governments, for example, often gave railroads rights-of-way, grants of land for stations, and public funds.
The dramatic expansion of the railroad network in the 1850s, however, strained the financing capacity of local governments and required a turn toward private investment, which had never been absent from the picture. Well aware of the economic benefits of railroads, individuals living near them had long purchased railroad stock issued by governments and had directly bought stock in railroads, often paying by contributing their labor to building the railroads. But the large railroads of the 1850s needed more capital than such small investors could generate. Gradually, the center of railroad financing shifted to New York City, and in fact, it was the railroad boom of the 1850s that helped make Wall Street in New York City the nation's greatest capital market. The stocks of all the leading railroads were traded on the floor of the New York Stock Exchange during the 1850s. In addition, the growth of railroads turned New York City into the center of modern investment firms. The investment firms evaluated the stock of railroads in the smaller American cities and then found purchasers for these stocks in New York City, Philadelphia, Paris, London, Amsterdam, and Hamburg. Controlling the flow of funds to railroads, the investment bankers began to exert influence over the railroads' internal affairs by supervising administrative reorganizations in times of trouble. | 1173.txt | 1 |
[
"give an example of how railroads decided which small towns would be selected for stations.",
"illustrate the power of railroads to determine where towns would come into existence.",
"explain how some railroads were able to make more money from real estate speculation than from railroad traffic.",
"show how people's view of the Midwest as a frontier region had changed by the Civil War."
] | The author mentions "Manteno, Illinois" in order to | In the United States, railroads spearheaded the second phase of the transportation revolution by overtaking the previous importance of canals. The mid-1800s saw a great expansion of American railroads. The major cities east of the Mississippi River were linked by a spiderweb of railroad tracks. Chicago's growth illustrates the impact of these rail links. In 1849 Chicago was a village of a few hundred people with virtually no rail service. By 1860 it had become a city of 100,000, served by eleven railroads.Farmers to the north and west of Chicago no longer had to ship their grain, livestock, and dairy products down the Mississippi River to New Orleans; they could now ship their products directly east. Chicago supplanted New Orleans as the interior of America's main commercial hub.
The east-west rail lines stimulated the settlement and agricultural development of the Midwest. By 1860 Illinois, Indiana, and Wisconsin had replaced Ohio, Pennsylvania, and New York as the leading wheat-growing states. Enabling farmers to speed their products to the East, railroads increased the value of farmland and promoted additional settlement. In turn, population growth in agricultural areas triggered industrial development in cities such as Chicago, Davenport (IowA., and Minneapolis, for the new settlers needed lumber for fences and houses and mills to grind wheat into flour.
Railroads also propelled the growth of small towns along their routes. The Illinois Central Railroad, which had more track than any other railroad in 1855, made money not only from its traffic but also from real estate speculation. Purchasing land for stations along its path, the Illinois Central then laid out towns around the stations. The selection of Manteno, Illinois, as a stop of the Illinois Central, for example, transformed the site from a crossroads without a single house in 1854 into a bustling town of nearly a thousand in 1860, replete with hotels, lumberyards, grain elevators, and gristmills. By the Civil War (1861-1865), few thought of the railroad-linked Midwest as a frontier region or viewed its inhabitants as pioneers.
As the nation's first big business, the railroads transformed the conduct of business. During the early 1830s, railroads, like canals, depended on financial aid from state governments. With the onset of economic depression in the late 1830s, however, state governments scrapped overly ambitious railroad projects. Convinced that railroads burdened them with high taxes and blasted hopes, voters turned against state aid, and in the early 1840s, several states amended their constitutions to bar state funding for railroads and canals. The federal government took up some of the slack, but federal aid did not provide a major stimulus to railroads before 1860. Rather, part of the burden of finance passed to city and county governments in agricultural areas that wanted to attract railroads. Such municipal governments, for example, often gave railroads rights-of-way, grants of land for stations, and public funds.
The dramatic expansion of the railroad network in the 1850s, however, strained the financing capacity of local governments and required a turn toward private investment, which had never been absent from the picture. Well aware of the economic benefits of railroads, individuals living near them had long purchased railroad stock issued by governments and had directly bought stock in railroads, often paying by contributing their labor to building the railroads. But the large railroads of the 1850s needed more capital than such small investors could generate. Gradually, the center of railroad financing shifted to New York City, and in fact, it was the railroad boom of the 1850s that helped make Wall Street in New York City the nation's greatest capital market. The stocks of all the leading railroads were traded on the floor of the New York Stock Exchange during the 1850s. In addition, the growth of railroads turned New York City into the center of modern investment firms. The investment firms evaluated the stock of railroads in the smaller American cities and then found purchasers for these stocks in New York City, Philadelphia, Paris, London, Amsterdam, and Hamburg. Controlling the flow of funds to railroads, the investment bankers began to exert influence over the railroads' internal affairs by supervising administrative reorganizations in times of trouble. | 1173.txt | 1 |
[
"commercial.",
"wealthy.",
"lively.",
"modern."
] | The word "bustling" in the passage is closest in meaning to | In the United States, railroads spearheaded the second phase of the transportation revolution by overtaking the previous importance of canals. The mid-1800s saw a great expansion of American railroads. The major cities east of the Mississippi River were linked by a spiderweb of railroad tracks. Chicago's growth illustrates the impact of these rail links. In 1849 Chicago was a village of a few hundred people with virtually no rail service. By 1860 it had become a city of 100,000, served by eleven railroads.Farmers to the north and west of Chicago no longer had to ship their grain, livestock, and dairy products down the Mississippi River to New Orleans; they could now ship their products directly east. Chicago supplanted New Orleans as the interior of America's main commercial hub.
The east-west rail lines stimulated the settlement and agricultural development of the Midwest. By 1860 Illinois, Indiana, and Wisconsin had replaced Ohio, Pennsylvania, and New York as the leading wheat-growing states. Enabling farmers to speed their products to the East, railroads increased the value of farmland and promoted additional settlement. In turn, population growth in agricultural areas triggered industrial development in cities such as Chicago, Davenport (IowA., and Minneapolis, for the new settlers needed lumber for fences and houses and mills to grind wheat into flour.
Railroads also propelled the growth of small towns along their routes. The Illinois Central Railroad, which had more track than any other railroad in 1855, made money not only from its traffic but also from real estate speculation. Purchasing land for stations along its path, the Illinois Central then laid out towns around the stations. The selection of Manteno, Illinois, as a stop of the Illinois Central, for example, transformed the site from a crossroads without a single house in 1854 into a bustling town of nearly a thousand in 1860, replete with hotels, lumberyards, grain elevators, and gristmills. By the Civil War (1861-1865), few thought of the railroad-linked Midwest as a frontier region or viewed its inhabitants as pioneers.
As the nation's first big business, the railroads transformed the conduct of business. During the early 1830s, railroads, like canals, depended on financial aid from state governments. With the onset of economic depression in the late 1830s, however, state governments scrapped overly ambitious railroad projects. Convinced that railroads burdened them with high taxes and blasted hopes, voters turned against state aid, and in the early 1840s, several states amended their constitutions to bar state funding for railroads and canals. The federal government took up some of the slack, but federal aid did not provide a major stimulus to railroads before 1860. Rather, part of the burden of finance passed to city and county governments in agricultural areas that wanted to attract railroads. Such municipal governments, for example, often gave railroads rights-of-way, grants of land for stations, and public funds.
The dramatic expansion of the railroad network in the 1850s, however, strained the financing capacity of local governments and required a turn toward private investment, which had never been absent from the picture. Well aware of the economic benefits of railroads, individuals living near them had long purchased railroad stock issued by governments and had directly bought stock in railroads, often paying by contributing their labor to building the railroads. But the large railroads of the 1850s needed more capital than such small investors could generate. Gradually, the center of railroad financing shifted to New York City, and in fact, it was the railroad boom of the 1850s that helped make Wall Street in New York City the nation's greatest capital market. The stocks of all the leading railroads were traded on the floor of the New York Stock Exchange during the 1850s. In addition, the growth of railroads turned New York City into the center of modern investment firms. The investment firms evaluated the stock of railroads in the smaller American cities and then found purchasers for these stocks in New York City, Philadelphia, Paris, London, Amsterdam, and Hamburg. Controlling the flow of funds to railroads, the investment bankers began to exert influence over the railroads' internal affairs by supervising administrative reorganizations in times of trouble. | 1173.txt | 2 |
[
"possibility.",
"fear.",
"worsening.",
"start."
] | The word "onset" in the passage is closest in meaning to | In the United States, railroads spearheaded the second phase of the transportation revolution by overtaking the previous importance of canals. The mid-1800s saw a great expansion of American railroads. The major cities east of the Mississippi River were linked by a spiderweb of railroad tracks. Chicago's growth illustrates the impact of these rail links. In 1849 Chicago was a village of a few hundred people with virtually no rail service. By 1860 it had become a city of 100,000, served by eleven railroads.Farmers to the north and west of Chicago no longer had to ship their grain, livestock, and dairy products down the Mississippi River to New Orleans; they could now ship their products directly east. Chicago supplanted New Orleans as the interior of America's main commercial hub.
The east-west rail lines stimulated the settlement and agricultural development of the Midwest. By 1860 Illinois, Indiana, and Wisconsin had replaced Ohio, Pennsylvania, and New York as the leading wheat-growing states. Enabling farmers to speed their products to the East, railroads increased the value of farmland and promoted additional settlement. In turn, population growth in agricultural areas triggered industrial development in cities such as Chicago, Davenport (IowA., and Minneapolis, for the new settlers needed lumber for fences and houses and mills to grind wheat into flour.
Railroads also propelled the growth of small towns along their routes. The Illinois Central Railroad, which had more track than any other railroad in 1855, made money not only from its traffic but also from real estate speculation. Purchasing land for stations along its path, the Illinois Central then laid out towns around the stations. The selection of Manteno, Illinois, as a stop of the Illinois Central, for example, transformed the site from a crossroads without a single house in 1854 into a bustling town of nearly a thousand in 1860, replete with hotels, lumberyards, grain elevators, and gristmills. By the Civil War (1861-1865), few thought of the railroad-linked Midwest as a frontier region or viewed its inhabitants as pioneers.
As the nation's first big business, the railroads transformed the conduct of business. During the early 1830s, railroads, like canals, depended on financial aid from state governments. With the onset of economic depression in the late 1830s, however, state governments scrapped overly ambitious railroad projects. Convinced that railroads burdened them with high taxes and blasted hopes, voters turned against state aid, and in the early 1840s, several states amended their constitutions to bar state funding for railroads and canals. The federal government took up some of the slack, but federal aid did not provide a major stimulus to railroads before 1860. Rather, part of the burden of finance passed to city and county governments in agricultural areas that wanted to attract railroads. Such municipal governments, for example, often gave railroads rights-of-way, grants of land for stations, and public funds.
The dramatic expansion of the railroad network in the 1850s, however, strained the financing capacity of local governments and required a turn toward private investment, which had never been absent from the picture. Well aware of the economic benefits of railroads, individuals living near them had long purchased railroad stock issued by governments and had directly bought stock in railroads, often paying by contributing their labor to building the railroads. But the large railroads of the 1850s needed more capital than such small investors could generate. Gradually, the center of railroad financing shifted to New York City, and in fact, it was the railroad boom of the 1850s that helped make Wall Street in New York City the nation's greatest capital market. The stocks of all the leading railroads were traded on the floor of the New York Stock Exchange during the 1850s. In addition, the growth of railroads turned New York City into the center of modern investment firms. The investment firms evaluated the stock of railroads in the smaller American cities and then found purchasers for these stocks in New York City, Philadelphia, Paris, London, Amsterdam, and Hamburg. Controlling the flow of funds to railroads, the investment bankers began to exert influence over the railroads' internal affairs by supervising administrative reorganizations in times of trouble. | 1173.txt | 3 |
[
"They lost important funding from state governments.",
"They began to realize that some of their projects were overly ambitious.",
"They had to compete with canals for government support.",
"They emerged as the nation's biggest business."
] | According to paragraph 4, how were railroads affected by the economic depression in the late 1830s? | In the United States, railroads spearheaded the second phase of the transportation revolution by overtaking the previous importance of canals. The mid-1800s saw a great expansion of American railroads. The major cities east of the Mississippi River were linked by a spiderweb of railroad tracks. Chicago's growth illustrates the impact of these rail links. In 1849 Chicago was a village of a few hundred people with virtually no rail service. By 1860 it had become a city of 100,000, served by eleven railroads.Farmers to the north and west of Chicago no longer had to ship their grain, livestock, and dairy products down the Mississippi River to New Orleans; they could now ship their products directly east. Chicago supplanted New Orleans as the interior of America's main commercial hub.
The east-west rail lines stimulated the settlement and agricultural development of the Midwest. By 1860 Illinois, Indiana, and Wisconsin had replaced Ohio, Pennsylvania, and New York as the leading wheat-growing states. Enabling farmers to speed their products to the East, railroads increased the value of farmland and promoted additional settlement. In turn, population growth in agricultural areas triggered industrial development in cities such as Chicago, Davenport (IowA., and Minneapolis, for the new settlers needed lumber for fences and houses and mills to grind wheat into flour.
Railroads also propelled the growth of small towns along their routes. The Illinois Central Railroad, which had more track than any other railroad in 1855, made money not only from its traffic but also from real estate speculation. Purchasing land for stations along its path, the Illinois Central then laid out towns around the stations. The selection of Manteno, Illinois, as a stop of the Illinois Central, for example, transformed the site from a crossroads without a single house in 1854 into a bustling town of nearly a thousand in 1860, replete with hotels, lumberyards, grain elevators, and gristmills. By the Civil War (1861-1865), few thought of the railroad-linked Midwest as a frontier region or viewed its inhabitants as pioneers.
As the nation's first big business, the railroads transformed the conduct of business. During the early 1830s, railroads, like canals, depended on financial aid from state governments. With the onset of economic depression in the late 1830s, however, state governments scrapped overly ambitious railroad projects. Convinced that railroads burdened them with high taxes and blasted hopes, voters turned against state aid, and in the early 1840s, several states amended their constitutions to bar state funding for railroads and canals. The federal government took up some of the slack, but federal aid did not provide a major stimulus to railroads before 1860. Rather, part of the burden of finance passed to city and county governments in agricultural areas that wanted to attract railroads. Such municipal governments, for example, often gave railroads rights-of-way, grants of land for stations, and public funds.
The dramatic expansion of the railroad network in the 1850s, however, strained the financing capacity of local governments and required a turn toward private investment, which had never been absent from the picture. Well aware of the economic benefits of railroads, individuals living near them had long purchased railroad stock issued by governments and had directly bought stock in railroads, often paying by contributing their labor to building the railroads. But the large railroads of the 1850s needed more capital than such small investors could generate. Gradually, the center of railroad financing shifted to New York City, and in fact, it was the railroad boom of the 1850s that helped make Wall Street in New York City the nation's greatest capital market. The stocks of all the leading railroads were traded on the floor of the New York Stock Exchange during the 1850s. In addition, the growth of railroads turned New York City into the center of modern investment firms. The investment firms evaluated the stock of railroads in the smaller American cities and then found purchasers for these stocks in New York City, Philadelphia, Paris, London, Amsterdam, and Hamburg. Controlling the flow of funds to railroads, the investment bankers began to exert influence over the railroads' internal affairs by supervising administrative reorganizations in times of trouble. | 1173.txt | 0 |
[
"Many of them were not particularly wealthy.",
"Many of them overestimated the economic benefits of railroads.",
"Most of them bought their stock for less than it was worth.",
"Most of them had been employed by a railroad."
] | Paragraph 5 supports which of the following ideas about people who held railroad stock? | In the United States, railroads spearheaded the second phase of the transportation revolution by overtaking the previous importance of canals. The mid-1800s saw a great expansion of American railroads. The major cities east of the Mississippi River were linked by a spiderweb of railroad tracks. Chicago's growth illustrates the impact of these rail links. In 1849 Chicago was a village of a few hundred people with virtually no rail service. By 1860 it had become a city of 100,000, served by eleven railroads.Farmers to the north and west of Chicago no longer had to ship their grain, livestock, and dairy products down the Mississippi River to New Orleans; they could now ship their products directly east. Chicago supplanted New Orleans as the interior of America's main commercial hub.
The east-west rail lines stimulated the settlement and agricultural development of the Midwest. By 1860 Illinois, Indiana, and Wisconsin had replaced Ohio, Pennsylvania, and New York as the leading wheat-growing states. Enabling farmers to speed their products to the East, railroads increased the value of farmland and promoted additional settlement. In turn, population growth in agricultural areas triggered industrial development in cities such as Chicago, Davenport (IowA., and Minneapolis, for the new settlers needed lumber for fences and houses and mills to grind wheat into flour.
Railroads also propelled the growth of small towns along their routes. The Illinois Central Railroad, which had more track than any other railroad in 1855, made money not only from its traffic but also from real estate speculation. Purchasing land for stations along its path, the Illinois Central then laid out towns around the stations. The selection of Manteno, Illinois, as a stop of the Illinois Central, for example, transformed the site from a crossroads without a single house in 1854 into a bustling town of nearly a thousand in 1860, replete with hotels, lumberyards, grain elevators, and gristmills. By the Civil War (1861-1865), few thought of the railroad-linked Midwest as a frontier region or viewed its inhabitants as pioneers.
As the nation's first big business, the railroads transformed the conduct of business. During the early 1830s, railroads, like canals, depended on financial aid from state governments. With the onset of economic depression in the late 1830s, however, state governments scrapped overly ambitious railroad projects. Convinced that railroads burdened them with high taxes and blasted hopes, voters turned against state aid, and in the early 1840s, several states amended their constitutions to bar state funding for railroads and canals. The federal government took up some of the slack, but federal aid did not provide a major stimulus to railroads before 1860. Rather, part of the burden of finance passed to city and county governments in agricultural areas that wanted to attract railroads. Such municipal governments, for example, often gave railroads rights-of-way, grants of land for stations, and public funds.
The dramatic expansion of the railroad network in the 1850s, however, strained the financing capacity of local governments and required a turn toward private investment, which had never been absent from the picture. Well aware of the economic benefits of railroads, individuals living near them had long purchased railroad stock issued by governments and had directly bought stock in railroads, often paying by contributing their labor to building the railroads. But the large railroads of the 1850s needed more capital than such small investors could generate. Gradually, the center of railroad financing shifted to New York City, and in fact, it was the railroad boom of the 1850s that helped make Wall Street in New York City the nation's greatest capital market. The stocks of all the leading railroads were traded on the floor of the New York Stock Exchange during the 1850s. In addition, the growth of railroads turned New York City into the center of modern investment firms. The investment firms evaluated the stock of railroads in the smaller American cities and then found purchasers for these stocks in New York City, Philadelphia, Paris, London, Amsterdam, and Hamburg. Controlling the flow of funds to railroads, the investment bankers began to exert influence over the railroads' internal affairs by supervising administrative reorganizations in times of trouble. | 1173.txt | 3 |
[
"controlling the distribution of funds to railroads.",
"finding national and international buyers of railroad stock.",
"overseeing administrative changes of railroads when needed.",
"persuading the federal government to reinvest in railroads."
] | According to paragraph 5, investment bankers were involved in all of the following EXCEPT | In the United States, railroads spearheaded the second phase of the transportation revolution by overtaking the previous importance of canals. The mid-1800s saw a great expansion of American railroads. The major cities east of the Mississippi River were linked by a spiderweb of railroad tracks. Chicago's growth illustrates the impact of these rail links. In 1849 Chicago was a village of a few hundred people with virtually no rail service. By 1860 it had become a city of 100,000, served by eleven railroads.Farmers to the north and west of Chicago no longer had to ship their grain, livestock, and dairy products down the Mississippi River to New Orleans; they could now ship their products directly east. Chicago supplanted New Orleans as the interior of America's main commercial hub.
The east-west rail lines stimulated the settlement and agricultural development of the Midwest. By 1860 Illinois, Indiana, and Wisconsin had replaced Ohio, Pennsylvania, and New York as the leading wheat-growing states. Enabling farmers to speed their products to the East, railroads increased the value of farmland and promoted additional settlement. In turn, population growth in agricultural areas triggered industrial development in cities such as Chicago, Davenport (IowA., and Minneapolis, for the new settlers needed lumber for fences and houses and mills to grind wheat into flour.
Railroads also propelled the growth of small towns along their routes. The Illinois Central Railroad, which had more track than any other railroad in 1855, made money not only from its traffic but also from real estate speculation. Purchasing land for stations along its path, the Illinois Central then laid out towns around the stations. The selection of Manteno, Illinois, as a stop of the Illinois Central, for example, transformed the site from a crossroads without a single house in 1854 into a bustling town of nearly a thousand in 1860, replete with hotels, lumberyards, grain elevators, and gristmills. By the Civil War (1861-1865), few thought of the railroad-linked Midwest as a frontier region or viewed its inhabitants as pioneers.
As the nation's first big business, the railroads transformed the conduct of business. During the early 1830s, railroads, like canals, depended on financial aid from state governments. With the onset of economic depression in the late 1830s, however, state governments scrapped overly ambitious railroad projects. Convinced that railroads burdened them with high taxes and blasted hopes, voters turned against state aid, and in the early 1840s, several states amended their constitutions to bar state funding for railroads and canals. The federal government took up some of the slack, but federal aid did not provide a major stimulus to railroads before 1860. Rather, part of the burden of finance passed to city and county governments in agricultural areas that wanted to attract railroads. Such municipal governments, for example, often gave railroads rights-of-way, grants of land for stations, and public funds.
The dramatic expansion of the railroad network in the 1850s, however, strained the financing capacity of local governments and required a turn toward private investment, which had never been absent from the picture. Well aware of the economic benefits of railroads, individuals living near them had long purchased railroad stock issued by governments and had directly bought stock in railroads, often paying by contributing their labor to building the railroads. But the large railroads of the 1850s needed more capital than such small investors could generate. Gradually, the center of railroad financing shifted to New York City, and in fact, it was the railroad boom of the 1850s that helped make Wall Street in New York City the nation's greatest capital market. The stocks of all the leading railroads were traded on the floor of the New York Stock Exchange during the 1850s. In addition, the growth of railroads turned New York City into the center of modern investment firms. The investment firms evaluated the stock of railroads in the smaller American cities and then found purchasers for these stocks in New York City, Philadelphia, Paris, London, Amsterdam, and Hamburg. Controlling the flow of funds to railroads, the investment bankers began to exert influence over the railroads' internal affairs by supervising administrative reorganizations in times of trouble. | 1173.txt | 3 |
[
"promise.",
"growth.",
"movement.",
"source."
] | The word "flow" in the passage is closest in meaning to | In the United States, railroads spearheaded the second phase of the transportation revolution by overtaking the previous importance of canals. The mid-1800s saw a great expansion of American railroads. The major cities east of the Mississippi River were linked by a spiderweb of railroad tracks. Chicago's growth illustrates the impact of these rail links. In 1849 Chicago was a village of a few hundred people with virtually no rail service. By 1860 it had become a city of 100,000, served by eleven railroads.Farmers to the north and west of Chicago no longer had to ship their grain, livestock, and dairy products down the Mississippi River to New Orleans; they could now ship their products directly east. Chicago supplanted New Orleans as the interior of America's main commercial hub.
The east-west rail lines stimulated the settlement and agricultural development of the Midwest. By 1860 Illinois, Indiana, and Wisconsin had replaced Ohio, Pennsylvania, and New York as the leading wheat-growing states. Enabling farmers to speed their products to the East, railroads increased the value of farmland and promoted additional settlement. In turn, population growth in agricultural areas triggered industrial development in cities such as Chicago, Davenport (IowA., and Minneapolis, for the new settlers needed lumber for fences and houses and mills to grind wheat into flour.
Railroads also propelled the growth of small towns along their routes. The Illinois Central Railroad, which had more track than any other railroad in 1855, made money not only from its traffic but also from real estate speculation. Purchasing land for stations along its path, the Illinois Central then laid out towns around the stations. The selection of Manteno, Illinois, as a stop of the Illinois Central, for example, transformed the site from a crossroads without a single house in 1854 into a bustling town of nearly a thousand in 1860, replete with hotels, lumberyards, grain elevators, and gristmills. By the Civil War (1861-1865), few thought of the railroad-linked Midwest as a frontier region or viewed its inhabitants as pioneers.
As the nation's first big business, the railroads transformed the conduct of business. During the early 1830s, railroads, like canals, depended on financial aid from state governments. With the onset of economic depression in the late 1830s, however, state governments scrapped overly ambitious railroad projects. Convinced that railroads burdened them with high taxes and blasted hopes, voters turned against state aid, and in the early 1840s, several states amended their constitutions to bar state funding for railroads and canals. The federal government took up some of the slack, but federal aid did not provide a major stimulus to railroads before 1860. Rather, part of the burden of finance passed to city and county governments in agricultural areas that wanted to attract railroads. Such municipal governments, for example, often gave railroads rights-of-way, grants of land for stations, and public funds.
The dramatic expansion of the railroad network in the 1850s, however, strained the financing capacity of local governments and required a turn toward private investment, which had never been absent from the picture. Well aware of the economic benefits of railroads, individuals living near them had long purchased railroad stock issued by governments and had directly bought stock in railroads, often paying by contributing their labor to building the railroads. But the large railroads of the 1850s needed more capital than such small investors could generate. Gradually, the center of railroad financing shifted to New York City, and in fact, it was the railroad boom of the 1850s that helped make Wall Street in New York City the nation's greatest capital market. The stocks of all the leading railroads were traded on the floor of the New York Stock Exchange during the 1850s. In addition, the growth of railroads turned New York City into the center of modern investment firms. The investment firms evaluated the stock of railroads in the smaller American cities and then found purchasers for these stocks in New York City, Philadelphia, Paris, London, Amsterdam, and Hamburg. Controlling the flow of funds to railroads, the investment bankers began to exert influence over the railroads' internal affairs by supervising administrative reorganizations in times of trouble. | 1173.txt | 2 |
[
"planes and motorcars have taken the place of trains",
"oil is expensive today",
"ains are slow",
"ilways lose money"
] | Some people think the railways are unnecessary for many reasons except that _ . | For years and years people have been saying thatthe rail ways are dead. ―We can do withoutrailways‖, people say as if motorcars and planes havemade the railways unnecessary. We all keephearing that trains are slow, that they lose money,that they‘re dying. But this is far from the truth. Inthese days of expensive oil, the railways havebecome highly competitive with motorcars andplanes. If you want to carry people or goods from place to place. They are cheaper than planes.And they have much in common with planes. A plane goes in a straight line and so does arailway. What is more, it takes you from the heart of a city into the heart of another. It doesn‘tleave you as a plane does, miles and miles from the city center. It doesn‘t hold you up as a cardoes, in endless traffic jams. And a single train can carry goods which no plane or motorcarcould ever do.
Far from being dead, the railways are very much alive, Modern railway lines give you asmooth, untroubled journey. Where else can you eat well, sleep in comfort, feel safe andenjoy the scene while you are traveling at speed at the same time? And we are only at thebeginning. For we have just entered the age of superfast trains, trains traveling at150 miles an hour and more. Soon we will be wondering why we spent so much on motorwayswe can‘t use because we have not enough money to buy the oil and planes we can‘t fly in forthe same reason. | 2513.txt | 1 |
[
"we can do without railways",
"trains have much in common with motorcars and planes",
"motorcars and planes are not as good as trains",
"trains are as good as motorcars and planes"
] | the writer‘s idea seems to be that _ . | For years and years people have been saying thatthe rail ways are dead. ―We can do withoutrailways‖, people say as if motorcars and planes havemade the railways unnecessary. We all keephearing that trains are slow, that they lose money,that they‘re dying. But this is far from the truth. Inthese days of expensive oil, the railways havebecome highly competitive with motorcars andplanes. If you want to carry people or goods from place to place. They are cheaper than planes.And they have much in common with planes. A plane goes in a straight line and so does arailway. What is more, it takes you from the heart of a city into the heart of another. It doesn‘tleave you as a plane does, miles and miles from the city center. It doesn‘t hold you up as a cardoes, in endless traffic jams. And a single train can carry goods which no plane or motorcarcould ever do.
Far from being dead, the railways are very much alive, Modern railway lines give you asmooth, untroubled journey. Where else can you eat well, sleep in comfort, feel safe andenjoy the scene while you are traveling at speed at the same time? And we are only at thebeginning. For we have just entered the age of superfast trains, trains traveling at150 miles an hour and more. Soon we will be wondering why we spent so much on motorwayswe can‘t use because we have not enough money to buy the oil and planes we can‘t fly in forthe same reason. | 2513.txt | 3 |
[
"It is cheaper to travel by train than by plane",
"e railway station is usually at the center of a city",
"en you get off the plane you will find yourself right in he city center",
"motorcar or plane can carry as many goods as a train does"
] | According to the writer, which of the following is not true? _ . | For years and years people have been saying thatthe rail ways are dead. ―We can do withoutrailways‖, people say as if motorcars and planes havemade the railways unnecessary. We all keephearing that trains are slow, that they lose money,that they‘re dying. But this is far from the truth. Inthese days of expensive oil, the railways havebecome highly competitive with motorcars andplanes. If you want to carry people or goods from place to place. They are cheaper than planes.And they have much in common with planes. A plane goes in a straight line and so does arailway. What is more, it takes you from the heart of a city into the heart of another. It doesn‘tleave you as a plane does, miles and miles from the city center. It doesn‘t hold you up as a cardoes, in endless traffic jams. And a single train can carry goods which no plane or motorcarcould ever do.
Far from being dead, the railways are very much alive, Modern railway lines give you asmooth, untroubled journey. Where else can you eat well, sleep in comfort, feel safe andenjoy the scene while you are traveling at speed at the same time? And we are only at thebeginning. For we have just entered the age of superfast trains, trains traveling at150 miles an hour and more. Soon we will be wondering why we spent so much on motorwayswe can‘t use because we have not enough money to buy the oil and planes we can‘t fly in forthe same reason. | 2513.txt | 2 |
[
"can have a smooth and untroubled journey",
"we‘ll not have enough money to fly in planes",
"we can now travel in super-fast trains",
"all the above"
] | The writer thinks that the railways, far from being dad, are very much alivebecause _ . | For years and years people have been saying thatthe rail ways are dead. ―We can do withoutrailways‖, people say as if motorcars and planes havemade the railways unnecessary. We all keephearing that trains are slow, that they lose money,that they‘re dying. But this is far from the truth. Inthese days of expensive oil, the railways havebecome highly competitive with motorcars andplanes. If you want to carry people or goods from place to place. They are cheaper than planes.And they have much in common with planes. A plane goes in a straight line and so does arailway. What is more, it takes you from the heart of a city into the heart of another. It doesn‘tleave you as a plane does, miles and miles from the city center. It doesn‘t hold you up as a cardoes, in endless traffic jams. And a single train can carry goods which no plane or motorcarcould ever do.
Far from being dead, the railways are very much alive, Modern railway lines give you asmooth, untroubled journey. Where else can you eat well, sleep in comfort, feel safe andenjoy the scene while you are traveling at speed at the same time? And we are only at thebeginning. For we have just entered the age of superfast trains, trains traveling at150 miles an hour and more. Soon we will be wondering why we spent so much on motorwayswe can‘t use because we have not enough money to buy the oil and planes we can‘t fly in forthe same reason. | 2513.txt | 3 |
[
"Not the End , but the Beginning",
"Which is the Best: Train, Motorcar or Plane",
"Trains Are More Competitive than Mortorcars or Planes",
"Oh, super-fast Trains"
] | The best title for this passage may be _ . | For years and years people have been saying thatthe rail ways are dead. ―We can do withoutrailways‖, people say as if motorcars and planes havemade the railways unnecessary. We all keephearing that trains are slow, that they lose money,that they‘re dying. But this is far from the truth. Inthese days of expensive oil, the railways havebecome highly competitive with motorcars andplanes. If you want to carry people or goods from place to place. They are cheaper than planes.And they have much in common with planes. A plane goes in a straight line and so does arailway. What is more, it takes you from the heart of a city into the heart of another. It doesn‘tleave you as a plane does, miles and miles from the city center. It doesn‘t hold you up as a cardoes, in endless traffic jams. And a single train can carry goods which no plane or motorcarcould ever do.
Far from being dead, the railways are very much alive, Modern railway lines give you asmooth, untroubled journey. Where else can you eat well, sleep in comfort, feel safe andenjoy the scene while you are traveling at speed at the same time? And we are only at thebeginning. For we have just entered the age of superfast trains, trains traveling at150 miles an hour and more. Soon we will be wondering why we spent so much on motorwayswe can‘t use because we have not enough money to buy the oil and planes we can‘t fly in forthe same reason. | 2513.txt | 0 |
[
"The developing countries believe that sending students to the industrialized countries is a good way to meet their own needs for modernization.",
"The South American countries have been sending students to developed countries since the 1920s.",
"Many people trained abroad remain in the developed countries instead of coming back to serve their home countries.",
"The International Organization for Migration successfully helped more than 1,600 professionals to return to their own countries in a single year."
] | Which of the following is NOT correct according to the passage? | In the second half of the twentieth century, many countries of the South ( ) began to send students to the industrialized countries for further education. They urgently needed supplies of highly trained personnel to implement a concept of development based on modernization.
But many of these students decided to stay on in the developed countries when they had finished their training. At the same time, many professionals who did return home but no longer felt at ease there also decided to go back to the countries where they had studied.
In the 1960s, some Latin American countries tried to solve this problem by setting up special "return" programs to encourage their professionals to come back home. These programs received support from international bodies such as the International Organization for Migration, which in 1974 enabled over 1,600 qualified scientistsand technicians to return to Latin America.
In the 1980s and 1990s, "temporary return" programs were set up in order to make the best use of trained personnel occupying strategic positions in the developed countries. This gave rise to the United Nations Development Program's Transfer of Knowledge through Expatriate ( ) Nationals, which encourages technicians and scientists to work in their own countries for short periods. But the brain drain fromthese countries may well increase in response to the new laws of the international market in knowledge.
Recent studies forecast that the most developed countries are going to need more and more highly qualified professionals around twice as many as their educational systems will be able to produce, or so it is thought. As a result there is an urgent need for developing countries which send students abroad to give preference to fields where they need competent people to give muscle to their own institutions, instead of encouraging the training of people who may not come back because there are no professional outlets for them. And the countries of the South must not be content with institutional structures that simply take back professionals sent abroad, they must introduce flexible administrative procedures to encourage them to return. If they do not do this, the brain drain is bound to continue. | 1120.txt | 1 |
[
"Many professionals did not feel comfortable in their home countries after they returned home.",
"\"Temporary return\" programs encouraged professionals to work in their home countries for short periods.",
"The new laws of the international market encourage knowledge transfer.",
"The professionals from the developing countries have been trained in fields where they could not apply their knowledge to the best advantage in their home countries."
] | Which of the following is NOT one of the reasons why the developing countries are losing their brain power? | In the second half of the twentieth century, many countries of the South ( ) began to send students to the industrialized countries for further education. They urgently needed supplies of highly trained personnel to implement a concept of development based on modernization.
But many of these students decided to stay on in the developed countries when they had finished their training. At the same time, many professionals who did return home but no longer felt at ease there also decided to go back to the countries where they had studied.
In the 1960s, some Latin American countries tried to solve this problem by setting up special "return" programs to encourage their professionals to come back home. These programs received support from international bodies such as the International Organization for Migration, which in 1974 enabled over 1,600 qualified scientistsand technicians to return to Latin America.
In the 1980s and 1990s, "temporary return" programs were set up in order to make the best use of trained personnel occupying strategic positions in the developed countries. This gave rise to the United Nations Development Program's Transfer of Knowledge through Expatriate ( ) Nationals, which encourages technicians and scientists to work in their own countries for short periods. But the brain drain fromthese countries may well increase in response to the new laws of the international market in knowledge.
Recent studies forecast that the most developed countries are going to need more and more highly qualified professionals around twice as many as their educational systems will be able to produce, or so it is thought. As a result there is an urgent need for developing countries which send students abroad to give preference to fields where they need competent people to give muscle to their own institutions, instead of encouraging the training of people who may not come back because there are no professional outlets for them. And the countries of the South must not be content with institutional structures that simply take back professionals sent abroad, they must introduce flexible administrative procedures to encourage them to return. If they do not do this, the brain drain is bound to continue. | 1120.txt | 1 |
[
"keep their present administrative procedures so as to ensure that their students return after graduation",
"cooperate more effectively with international organizations",
"set up more return programs under the guidance of the UN",
"send students abroad in the fields where their knowledge is more likely to be made full use of in their own countries"
] | In the author's opinion, the developing countries should _ . | In the second half of the twentieth century, many countries of the South ( ) began to send students to the industrialized countries for further education. They urgently needed supplies of highly trained personnel to implement a concept of development based on modernization.
But many of these students decided to stay on in the developed countries when they had finished their training. At the same time, many professionals who did return home but no longer felt at ease there also decided to go back to the countries where they had studied.
In the 1960s, some Latin American countries tried to solve this problem by setting up special "return" programs to encourage their professionals to come back home. These programs received support from international bodies such as the International Organization for Migration, which in 1974 enabled over 1,600 qualified scientistsand technicians to return to Latin America.
In the 1980s and 1990s, "temporary return" programs were set up in order to make the best use of trained personnel occupying strategic positions in the developed countries. This gave rise to the United Nations Development Program's Transfer of Knowledge through Expatriate ( ) Nationals, which encourages technicians and scientists to work in their own countries for short periods. But the brain drain fromthese countries may well increase in response to the new laws of the international market in knowledge.
Recent studies forecast that the most developed countries are going to need more and more highly qualified professionals around twice as many as their educational systems will be able to produce, or so it is thought. As a result there is an urgent need for developing countries which send students abroad to give preference to fields where they need competent people to give muscle to their own institutions, instead of encouraging the training of people who may not come back because there are no professional outlets for them. And the countries of the South must not be content with institutional structures that simply take back professionals sent abroad, they must introduce flexible administrative procedures to encourage them to return. If they do not do this, the brain drain is bound to continue. | 1120.txt | 3 |
[
"as long as the developed countries need more qualified professionals than they can educate domestically",
"as long as the developing countries are content with their present institutional structures",
"unless those countries stop sending large number of students to be trained abroad",
"if theh governments fail to make administrative adjustments concerning the return procedures of their professionals"
] | According to the passage, the problem of the developing countries will continue _ . | In the second half of the twentieth century, many countries of the South ( ) began to send students to the industrialized countries for further education. They urgently needed supplies of highly trained personnel to implement a concept of development based on modernization.
But many of these students decided to stay on in the developed countries when they had finished their training. At the same time, many professionals who did return home but no longer felt at ease there also decided to go back to the countries where they had studied.
In the 1960s, some Latin American countries tried to solve this problem by setting up special "return" programs to encourage their professionals to come back home. These programs received support from international bodies such as the International Organization for Migration, which in 1974 enabled over 1,600 qualified scientistsand technicians to return to Latin America.
In the 1980s and 1990s, "temporary return" programs were set up in order to make the best use of trained personnel occupying strategic positions in the developed countries. This gave rise to the United Nations Development Program's Transfer of Knowledge through Expatriate ( ) Nationals, which encourages technicians and scientists to work in their own countries for short periods. But the brain drain fromthese countries may well increase in response to the new laws of the international market in knowledge.
Recent studies forecast that the most developed countries are going to need more and more highly qualified professionals around twice as many as their educational systems will be able to produce, or so it is thought. As a result there is an urgent need for developing countries which send students abroad to give preference to fields where they need competent people to give muscle to their own institutions, instead of encouraging the training of people who may not come back because there are no professional outlets for them. And the countries of the South must not be content with institutional structures that simply take back professionals sent abroad, they must introduce flexible administrative procedures to encourage them to return. If they do not do this, the brain drain is bound to continue. | 1120.txt | 3 |
[
"The Brain Drain of the Developing Countries",
"Knowledge Transfer",
"The Talents from the Developing Countries",
"The Failure of Development Programs"
] | The best title for the passage is _ . | In the second half of the twentieth century, many countries of the South ( ) began to send students to the industrialized countries for further education. They urgently needed supplies of highly trained personnel to implement a concept of development based on modernization.
But many of these students decided to stay on in the developed countries when they had finished their training. At the same time, many professionals who did return home but no longer felt at ease there also decided to go back to the countries where they had studied.
In the 1960s, some Latin American countries tried to solve this problem by setting up special "return" programs to encourage their professionals to come back home. These programs received support from international bodies such as the International Organization for Migration, which in 1974 enabled over 1,600 qualified scientistsand technicians to return to Latin America.
In the 1980s and 1990s, "temporary return" programs were set up in order to make the best use of trained personnel occupying strategic positions in the developed countries. This gave rise to the United Nations Development Program's Transfer of Knowledge through Expatriate ( ) Nationals, which encourages technicians and scientists to work in their own countries for short periods. But the brain drain fromthese countries may well increase in response to the new laws of the international market in knowledge.
Recent studies forecast that the most developed countries are going to need more and more highly qualified professionals around twice as many as their educational systems will be able to produce, or so it is thought. As a result there is an urgent need for developing countries which send students abroad to give preference to fields where they need competent people to give muscle to their own institutions, instead of encouraging the training of people who may not come back because there are no professional outlets for them. And the countries of the South must not be content with institutional structures that simply take back professionals sent abroad, they must introduce flexible administrative procedures to encourage them to return. If they do not do this, the brain drain is bound to continue. | 1120.txt | 0 |
[
"every glance has its significance",
"staring at a person is an expression of interest",
"a gaze longer than 3 seconds is unacceptable",
"a glance conveys more meaning than words"
] | It can be inferred form the first paragraph that _ . | Exchange a glance with someone, then look away. Do you realize that you have made a statement? Hold the glance for a second longer, and you have made a different statement. Hold it for 3 seconds, and the meaning has changed again. For every social situation, there is a permissible time that you can hold a person's gaze without being intimate, rude, or aggressive. If you are on an elevator, what gaze-time are you permitted? To answer this question, consider what you typically do. You very likely give other passengers a quick glance to size them up and to assure them that you mean no threat. Since being close to another person signals the possibility of interaction. You need to emit a signal telling others you want to be left alone. So you cut off eye contact, what sociologist Erving Goffman (1963) calls "a dimming of the lights." You look down at the floor, at the indicator lights, anywhere but into another passenger's eyes. Should you break the rule against staring at a stranger on an elevator, you will make the other person exceedingly uncomfortable, and you are likely to feel a bit strange yourself.
If you hold eye contact for more than 3 seconds, what are you telling another person? Much depends on the person and the situation. For instance, a man and a woman communicate interest in this manner. They typically gaze at each other for about 3 seconds at a time, then drop their eyes down for 3 seconds, before letting their eyes meet again. But if one man gives another man a 3-second-plus stare, he signals, "I know you", "I am interested in you," or "You look peculiar and I am curious about you." This type of stare often produces hostile feelings. | 3097.txt | 0 |
[
"to look into another passenger's eyes",
"to avoid eye contact with other passengers",
"to signal you are not a threat to anyone",
"to keep a distance from other passengers"
] | If you want to be left alone on an elevator, the best thing to do is _ . | Exchange a glance with someone, then look away. Do you realize that you have made a statement? Hold the glance for a second longer, and you have made a different statement. Hold it for 3 seconds, and the meaning has changed again. For every social situation, there is a permissible time that you can hold a person's gaze without being intimate, rude, or aggressive. If you are on an elevator, what gaze-time are you permitted? To answer this question, consider what you typically do. You very likely give other passengers a quick glance to size them up and to assure them that you mean no threat. Since being close to another person signals the possibility of interaction. You need to emit a signal telling others you want to be left alone. So you cut off eye contact, what sociologist Erving Goffman (1963) calls "a dimming of the lights." You look down at the floor, at the indicator lights, anywhere but into another passenger's eyes. Should you break the rule against staring at a stranger on an elevator, you will make the other person exceedingly uncomfortable, and you are likely to feel a bit strange yourself.
If you hold eye contact for more than 3 seconds, what are you telling another person? Much depends on the person and the situation. For instance, a man and a woman communicate interest in this manner. They typically gaze at each other for about 3 seconds at a time, then drop their eyes down for 3 seconds, before letting their eyes meet again. But if one man gives another man a 3-second-plus stare, he signals, "I know you", "I am interested in you," or "You look peculiar and I am curious about you." This type of stare often produces hostile feelings. | 3097.txt | 1 |
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