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[
"empty promises.",
"tough resistance.",
"necessary adjustments.",
"sincere apologies."
] | The NHS trust responded to Denham's verdict with | Any fair-minded assessment of the dangers of the deal between Britain's National Health Service (NHS) and DeepMind must start by acknowledging that both sides mean well. DeepMind is one of the leading artificial intelligence (AI) companies in the world. The potential of this work applied to healthcare is very great, but it could also lead to further concentration of power in the tech giants. It Is against that background that the information commissioner, Elizabeth Denham, has issued her damning verdict against the Royal Free hospital trust under the NHS, which handed over to DeepMind the records of 1.6 million patients In 2015 on the basis of a vague agreement which took far too little account of the patients' rights and their expectations of privacy.
DeepMind has almost apologized. The NHS trust has mended its ways. Further arrangements- and there may be many-between the NHS and DeepMind will be carefully scrutinised to ensure that all necessary permissions have been asked of patients and all unnecessary data has been cleaned. There are lessons about informed patient consent to learn. But privacy is not the only angle in this case and not even the most important. Ms Denham chose to concentrate the blame on the NHS trust, since under existing law it "controlled" the data and DeepMind merely "processed" it. But this distinction misses the point that it is processing and aggregation, not the mere possession of bits, that gives the data value.
The great question is who should benefit from the analysis of all the data that our lives now generate. Privacy law builds on the concept of damage to an individual from identifiable knowledge about them. That misses the way the surveillance economy works. The data of an individual there gains its value only when it is compared with the data of countless millions more.
The use of privacy law to curb the tech giants in this instance feels slightly maladapted. This practice does not address the real worry. It is not enough to say that the algorithms DeepMind develops will benefit patients and save lives. What matters is that they will belong to a private monopoly which developed them using public resources. If software promises to save lives on the scale that dugs now can, big data may be expected to behave as a big pharm has done. We are still at the beginning of this revolution and small choices now may turn out to have gigantic consequences later. A long struggle will be needed to avoid a future of digital feudalism. Ms Denham's report is a welcome start. | 656.txt | 2 |
[
"privacy protection must be secured at all costs.",
"leaking patients' data is worse than selling it.",
"making profits from patients' data is illegal.",
"the value of data comes from the processing of it"
] | The author argues in Paragraph 2 that | Any fair-minded assessment of the dangers of the deal between Britain's National Health Service (NHS) and DeepMind must start by acknowledging that both sides mean well. DeepMind is one of the leading artificial intelligence (AI) companies in the world. The potential of this work applied to healthcare is very great, but it could also lead to further concentration of power in the tech giants. It Is against that background that the information commissioner, Elizabeth Denham, has issued her damning verdict against the Royal Free hospital trust under the NHS, which handed over to DeepMind the records of 1.6 million patients In 2015 on the basis of a vague agreement which took far too little account of the patients' rights and their expectations of privacy.
DeepMind has almost apologized. The NHS trust has mended its ways. Further arrangements- and there may be many-between the NHS and DeepMind will be carefully scrutinised to ensure that all necessary permissions have been asked of patients and all unnecessary data has been cleaned. There are lessons about informed patient consent to learn. But privacy is not the only angle in this case and not even the most important. Ms Denham chose to concentrate the blame on the NHS trust, since under existing law it "controlled" the data and DeepMind merely "processed" it. But this distinction misses the point that it is processing and aggregation, not the mere possession of bits, that gives the data value.
The great question is who should benefit from the analysis of all the data that our lives now generate. Privacy law builds on the concept of damage to an individual from identifiable knowledge about them. That misses the way the surveillance economy works. The data of an individual there gains its value only when it is compared with the data of countless millions more.
The use of privacy law to curb the tech giants in this instance feels slightly maladapted. This practice does not address the real worry. It is not enough to say that the algorithms DeepMind develops will benefit patients and save lives. What matters is that they will belong to a private monopoly which developed them using public resources. If software promises to save lives on the scale that dugs now can, big data may be expected to behave as a big pharm has done. We are still at the beginning of this revolution and small choices now may turn out to have gigantic consequences later. A long struggle will be needed to avoid a future of digital feudalism. Ms Denham's report is a welcome start. | 656.txt | 3 |
[
"the vicious rivalry among big pharmas.",
"the ineffective enforcement of privacy law.",
"the uncontrolled use of new software.",
"the monopoly of big data by tech giants."
] | According to the last paragraph, the real worry arising from this deal is | Any fair-minded assessment of the dangers of the deal between Britain's National Health Service (NHS) and DeepMind must start by acknowledging that both sides mean well. DeepMind is one of the leading artificial intelligence (AI) companies in the world. The potential of this work applied to healthcare is very great, but it could also lead to further concentration of power in the tech giants. It Is against that background that the information commissioner, Elizabeth Denham, has issued her damning verdict against the Royal Free hospital trust under the NHS, which handed over to DeepMind the records of 1.6 million patients In 2015 on the basis of a vague agreement which took far too little account of the patients' rights and their expectations of privacy.
DeepMind has almost apologized. The NHS trust has mended its ways. Further arrangements- and there may be many-between the NHS and DeepMind will be carefully scrutinised to ensure that all necessary permissions have been asked of patients and all unnecessary data has been cleaned. There are lessons about informed patient consent to learn. But privacy is not the only angle in this case and not even the most important. Ms Denham chose to concentrate the blame on the NHS trust, since under existing law it "controlled" the data and DeepMind merely "processed" it. But this distinction misses the point that it is processing and aggregation, not the mere possession of bits, that gives the data value.
The great question is who should benefit from the analysis of all the data that our lives now generate. Privacy law builds on the concept of damage to an individual from identifiable knowledge about them. That misses the way the surveillance economy works. The data of an individual there gains its value only when it is compared with the data of countless millions more.
The use of privacy law to curb the tech giants in this instance feels slightly maladapted. This practice does not address the real worry. It is not enough to say that the algorithms DeepMind develops will benefit patients and save lives. What matters is that they will belong to a private monopoly which developed them using public resources. If software promises to save lives on the scale that dugs now can, big data may be expected to behave as a big pharm has done. We are still at the beginning of this revolution and small choices now may turn out to have gigantic consequences later. A long struggle will be needed to avoid a future of digital feudalism. Ms Denham's report is a welcome start. | 656.txt | 3 |
[
"ambiguous.",
"cautious.",
"appreciative.",
"contemptuous."
] | The author's attitude toward the application of AI to healthcare is | Any fair-minded assessment of the dangers of the deal between Britain's National Health Service (NHS) and DeepMind must start by acknowledging that both sides mean well. DeepMind is one of the leading artificial intelligence (AI) companies in the world. The potential of this work applied to healthcare is very great, but it could also lead to further concentration of power in the tech giants. It Is against that background that the information commissioner, Elizabeth Denham, has issued her damning verdict against the Royal Free hospital trust under the NHS, which handed over to DeepMind the records of 1.6 million patients In 2015 on the basis of a vague agreement which took far too little account of the patients' rights and their expectations of privacy.
DeepMind has almost apologized. The NHS trust has mended its ways. Further arrangements- and there may be many-between the NHS and DeepMind will be carefully scrutinised to ensure that all necessary permissions have been asked of patients and all unnecessary data has been cleaned. There are lessons about informed patient consent to learn. But privacy is not the only angle in this case and not even the most important. Ms Denham chose to concentrate the blame on the NHS trust, since under existing law it "controlled" the data and DeepMind merely "processed" it. But this distinction misses the point that it is processing and aggregation, not the mere possession of bits, that gives the data value.
The great question is who should benefit from the analysis of all the data that our lives now generate. Privacy law builds on the concept of damage to an individual from identifiable knowledge about them. That misses the way the surveillance economy works. The data of an individual there gains its value only when it is compared with the data of countless millions more.
The use of privacy law to curb the tech giants in this instance feels slightly maladapted. This practice does not address the real worry. It is not enough to say that the algorithms DeepMind develops will benefit patients and save lives. What matters is that they will belong to a private monopoly which developed them using public resources. If software promises to save lives on the scale that dugs now can, big data may be expected to behave as a big pharm has done. We are still at the beginning of this revolution and small choices now may turn out to have gigantic consequences later. A long struggle will be needed to avoid a future of digital feudalism. Ms Denham's report is a welcome start. | 656.txt | 1 |
[
"a museum director",
"a master of art",
"an art collector",
"an art dealer"
] | The English Baron Fitzgerald was _ . | The very wealthy English Baron Fitzgerald had only one child，a son，who understandably was the apple of his eye, His wife died when the child was in his early teens. So Fitzgerald devoted himself to fathering the kid. Unfortunately the son died in his late teens.
Meanwhile，Fitzgerald's wealth greatly increased. He spent a lot on art works of the masters. Later Fitzgerald himself because seriously ill. Before his death. Be bad carefully prepared his will as to how his wealth would be settled-to sell his entire collection at an auction(）.
Because of the large quantity and high quality of his collection, a huge crowd of possible buyers gathered for the auction. Many of them were museum directors and private collectors eager to bid(）. Before the auction，the art works were shown，among which was a painting of Fitzgerald's son by an unknown artist. Because of its pour quality, it received little attention.
When it was time for the auction，the auctioneer gaveled(） the crowd to attention. First the lawyer read from Fitzgerald's will that the first art work to be auctioned was the painting of his son.
The poor-quality painting didn't receive any bidders... except one-the old servant who had served the son and loved him，and who for emotional reasons offered the only bid.
As soon is the servant bought the painting for less than one English pound, the auctioneer stopped the bidding and asked the lawyer to read again from the will. The crowd became quiet, and the lawyer read from the will："Whoever buys the painting of my son gets all my collection." Then the auction was over. | 3717.txt | 2 |
[
"He was devoted to the family.",
"He saw that no one hid for it.",
"He knew the content of the will.",
"He found it cheap for him to boy."
] | Why did the old servant bid for the painting of Fitzgerald's son？ | The very wealthy English Baron Fitzgerald had only one child，a son，who understandably was the apple of his eye, His wife died when the child was in his early teens. So Fitzgerald devoted himself to fathering the kid. Unfortunately the son died in his late teens.
Meanwhile，Fitzgerald's wealth greatly increased. He spent a lot on art works of the masters. Later Fitzgerald himself because seriously ill. Before his death. Be bad carefully prepared his will as to how his wealth would be settled-to sell his entire collection at an auction(）.
Because of the large quantity and high quality of his collection, a huge crowd of possible buyers gathered for the auction. Many of them were museum directors and private collectors eager to bid(）. Before the auction，the art works were shown，among which was a painting of Fitzgerald's son by an unknown artist. Because of its pour quality, it received little attention.
When it was time for the auction，the auctioneer gaveled(） the crowd to attention. First the lawyer read from Fitzgerald's will that the first art work to be auctioned was the painting of his son.
The poor-quality painting didn't receive any bidders... except one-the old servant who had served the son and loved him，and who for emotional reasons offered the only bid.
As soon is the servant bought the painting for less than one English pound, the auctioneer stopped the bidding and asked the lawyer to read again from the will. The crowd became quiet, and the lawyer read from the will："Whoever buys the painting of my son gets all my collection." Then the auction was over. | 3717.txt | 0 |
[
"his desire to food the bidders",
"his invaluable love for his son",
"his sadness at the death of his son",
"his regret of having no children to take over his wealth"
] | Fitzgerald's will showed _ . | The very wealthy English Baron Fitzgerald had only one child，a son，who understandably was the apple of his eye, His wife died when the child was in his early teens. So Fitzgerald devoted himself to fathering the kid. Unfortunately the son died in his late teens.
Meanwhile，Fitzgerald's wealth greatly increased. He spent a lot on art works of the masters. Later Fitzgerald himself because seriously ill. Before his death. Be bad carefully prepared his will as to how his wealth would be settled-to sell his entire collection at an auction(）.
Because of the large quantity and high quality of his collection, a huge crowd of possible buyers gathered for the auction. Many of them were museum directors and private collectors eager to bid(）. Before the auction，the art works were shown，among which was a painting of Fitzgerald's son by an unknown artist. Because of its pour quality, it received little attention.
When it was time for the auction，the auctioneer gaveled(） the crowd to attention. First the lawyer read from Fitzgerald's will that the first art work to be auctioned was the painting of his son.
The poor-quality painting didn't receive any bidders... except one-the old servant who had served the son and loved him，and who for emotional reasons offered the only bid.
As soon is the servant bought the painting for less than one English pound, the auctioneer stopped the bidding and asked the lawyer to read again from the will. The crowd became quiet, and the lawyer read from the will："Whoever buys the painting of my son gets all my collection." Then the auction was over. | 3717.txt | 1 |
[
"Holland",
"Beigium",
"France",
"Germany"
] | The accident happened in. | The following is a piece of international news in China Daily, March 13th, 1994.
A train derailment yesterday in this town just south of the capital, Brussels , killed one passenger and hurt more than two dozen, some seriously, The officials said the cause of the derailment was being looked into. | 1374.txt | 1 |
[
"the accident was caused by the fact that on passenger was killed",
"the officials announced the cause of the accident",
"why the derailment happened was obvious",
"the cause of the accident was yet to be found out"
] | According to the passage. | The following is a piece of international news in China Daily, March 13th, 1994.
A train derailment yesterday in this town just south of the capital, Brussels , killed one passenger and hurt more than two dozen, some seriously, The officials said the cause of the derailment was being looked into. | 1374.txt | 3 |
[
"20",
"24",
"more than a score of",
"no more than twenty-one"
] | The news tells us that passengers suffered from the accident. | The following is a piece of international news in China Daily, March 13th, 1994.
A train derailment yesterday in this town just south of the capital, Brussels , killed one passenger and hurt more than two dozen, some seriously, The officials said the cause of the derailment was being looked into. | 1374.txt | 2 |
[
"on March 13th, 1994",
"on March 12th, 1994",
"quite often",
"more terrible than it was reported"
] | The derailment happened. | The following is a piece of international news in China Daily, March 13th, 1994.
A train derailment yesterday in this town just south of the capital, Brussels , killed one passenger and hurt more than two dozen, some seriously, The officials said the cause of the derailment was being looked into. | 1374.txt | 1 |
[
"Yesterday.",
"Three days ago.",
"The day before yesterday.",
"We don't know."
] | When did the peasant lose his horse? | Once a peasant lost his horse and he went to town to buy another . Among the horses on sale he saw his own horse.
"This horse is mine," he said to the man standing by the horse. "Someone stole it from me three days ago."
"How can that be?" the man said. "It has been mine for three years."
"Three years?" said the peasant. "Are you sure?"
Then he quickly covered both eyes of the horse with his hands and asked :"Which eye is he blind in?"
"The left eye," said the man.
The peasant uncovered the horse's left eye and people saw it was clear and shining.
"Oh, I made a mistake," said the man. "I meant to say the right eye."
"It's not blind in either eye," said the peasant, uncovering the other eye. Then he said to the people around: "It's clear this man is a thief."
The thief tried to run away, but the people caught him. They took him to the judge, and the peasant got his horse back. | 2681.txt | 1 |
[
"his good luck",
"the help of other people",
"his wisdom",
"the mistake made by the thief"
] | The peasant depended on _ to get the horse back. | Once a peasant lost his horse and he went to town to buy another . Among the horses on sale he saw his own horse.
"This horse is mine," he said to the man standing by the horse. "Someone stole it from me three days ago."
"How can that be?" the man said. "It has been mine for three years."
"Three years?" said the peasant. "Are you sure?"
Then he quickly covered both eyes of the horse with his hands and asked :"Which eye is he blind in?"
"The left eye," said the man.
The peasant uncovered the horse's left eye and people saw it was clear and shining.
"Oh, I made a mistake," said the man. "I meant to say the right eye."
"It's not blind in either eye," said the peasant, uncovering the other eye. Then he said to the people around: "It's clear this man is a thief."
The thief tried to run away, but the people caught him. They took him to the judge, and the peasant got his horse back. | 2681.txt | 2 |
[
"sell",
"hide",
"kill",
"steal"
] | He recognized his horse when someone was trying to _ it. | Once a peasant lost his horse and he went to town to buy another . Among the horses on sale he saw his own horse.
"This horse is mine," he said to the man standing by the horse. "Someone stole it from me three days ago."
"How can that be?" the man said. "It has been mine for three years."
"Three years?" said the peasant. "Are you sure?"
Then he quickly covered both eyes of the horse with his hands and asked :"Which eye is he blind in?"
"The left eye," said the man.
The peasant uncovered the horse's left eye and people saw it was clear and shining.
"Oh, I made a mistake," said the man. "I meant to say the right eye."
"It's not blind in either eye," said the peasant, uncovering the other eye. Then he said to the people around: "It's clear this man is a thief."
The thief tried to run away, but the people caught him. They took him to the judge, and the peasant got his horse back. | 2681.txt | 0 |
[
"The left eye.",
"The right eye.",
"Neither of its eyes.",
"Both eyes."
] | Which eye was the horse blind in? | Once a peasant lost his horse and he went to town to buy another . Among the horses on sale he saw his own horse.
"This horse is mine," he said to the man standing by the horse. "Someone stole it from me three days ago."
"How can that be?" the man said. "It has been mine for three years."
"Three years?" said the peasant. "Are you sure?"
Then he quickly covered both eyes of the horse with his hands and asked :"Which eye is he blind in?"
"The left eye," said the man.
The peasant uncovered the horse's left eye and people saw it was clear and shining.
"Oh, I made a mistake," said the man. "I meant to say the right eye."
"It's not blind in either eye," said the peasant, uncovering the other eye. Then he said to the people around: "It's clear this man is a thief."
The thief tried to run away, but the people caught him. They took him to the judge, and the peasant got his horse back. | 2681.txt | 2 |
[
"he knew he would meet his horse in town",
"his horse was stolen",
"his horses were not enough to use and he wanted another one",
"his horse was blind and he wanted another one"
] | The peasant went to town to buy a horse because _ . | Once a peasant lost his horse and he went to town to buy another . Among the horses on sale he saw his own horse.
"This horse is mine," he said to the man standing by the horse. "Someone stole it from me three days ago."
"How can that be?" the man said. "It has been mine for three years."
"Three years?" said the peasant. "Are you sure?"
Then he quickly covered both eyes of the horse with his hands and asked :"Which eye is he blind in?"
"The left eye," said the man.
The peasant uncovered the horse's left eye and people saw it was clear and shining.
"Oh, I made a mistake," said the man. "I meant to say the right eye."
"It's not blind in either eye," said the peasant, uncovering the other eye. Then he said to the people around: "It's clear this man is a thief."
The thief tried to run away, but the people caught him. They took him to the judge, and the peasant got his horse back. | 2681.txt | 1 |
[
"The Beginning of Spring",
"The Spring Festival",
"The New Spring",
"The Beast Nian"
] | The Chinese New Year is also called _ . | The Chinese New Year is now known as the Spring 'Festival because it starts from the beginning of spring. Though there are some sayings about its origin, all agree that the word Nian, which in modern Chinese means "year", was originally the name of a beast that started to eat people the night before the beginning of a new year.
One story goes that the beast Nian had a very big mouth that would take in a great many people at one time. People were very afraid. One day, an old man came to their help and said he would stop all this. To Nian he said, " I hear that you are very strong, but can you eat up all the beasts on earth instead of people who are too weak to be your enemy？" " Yes," Nian agreed with him and went to kill many of the beasts on earth. People were very happy because those beasts also did bad things to people and killed their farm animals from time to time.
After that, the old man, who was a god, rode on the beast Nian and left. Nian was gone, and other beasts also went into forests; people began to enjoy their happy life. Before the old man left, he had told people to put up red paper-cuts on their windows and doors at each year's end to drive Nian away, because red is the colour the beast felt most afraid of.
From then on,every year at the beginning of spring, people "GuoNian". The word "Guo Mian" means "Go through the Nian safely". Putting up red paper-cuts to drive Nian away arid making dumplings for a better new year are still an every-year doing by the Chinese people. However, people today have long forgotten why they are doing all this, they just feel the colour and the food make the New Year very enjoyable. | 743.txt | 1 |
[
"By putting red paper-cuts on windows.",
"By eating up beasts.",
"By talking to him.",
"By riding on him."
] | How did the old man stop Nian from eating people? | The Chinese New Year is now known as the Spring 'Festival because it starts from the beginning of spring. Though there are some sayings about its origin, all agree that the word Nian, which in modern Chinese means "year", was originally the name of a beast that started to eat people the night before the beginning of a new year.
One story goes that the beast Nian had a very big mouth that would take in a great many people at one time. People were very afraid. One day, an old man came to their help and said he would stop all this. To Nian he said, " I hear that you are very strong, but can you eat up all the beasts on earth instead of people who are too weak to be your enemy？" " Yes," Nian agreed with him and went to kill many of the beasts on earth. People were very happy because those beasts also did bad things to people and killed their farm animals from time to time.
After that, the old man, who was a god, rode on the beast Nian and left. Nian was gone, and other beasts also went into forests; people began to enjoy their happy life. Before the old man left, he had told people to put up red paper-cuts on their windows and doors at each year's end to drive Nian away, because red is the colour the beast felt most afraid of.
From then on,every year at the beginning of spring, people "GuoNian". The word "Guo Mian" means "Go through the Nian safely". Putting up red paper-cuts to drive Nian away arid making dumplings for a better new year are still an every-year doing by the Chinese people. However, people today have long forgotten why they are doing all this, they just feel the colour and the food make the New Year very enjoyable. | 743.txt | 2 |
[
"Because Nian liked the colour red.",
"Because the colour red could kill Nian.",
"Because the old man liked the colour red.",
"Because Nian was afraid of the colour red."
] | Why did people put up red paper-cuts instead of those of any other colour? | The Chinese New Year is now known as the Spring 'Festival because it starts from the beginning of spring. Though there are some sayings about its origin, all agree that the word Nian, which in modern Chinese means "year", was originally the name of a beast that started to eat people the night before the beginning of a new year.
One story goes that the beast Nian had a very big mouth that would take in a great many people at one time. People were very afraid. One day, an old man came to their help and said he would stop all this. To Nian he said, " I hear that you are very strong, but can you eat up all the beasts on earth instead of people who are too weak to be your enemy？" " Yes," Nian agreed with him and went to kill many of the beasts on earth. People were very happy because those beasts also did bad things to people and killed their farm animals from time to time.
After that, the old man, who was a god, rode on the beast Nian and left. Nian was gone, and other beasts also went into forests; people began to enjoy their happy life. Before the old man left, he had told people to put up red paper-cuts on their windows and doors at each year's end to drive Nian away, because red is the colour the beast felt most afraid of.
From then on,every year at the beginning of spring, people "GuoNian". The word "Guo Mian" means "Go through the Nian safely". Putting up red paper-cuts to drive Nian away arid making dumplings for a better new year are still an every-year doing by the Chinese people. However, people today have long forgotten why they are doing all this, they just feel the colour and the food make the New Year very enjoyable. | 743.txt | 3 |
[
"The Origin of The Chinese New Year",
"The Old Man And The Beast Nian",
"How To Go Through The Nian Safely",
"What Nian Was Like"
] | The best title of this passage is _ . | The Chinese New Year is now known as the Spring 'Festival because it starts from the beginning of spring. Though there are some sayings about its origin, all agree that the word Nian, which in modern Chinese means "year", was originally the name of a beast that started to eat people the night before the beginning of a new year.
One story goes that the beast Nian had a very big mouth that would take in a great many people at one time. People were very afraid. One day, an old man came to their help and said he would stop all this. To Nian he said, " I hear that you are very strong, but can you eat up all the beasts on earth instead of people who are too weak to be your enemy？" " Yes," Nian agreed with him and went to kill many of the beasts on earth. People were very happy because those beasts also did bad things to people and killed their farm animals from time to time.
After that, the old man, who was a god, rode on the beast Nian and left. Nian was gone, and other beasts also went into forests; people began to enjoy their happy life. Before the old man left, he had told people to put up red paper-cuts on their windows and doors at each year's end to drive Nian away, because red is the colour the beast felt most afraid of.
From then on,every year at the beginning of spring, people "GuoNian". The word "Guo Mian" means "Go through the Nian safely". Putting up red paper-cuts to drive Nian away arid making dumplings for a better new year are still an every-year doing by the Chinese people. However, people today have long forgotten why they are doing all this, they just feel the colour and the food make the New Year very enjoyable. | 743.txt | 0 |
[
"Nian can eat up all the beasts on earth at one time.",
"Nian is a tall beast that likes to eat farm animals.",
"Nian is afraid of paper-cuts.",
"Nian doesn't like to use his own mind."
] | Which of the sentences is true? | The Chinese New Year is now known as the Spring 'Festival because it starts from the beginning of spring. Though there are some sayings about its origin, all agree that the word Nian, which in modern Chinese means "year", was originally the name of a beast that started to eat people the night before the beginning of a new year.
One story goes that the beast Nian had a very big mouth that would take in a great many people at one time. People were very afraid. One day, an old man came to their help and said he would stop all this. To Nian he said, " I hear that you are very strong, but can you eat up all the beasts on earth instead of people who are too weak to be your enemy？" " Yes," Nian agreed with him and went to kill many of the beasts on earth. People were very happy because those beasts also did bad things to people and killed their farm animals from time to time.
After that, the old man, who was a god, rode on the beast Nian and left. Nian was gone, and other beasts also went into forests; people began to enjoy their happy life. Before the old man left, he had told people to put up red paper-cuts on their windows and doors at each year's end to drive Nian away, because red is the colour the beast felt most afraid of.
From then on,every year at the beginning of spring, people "GuoNian". The word "Guo Mian" means "Go through the Nian safely". Putting up red paper-cuts to drive Nian away arid making dumplings for a better new year are still an every-year doing by the Chinese people. However, people today have long forgotten why they are doing all this, they just feel the colour and the food make the New Year very enjoyable. | 743.txt | 3 |
[
"age discrimination law was just introduced recently.",
"other discriminated groups don't sue except the whites.",
"age discrimination cases are in large quantity and it is difficult to detect all of them.",
"many discriminated people don't sue and costs of a lawsuit outweigh potential benefits."
] | A lot of cases of age discrimination are not found because | Recently, Congressional Democrats introduced legislation to make it easier for older workers to win age discrimination lawsuits. Age discrimination remains a significant workplace issue.
In recent ten years, 15.79 percent of cases brought to the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission, were described as successful claims. While this number is small given the number of workers covered by the Age Discrimination in Employment Act, many, if not most, instances of age discrimination are never sued, and cases hiring discrimination often go undetected.
Most of those who do sue are white, male middle-managers who are likely to have lost a sizeable salary and pension. For the most part, other groups do not sue because the costs of a lawsuit outweigh the potential benefits. Age discrimination remains a significant workplace issue.
There is strong experimental evidence for age discrimination in hiring, at least for entry-level jobs. Recently, I performed a labor market experiment in Boston in which I sent out thousands of resumes for fictitious entry-level female candidates and measured response rate based on date of high school graduation. Among this group, younger applicants, whose date of high school graduation indicated that they were less than 50 years old, were 40 percent more likely to be called back for an interview than were older applicants.
It is difficult to tell whether employment problems are worse for older workers than for other workers when times are bad. The number of discrimination lawsuits increases during times of high unemployment, but this finding by itself does not indicate an increased level of age discrimination. In times of higher unemployment, the opportunity cost to a lawsuit is lower than it is when times are good.
From the employer's perspective, mass layoffs may seem like a good chance to remove a higher proportion of generally more expensive older workers without the worry of being sued. On the other hand, employers may be less likely to remove protected older workers because' they still fear lawsuits. One thing we do know is that once an older worker loses a job, he or she is much less likely to find a new job than a younger worker is.
Unfortunately, the effect of legislation prohibiting age discrimination is not easy to see and may actually be part of the reason it is so difficult for older workers to find employment. If it is more difficult to fire an older worker than a younger worker, a firm will be less likely to want to hire older workers. Indeed, my research finds that in states where workers have longer time to bring a lawsuit claim, older men work fewer weeks per year, are less likely to be hired, and less likely to be fired than men in states where they do not have as much.
Not many people would suggest that we go back to a world prior to the Age Discrimination in Employment Act, in which advertisements specify the specific ages of people they are willing to hire. However, legislation prohibiting discrimination is no panacea . The recent proposed congressional legislation could have both positive and negative effects on potential older workers. | 100.txt | 3 |
[
"younger male applicants are more likely to be hired than their female counterparts.",
"age discrimination is quite common in hiring process.",
"the author collected information by interviewing female applicants.",
"female applicants who are 50 years old will never have a chance to get a job."
] | The labor market experiment in Boston shows that | Recently, Congressional Democrats introduced legislation to make it easier for older workers to win age discrimination lawsuits. Age discrimination remains a significant workplace issue.
In recent ten years, 15.79 percent of cases brought to the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission, were described as successful claims. While this number is small given the number of workers covered by the Age Discrimination in Employment Act, many, if not most, instances of age discrimination are never sued, and cases hiring discrimination often go undetected.
Most of those who do sue are white, male middle-managers who are likely to have lost a sizeable salary and pension. For the most part, other groups do not sue because the costs of a lawsuit outweigh the potential benefits. Age discrimination remains a significant workplace issue.
There is strong experimental evidence for age discrimination in hiring, at least for entry-level jobs. Recently, I performed a labor market experiment in Boston in which I sent out thousands of resumes for fictitious entry-level female candidates and measured response rate based on date of high school graduation. Among this group, younger applicants, whose date of high school graduation indicated that they were less than 50 years old, were 40 percent more likely to be called back for an interview than were older applicants.
It is difficult to tell whether employment problems are worse for older workers than for other workers when times are bad. The number of discrimination lawsuits increases during times of high unemployment, but this finding by itself does not indicate an increased level of age discrimination. In times of higher unemployment, the opportunity cost to a lawsuit is lower than it is when times are good.
From the employer's perspective, mass layoffs may seem like a good chance to remove a higher proportion of generally more expensive older workers without the worry of being sued. On the other hand, employers may be less likely to remove protected older workers because' they still fear lawsuits. One thing we do know is that once an older worker loses a job, he or she is much less likely to find a new job than a younger worker is.
Unfortunately, the effect of legislation prohibiting age discrimination is not easy to see and may actually be part of the reason it is so difficult for older workers to find employment. If it is more difficult to fire an older worker than a younger worker, a firm will be less likely to want to hire older workers. Indeed, my research finds that in states where workers have longer time to bring a lawsuit claim, older men work fewer weeks per year, are less likely to be hired, and less likely to be fired than men in states where they do not have as much.
Not many people would suggest that we go back to a world prior to the Age Discrimination in Employment Act, in which advertisements specify the specific ages of people they are willing to hire. However, legislation prohibiting discrimination is no panacea . The recent proposed congressional legislation could have both positive and negative effects on potential older workers. | 100.txt | 1 |
[
"The increase of age discrimination.",
"The decrease of age discrimination.",
"The decrease of opportunity cost to lawsuits.",
"The increase of opportunity cost to lawsuits, ."
] | What may lead to the increase of discrimination lawsuits during times of high unemployment? | Recently, Congressional Democrats introduced legislation to make it easier for older workers to win age discrimination lawsuits. Age discrimination remains a significant workplace issue.
In recent ten years, 15.79 percent of cases brought to the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission, were described as successful claims. While this number is small given the number of workers covered by the Age Discrimination in Employment Act, many, if not most, instances of age discrimination are never sued, and cases hiring discrimination often go undetected.
Most of those who do sue are white, male middle-managers who are likely to have lost a sizeable salary and pension. For the most part, other groups do not sue because the costs of a lawsuit outweigh the potential benefits. Age discrimination remains a significant workplace issue.
There is strong experimental evidence for age discrimination in hiring, at least for entry-level jobs. Recently, I performed a labor market experiment in Boston in which I sent out thousands of resumes for fictitious entry-level female candidates and measured response rate based on date of high school graduation. Among this group, younger applicants, whose date of high school graduation indicated that they were less than 50 years old, were 40 percent more likely to be called back for an interview than were older applicants.
It is difficult to tell whether employment problems are worse for older workers than for other workers when times are bad. The number of discrimination lawsuits increases during times of high unemployment, but this finding by itself does not indicate an increased level of age discrimination. In times of higher unemployment, the opportunity cost to a lawsuit is lower than it is when times are good.
From the employer's perspective, mass layoffs may seem like a good chance to remove a higher proportion of generally more expensive older workers without the worry of being sued. On the other hand, employers may be less likely to remove protected older workers because' they still fear lawsuits. One thing we do know is that once an older worker loses a job, he or she is much less likely to find a new job than a younger worker is.
Unfortunately, the effect of legislation prohibiting age discrimination is not easy to see and may actually be part of the reason it is so difficult for older workers to find employment. If it is more difficult to fire an older worker than a younger worker, a firm will be less likely to want to hire older workers. Indeed, my research finds that in states where workers have longer time to bring a lawsuit claim, older men work fewer weeks per year, are less likely to be hired, and less likely to be fired than men in states where they do not have as much.
Not many people would suggest that we go back to a world prior to the Age Discrimination in Employment Act, in which advertisements specify the specific ages of people they are willing to hire. However, legislation prohibiting discrimination is no panacea . The recent proposed congressional legislation could have both positive and negative effects on potential older workers. | 100.txt | 2 |
[
"employers could specify the ages of people they want to hire in the past.",
"all employers recruited workers through advertisement in the past.",
"legislation prohibiting discrimination can't free old workers from age discrimination.",
"the recent proposed congressional legislation is ineffective."
] | From the last paragraph, we learn that | Recently, Congressional Democrats introduced legislation to make it easier for older workers to win age discrimination lawsuits. Age discrimination remains a significant workplace issue.
In recent ten years, 15.79 percent of cases brought to the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission, were described as successful claims. While this number is small given the number of workers covered by the Age Discrimination in Employment Act, many, if not most, instances of age discrimination are never sued, and cases hiring discrimination often go undetected.
Most of those who do sue are white, male middle-managers who are likely to have lost a sizeable salary and pension. For the most part, other groups do not sue because the costs of a lawsuit outweigh the potential benefits. Age discrimination remains a significant workplace issue.
There is strong experimental evidence for age discrimination in hiring, at least for entry-level jobs. Recently, I performed a labor market experiment in Boston in which I sent out thousands of resumes for fictitious entry-level female candidates and measured response rate based on date of high school graduation. Among this group, younger applicants, whose date of high school graduation indicated that they were less than 50 years old, were 40 percent more likely to be called back for an interview than were older applicants.
It is difficult to tell whether employment problems are worse for older workers than for other workers when times are bad. The number of discrimination lawsuits increases during times of high unemployment, but this finding by itself does not indicate an increased level of age discrimination. In times of higher unemployment, the opportunity cost to a lawsuit is lower than it is when times are good.
From the employer's perspective, mass layoffs may seem like a good chance to remove a higher proportion of generally more expensive older workers without the worry of being sued. On the other hand, employers may be less likely to remove protected older workers because' they still fear lawsuits. One thing we do know is that once an older worker loses a job, he or she is much less likely to find a new job than a younger worker is.
Unfortunately, the effect of legislation prohibiting age discrimination is not easy to see and may actually be part of the reason it is so difficult for older workers to find employment. If it is more difficult to fire an older worker than a younger worker, a firm will be less likely to want to hire older workers. Indeed, my research finds that in states where workers have longer time to bring a lawsuit claim, older men work fewer weeks per year, are less likely to be hired, and less likely to be fired than men in states where they do not have as much.
Not many people would suggest that we go back to a world prior to the Age Discrimination in Employment Act, in which advertisements specify the specific ages of people they are willing to hire. However, legislation prohibiting discrimination is no panacea . The recent proposed congressional legislation could have both positive and negative effects on potential older workers. | 100.txt | 0 |
[
"pessimistic",
"partial",
"objective",
"doubtful"
] | The author is __ when he analyzes the age discrimination issue. | Recently, Congressional Democrats introduced legislation to make it easier for older workers to win age discrimination lawsuits. Age discrimination remains a significant workplace issue.
In recent ten years, 15.79 percent of cases brought to the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission, were described as successful claims. While this number is small given the number of workers covered by the Age Discrimination in Employment Act, many, if not most, instances of age discrimination are never sued, and cases hiring discrimination often go undetected.
Most of those who do sue are white, male middle-managers who are likely to have lost a sizeable salary and pension. For the most part, other groups do not sue because the costs of a lawsuit outweigh the potential benefits. Age discrimination remains a significant workplace issue.
There is strong experimental evidence for age discrimination in hiring, at least for entry-level jobs. Recently, I performed a labor market experiment in Boston in which I sent out thousands of resumes for fictitious entry-level female candidates and measured response rate based on date of high school graduation. Among this group, younger applicants, whose date of high school graduation indicated that they were less than 50 years old, were 40 percent more likely to be called back for an interview than were older applicants.
It is difficult to tell whether employment problems are worse for older workers than for other workers when times are bad. The number of discrimination lawsuits increases during times of high unemployment, but this finding by itself does not indicate an increased level of age discrimination. In times of higher unemployment, the opportunity cost to a lawsuit is lower than it is when times are good.
From the employer's perspective, mass layoffs may seem like a good chance to remove a higher proportion of generally more expensive older workers without the worry of being sued. On the other hand, employers may be less likely to remove protected older workers because' they still fear lawsuits. One thing we do know is that once an older worker loses a job, he or she is much less likely to find a new job than a younger worker is.
Unfortunately, the effect of legislation prohibiting age discrimination is not easy to see and may actually be part of the reason it is so difficult for older workers to find employment. If it is more difficult to fire an older worker than a younger worker, a firm will be less likely to want to hire older workers. Indeed, my research finds that in states where workers have longer time to bring a lawsuit claim, older men work fewer weeks per year, are less likely to be hired, and less likely to be fired than men in states where they do not have as much.
Not many people would suggest that we go back to a world prior to the Age Discrimination in Employment Act, in which advertisements specify the specific ages of people they are willing to hire. However, legislation prohibiting discrimination is no panacea . The recent proposed congressional legislation could have both positive and negative effects on potential older workers. | 100.txt | 2 |
[
"this article will focus on how Telenor fights against Alfa Group",
"this article will describe how Telenor finishes the saga on its website",
"the dispute between Telenor and Alfa causes severe legal problems",
"the story of Telenor and Alfa is used to introduce the main topic"
] | From the first two paragraphs we can learn that _ . | The website of Telenor, a state-controlled Norwegian telecoms firm, has a special section dedicated to its investments in Russia and its dispute with Alfa Group, its Russian partner. It is a long and unhappy saga filled with headings such as" Geneva arbitration" , " Court abuses" and" Black PR campaigns" . Telenor and Altima, the telecoms arm of Alfa, are shareholders in both VimpelCom of Russia and Kyivstar of Ukraine. In 2004 Altima, which wanted to expand its business in Ukraine further, suggested that VimpelCom buy another Ukrainian telecoms firm. Telenor resisted, saying that the price was too high. Altima accused Telenor of sabotaging its growth.
For several years the dispute rambled on, with several attempts at arbitration and suits and countersuits in various courts around the world. Then a company called Farimex entered the fray. It is registered in the British Virgin Islands and owns a 0.002% stake in VimpelCom. It complained to a court in Siberia that Telenor（which has no business in Siberia）had obstructed VimpelCom's entry into the Ukrainian market. The Siberian court ordered Telenor to pay compensation of $2.8 billion, a sum that was reduced to $1.7 billion on appeal. When Telenor refused to pay, arguing that it had not exhausted its appeals, another court seized most of Telenor's 30% stake in VimpelCom. On June 19th Russia's bailiffs ordered the auction of the stake to raise the $1.7 billion. In most countries this would be called expropriation.
Telenor says it believes the Farimex case is connected to its dispute with Alfa Group. It believes that it could reach an agreement with Alfa, provided its troubles with Farimex come to an end. But Mikhail Fridman, the boss of Alfa Group, says it is not affiliated with Farimex in any way, although he supports its complaint. Jens Stoltenberg, Norway's prime minister, has raised the subject of Telenor's dispute with Vladimir Putin, his Russian counterpart, who said the government was impartial. But as Telenor points out, Mr Putin himself has admitted that Russia's courts are unpredictable and are in urgent need of reform.
The clearest indictment of Russia's investment climate came a few days ago from IKEA, a Swedish retail chain, whose local operation has grown quickly since it opened its first store near Moscow in 2000. On June 23rd IKEA said it was suspending its investment in Russia because of the" unpredictable character of administrative procedures" , a euphemism for graft.
Among 181 countries surveyed by the World Bank for ease of doing business, Russia occupies 120th place, below Nigeria. Transparency International gives Russia barely two points out of ten-its worst performance in ten years, which puts it on a par with Kenya. Until recently the Kremlin had no need to worry about things like property rights and the rule of law. Its oil wealth ensured an economic boom, no matter how it treated investors. Most of the money that flowed into the country came in the form of loans rather than foreign direct investment. Now the loans have dried up. The Russian economy is forecast to contract by 8.5% this year, and it still blames the global economic crisis for its misfortunes. A closer look at IKEA and Telenor, as well as many of Russia's own companies, suggests the truth is more complicated. | 531.txt | 3 |
[
"Telenor was not interested in developing business in Siberia",
"it was ridiculous for Farimex to sue Telenor in Siberia",
"the Siberian court failed to make an impartial judgment",
"Telenor went to the appeal court because it was not satisfied with the Siberian court"
] | The author added" which has no business in Siberia" （Line 4, Paragraph 2）to indicate that _ . | The website of Telenor, a state-controlled Norwegian telecoms firm, has a special section dedicated to its investments in Russia and its dispute with Alfa Group, its Russian partner. It is a long and unhappy saga filled with headings such as" Geneva arbitration" , " Court abuses" and" Black PR campaigns" . Telenor and Altima, the telecoms arm of Alfa, are shareholders in both VimpelCom of Russia and Kyivstar of Ukraine. In 2004 Altima, which wanted to expand its business in Ukraine further, suggested that VimpelCom buy another Ukrainian telecoms firm. Telenor resisted, saying that the price was too high. Altima accused Telenor of sabotaging its growth.
For several years the dispute rambled on, with several attempts at arbitration and suits and countersuits in various courts around the world. Then a company called Farimex entered the fray. It is registered in the British Virgin Islands and owns a 0.002% stake in VimpelCom. It complained to a court in Siberia that Telenor（which has no business in Siberia）had obstructed VimpelCom's entry into the Ukrainian market. The Siberian court ordered Telenor to pay compensation of $2.8 billion, a sum that was reduced to $1.7 billion on appeal. When Telenor refused to pay, arguing that it had not exhausted its appeals, another court seized most of Telenor's 30% stake in VimpelCom. On June 19th Russia's bailiffs ordered the auction of the stake to raise the $1.7 billion. In most countries this would be called expropriation.
Telenor says it believes the Farimex case is connected to its dispute with Alfa Group. It believes that it could reach an agreement with Alfa, provided its troubles with Farimex come to an end. But Mikhail Fridman, the boss of Alfa Group, says it is not affiliated with Farimex in any way, although he supports its complaint. Jens Stoltenberg, Norway's prime minister, has raised the subject of Telenor's dispute with Vladimir Putin, his Russian counterpart, who said the government was impartial. But as Telenor points out, Mr Putin himself has admitted that Russia's courts are unpredictable and are in urgent need of reform.
The clearest indictment of Russia's investment climate came a few days ago from IKEA, a Swedish retail chain, whose local operation has grown quickly since it opened its first store near Moscow in 2000. On June 23rd IKEA said it was suspending its investment in Russia because of the" unpredictable character of administrative procedures" , a euphemism for graft.
Among 181 countries surveyed by the World Bank for ease of doing business, Russia occupies 120th place, below Nigeria. Transparency International gives Russia barely two points out of ten-its worst performance in ten years, which puts it on a par with Kenya. Until recently the Kremlin had no need to worry about things like property rights and the rule of law. Its oil wealth ensured an economic boom, no matter how it treated investors. Most of the money that flowed into the country came in the form of loans rather than foreign direct investment. Now the loans have dried up. The Russian economy is forecast to contract by 8.5% this year, and it still blames the global economic crisis for its misfortunes. A closer look at IKEA and Telenor, as well as many of Russia's own companies, suggests the truth is more complicated. | 531.txt | 1 |
[
"Russia should adjust its attitude toward cooperating with foreign companies",
"the Russian legal system is in need of much improvement",
"administrative procedures should be simplified in Russia",
"Russia should emphasize more on property rights"
] | Telenor and IKEA will probably agree that _ . | The website of Telenor, a state-controlled Norwegian telecoms firm, has a special section dedicated to its investments in Russia and its dispute with Alfa Group, its Russian partner. It is a long and unhappy saga filled with headings such as" Geneva arbitration" , " Court abuses" and" Black PR campaigns" . Telenor and Altima, the telecoms arm of Alfa, are shareholders in both VimpelCom of Russia and Kyivstar of Ukraine. In 2004 Altima, which wanted to expand its business in Ukraine further, suggested that VimpelCom buy another Ukrainian telecoms firm. Telenor resisted, saying that the price was too high. Altima accused Telenor of sabotaging its growth.
For several years the dispute rambled on, with several attempts at arbitration and suits and countersuits in various courts around the world. Then a company called Farimex entered the fray. It is registered in the British Virgin Islands and owns a 0.002% stake in VimpelCom. It complained to a court in Siberia that Telenor（which has no business in Siberia）had obstructed VimpelCom's entry into the Ukrainian market. The Siberian court ordered Telenor to pay compensation of $2.8 billion, a sum that was reduced to $1.7 billion on appeal. When Telenor refused to pay, arguing that it had not exhausted its appeals, another court seized most of Telenor's 30% stake in VimpelCom. On June 19th Russia's bailiffs ordered the auction of the stake to raise the $1.7 billion. In most countries this would be called expropriation.
Telenor says it believes the Farimex case is connected to its dispute with Alfa Group. It believes that it could reach an agreement with Alfa, provided its troubles with Farimex come to an end. But Mikhail Fridman, the boss of Alfa Group, says it is not affiliated with Farimex in any way, although he supports its complaint. Jens Stoltenberg, Norway's prime minister, has raised the subject of Telenor's dispute with Vladimir Putin, his Russian counterpart, who said the government was impartial. But as Telenor points out, Mr Putin himself has admitted that Russia's courts are unpredictable and are in urgent need of reform.
The clearest indictment of Russia's investment climate came a few days ago from IKEA, a Swedish retail chain, whose local operation has grown quickly since it opened its first store near Moscow in 2000. On June 23rd IKEA said it was suspending its investment in Russia because of the" unpredictable character of administrative procedures" , a euphemism for graft.
Among 181 countries surveyed by the World Bank for ease of doing business, Russia occupies 120th place, below Nigeria. Transparency International gives Russia barely two points out of ten-its worst performance in ten years, which puts it on a par with Kenya. Until recently the Kremlin had no need to worry about things like property rights and the rule of law. Its oil wealth ensured an economic boom, no matter how it treated investors. Most of the money that flowed into the country came in the form of loans rather than foreign direct investment. Now the loans have dried up. The Russian economy is forecast to contract by 8.5% this year, and it still blames the global economic crisis for its misfortunes. A closer look at IKEA and Telenor, as well as many of Russia's own companies, suggests the truth is more complicated. | 531.txt | 0 |
[
"indirect expression",
"substitution",
"secret word",
"password"
] | The word" euphemism" （Line 4, Paragraph 4）most probably means _ . | The website of Telenor, a state-controlled Norwegian telecoms firm, has a special section dedicated to its investments in Russia and its dispute with Alfa Group, its Russian partner. It is a long and unhappy saga filled with headings such as" Geneva arbitration" , " Court abuses" and" Black PR campaigns" . Telenor and Altima, the telecoms arm of Alfa, are shareholders in both VimpelCom of Russia and Kyivstar of Ukraine. In 2004 Altima, which wanted to expand its business in Ukraine further, suggested that VimpelCom buy another Ukrainian telecoms firm. Telenor resisted, saying that the price was too high. Altima accused Telenor of sabotaging its growth.
For several years the dispute rambled on, with several attempts at arbitration and suits and countersuits in various courts around the world. Then a company called Farimex entered the fray. It is registered in the British Virgin Islands and owns a 0.002% stake in VimpelCom. It complained to a court in Siberia that Telenor（which has no business in Siberia）had obstructed VimpelCom's entry into the Ukrainian market. The Siberian court ordered Telenor to pay compensation of $2.8 billion, a sum that was reduced to $1.7 billion on appeal. When Telenor refused to pay, arguing that it had not exhausted its appeals, another court seized most of Telenor's 30% stake in VimpelCom. On June 19th Russia's bailiffs ordered the auction of the stake to raise the $1.7 billion. In most countries this would be called expropriation.
Telenor says it believes the Farimex case is connected to its dispute with Alfa Group. It believes that it could reach an agreement with Alfa, provided its troubles with Farimex come to an end. But Mikhail Fridman, the boss of Alfa Group, says it is not affiliated with Farimex in any way, although he supports its complaint. Jens Stoltenberg, Norway's prime minister, has raised the subject of Telenor's dispute with Vladimir Putin, his Russian counterpart, who said the government was impartial. But as Telenor points out, Mr Putin himself has admitted that Russia's courts are unpredictable and are in urgent need of reform.
The clearest indictment of Russia's investment climate came a few days ago from IKEA, a Swedish retail chain, whose local operation has grown quickly since it opened its first store near Moscow in 2000. On June 23rd IKEA said it was suspending its investment in Russia because of the" unpredictable character of administrative procedures" , a euphemism for graft.
Among 181 countries surveyed by the World Bank for ease of doing business, Russia occupies 120th place, below Nigeria. Transparency International gives Russia barely two points out of ten-its worst performance in ten years, which puts it on a par with Kenya. Until recently the Kremlin had no need to worry about things like property rights and the rule of law. Its oil wealth ensured an economic boom, no matter how it treated investors. Most of the money that flowed into the country came in the form of loans rather than foreign direct investment. Now the loans have dried up. The Russian economy is forecast to contract by 8.5% this year, and it still blames the global economic crisis for its misfortunes. A closer look at IKEA and Telenor, as well as many of Russia's own companies, suggests the truth is more complicated. | 531.txt | 0 |
[
"positive",
"suspicious",
"negative",
"indifferent"
] | The author's attitude towards Russia's investment climate seems to be _ . | The website of Telenor, a state-controlled Norwegian telecoms firm, has a special section dedicated to its investments in Russia and its dispute with Alfa Group, its Russian partner. It is a long and unhappy saga filled with headings such as" Geneva arbitration" , " Court abuses" and" Black PR campaigns" . Telenor and Altima, the telecoms arm of Alfa, are shareholders in both VimpelCom of Russia and Kyivstar of Ukraine. In 2004 Altima, which wanted to expand its business in Ukraine further, suggested that VimpelCom buy another Ukrainian telecoms firm. Telenor resisted, saying that the price was too high. Altima accused Telenor of sabotaging its growth.
For several years the dispute rambled on, with several attempts at arbitration and suits and countersuits in various courts around the world. Then a company called Farimex entered the fray. It is registered in the British Virgin Islands and owns a 0.002% stake in VimpelCom. It complained to a court in Siberia that Telenor（which has no business in Siberia）had obstructed VimpelCom's entry into the Ukrainian market. The Siberian court ordered Telenor to pay compensation of $2.8 billion, a sum that was reduced to $1.7 billion on appeal. When Telenor refused to pay, arguing that it had not exhausted its appeals, another court seized most of Telenor's 30% stake in VimpelCom. On June 19th Russia's bailiffs ordered the auction of the stake to raise the $1.7 billion. In most countries this would be called expropriation.
Telenor says it believes the Farimex case is connected to its dispute with Alfa Group. It believes that it could reach an agreement with Alfa, provided its troubles with Farimex come to an end. But Mikhail Fridman, the boss of Alfa Group, says it is not affiliated with Farimex in any way, although he supports its complaint. Jens Stoltenberg, Norway's prime minister, has raised the subject of Telenor's dispute with Vladimir Putin, his Russian counterpart, who said the government was impartial. But as Telenor points out, Mr Putin himself has admitted that Russia's courts are unpredictable and are in urgent need of reform.
The clearest indictment of Russia's investment climate came a few days ago from IKEA, a Swedish retail chain, whose local operation has grown quickly since it opened its first store near Moscow in 2000. On June 23rd IKEA said it was suspending its investment in Russia because of the" unpredictable character of administrative procedures" , a euphemism for graft.
Among 181 countries surveyed by the World Bank for ease of doing business, Russia occupies 120th place, below Nigeria. Transparency International gives Russia barely two points out of ten-its worst performance in ten years, which puts it on a par with Kenya. Until recently the Kremlin had no need to worry about things like property rights and the rule of law. Its oil wealth ensured an economic boom, no matter how it treated investors. Most of the money that flowed into the country came in the form of loans rather than foreign direct investment. Now the loans have dried up. The Russian economy is forecast to contract by 8.5% this year, and it still blames the global economic crisis for its misfortunes. A closer look at IKEA and Telenor, as well as many of Russia's own companies, suggests the truth is more complicated. | 531.txt | 2 |
[
"The rare and valuable metals and stones found in Middle Eastern deserts have always been in high demand in surrounding areas.",
"Growing conditions throughout the Middle East are generally poor, forcing Middle Eastern people to depend on imported grain.",
"Many useful and decorative raw materials cannot be found naturally in the Middle East but are available from neighboring regions.",
"Frequent travel, due to limited water supplies in the Middle East, created many opportunities for trade with neighboring societies."
] | According to paragraph 1, why has trade been so important throughout the history of the Middle East | Trade was the mainstay of the urban economy in the Middle East, as caravans negotiated the surrounding desert, restricted only by access to water and by mountain ranges. This has been so since ancient times, partly due to the geology of the area, which is mostly limestone and sandstone, with few deposits of metallic ore and other useful materials Ancient demands for obsidian (a black volcanic rock useful for making mirrors and tools) led to trade with Armenia to the north, while jade for cutting tools was brought from Turkistan, and the precious stone lapis lazuli was imported from Afghanistan. One can trace such expeditions back to ancient Sumeria, the earliest known Middle Eastern civilization. Records show merchant caravans and trading posts set up by the Sumerians in the surrounding mountains and deserts of Persia and Arabia, where they traded grain for raw materials, such as timber and stones, as well as for metals and gems.
Reliance on trade had several important consequences. Production was generally in the hands of skilled individual artisans doing piecework under the tutelage of a master who was also the shop owner. In these shops differences of rank were blurred as artisans and masters labored side by side in the same modest establishment, were usually members of the same guild and religious sect, lived in the same neighborhoods, and often had assumed (or real) kinship relationships. The worker was bound to the master by a mutual contract that either one could repudiate, and the relationship was conceptualized as one of partnership.
This mode of craft production favored the growth of self-governing and ideologically egalitarian craft guilds everywhere in the Middle Eastern city. These were essentially professional associations that provided for the mutual aid and protection of their members, and allowed for the maintenance of professional standards. The growth of independent guilds was furthered by the fact that surplus was not a result of domestic craft production but resulted primarily from international trading; the government left working people to govern themselves, much as shepherds of tribal confederacies were left alone by their leaders. In the multiplicity of small-scale local egalitarian or quasi-egalitarian organizations for fellowship, worship, and production that flourished in this laissez-faire environment, individuals could interact with one another within a community of harmony and ideological equality, following their own popularly elected leaders and governing themselves by shared consensus while minimizing distinctions of wealth and power.
The mercantile economy was also characterized by a peculiar moral stance that is typical of people who live by trade-an attitude that is individualistic, calculating, risk taking, and adaptive to circumstances. As among tribespeople, personal relationships and a careful weighing of character have always been crucial in a mercantile economy with little regulation, where one's word is one's bond and where informal ties of trust cement together an international trade network. Nor have merchants and artisans ever had much tolerance for aristocratic professions of moral superiority, favoring instead an egalitarian ethic of the open market, where steady hard work, the loyalty of one's fellows, and ntrepreneurial skill make all the difference. And, like the pastoralists, Middle Eastern merchants and artisans unhappy with their environment could simply pack up and leave for greener pastures-an act of self-assertion wholly impossible in most other civilizations throughout history.
Dependence on long-distance trade also meant that the great empires of the Middle East were built both literally and figuratively on shifting sand. The central state, though often very rich and very populous, was intrinsically fragile, since the development of new international trade routes could undermine the monetary base and erode state power, as occurred when European seafarers circumvented Middle Eastern merchants after Vasco da Gama's voyage around Africa in the late fifteenth century opened up a southern route. The ecology of the region also permitted armed predators to prowl the surrounding barrens, which were almost impossible for a state to control. Peripheral peoples therefore had a great advantage in their dealings with the center, making government authority insecure and anxious. | 641.txt | 2 |
[
"respect",
"reject",
"review",
"revise"
] | The word "repudiate" in the passage (paragraph 2) is closest in meaning to | Trade was the mainstay of the urban economy in the Middle East, as caravans negotiated the surrounding desert, restricted only by access to water and by mountain ranges. This has been so since ancient times, partly due to the geology of the area, which is mostly limestone and sandstone, with few deposits of metallic ore and other useful materials Ancient demands for obsidian (a black volcanic rock useful for making mirrors and tools) led to trade with Armenia to the north, while jade for cutting tools was brought from Turkistan, and the precious stone lapis lazuli was imported from Afghanistan. One can trace such expeditions back to ancient Sumeria, the earliest known Middle Eastern civilization. Records show merchant caravans and trading posts set up by the Sumerians in the surrounding mountains and deserts of Persia and Arabia, where they traded grain for raw materials, such as timber and stones, as well as for metals and gems.
Reliance on trade had several important consequences. Production was generally in the hands of skilled individual artisans doing piecework under the tutelage of a master who was also the shop owner. In these shops differences of rank were blurred as artisans and masters labored side by side in the same modest establishment, were usually members of the same guild and religious sect, lived in the same neighborhoods, and often had assumed (or real) kinship relationships. The worker was bound to the master by a mutual contract that either one could repudiate, and the relationship was conceptualized as one of partnership.
This mode of craft production favored the growth of self-governing and ideologically egalitarian craft guilds everywhere in the Middle Eastern city. These were essentially professional associations that provided for the mutual aid and protection of their members, and allowed for the maintenance of professional standards. The growth of independent guilds was furthered by the fact that surplus was not a result of domestic craft production but resulted primarily from international trading; the government left working people to govern themselves, much as shepherds of tribal confederacies were left alone by their leaders. In the multiplicity of small-scale local egalitarian or quasi-egalitarian organizations for fellowship, worship, and production that flourished in this laissez-faire environment, individuals could interact with one another within a community of harmony and ideological equality, following their own popularly elected leaders and governing themselves by shared consensus while minimizing distinctions of wealth and power.
The mercantile economy was also characterized by a peculiar moral stance that is typical of people who live by trade-an attitude that is individualistic, calculating, risk taking, and adaptive to circumstances. As among tribespeople, personal relationships and a careful weighing of character have always been crucial in a mercantile economy with little regulation, where one's word is one's bond and where informal ties of trust cement together an international trade network. Nor have merchants and artisans ever had much tolerance for aristocratic professions of moral superiority, favoring instead an egalitarian ethic of the open market, where steady hard work, the loyalty of one's fellows, and ntrepreneurial skill make all the difference. And, like the pastoralists, Middle Eastern merchants and artisans unhappy with their environment could simply pack up and leave for greener pastures-an act of self-assertion wholly impossible in most other civilizations throughout history.
Dependence on long-distance trade also meant that the great empires of the Middle East were built both literally and figuratively on shifting sand. The central state, though often very rich and very populous, was intrinsically fragile, since the development of new international trade routes could undermine the monetary base and erode state power, as occurred when European seafarers circumvented Middle Eastern merchants after Vasco da Gama's voyage around Africa in the late fifteenth century opened up a southern route. The ecology of the region also permitted armed predators to prowl the surrounding barrens, which were almost impossible for a state to control. Peripheral peoples therefore had a great advantage in their dealings with the center, making government authority insecure and anxious. | 641.txt | 1 |
[
"Workers were ranked according to their skill level, with the most-experienced artisans becoming partial owners of the shop.",
"Shop owners treated different workers differently depending on how much the workers had in common with their masters.",
"Workers were bound to their masters by unbreakable contracts that strictly defined the terms of their partnership.",
"The shop owner worked alongside the workers and often considered them partner and members of the family."
] | According to paragraph 2, how did Middle Eastern shop owners treat their workers? | Trade was the mainstay of the urban economy in the Middle East, as caravans negotiated the surrounding desert, restricted only by access to water and by mountain ranges. This has been so since ancient times, partly due to the geology of the area, which is mostly limestone and sandstone, with few deposits of metallic ore and other useful materials Ancient demands for obsidian (a black volcanic rock useful for making mirrors and tools) led to trade with Armenia to the north, while jade for cutting tools was brought from Turkistan, and the precious stone lapis lazuli was imported from Afghanistan. One can trace such expeditions back to ancient Sumeria, the earliest known Middle Eastern civilization. Records show merchant caravans and trading posts set up by the Sumerians in the surrounding mountains and deserts of Persia and Arabia, where they traded grain for raw materials, such as timber and stones, as well as for metals and gems.
Reliance on trade had several important consequences. Production was generally in the hands of skilled individual artisans doing piecework under the tutelage of a master who was also the shop owner. In these shops differences of rank were blurred as artisans and masters labored side by side in the same modest establishment, were usually members of the same guild and religious sect, lived in the same neighborhoods, and often had assumed (or real) kinship relationships. The worker was bound to the master by a mutual contract that either one could repudiate, and the relationship was conceptualized as one of partnership.
This mode of craft production favored the growth of self-governing and ideologically egalitarian craft guilds everywhere in the Middle Eastern city. These were essentially professional associations that provided for the mutual aid and protection of their members, and allowed for the maintenance of professional standards. The growth of independent guilds was furthered by the fact that surplus was not a result of domestic craft production but resulted primarily from international trading; the government left working people to govern themselves, much as shepherds of tribal confederacies were left alone by their leaders. In the multiplicity of small-scale local egalitarian or quasi-egalitarian organizations for fellowship, worship, and production that flourished in this laissez-faire environment, individuals could interact with one another within a community of harmony and ideological equality, following their own popularly elected leaders and governing themselves by shared consensus while minimizing distinctions of wealth and power.
The mercantile economy was also characterized by a peculiar moral stance that is typical of people who live by trade-an attitude that is individualistic, calculating, risk taking, and adaptive to circumstances. As among tribespeople, personal relationships and a careful weighing of character have always been crucial in a mercantile economy with little regulation, where one's word is one's bond and where informal ties of trust cement together an international trade network. Nor have merchants and artisans ever had much tolerance for aristocratic professions of moral superiority, favoring instead an egalitarian ethic of the open market, where steady hard work, the loyalty of one's fellows, and ntrepreneurial skill make all the difference. And, like the pastoralists, Middle Eastern merchants and artisans unhappy with their environment could simply pack up and leave for greener pastures-an act of self-assertion wholly impossible in most other civilizations throughout history.
Dependence on long-distance trade also meant that the great empires of the Middle East were built both literally and figuratively on shifting sand. The central state, though often very rich and very populous, was intrinsically fragile, since the development of new international trade routes could undermine the monetary base and erode state power, as occurred when European seafarers circumvented Middle Eastern merchants after Vasco da Gama's voyage around Africa in the late fifteenth century opened up a southern route. The ecology of the region also permitted armed predators to prowl the surrounding barrens, which were almost impossible for a state to control. Peripheral peoples therefore had a great advantage in their dealings with the center, making government authority insecure and anxious. | 641.txt | 3 |
[
"support the claim that the mode of production made possible by the craft guilds w very good for trade",
"contrast the economic base of the city government with that of the tribal confederacies",
"provide a reason why the government allowed the guilds to be self-controlled",
"suggest that the government was missing out on a valuable opportunity to tax the guilds"
] | The author includes the information that surplus was not a result of domestic craft production but resulted primarily from international trading (in passage 3) in order to | Trade was the mainstay of the urban economy in the Middle East, as caravans negotiated the surrounding desert, restricted only by access to water and by mountain ranges. This has been so since ancient times, partly due to the geology of the area, which is mostly limestone and sandstone, with few deposits of metallic ore and other useful materials Ancient demands for obsidian (a black volcanic rock useful for making mirrors and tools) led to trade with Armenia to the north, while jade for cutting tools was brought from Turkistan, and the precious stone lapis lazuli was imported from Afghanistan. One can trace such expeditions back to ancient Sumeria, the earliest known Middle Eastern civilization. Records show merchant caravans and trading posts set up by the Sumerians in the surrounding mountains and deserts of Persia and Arabia, where they traded grain for raw materials, such as timber and stones, as well as for metals and gems.
Reliance on trade had several important consequences. Production was generally in the hands of skilled individual artisans doing piecework under the tutelage of a master who was also the shop owner. In these shops differences of rank were blurred as artisans and masters labored side by side in the same modest establishment, were usually members of the same guild and religious sect, lived in the same neighborhoods, and often had assumed (or real) kinship relationships. The worker was bound to the master by a mutual contract that either one could repudiate, and the relationship was conceptualized as one of partnership.
This mode of craft production favored the growth of self-governing and ideologically egalitarian craft guilds everywhere in the Middle Eastern city. These were essentially professional associations that provided for the mutual aid and protection of their members, and allowed for the maintenance of professional standards. The growth of independent guilds was furthered by the fact that surplus was not a result of domestic craft production but resulted primarily from international trading; the government left working people to govern themselves, much as shepherds of tribal confederacies were left alone by their leaders. In the multiplicity of small-scale local egalitarian or quasi-egalitarian organizations for fellowship, worship, and production that flourished in this laissez-faire environment, individuals could interact with one another within a community of harmony and ideological equality, following their own popularly elected leaders and governing themselves by shared consensus while minimizing distinctions of wealth and power.
The mercantile economy was also characterized by a peculiar moral stance that is typical of people who live by trade-an attitude that is individualistic, calculating, risk taking, and adaptive to circumstances. As among tribespeople, personal relationships and a careful weighing of character have always been crucial in a mercantile economy with little regulation, where one's word is one's bond and where informal ties of trust cement together an international trade network. Nor have merchants and artisans ever had much tolerance for aristocratic professions of moral superiority, favoring instead an egalitarian ethic of the open market, where steady hard work, the loyalty of one's fellows, and ntrepreneurial skill make all the difference. And, like the pastoralists, Middle Eastern merchants and artisans unhappy with their environment could simply pack up and leave for greener pastures-an act of self-assertion wholly impossible in most other civilizations throughout history.
Dependence on long-distance trade also meant that the great empires of the Middle East were built both literally and figuratively on shifting sand. The central state, though often very rich and very populous, was intrinsically fragile, since the development of new international trade routes could undermine the monetary base and erode state power, as occurred when European seafarers circumvented Middle Eastern merchants after Vasco da Gama's voyage around Africa in the late fifteenth century opened up a southern route. The ecology of the region also permitted armed predators to prowl the surrounding barrens, which were almost impossible for a state to control. Peripheral peoples therefore had a great advantage in their dealings with the center, making government authority insecure and anxious. | 641.txt | 2 |
[
"The guilds were created to support workers and to uphold principles of high-quality craft production.",
"Each guild was very large and included members from a broad geographic area.",
"The leaders of the guilds were chosen by popular vote.",
"All guild members were treated as equals."
] | According to paragraph 3, all of the following are true of the Middle Eastern craft guilds EXCEPT: | Trade was the mainstay of the urban economy in the Middle East, as caravans negotiated the surrounding desert, restricted only by access to water and by mountain ranges. This has been so since ancient times, partly due to the geology of the area, which is mostly limestone and sandstone, with few deposits of metallic ore and other useful materials Ancient demands for obsidian (a black volcanic rock useful for making mirrors and tools) led to trade with Armenia to the north, while jade for cutting tools was brought from Turkistan, and the precious stone lapis lazuli was imported from Afghanistan. One can trace such expeditions back to ancient Sumeria, the earliest known Middle Eastern civilization. Records show merchant caravans and trading posts set up by the Sumerians in the surrounding mountains and deserts of Persia and Arabia, where they traded grain for raw materials, such as timber and stones, as well as for metals and gems.
Reliance on trade had several important consequences. Production was generally in the hands of skilled individual artisans doing piecework under the tutelage of a master who was also the shop owner. In these shops differences of rank were blurred as artisans and masters labored side by side in the same modest establishment, were usually members of the same guild and religious sect, lived in the same neighborhoods, and often had assumed (or real) kinship relationships. The worker was bound to the master by a mutual contract that either one could repudiate, and the relationship was conceptualized as one of partnership.
This mode of craft production favored the growth of self-governing and ideologically egalitarian craft guilds everywhere in the Middle Eastern city. These were essentially professional associations that provided for the mutual aid and protection of their members, and allowed for the maintenance of professional standards. The growth of independent guilds was furthered by the fact that surplus was not a result of domestic craft production but resulted primarily from international trading; the government left working people to govern themselves, much as shepherds of tribal confederacies were left alone by their leaders. In the multiplicity of small-scale local egalitarian or quasi-egalitarian organizations for fellowship, worship, and production that flourished in this laissez-faire environment, individuals could interact with one another within a community of harmony and ideological equality, following their own popularly elected leaders and governing themselves by shared consensus while minimizing distinctions of wealth and power.
The mercantile economy was also characterized by a peculiar moral stance that is typical of people who live by trade-an attitude that is individualistic, calculating, risk taking, and adaptive to circumstances. As among tribespeople, personal relationships and a careful weighing of character have always been crucial in a mercantile economy with little regulation, where one's word is one's bond and where informal ties of trust cement together an international trade network. Nor have merchants and artisans ever had much tolerance for aristocratic professions of moral superiority, favoring instead an egalitarian ethic of the open market, where steady hard work, the loyalty of one's fellows, and ntrepreneurial skill make all the difference. And, like the pastoralists, Middle Eastern merchants and artisans unhappy with their environment could simply pack up and leave for greener pastures-an act of self-assertion wholly impossible in most other civilizations throughout history.
Dependence on long-distance trade also meant that the great empires of the Middle East were built both literally and figuratively on shifting sand. The central state, though often very rich and very populous, was intrinsically fragile, since the development of new international trade routes could undermine the monetary base and erode state power, as occurred when European seafarers circumvented Middle Eastern merchants after Vasco da Gama's voyage around Africa in the late fifteenth century opened up a southern route. The ecology of the region also permitted armed predators to prowl the surrounding barrens, which were almost impossible for a state to control. Peripheral peoples therefore had a great advantage in their dealings with the center, making government authority insecure and anxious. | 641.txt | 1 |
[
"authority",
"responsibility",
"custom",
"agreement"
] | The word "consensus" in the passage (paragraph 3) is closest in meaning to | Trade was the mainstay of the urban economy in the Middle East, as caravans negotiated the surrounding desert, restricted only by access to water and by mountain ranges. This has been so since ancient times, partly due to the geology of the area, which is mostly limestone and sandstone, with few deposits of metallic ore and other useful materials Ancient demands for obsidian (a black volcanic rock useful for making mirrors and tools) led to trade with Armenia to the north, while jade for cutting tools was brought from Turkistan, and the precious stone lapis lazuli was imported from Afghanistan. One can trace such expeditions back to ancient Sumeria, the earliest known Middle Eastern civilization. Records show merchant caravans and trading posts set up by the Sumerians in the surrounding mountains and deserts of Persia and Arabia, where they traded grain for raw materials, such as timber and stones, as well as for metals and gems.
Reliance on trade had several important consequences. Production was generally in the hands of skilled individual artisans doing piecework under the tutelage of a master who was also the shop owner. In these shops differences of rank were blurred as artisans and masters labored side by side in the same modest establishment, were usually members of the same guild and religious sect, lived in the same neighborhoods, and often had assumed (or real) kinship relationships. The worker was bound to the master by a mutual contract that either one could repudiate, and the relationship was conceptualized as one of partnership.
This mode of craft production favored the growth of self-governing and ideologically egalitarian craft guilds everywhere in the Middle Eastern city. These were essentially professional associations that provided for the mutual aid and protection of their members, and allowed for the maintenance of professional standards. The growth of independent guilds was furthered by the fact that surplus was not a result of domestic craft production but resulted primarily from international trading; the government left working people to govern themselves, much as shepherds of tribal confederacies were left alone by their leaders. In the multiplicity of small-scale local egalitarian or quasi-egalitarian organizations for fellowship, worship, and production that flourished in this laissez-faire environment, individuals could interact with one another within a community of harmony and ideological equality, following their own popularly elected leaders and governing themselves by shared consensus while minimizing distinctions of wealth and power.
The mercantile economy was also characterized by a peculiar moral stance that is typical of people who live by trade-an attitude that is individualistic, calculating, risk taking, and adaptive to circumstances. As among tribespeople, personal relationships and a careful weighing of character have always been crucial in a mercantile economy with little regulation, where one's word is one's bond and where informal ties of trust cement together an international trade network. Nor have merchants and artisans ever had much tolerance for aristocratic professions of moral superiority, favoring instead an egalitarian ethic of the open market, where steady hard work, the loyalty of one's fellows, and ntrepreneurial skill make all the difference. And, like the pastoralists, Middle Eastern merchants and artisans unhappy with their environment could simply pack up and leave for greener pastures-an act of self-assertion wholly impossible in most other civilizations throughout history.
Dependence on long-distance trade also meant that the great empires of the Middle East were built both literally and figuratively on shifting sand. The central state, though often very rich and very populous, was intrinsically fragile, since the development of new international trade routes could undermine the monetary base and erode state power, as occurred when European seafarers circumvented Middle Eastern merchants after Vasco da Gama's voyage around Africa in the late fifteenth century opened up a southern route. The ecology of the region also permitted armed predators to prowl the surrounding barrens, which were almost impossible for a state to control. Peripheral peoples therefore had a great advantage in their dealings with the center, making government authority insecure and anxious. | 641.txt | 3 |
[
"Good business sense",
"Reliable associates",
"Family wealth",
"Constant effort"
] | According to paragraph 4, which of the following was NOT necessary for success in themercantile economy? | Trade was the mainstay of the urban economy in the Middle East, as caravans negotiated the surrounding desert, restricted only by access to water and by mountain ranges. This has been so since ancient times, partly due to the geology of the area, which is mostly limestone and sandstone, with few deposits of metallic ore and other useful materials Ancient demands for obsidian (a black volcanic rock useful for making mirrors and tools) led to trade with Armenia to the north, while jade for cutting tools was brought from Turkistan, and the precious stone lapis lazuli was imported from Afghanistan. One can trace such expeditions back to ancient Sumeria, the earliest known Middle Eastern civilization. Records show merchant caravans and trading posts set up by the Sumerians in the surrounding mountains and deserts of Persia and Arabia, where they traded grain for raw materials, such as timber and stones, as well as for metals and gems.
Reliance on trade had several important consequences. Production was generally in the hands of skilled individual artisans doing piecework under the tutelage of a master who was also the shop owner. In these shops differences of rank were blurred as artisans and masters labored side by side in the same modest establishment, were usually members of the same guild and religious sect, lived in the same neighborhoods, and often had assumed (or real) kinship relationships. The worker was bound to the master by a mutual contract that either one could repudiate, and the relationship was conceptualized as one of partnership.
This mode of craft production favored the growth of self-governing and ideologically egalitarian craft guilds everywhere in the Middle Eastern city. These were essentially professional associations that provided for the mutual aid and protection of their members, and allowed for the maintenance of professional standards. The growth of independent guilds was furthered by the fact that surplus was not a result of domestic craft production but resulted primarily from international trading; the government left working people to govern themselves, much as shepherds of tribal confederacies were left alone by their leaders. In the multiplicity of small-scale local egalitarian or quasi-egalitarian organizations for fellowship, worship, and production that flourished in this laissez-faire environment, individuals could interact with one another within a community of harmony and ideological equality, following their own popularly elected leaders and governing themselves by shared consensus while minimizing distinctions of wealth and power.
The mercantile economy was also characterized by a peculiar moral stance that is typical of people who live by trade-an attitude that is individualistic, calculating, risk taking, and adaptive to circumstances. As among tribespeople, personal relationships and a careful weighing of character have always been crucial in a mercantile economy with little regulation, where one's word is one's bond and where informal ties of trust cement together an international trade network. Nor have merchants and artisans ever had much tolerance for aristocratic professions of moral superiority, favoring instead an egalitarian ethic of the open market, where steady hard work, the loyalty of one's fellows, and ntrepreneurial skill make all the difference. And, like the pastoralists, Middle Eastern merchants and artisans unhappy with their environment could simply pack up and leave for greener pastures-an act of self-assertion wholly impossible in most other civilizations throughout history.
Dependence on long-distance trade also meant that the great empires of the Middle East were built both literally and figuratively on shifting sand. The central state, though often very rich and very populous, was intrinsically fragile, since the development of new international trade routes could undermine the monetary base and erode state power, as occurred when European seafarers circumvented Middle Eastern merchants after Vasco da Gama's voyage around Africa in the late fifteenth century opened up a southern route. The ecology of the region also permitted armed predators to prowl the surrounding barrens, which were almost impossible for a state to control. Peripheral peoples therefore had a great advantage in their dealings with the center, making government authority insecure and anxious. | 641.txt | 2 |
[
"set of moral principles",
"division of labor",
"economic system",
"test of character"
] | The word "ethic" in the passage (paragraph 4) is closest in meaning to | Trade was the mainstay of the urban economy in the Middle East, as caravans negotiated the surrounding desert, restricted only by access to water and by mountain ranges. This has been so since ancient times, partly due to the geology of the area, which is mostly limestone and sandstone, with few deposits of metallic ore and other useful materials Ancient demands for obsidian (a black volcanic rock useful for making mirrors and tools) led to trade with Armenia to the north, while jade for cutting tools was brought from Turkistan, and the precious stone lapis lazuli was imported from Afghanistan. One can trace such expeditions back to ancient Sumeria, the earliest known Middle Eastern civilization. Records show merchant caravans and trading posts set up by the Sumerians in the surrounding mountains and deserts of Persia and Arabia, where they traded grain for raw materials, such as timber and stones, as well as for metals and gems.
Reliance on trade had several important consequences. Production was generally in the hands of skilled individual artisans doing piecework under the tutelage of a master who was also the shop owner. In these shops differences of rank were blurred as artisans and masters labored side by side in the same modest establishment, were usually members of the same guild and religious sect, lived in the same neighborhoods, and often had assumed (or real) kinship relationships. The worker was bound to the master by a mutual contract that either one could repudiate, and the relationship was conceptualized as one of partnership.
This mode of craft production favored the growth of self-governing and ideologically egalitarian craft guilds everywhere in the Middle Eastern city. These were essentially professional associations that provided for the mutual aid and protection of their members, and allowed for the maintenance of professional standards. The growth of independent guilds was furthered by the fact that surplus was not a result of domestic craft production but resulted primarily from international trading; the government left working people to govern themselves, much as shepherds of tribal confederacies were left alone by their leaders. In the multiplicity of small-scale local egalitarian or quasi-egalitarian organizations for fellowship, worship, and production that flourished in this laissez-faire environment, individuals could interact with one another within a community of harmony and ideological equality, following their own popularly elected leaders and governing themselves by shared consensus while minimizing distinctions of wealth and power.
The mercantile economy was also characterized by a peculiar moral stance that is typical of people who live by trade-an attitude that is individualistic, calculating, risk taking, and adaptive to circumstances. As among tribespeople, personal relationships and a careful weighing of character have always been crucial in a mercantile economy with little regulation, where one's word is one's bond and where informal ties of trust cement together an international trade network. Nor have merchants and artisans ever had much tolerance for aristocratic professions of moral superiority, favoring instead an egalitarian ethic of the open market, where steady hard work, the loyalty of one's fellows, and ntrepreneurial skill make all the difference. And, like the pastoralists, Middle Eastern merchants and artisans unhappy with their environment could simply pack up and leave for greener pastures-an act of self-assertion wholly impossible in most other civilizations throughout history.
Dependence on long-distance trade also meant that the great empires of the Middle East were built both literally and figuratively on shifting sand. The central state, though often very rich and very populous, was intrinsically fragile, since the development of new international trade routes could undermine the monetary base and erode state power, as occurred when European seafarers circumvented Middle Eastern merchants after Vasco da Gama's voyage around Africa in the late fifteenth century opened up a southern route. The ecology of the region also permitted armed predators to prowl the surrounding barrens, which were almost impossible for a state to control. Peripheral peoples therefore had a great advantage in their dealings with the center, making government authority insecure and anxious. | 641.txt | 0 |
[
"If they were unhappy in the mercantile environment, they could draw on personal connections to find a different kind of work.",
"They were allowed to assert their opinions without having to listen to aristocratic professions of moral superiority.",
"Following the example of the pastoralists, they could demand, and receive, better working conditions.",
"If they didn't like their environment, they could move somewhere else."
] | According to paragraph 4, what choice did Middle Eastern merchants and artisans have that many other people have not had? | Trade was the mainstay of the urban economy in the Middle East, as caravans negotiated the surrounding desert, restricted only by access to water and by mountain ranges. This has been so since ancient times, partly due to the geology of the area, which is mostly limestone and sandstone, with few deposits of metallic ore and other useful materials Ancient demands for obsidian (a black volcanic rock useful for making mirrors and tools) led to trade with Armenia to the north, while jade for cutting tools was brought from Turkistan, and the precious stone lapis lazuli was imported from Afghanistan. One can trace such expeditions back to ancient Sumeria, the earliest known Middle Eastern civilization. Records show merchant caravans and trading posts set up by the Sumerians in the surrounding mountains and deserts of Persia and Arabia, where they traded grain for raw materials, such as timber and stones, as well as for metals and gems.
Reliance on trade had several important consequences. Production was generally in the hands of skilled individual artisans doing piecework under the tutelage of a master who was also the shop owner. In these shops differences of rank were blurred as artisans and masters labored side by side in the same modest establishment, were usually members of the same guild and religious sect, lived in the same neighborhoods, and often had assumed (or real) kinship relationships. The worker was bound to the master by a mutual contract that either one could repudiate, and the relationship was conceptualized as one of partnership.
This mode of craft production favored the growth of self-governing and ideologically egalitarian craft guilds everywhere in the Middle Eastern city. These were essentially professional associations that provided for the mutual aid and protection of their members, and allowed for the maintenance of professional standards. The growth of independent guilds was furthered by the fact that surplus was not a result of domestic craft production but resulted primarily from international trading; the government left working people to govern themselves, much as shepherds of tribal confederacies were left alone by their leaders. In the multiplicity of small-scale local egalitarian or quasi-egalitarian organizations for fellowship, worship, and production that flourished in this laissez-faire environment, individuals could interact with one another within a community of harmony and ideological equality, following their own popularly elected leaders and governing themselves by shared consensus while minimizing distinctions of wealth and power.
The mercantile economy was also characterized by a peculiar moral stance that is typical of people who live by trade-an attitude that is individualistic, calculating, risk taking, and adaptive to circumstances. As among tribespeople, personal relationships and a careful weighing of character have always been crucial in a mercantile economy with little regulation, where one's word is one's bond and where informal ties of trust cement together an international trade network. Nor have merchants and artisans ever had much tolerance for aristocratic professions of moral superiority, favoring instead an egalitarian ethic of the open market, where steady hard work, the loyalty of one's fellows, and ntrepreneurial skill make all the difference. And, like the pastoralists, Middle Eastern merchants and artisans unhappy with their environment could simply pack up and leave for greener pastures-an act of self-assertion wholly impossible in most other civilizations throughout history.
Dependence on long-distance trade also meant that the great empires of the Middle East were built both literally and figuratively on shifting sand. The central state, though often very rich and very populous, was intrinsically fragile, since the development of new international trade routes could undermine the monetary base and erode state power, as occurred when European seafarers circumvented Middle Eastern merchants after Vasco da Gama's voyage around Africa in the late fifteenth century opened up a southern route. The ecology of the region also permitted armed predators to prowl the surrounding barrens, which were almost impossible for a state to control. Peripheral peoples therefore had a great advantage in their dealings with the center, making government authority insecure and anxious. | 641.txt | 3 |
[
"fundamentally",
"surprisingly",
"consequently",
"particularly"
] | The word "intrinsically" in the passage (paragraph 5) is closest in meaning to | Trade was the mainstay of the urban economy in the Middle East, as caravans negotiated the surrounding desert, restricted only by access to water and by mountain ranges. This has been so since ancient times, partly due to the geology of the area, which is mostly limestone and sandstone, with few deposits of metallic ore and other useful materials Ancient demands for obsidian (a black volcanic rock useful for making mirrors and tools) led to trade with Armenia to the north, while jade for cutting tools was brought from Turkistan, and the precious stone lapis lazuli was imported from Afghanistan. One can trace such expeditions back to ancient Sumeria, the earliest known Middle Eastern civilization. Records show merchant caravans and trading posts set up by the Sumerians in the surrounding mountains and deserts of Persia and Arabia, where they traded grain for raw materials, such as timber and stones, as well as for metals and gems.
Reliance on trade had several important consequences. Production was generally in the hands of skilled individual artisans doing piecework under the tutelage of a master who was also the shop owner. In these shops differences of rank were blurred as artisans and masters labored side by side in the same modest establishment, were usually members of the same guild and religious sect, lived in the same neighborhoods, and often had assumed (or real) kinship relationships. The worker was bound to the master by a mutual contract that either one could repudiate, and the relationship was conceptualized as one of partnership.
This mode of craft production favored the growth of self-governing and ideologically egalitarian craft guilds everywhere in the Middle Eastern city. These were essentially professional associations that provided for the mutual aid and protection of their members, and allowed for the maintenance of professional standards. The growth of independent guilds was furthered by the fact that surplus was not a result of domestic craft production but resulted primarily from international trading; the government left working people to govern themselves, much as shepherds of tribal confederacies were left alone by their leaders. In the multiplicity of small-scale local egalitarian or quasi-egalitarian organizations for fellowship, worship, and production that flourished in this laissez-faire environment, individuals could interact with one another within a community of harmony and ideological equality, following their own popularly elected leaders and governing themselves by shared consensus while minimizing distinctions of wealth and power.
The mercantile economy was also characterized by a peculiar moral stance that is typical of people who live by trade-an attitude that is individualistic, calculating, risk taking, and adaptive to circumstances. As among tribespeople, personal relationships and a careful weighing of character have always been crucial in a mercantile economy with little regulation, where one's word is one's bond and where informal ties of trust cement together an international trade network. Nor have merchants and artisans ever had much tolerance for aristocratic professions of moral superiority, favoring instead an egalitarian ethic of the open market, where steady hard work, the loyalty of one's fellows, and ntrepreneurial skill make all the difference. And, like the pastoralists, Middle Eastern merchants and artisans unhappy with their environment could simply pack up and leave for greener pastures-an act of self-assertion wholly impossible in most other civilizations throughout history.
Dependence on long-distance trade also meant that the great empires of the Middle East were built both literally and figuratively on shifting sand. The central state, though often very rich and very populous, was intrinsically fragile, since the development of new international trade routes could undermine the monetary base and erode state power, as occurred when European seafarers circumvented Middle Eastern merchants after Vasco da Gama's voyage around Africa in the late fifteenth century opened up a southern route. The ecology of the region also permitted armed predators to prowl the surrounding barrens, which were almost impossible for a state to control. Peripheral peoples therefore had a great advantage in their dealings with the center, making government authority insecure and anxious. | 641.txt | 0 |
[
"To provide evidence that European seafarers took every opportunity to bypass Middle Eastern merchants",
"To present an instance in which Middle Eastern states lost money and power because of their reliance on long-distance trade",
"To argue this new route became necessary when European seafarers wanted to avoid Middle Eastern states whose central power had begun to erode",
"To explain how da Gama helped European traders avoid the dangerous predators prowling the areas surrounding Middle Eastern cities"
] | In paragraph 5, why does the author mention the new trade route opened up by Vasco da Gama's fifteenth century voyage around Africa? | Trade was the mainstay of the urban economy in the Middle East, as caravans negotiated the surrounding desert, restricted only by access to water and by mountain ranges. This has been so since ancient times, partly due to the geology of the area, which is mostly limestone and sandstone, with few deposits of metallic ore and other useful materials Ancient demands for obsidian (a black volcanic rock useful for making mirrors and tools) led to trade with Armenia to the north, while jade for cutting tools was brought from Turkistan, and the precious stone lapis lazuli was imported from Afghanistan. One can trace such expeditions back to ancient Sumeria, the earliest known Middle Eastern civilization. Records show merchant caravans and trading posts set up by the Sumerians in the surrounding mountains and deserts of Persia and Arabia, where they traded grain for raw materials, such as timber and stones, as well as for metals and gems.
Reliance on trade had several important consequences. Production was generally in the hands of skilled individual artisans doing piecework under the tutelage of a master who was also the shop owner. In these shops differences of rank were blurred as artisans and masters labored side by side in the same modest establishment, were usually members of the same guild and religious sect, lived in the same neighborhoods, and often had assumed (or real) kinship relationships. The worker was bound to the master by a mutual contract that either one could repudiate, and the relationship was conceptualized as one of partnership.
This mode of craft production favored the growth of self-governing and ideologically egalitarian craft guilds everywhere in the Middle Eastern city. These were essentially professional associations that provided for the mutual aid and protection of their members, and allowed for the maintenance of professional standards. The growth of independent guilds was furthered by the fact that surplus was not a result of domestic craft production but resulted primarily from international trading; the government left working people to govern themselves, much as shepherds of tribal confederacies were left alone by their leaders. In the multiplicity of small-scale local egalitarian or quasi-egalitarian organizations for fellowship, worship, and production that flourished in this laissez-faire environment, individuals could interact with one another within a community of harmony and ideological equality, following their own popularly elected leaders and governing themselves by shared consensus while minimizing distinctions of wealth and power.
The mercantile economy was also characterized by a peculiar moral stance that is typical of people who live by trade-an attitude that is individualistic, calculating, risk taking, and adaptive to circumstances. As among tribespeople, personal relationships and a careful weighing of character have always been crucial in a mercantile economy with little regulation, where one's word is one's bond and where informal ties of trust cement together an international trade network. Nor have merchants and artisans ever had much tolerance for aristocratic professions of moral superiority, favoring instead an egalitarian ethic of the open market, where steady hard work, the loyalty of one's fellows, and ntrepreneurial skill make all the difference. And, like the pastoralists, Middle Eastern merchants and artisans unhappy with their environment could simply pack up and leave for greener pastures-an act of self-assertion wholly impossible in most other civilizations throughout history.
Dependence on long-distance trade also meant that the great empires of the Middle East were built both literally and figuratively on shifting sand. The central state, though often very rich and very populous, was intrinsically fragile, since the development of new international trade routes could undermine the monetary base and erode state power, as occurred when European seafarers circumvented Middle Eastern merchants after Vasco da Gama's voyage around Africa in the late fifteenth century opened up a southern route. The ecology of the region also permitted armed predators to prowl the surrounding barrens, which were almost impossible for a state to control. Peripheral peoples therefore had a great advantage in their dealings with the center, making government authority insecure and anxious. | 641.txt | 1 |
[
"uncertainty.",
"disorder.",
"powerlessness.",
"violence."
] | The word "anarchy" in the passage is closest in meaning to | In contrast to the political anarchy, economic dislocation, and military destruction in Spanish America, Brazil's drive toward independence from Portugal proceeded as a relatively bloodless transition between 1808 and 1822. The idea of Brazilian independence first arose in the late eighteenth century as a Brazilian reaction to the Portuguese policy of tightening political and economic control over the colony in the interests of the mother country. The first significant conspiracy against Portuguese rule was organized from 1788-1799 in the province of Minas Gerais, where rigid governmental control over the production and prices of gold and diamonds, as well as heavy taxes, caused much discontent. But this conspiracy never went beyond the stage of discussion and was easily discovered and crushed. Other conspiracies in the late eighteenth century as well as a brief revolt in 1817 reflected the influence of republican ideas over sections of the elite and even the lower strata of urban society. All proved abortive or were soon crushed. Were it not for an accident of European history, the independence of Brazil might have been long delayed.
The French invasion of Portugal in 1807 followed by the flight of the Portuguese court (sovereign and government officers) to Rio de Janeiro brought large benefits to Brazil. Indeed, the transfer of the court in effect signified achievement of Brazilian independence. The Portuguese prince and future King Joao VI opened Brazil's ports to the trade of friendly nations, permitted the rise of local industries, and founded the Bank of Brazil. In 1815 he elevated Brazil to the legal status of a kingdom coequal with Portugal. ln one sense, however, Brazil's new status signified the substitution of one dependence for another. Freed from Portuguese control, Brazil came under the economic dominance of England, which obtained major tariff concessions and other privileges by the Strangford Treaty of 1810 between Portugal and Great Britain. The treaty provided for the importation of British manufactures into Brazil and the export of Brazilian agricultural produce to Great Britain. One result was an influx of cheap machine-made goods that swamped the handicrafts industry of the country.
Brazilian elites took satisfaction in Brazil's new role and the growth of educational, cultural, and economic opportunities for their class. But the feeling was mixed with resentment toward the thousands of Portuguese courtiers (officials) and hangers-on who came with the court and who competed with Brazilians for jobs and favors. Thus, the change in the status of Brazil sharpened the conflict between Portuguese elites born in Brazil and elites born in Portugal and loyal to the Portuguese crown.
The event that precipitated the break with the mother country was the revolution of 1820 in Portugal. The Portuguese revolutionaries framed a liberal constitution for the kingdom, but they were conservative or reactionary in relation to Brazil. They demanded the immediate return of King Joao to Lisbon, an end to the system of dual monarchy that he had devised, and the restoration of the Portuguese commercial monopoly. Timid and vacillating, King Joao did not know which way to turn. Under the pressure of his courtiers, who hungered to return to Portugal and their lost estates, he finally approved the new constitution and sailed for Portugal. He left behind him, however, his son and heir, Pedro, and in a private letter advised him that in the event the Brazilians should demand independence, he should assume leadership of the movement and set the crown of Brazil on his head.
Soon it became clear that the Portuguese parliament intended to set the clock back by abrogating all the liberties and concessions won by Brazil since 1808. One of its decrees insisted on the immediate return of Pedro from Brazil. The pace of events moved more rapidly in 1822. On January 9, urged on by Brazilian advisers who perceived a golden opportunity to make an orderly transition to independence without the intervention of the masses, Pedro refused an order from the parliament to return to Portugal, saying famously, "l remain." On September 7, regarded by all Brazilians as Independence Day, he issued the even more celebrated proclamation, "Independence or death!" In December 1822, having overcome slight resistance by Portuguese troops, Dom Pedro was formally proclaimed constitutional Emperor of Brazil. | 1339.txt | 1 |
[
"Portugal's declining interest in having overseas colonies.",
"Portugal's moves to gain political and economic control of Brazil for its own advantage.",
"The drive toward independence going on at the time in parts of Spanish America.",
"The Portuguese reaction to Brazil's efforts to gain control over its economy."
] | According to paragraph 1, what first caused Brazilians to think seriously about trying to achieve independence from Portugal? | In contrast to the political anarchy, economic dislocation, and military destruction in Spanish America, Brazil's drive toward independence from Portugal proceeded as a relatively bloodless transition between 1808 and 1822. The idea of Brazilian independence first arose in the late eighteenth century as a Brazilian reaction to the Portuguese policy of tightening political and economic control over the colony in the interests of the mother country. The first significant conspiracy against Portuguese rule was organized from 1788-1799 in the province of Minas Gerais, where rigid governmental control over the production and prices of gold and diamonds, as well as heavy taxes, caused much discontent. But this conspiracy never went beyond the stage of discussion and was easily discovered and crushed. Other conspiracies in the late eighteenth century as well as a brief revolt in 1817 reflected the influence of republican ideas over sections of the elite and even the lower strata of urban society. All proved abortive or were soon crushed. Were it not for an accident of European history, the independence of Brazil might have been long delayed.
The French invasion of Portugal in 1807 followed by the flight of the Portuguese court (sovereign and government officers) to Rio de Janeiro brought large benefits to Brazil. Indeed, the transfer of the court in effect signified achievement of Brazilian independence. The Portuguese prince and future King Joao VI opened Brazil's ports to the trade of friendly nations, permitted the rise of local industries, and founded the Bank of Brazil. In 1815 he elevated Brazil to the legal status of a kingdom coequal with Portugal. ln one sense, however, Brazil's new status signified the substitution of one dependence for another. Freed from Portuguese control, Brazil came under the economic dominance of England, which obtained major tariff concessions and other privileges by the Strangford Treaty of 1810 between Portugal and Great Britain. The treaty provided for the importation of British manufactures into Brazil and the export of Brazilian agricultural produce to Great Britain. One result was an influx of cheap machine-made goods that swamped the handicrafts industry of the country.
Brazilian elites took satisfaction in Brazil's new role and the growth of educational, cultural, and economic opportunities for their class. But the feeling was mixed with resentment toward the thousands of Portuguese courtiers (officials) and hangers-on who came with the court and who competed with Brazilians for jobs and favors. Thus, the change in the status of Brazil sharpened the conflict between Portuguese elites born in Brazil and elites born in Portugal and loyal to the Portuguese crown.
The event that precipitated the break with the mother country was the revolution of 1820 in Portugal. The Portuguese revolutionaries framed a liberal constitution for the kingdom, but they were conservative or reactionary in relation to Brazil. They demanded the immediate return of King Joao to Lisbon, an end to the system of dual monarchy that he had devised, and the restoration of the Portuguese commercial monopoly. Timid and vacillating, King Joao did not know which way to turn. Under the pressure of his courtiers, who hungered to return to Portugal and their lost estates, he finally approved the new constitution and sailed for Portugal. He left behind him, however, his son and heir, Pedro, and in a private letter advised him that in the event the Brazilians should demand independence, he should assume leadership of the movement and set the crown of Brazil on his head.
Soon it became clear that the Portuguese parliament intended to set the clock back by abrogating all the liberties and concessions won by Brazil since 1808. One of its decrees insisted on the immediate return of Pedro from Brazil. The pace of events moved more rapidly in 1822. On January 9, urged on by Brazilian advisers who perceived a golden opportunity to make an orderly transition to independence without the intervention of the masses, Pedro refused an order from the parliament to return to Portugal, saying famously, "l remain." On September 7, regarded by all Brazilians as Independence Day, he issued the even more celebrated proclamation, "Independence or death!" In December 1822, having overcome slight resistance by Portuguese troops, Dom Pedro was formally proclaimed constitutional Emperor of Brazil. | 1339.txt | 1 |
[
"It ended up creating discontent in certain provinces of Brazil.",
"It increasingly came under the influence of republican ideas from Portugal.",
"It was crushed before it got beyond the planning stage.",
"It gradually lost the support of the lower strata of urban society."
] | According to paragraph 1, what happened to the 1788-1799 conspiracy against Portuguese rule? | In contrast to the political anarchy, economic dislocation, and military destruction in Spanish America, Brazil's drive toward independence from Portugal proceeded as a relatively bloodless transition between 1808 and 1822. The idea of Brazilian independence first arose in the late eighteenth century as a Brazilian reaction to the Portuguese policy of tightening political and economic control over the colony in the interests of the mother country. The first significant conspiracy against Portuguese rule was organized from 1788-1799 in the province of Minas Gerais, where rigid governmental control over the production and prices of gold and diamonds, as well as heavy taxes, caused much discontent. But this conspiracy never went beyond the stage of discussion and was easily discovered and crushed. Other conspiracies in the late eighteenth century as well as a brief revolt in 1817 reflected the influence of republican ideas over sections of the elite and even the lower strata of urban society. All proved abortive or were soon crushed. Were it not for an accident of European history, the independence of Brazil might have been long delayed.
The French invasion of Portugal in 1807 followed by the flight of the Portuguese court (sovereign and government officers) to Rio de Janeiro brought large benefits to Brazil. Indeed, the transfer of the court in effect signified achievement of Brazilian independence. The Portuguese prince and future King Joao VI opened Brazil's ports to the trade of friendly nations, permitted the rise of local industries, and founded the Bank of Brazil. In 1815 he elevated Brazil to the legal status of a kingdom coequal with Portugal. ln one sense, however, Brazil's new status signified the substitution of one dependence for another. Freed from Portuguese control, Brazil came under the economic dominance of England, which obtained major tariff concessions and other privileges by the Strangford Treaty of 1810 between Portugal and Great Britain. The treaty provided for the importation of British manufactures into Brazil and the export of Brazilian agricultural produce to Great Britain. One result was an influx of cheap machine-made goods that swamped the handicrafts industry of the country.
Brazilian elites took satisfaction in Brazil's new role and the growth of educational, cultural, and economic opportunities for their class. But the feeling was mixed with resentment toward the thousands of Portuguese courtiers (officials) and hangers-on who came with the court and who competed with Brazilians for jobs and favors. Thus, the change in the status of Brazil sharpened the conflict between Portuguese elites born in Brazil and elites born in Portugal and loyal to the Portuguese crown.
The event that precipitated the break with the mother country was the revolution of 1820 in Portugal. The Portuguese revolutionaries framed a liberal constitution for the kingdom, but they were conservative or reactionary in relation to Brazil. They demanded the immediate return of King Joao to Lisbon, an end to the system of dual monarchy that he had devised, and the restoration of the Portuguese commercial monopoly. Timid and vacillating, King Joao did not know which way to turn. Under the pressure of his courtiers, who hungered to return to Portugal and their lost estates, he finally approved the new constitution and sailed for Portugal. He left behind him, however, his son and heir, Pedro, and in a private letter advised him that in the event the Brazilians should demand independence, he should assume leadership of the movement and set the crown of Brazil on his head.
Soon it became clear that the Portuguese parliament intended to set the clock back by abrogating all the liberties and concessions won by Brazil since 1808. One of its decrees insisted on the immediate return of Pedro from Brazil. The pace of events moved more rapidly in 1822. On January 9, urged on by Brazilian advisers who perceived a golden opportunity to make an orderly transition to independence without the intervention of the masses, Pedro refused an order from the parliament to return to Portugal, saying famously, "l remain." On September 7, regarded by all Brazilians as Independence Day, he issued the even more celebrated proclamation, "Independence or death!" In December 1822, having overcome slight resistance by Portuguese troops, Dom Pedro was formally proclaimed constitutional Emperor of Brazil. | 1339.txt | 2 |
[
"the Portuguese prince's desire to become King of Brazil rather than King of Portugal.",
"Brazil's growing industrial and financial importance.",
"the flight of the Portuguese court to Rio de Janeiro.",
"the Strangford Treaty with England."
] | According to paragraph 2, Brazil gained a significant measure of independence early in the nineteenth century primarily as a result of | In contrast to the political anarchy, economic dislocation, and military destruction in Spanish America, Brazil's drive toward independence from Portugal proceeded as a relatively bloodless transition between 1808 and 1822. The idea of Brazilian independence first arose in the late eighteenth century as a Brazilian reaction to the Portuguese policy of tightening political and economic control over the colony in the interests of the mother country. The first significant conspiracy against Portuguese rule was organized from 1788-1799 in the province of Minas Gerais, where rigid governmental control over the production and prices of gold and diamonds, as well as heavy taxes, caused much discontent. But this conspiracy never went beyond the stage of discussion and was easily discovered and crushed. Other conspiracies in the late eighteenth century as well as a brief revolt in 1817 reflected the influence of republican ideas over sections of the elite and even the lower strata of urban society. All proved abortive or were soon crushed. Were it not for an accident of European history, the independence of Brazil might have been long delayed.
The French invasion of Portugal in 1807 followed by the flight of the Portuguese court (sovereign and government officers) to Rio de Janeiro brought large benefits to Brazil. Indeed, the transfer of the court in effect signified achievement of Brazilian independence. The Portuguese prince and future King Joao VI opened Brazil's ports to the trade of friendly nations, permitted the rise of local industries, and founded the Bank of Brazil. In 1815 he elevated Brazil to the legal status of a kingdom coequal with Portugal. ln one sense, however, Brazil's new status signified the substitution of one dependence for another. Freed from Portuguese control, Brazil came under the economic dominance of England, which obtained major tariff concessions and other privileges by the Strangford Treaty of 1810 between Portugal and Great Britain. The treaty provided for the importation of British manufactures into Brazil and the export of Brazilian agricultural produce to Great Britain. One result was an influx of cheap machine-made goods that swamped the handicrafts industry of the country.
Brazilian elites took satisfaction in Brazil's new role and the growth of educational, cultural, and economic opportunities for their class. But the feeling was mixed with resentment toward the thousands of Portuguese courtiers (officials) and hangers-on who came with the court and who competed with Brazilians for jobs and favors. Thus, the change in the status of Brazil sharpened the conflict between Portuguese elites born in Brazil and elites born in Portugal and loyal to the Portuguese crown.
The event that precipitated the break with the mother country was the revolution of 1820 in Portugal. The Portuguese revolutionaries framed a liberal constitution for the kingdom, but they were conservative or reactionary in relation to Brazil. They demanded the immediate return of King Joao to Lisbon, an end to the system of dual monarchy that he had devised, and the restoration of the Portuguese commercial monopoly. Timid and vacillating, King Joao did not know which way to turn. Under the pressure of his courtiers, who hungered to return to Portugal and their lost estates, he finally approved the new constitution and sailed for Portugal. He left behind him, however, his son and heir, Pedro, and in a private letter advised him that in the event the Brazilians should demand independence, he should assume leadership of the movement and set the crown of Brazil on his head.
Soon it became clear that the Portuguese parliament intended to set the clock back by abrogating all the liberties and concessions won by Brazil since 1808. One of its decrees insisted on the immediate return of Pedro from Brazil. The pace of events moved more rapidly in 1822. On January 9, urged on by Brazilian advisers who perceived a golden opportunity to make an orderly transition to independence without the intervention of the masses, Pedro refused an order from the parliament to return to Portugal, saying famously, "l remain." On September 7, regarded by all Brazilians as Independence Day, he issued the even more celebrated proclamation, "Independence or death!" In December 1822, having overcome slight resistance by Portuguese troops, Dom Pedro was formally proclaimed constitutional Emperor of Brazil. | 1339.txt | 2 |
[
"establish a national bank.",
"support Brazilian industries.",
"obtain important tariff concessions from England.",
"encourage trade with a wider range of nations."
] | According to paragraph 2, King Joao did each of the following for Brazil EXCEPT | In contrast to the political anarchy, economic dislocation, and military destruction in Spanish America, Brazil's drive toward independence from Portugal proceeded as a relatively bloodless transition between 1808 and 1822. The idea of Brazilian independence first arose in the late eighteenth century as a Brazilian reaction to the Portuguese policy of tightening political and economic control over the colony in the interests of the mother country. The first significant conspiracy against Portuguese rule was organized from 1788-1799 in the province of Minas Gerais, where rigid governmental control over the production and prices of gold and diamonds, as well as heavy taxes, caused much discontent. But this conspiracy never went beyond the stage of discussion and was easily discovered and crushed. Other conspiracies in the late eighteenth century as well as a brief revolt in 1817 reflected the influence of republican ideas over sections of the elite and even the lower strata of urban society. All proved abortive or were soon crushed. Were it not for an accident of European history, the independence of Brazil might have been long delayed.
The French invasion of Portugal in 1807 followed by the flight of the Portuguese court (sovereign and government officers) to Rio de Janeiro brought large benefits to Brazil. Indeed, the transfer of the court in effect signified achievement of Brazilian independence. The Portuguese prince and future King Joao VI opened Brazil's ports to the trade of friendly nations, permitted the rise of local industries, and founded the Bank of Brazil. In 1815 he elevated Brazil to the legal status of a kingdom coequal with Portugal. ln one sense, however, Brazil's new status signified the substitution of one dependence for another. Freed from Portuguese control, Brazil came under the economic dominance of England, which obtained major tariff concessions and other privileges by the Strangford Treaty of 1810 between Portugal and Great Britain. The treaty provided for the importation of British manufactures into Brazil and the export of Brazilian agricultural produce to Great Britain. One result was an influx of cheap machine-made goods that swamped the handicrafts industry of the country.
Brazilian elites took satisfaction in Brazil's new role and the growth of educational, cultural, and economic opportunities for their class. But the feeling was mixed with resentment toward the thousands of Portuguese courtiers (officials) and hangers-on who came with the court and who competed with Brazilians for jobs and favors. Thus, the change in the status of Brazil sharpened the conflict between Portuguese elites born in Brazil and elites born in Portugal and loyal to the Portuguese crown.
The event that precipitated the break with the mother country was the revolution of 1820 in Portugal. The Portuguese revolutionaries framed a liberal constitution for the kingdom, but they were conservative or reactionary in relation to Brazil. They demanded the immediate return of King Joao to Lisbon, an end to the system of dual monarchy that he had devised, and the restoration of the Portuguese commercial monopoly. Timid and vacillating, King Joao did not know which way to turn. Under the pressure of his courtiers, who hungered to return to Portugal and their lost estates, he finally approved the new constitution and sailed for Portugal. He left behind him, however, his son and heir, Pedro, and in a private letter advised him that in the event the Brazilians should demand independence, he should assume leadership of the movement and set the crown of Brazil on his head.
Soon it became clear that the Portuguese parliament intended to set the clock back by abrogating all the liberties and concessions won by Brazil since 1808. One of its decrees insisted on the immediate return of Pedro from Brazil. The pace of events moved more rapidly in 1822. On January 9, urged on by Brazilian advisers who perceived a golden opportunity to make an orderly transition to independence without the intervention of the masses, Pedro refused an order from the parliament to return to Portugal, saying famously, "l remain." On September 7, regarded by all Brazilians as Independence Day, he issued the even more celebrated proclamation, "Independence or death!" In December 1822, having overcome slight resistance by Portuguese troops, Dom Pedro was formally proclaimed constitutional Emperor of Brazil. | 1339.txt | 2 |
[
"came before.",
"brought about.",
"resulted from.",
"slowed down."
] | The word "precipitated" in the passage is closest in meaning to | In contrast to the political anarchy, economic dislocation, and military destruction in Spanish America, Brazil's drive toward independence from Portugal proceeded as a relatively bloodless transition between 1808 and 1822. The idea of Brazilian independence first arose in the late eighteenth century as a Brazilian reaction to the Portuguese policy of tightening political and economic control over the colony in the interests of the mother country. The first significant conspiracy against Portuguese rule was organized from 1788-1799 in the province of Minas Gerais, where rigid governmental control over the production and prices of gold and diamonds, as well as heavy taxes, caused much discontent. But this conspiracy never went beyond the stage of discussion and was easily discovered and crushed. Other conspiracies in the late eighteenth century as well as a brief revolt in 1817 reflected the influence of republican ideas over sections of the elite and even the lower strata of urban society. All proved abortive or were soon crushed. Were it not for an accident of European history, the independence of Brazil might have been long delayed.
The French invasion of Portugal in 1807 followed by the flight of the Portuguese court (sovereign and government officers) to Rio de Janeiro brought large benefits to Brazil. Indeed, the transfer of the court in effect signified achievement of Brazilian independence. The Portuguese prince and future King Joao VI opened Brazil's ports to the trade of friendly nations, permitted the rise of local industries, and founded the Bank of Brazil. In 1815 he elevated Brazil to the legal status of a kingdom coequal with Portugal. ln one sense, however, Brazil's new status signified the substitution of one dependence for another. Freed from Portuguese control, Brazil came under the economic dominance of England, which obtained major tariff concessions and other privileges by the Strangford Treaty of 1810 between Portugal and Great Britain. The treaty provided for the importation of British manufactures into Brazil and the export of Brazilian agricultural produce to Great Britain. One result was an influx of cheap machine-made goods that swamped the handicrafts industry of the country.
Brazilian elites took satisfaction in Brazil's new role and the growth of educational, cultural, and economic opportunities for their class. But the feeling was mixed with resentment toward the thousands of Portuguese courtiers (officials) and hangers-on who came with the court and who competed with Brazilians for jobs and favors. Thus, the change in the status of Brazil sharpened the conflict between Portuguese elites born in Brazil and elites born in Portugal and loyal to the Portuguese crown.
The event that precipitated the break with the mother country was the revolution of 1820 in Portugal. The Portuguese revolutionaries framed a liberal constitution for the kingdom, but they were conservative or reactionary in relation to Brazil. They demanded the immediate return of King Joao to Lisbon, an end to the system of dual monarchy that he had devised, and the restoration of the Portuguese commercial monopoly. Timid and vacillating, King Joao did not know which way to turn. Under the pressure of his courtiers, who hungered to return to Portugal and their lost estates, he finally approved the new constitution and sailed for Portugal. He left behind him, however, his son and heir, Pedro, and in a private letter advised him that in the event the Brazilians should demand independence, he should assume leadership of the movement and set the crown of Brazil on his head.
Soon it became clear that the Portuguese parliament intended to set the clock back by abrogating all the liberties and concessions won by Brazil since 1808. One of its decrees insisted on the immediate return of Pedro from Brazil. The pace of events moved more rapidly in 1822. On January 9, urged on by Brazilian advisers who perceived a golden opportunity to make an orderly transition to independence without the intervention of the masses, Pedro refused an order from the parliament to return to Portugal, saying famously, "l remain." On September 7, regarded by all Brazilians as Independence Day, he issued the even more celebrated proclamation, "Independence or death!" In December 1822, having overcome slight resistance by Portuguese troops, Dom Pedro was formally proclaimed constitutional Emperor of Brazil. | 1339.txt | 1 |
[
"King Joao's immediate return to Portugal.",
"the creation of a liberal constitution for Brazil.",
"an end to Brazil's status as a kingdom.",
"Portuguese control over the Brazilian economy."
] | According to paragraph 4, the Portuguese revolutionaries insisted on each of the following EXCEPT | In contrast to the political anarchy, economic dislocation, and military destruction in Spanish America, Brazil's drive toward independence from Portugal proceeded as a relatively bloodless transition between 1808 and 1822. The idea of Brazilian independence first arose in the late eighteenth century as a Brazilian reaction to the Portuguese policy of tightening political and economic control over the colony in the interests of the mother country. The first significant conspiracy against Portuguese rule was organized from 1788-1799 in the province of Minas Gerais, where rigid governmental control over the production and prices of gold and diamonds, as well as heavy taxes, caused much discontent. But this conspiracy never went beyond the stage of discussion and was easily discovered and crushed. Other conspiracies in the late eighteenth century as well as a brief revolt in 1817 reflected the influence of republican ideas over sections of the elite and even the lower strata of urban society. All proved abortive or were soon crushed. Were it not for an accident of European history, the independence of Brazil might have been long delayed.
The French invasion of Portugal in 1807 followed by the flight of the Portuguese court (sovereign and government officers) to Rio de Janeiro brought large benefits to Brazil. Indeed, the transfer of the court in effect signified achievement of Brazilian independence. The Portuguese prince and future King Joao VI opened Brazil's ports to the trade of friendly nations, permitted the rise of local industries, and founded the Bank of Brazil. In 1815 he elevated Brazil to the legal status of a kingdom coequal with Portugal. ln one sense, however, Brazil's new status signified the substitution of one dependence for another. Freed from Portuguese control, Brazil came under the economic dominance of England, which obtained major tariff concessions and other privileges by the Strangford Treaty of 1810 between Portugal and Great Britain. The treaty provided for the importation of British manufactures into Brazil and the export of Brazilian agricultural produce to Great Britain. One result was an influx of cheap machine-made goods that swamped the handicrafts industry of the country.
Brazilian elites took satisfaction in Brazil's new role and the growth of educational, cultural, and economic opportunities for their class. But the feeling was mixed with resentment toward the thousands of Portuguese courtiers (officials) and hangers-on who came with the court and who competed with Brazilians for jobs and favors. Thus, the change in the status of Brazil sharpened the conflict between Portuguese elites born in Brazil and elites born in Portugal and loyal to the Portuguese crown.
The event that precipitated the break with the mother country was the revolution of 1820 in Portugal. The Portuguese revolutionaries framed a liberal constitution for the kingdom, but they were conservative or reactionary in relation to Brazil. They demanded the immediate return of King Joao to Lisbon, an end to the system of dual monarchy that he had devised, and the restoration of the Portuguese commercial monopoly. Timid and vacillating, King Joao did not know which way to turn. Under the pressure of his courtiers, who hungered to return to Portugal and their lost estates, he finally approved the new constitution and sailed for Portugal. He left behind him, however, his son and heir, Pedro, and in a private letter advised him that in the event the Brazilians should demand independence, he should assume leadership of the movement and set the crown of Brazil on his head.
Soon it became clear that the Portuguese parliament intended to set the clock back by abrogating all the liberties and concessions won by Brazil since 1808. One of its decrees insisted on the immediate return of Pedro from Brazil. The pace of events moved more rapidly in 1822. On January 9, urged on by Brazilian advisers who perceived a golden opportunity to make an orderly transition to independence without the intervention of the masses, Pedro refused an order from the parliament to return to Portugal, saying famously, "l remain." On September 7, regarded by all Brazilians as Independence Day, he issued the even more celebrated proclamation, "Independence or death!" In December 1822, having overcome slight resistance by Portuguese troops, Dom Pedro was formally proclaimed constitutional Emperor of Brazil. | 1339.txt | 1 |
[
"Fearful.",
"Angry.",
"Poor.",
"Sickly."
] | The word "Timid" in the passage is closest in meaning to | In contrast to the political anarchy, economic dislocation, and military destruction in Spanish America, Brazil's drive toward independence from Portugal proceeded as a relatively bloodless transition between 1808 and 1822. The idea of Brazilian independence first arose in the late eighteenth century as a Brazilian reaction to the Portuguese policy of tightening political and economic control over the colony in the interests of the mother country. The first significant conspiracy against Portuguese rule was organized from 1788-1799 in the province of Minas Gerais, where rigid governmental control over the production and prices of gold and diamonds, as well as heavy taxes, caused much discontent. But this conspiracy never went beyond the stage of discussion and was easily discovered and crushed. Other conspiracies in the late eighteenth century as well as a brief revolt in 1817 reflected the influence of republican ideas over sections of the elite and even the lower strata of urban society. All proved abortive or were soon crushed. Were it not for an accident of European history, the independence of Brazil might have been long delayed.
The French invasion of Portugal in 1807 followed by the flight of the Portuguese court (sovereign and government officers) to Rio de Janeiro brought large benefits to Brazil. Indeed, the transfer of the court in effect signified achievement of Brazilian independence. The Portuguese prince and future King Joao VI opened Brazil's ports to the trade of friendly nations, permitted the rise of local industries, and founded the Bank of Brazil. In 1815 he elevated Brazil to the legal status of a kingdom coequal with Portugal. ln one sense, however, Brazil's new status signified the substitution of one dependence for another. Freed from Portuguese control, Brazil came under the economic dominance of England, which obtained major tariff concessions and other privileges by the Strangford Treaty of 1810 between Portugal and Great Britain. The treaty provided for the importation of British manufactures into Brazil and the export of Brazilian agricultural produce to Great Britain. One result was an influx of cheap machine-made goods that swamped the handicrafts industry of the country.
Brazilian elites took satisfaction in Brazil's new role and the growth of educational, cultural, and economic opportunities for their class. But the feeling was mixed with resentment toward the thousands of Portuguese courtiers (officials) and hangers-on who came with the court and who competed with Brazilians for jobs and favors. Thus, the change in the status of Brazil sharpened the conflict between Portuguese elites born in Brazil and elites born in Portugal and loyal to the Portuguese crown.
The event that precipitated the break with the mother country was the revolution of 1820 in Portugal. The Portuguese revolutionaries framed a liberal constitution for the kingdom, but they were conservative or reactionary in relation to Brazil. They demanded the immediate return of King Joao to Lisbon, an end to the system of dual monarchy that he had devised, and the restoration of the Portuguese commercial monopoly. Timid and vacillating, King Joao did not know which way to turn. Under the pressure of his courtiers, who hungered to return to Portugal and their lost estates, he finally approved the new constitution and sailed for Portugal. He left behind him, however, his son and heir, Pedro, and in a private letter advised him that in the event the Brazilians should demand independence, he should assume leadership of the movement and set the crown of Brazil on his head.
Soon it became clear that the Portuguese parliament intended to set the clock back by abrogating all the liberties and concessions won by Brazil since 1808. One of its decrees insisted on the immediate return of Pedro from Brazil. The pace of events moved more rapidly in 1822. On January 9, urged on by Brazilian advisers who perceived a golden opportunity to make an orderly transition to independence without the intervention of the masses, Pedro refused an order from the parliament to return to Portugal, saying famously, "l remain." On September 7, regarded by all Brazilians as Independence Day, he issued the even more celebrated proclamation, "Independence or death!" In December 1822, having overcome slight resistance by Portuguese troops, Dom Pedro was formally proclaimed constitutional Emperor of Brazil. | 1339.txt | 0 |
[
"To illustrate how conservative the courtiers were.",
"To help explain the position taken by the courtiers.",
"To give an example of the effects produced by the revolution.",
"To show why King Joao advised his son the way he did."
] | In paragraph 4, why does the author mention that King Joao's courtiers "hungered to return to Portugal and their lost estates"? | In contrast to the political anarchy, economic dislocation, and military destruction in Spanish America, Brazil's drive toward independence from Portugal proceeded as a relatively bloodless transition between 1808 and 1822. The idea of Brazilian independence first arose in the late eighteenth century as a Brazilian reaction to the Portuguese policy of tightening political and economic control over the colony in the interests of the mother country. The first significant conspiracy against Portuguese rule was organized from 1788-1799 in the province of Minas Gerais, where rigid governmental control over the production and prices of gold and diamonds, as well as heavy taxes, caused much discontent. But this conspiracy never went beyond the stage of discussion and was easily discovered and crushed. Other conspiracies in the late eighteenth century as well as a brief revolt in 1817 reflected the influence of republican ideas over sections of the elite and even the lower strata of urban society. All proved abortive or were soon crushed. Were it not for an accident of European history, the independence of Brazil might have been long delayed.
The French invasion of Portugal in 1807 followed by the flight of the Portuguese court (sovereign and government officers) to Rio de Janeiro brought large benefits to Brazil. Indeed, the transfer of the court in effect signified achievement of Brazilian independence. The Portuguese prince and future King Joao VI opened Brazil's ports to the trade of friendly nations, permitted the rise of local industries, and founded the Bank of Brazil. In 1815 he elevated Brazil to the legal status of a kingdom coequal with Portugal. ln one sense, however, Brazil's new status signified the substitution of one dependence for another. Freed from Portuguese control, Brazil came under the economic dominance of England, which obtained major tariff concessions and other privileges by the Strangford Treaty of 1810 between Portugal and Great Britain. The treaty provided for the importation of British manufactures into Brazil and the export of Brazilian agricultural produce to Great Britain. One result was an influx of cheap machine-made goods that swamped the handicrafts industry of the country.
Brazilian elites took satisfaction in Brazil's new role and the growth of educational, cultural, and economic opportunities for their class. But the feeling was mixed with resentment toward the thousands of Portuguese courtiers (officials) and hangers-on who came with the court and who competed with Brazilians for jobs and favors. Thus, the change in the status of Brazil sharpened the conflict between Portuguese elites born in Brazil and elites born in Portugal and loyal to the Portuguese crown.
The event that precipitated the break with the mother country was the revolution of 1820 in Portugal. The Portuguese revolutionaries framed a liberal constitution for the kingdom, but they were conservative or reactionary in relation to Brazil. They demanded the immediate return of King Joao to Lisbon, an end to the system of dual monarchy that he had devised, and the restoration of the Portuguese commercial monopoly. Timid and vacillating, King Joao did not know which way to turn. Under the pressure of his courtiers, who hungered to return to Portugal and their lost estates, he finally approved the new constitution and sailed for Portugal. He left behind him, however, his son and heir, Pedro, and in a private letter advised him that in the event the Brazilians should demand independence, he should assume leadership of the movement and set the crown of Brazil on his head.
Soon it became clear that the Portuguese parliament intended to set the clock back by abrogating all the liberties and concessions won by Brazil since 1808. One of its decrees insisted on the immediate return of Pedro from Brazil. The pace of events moved more rapidly in 1822. On January 9, urged on by Brazilian advisers who perceived a golden opportunity to make an orderly transition to independence without the intervention of the masses, Pedro refused an order from the parliament to return to Portugal, saying famously, "l remain." On September 7, regarded by all Brazilians as Independence Day, he issued the even more celebrated proclamation, "Independence or death!" In December 1822, having overcome slight resistance by Portuguese troops, Dom Pedro was formally proclaimed constitutional Emperor of Brazil. | 1339.txt | 1 |
[
"the revolutionaries' demand that King Joao return to Portugal.",
"Portugal's apparent intention to return Brazil to the status of a colony.",
"King Joao's decision to leave his son Pedro in Brazil.",
"the growing threat of intervention by the Brazilian masses."
] | Paragraphs 4 and 5 support the idea that Brazil's move to declare independence in 1822 was primarily the result of | In contrast to the political anarchy, economic dislocation, and military destruction in Spanish America, Brazil's drive toward independence from Portugal proceeded as a relatively bloodless transition between 1808 and 1822. The idea of Brazilian independence first arose in the late eighteenth century as a Brazilian reaction to the Portuguese policy of tightening political and economic control over the colony in the interests of the mother country. The first significant conspiracy against Portuguese rule was organized from 1788-1799 in the province of Minas Gerais, where rigid governmental control over the production and prices of gold and diamonds, as well as heavy taxes, caused much discontent. But this conspiracy never went beyond the stage of discussion and was easily discovered and crushed. Other conspiracies in the late eighteenth century as well as a brief revolt in 1817 reflected the influence of republican ideas over sections of the elite and even the lower strata of urban society. All proved abortive or were soon crushed. Were it not for an accident of European history, the independence of Brazil might have been long delayed.
The French invasion of Portugal in 1807 followed by the flight of the Portuguese court (sovereign and government officers) to Rio de Janeiro brought large benefits to Brazil. Indeed, the transfer of the court in effect signified achievement of Brazilian independence. The Portuguese prince and future King Joao VI opened Brazil's ports to the trade of friendly nations, permitted the rise of local industries, and founded the Bank of Brazil. In 1815 he elevated Brazil to the legal status of a kingdom coequal with Portugal. ln one sense, however, Brazil's new status signified the substitution of one dependence for another. Freed from Portuguese control, Brazil came under the economic dominance of England, which obtained major tariff concessions and other privileges by the Strangford Treaty of 1810 between Portugal and Great Britain. The treaty provided for the importation of British manufactures into Brazil and the export of Brazilian agricultural produce to Great Britain. One result was an influx of cheap machine-made goods that swamped the handicrafts industry of the country.
Brazilian elites took satisfaction in Brazil's new role and the growth of educational, cultural, and economic opportunities for their class. But the feeling was mixed with resentment toward the thousands of Portuguese courtiers (officials) and hangers-on who came with the court and who competed with Brazilians for jobs and favors. Thus, the change in the status of Brazil sharpened the conflict between Portuguese elites born in Brazil and elites born in Portugal and loyal to the Portuguese crown.
The event that precipitated the break with the mother country was the revolution of 1820 in Portugal. The Portuguese revolutionaries framed a liberal constitution for the kingdom, but they were conservative or reactionary in relation to Brazil. They demanded the immediate return of King Joao to Lisbon, an end to the system of dual monarchy that he had devised, and the restoration of the Portuguese commercial monopoly. Timid and vacillating, King Joao did not know which way to turn. Under the pressure of his courtiers, who hungered to return to Portugal and their lost estates, he finally approved the new constitution and sailed for Portugal. He left behind him, however, his son and heir, Pedro, and in a private letter advised him that in the event the Brazilians should demand independence, he should assume leadership of the movement and set the crown of Brazil on his head.
Soon it became clear that the Portuguese parliament intended to set the clock back by abrogating all the liberties and concessions won by Brazil since 1808. One of its decrees insisted on the immediate return of Pedro from Brazil. The pace of events moved more rapidly in 1822. On January 9, urged on by Brazilian advisers who perceived a golden opportunity to make an orderly transition to independence without the intervention of the masses, Pedro refused an order from the parliament to return to Portugal, saying famously, "l remain." On September 7, regarded by all Brazilians as Independence Day, he issued the even more celebrated proclamation, "Independence or death!" In December 1822, having overcome slight resistance by Portuguese troops, Dom Pedro was formally proclaimed constitutional Emperor of Brazil. | 1339.txt | 1 |
[
"Brazil made Dom Pedro its constitutional Emperor.",
"Dom Pedro refused to comply with the Portuguese parliament's demand that he return to Portugal.",
"the Portuguese parliament officially withdrew all formal connection to Brazil.",
"Dom Pedro publicly declared his position by saying, \"Independence or death!\"."
] | According to paragraph 5, Independence Day in Brazil is the date on which | In contrast to the political anarchy, economic dislocation, and military destruction in Spanish America, Brazil's drive toward independence from Portugal proceeded as a relatively bloodless transition between 1808 and 1822. The idea of Brazilian independence first arose in the late eighteenth century as a Brazilian reaction to the Portuguese policy of tightening political and economic control over the colony in the interests of the mother country. The first significant conspiracy against Portuguese rule was organized from 1788-1799 in the province of Minas Gerais, where rigid governmental control over the production and prices of gold and diamonds, as well as heavy taxes, caused much discontent. But this conspiracy never went beyond the stage of discussion and was easily discovered and crushed. Other conspiracies in the late eighteenth century as well as a brief revolt in 1817 reflected the influence of republican ideas over sections of the elite and even the lower strata of urban society. All proved abortive or were soon crushed. Were it not for an accident of European history, the independence of Brazil might have been long delayed.
The French invasion of Portugal in 1807 followed by the flight of the Portuguese court (sovereign and government officers) to Rio de Janeiro brought large benefits to Brazil. Indeed, the transfer of the court in effect signified achievement of Brazilian independence. The Portuguese prince and future King Joao VI opened Brazil's ports to the trade of friendly nations, permitted the rise of local industries, and founded the Bank of Brazil. In 1815 he elevated Brazil to the legal status of a kingdom coequal with Portugal. ln one sense, however, Brazil's new status signified the substitution of one dependence for another. Freed from Portuguese control, Brazil came under the economic dominance of England, which obtained major tariff concessions and other privileges by the Strangford Treaty of 1810 between Portugal and Great Britain. The treaty provided for the importation of British manufactures into Brazil and the export of Brazilian agricultural produce to Great Britain. One result was an influx of cheap machine-made goods that swamped the handicrafts industry of the country.
Brazilian elites took satisfaction in Brazil's new role and the growth of educational, cultural, and economic opportunities for their class. But the feeling was mixed with resentment toward the thousands of Portuguese courtiers (officials) and hangers-on who came with the court and who competed with Brazilians for jobs and favors. Thus, the change in the status of Brazil sharpened the conflict between Portuguese elites born in Brazil and elites born in Portugal and loyal to the Portuguese crown.
The event that precipitated the break with the mother country was the revolution of 1820 in Portugal. The Portuguese revolutionaries framed a liberal constitution for the kingdom, but they were conservative or reactionary in relation to Brazil. They demanded the immediate return of King Joao to Lisbon, an end to the system of dual monarchy that he had devised, and the restoration of the Portuguese commercial monopoly. Timid and vacillating, King Joao did not know which way to turn. Under the pressure of his courtiers, who hungered to return to Portugal and their lost estates, he finally approved the new constitution and sailed for Portugal. He left behind him, however, his son and heir, Pedro, and in a private letter advised him that in the event the Brazilians should demand independence, he should assume leadership of the movement and set the crown of Brazil on his head.
Soon it became clear that the Portuguese parliament intended to set the clock back by abrogating all the liberties and concessions won by Brazil since 1808. One of its decrees insisted on the immediate return of Pedro from Brazil. The pace of events moved more rapidly in 1822. On January 9, urged on by Brazilian advisers who perceived a golden opportunity to make an orderly transition to independence without the intervention of the masses, Pedro refused an order from the parliament to return to Portugal, saying famously, "l remain." On September 7, regarded by all Brazilians as Independence Day, he issued the even more celebrated proclamation, "Independence or death!" In December 1822, having overcome slight resistance by Portuguese troops, Dom Pedro was formally proclaimed constitutional Emperor of Brazil. | 1339.txt | 3 |
[
"analyze the consequences of social epidemics",
"discuss influentials' function in spreading ideas",
"exemplify people's intuitive response to social epidemics",
"describe the essential characteristics of influentials."
] | By citing the book The Tipping Point, the author intends to | In his book The Tipping Point, Malcolm Gladwell argues that social epidemics are driven in large part by the acting of a tiny minority of special individuals, often called influentials, who are unusually informed, persuasive, or well-connected. The idea is intuitively compelling, but it doesn't explain how ideas actually spread.
The supposed importance of influentials derives from a plausible sounding but largely untested theory called the "two step flow of communication": Information flows from the media to the influentials and from them to everyone else. Marketers have embraced the two-step flow because it suggests that if they can just find and influence the influentials, those selected people will do most of the work for them. The theory also seems to explain the sudden and unexpected popularity of certain looks, brands, or neighborhoods. In many such cases, a cursory search for causes finds that some small group of people was wearing, promoting, or developing whatever it is before anyone else paid attention. Anecdotal evidence of this kind fits nicely with the idea that only certain special people can drive trends.
In their recent work, however, some researchers have come up with the finding that influentials have far less impact on social epidemics than is generally supposed. In fact, they don't seem to be required of all.
The researchers' argument stems from a simple observing about social influence, with the exception of a few celebrities like Oprah Winfrey-whose outsize presence is primarily a function of media, not interpersonal, influence - even the most influential members of a population simply don't interact with that many others. Yet it is precisely these non-celebrity influentials who, according to the two-step-flow theory, are supposed to drive social epidemics by influencing their friends and colleagues directly. For a social epidemic to occur, however, each person so affected, must then influence his or her own acquaintances, who must in turn influence theirs, and so on; and just how many others pay attention to each of these people has little to do with the initial influential. If people in the network just two degrees removed from the initial influential prove resistant, for example from the initial influential prove resistant, for example the cascade of change won't propagate very far or affect many people.
Building on the basic truth about interpersonal influence, the researchers studied the dynamics of populations manipulating a number of variables relating of populations, manipulating a number of variables relating to people's ability to influence others and their tendency to be influenced. They found that the principal requirement for what we call "global cascades"- the widespread propagation of influence through networks - is the presence not of a few influentials but, rather, of a critical mass of easily influenced people. | 2342.txt | 1 |
[
"serves as a solution to marketing problems",
"has helped explain certain prevalent trends",
"has won support from influentials",
"requires solid evidence for its validity"
] | The author suggests that the "two-step-flow theory" | In his book The Tipping Point, Malcolm Gladwell argues that social epidemics are driven in large part by the acting of a tiny minority of special individuals, often called influentials, who are unusually informed, persuasive, or well-connected. The idea is intuitively compelling, but it doesn't explain how ideas actually spread.
The supposed importance of influentials derives from a plausible sounding but largely untested theory called the "two step flow of communication": Information flows from the media to the influentials and from them to everyone else. Marketers have embraced the two-step flow because it suggests that if they can just find and influence the influentials, those selected people will do most of the work for them. The theory also seems to explain the sudden and unexpected popularity of certain looks, brands, or neighborhoods. In many such cases, a cursory search for causes finds that some small group of people was wearing, promoting, or developing whatever it is before anyone else paid attention. Anecdotal evidence of this kind fits nicely with the idea that only certain special people can drive trends.
In their recent work, however, some researchers have come up with the finding that influentials have far less impact on social epidemics than is generally supposed. In fact, they don't seem to be required of all.
The researchers' argument stems from a simple observing about social influence, with the exception of a few celebrities like Oprah Winfrey-whose outsize presence is primarily a function of media, not interpersonal, influence - even the most influential members of a population simply don't interact with that many others. Yet it is precisely these non-celebrity influentials who, according to the two-step-flow theory, are supposed to drive social epidemics by influencing their friends and colleagues directly. For a social epidemic to occur, however, each person so affected, must then influence his or her own acquaintances, who must in turn influence theirs, and so on; and just how many others pay attention to each of these people has little to do with the initial influential. If people in the network just two degrees removed from the initial influential prove resistant, for example from the initial influential prove resistant, for example the cascade of change won't propagate very far or affect many people.
Building on the basic truth about interpersonal influence, the researchers studied the dynamics of populations manipulating a number of variables relating of populations, manipulating a number of variables relating to people's ability to influence others and their tendency to be influenced. They found that the principal requirement for what we call "global cascades"- the widespread propagation of influence through networks - is the presence not of a few influentials but, rather, of a critical mass of easily influenced people. | 2342.txt | 3 |
[
"the power of influence goes with social interactions",
"interpersonal links can be enhanced through the media",
"influentials have more channels to reach the public",
"most celebrities enjoy wide media attention"
] | What the researchers have observed recently shows that | In his book The Tipping Point, Malcolm Gladwell argues that social epidemics are driven in large part by the acting of a tiny minority of special individuals, often called influentials, who are unusually informed, persuasive, or well-connected. The idea is intuitively compelling, but it doesn't explain how ideas actually spread.
The supposed importance of influentials derives from a plausible sounding but largely untested theory called the "two step flow of communication": Information flows from the media to the influentials and from them to everyone else. Marketers have embraced the two-step flow because it suggests that if they can just find and influence the influentials, those selected people will do most of the work for them. The theory also seems to explain the sudden and unexpected popularity of certain looks, brands, or neighborhoods. In many such cases, a cursory search for causes finds that some small group of people was wearing, promoting, or developing whatever it is before anyone else paid attention. Anecdotal evidence of this kind fits nicely with the idea that only certain special people can drive trends.
In their recent work, however, some researchers have come up with the finding that influentials have far less impact on social epidemics than is generally supposed. In fact, they don't seem to be required of all.
The researchers' argument stems from a simple observing about social influence, with the exception of a few celebrities like Oprah Winfrey-whose outsize presence is primarily a function of media, not interpersonal, influence - even the most influential members of a population simply don't interact with that many others. Yet it is precisely these non-celebrity influentials who, according to the two-step-flow theory, are supposed to drive social epidemics by influencing their friends and colleagues directly. For a social epidemic to occur, however, each person so affected, must then influence his or her own acquaintances, who must in turn influence theirs, and so on; and just how many others pay attention to each of these people has little to do with the initial influential. If people in the network just two degrees removed from the initial influential prove resistant, for example from the initial influential prove resistant, for example the cascade of change won't propagate very far or affect many people.
Building on the basic truth about interpersonal influence, the researchers studied the dynamics of populations manipulating a number of variables relating of populations, manipulating a number of variables relating to people's ability to influence others and their tendency to be influenced. They found that the principal requirement for what we call "global cascades"- the widespread propagation of influence through networks - is the presence not of a few influentials but, rather, of a critical mass of easily influenced people. | 2342.txt | 0 |
[
"The eagerness to be accepted",
"The impulse to influence others",
"The readiness to be influenced",
"The inclination to rely on others"
] | What is the essential element in the dynamics of social influence? | In his book The Tipping Point, Malcolm Gladwell argues that social epidemics are driven in large part by the acting of a tiny minority of special individuals, often called influentials, who are unusually informed, persuasive, or well-connected. The idea is intuitively compelling, but it doesn't explain how ideas actually spread.
The supposed importance of influentials derives from a plausible sounding but largely untested theory called the "two step flow of communication": Information flows from the media to the influentials and from them to everyone else. Marketers have embraced the two-step flow because it suggests that if they can just find and influence the influentials, those selected people will do most of the work for them. The theory also seems to explain the sudden and unexpected popularity of certain looks, brands, or neighborhoods. In many such cases, a cursory search for causes finds that some small group of people was wearing, promoting, or developing whatever it is before anyone else paid attention. Anecdotal evidence of this kind fits nicely with the idea that only certain special people can drive trends.
In their recent work, however, some researchers have come up with the finding that influentials have far less impact on social epidemics than is generally supposed. In fact, they don't seem to be required of all.
The researchers' argument stems from a simple observing about social influence, with the exception of a few celebrities like Oprah Winfrey-whose outsize presence is primarily a function of media, not interpersonal, influence - even the most influential members of a population simply don't interact with that many others. Yet it is precisely these non-celebrity influentials who, according to the two-step-flow theory, are supposed to drive social epidemics by influencing their friends and colleagues directly. For a social epidemic to occur, however, each person so affected, must then influence his or her own acquaintances, who must in turn influence theirs, and so on; and just how many others pay attention to each of these people has little to do with the initial influential. If people in the network just two degrees removed from the initial influential prove resistant, for example from the initial influential prove resistant, for example the cascade of change won't propagate very far or affect many people.
Building on the basic truth about interpersonal influence, the researchers studied the dynamics of populations manipulating a number of variables relating of populations, manipulating a number of variables relating to people's ability to influence others and their tendency to be influenced. They found that the principal requirement for what we call "global cascades"- the widespread propagation of influence through networks - is the presence not of a few influentials but, rather, of a critical mass of easily influenced people. | 2342.txt | 2 |
[
"immigrate across the Atlantic",
"leave their home countries for good",
"stay in a foreign temporarily",
"find permanent jobs overseas"
] | "Birds of passage" refers to those who____. | A century ago, the immigrants from across the Atlantic included settlers and sojourners. Along with the many folks looking to make a permanent home in the United States came those who had no intention to stay, and 7 million people arrived while about 2 million departed. About a quarter of all Italian immigrants, for example, eventually returned to Italy for good. They even had an affectionate nickname, "uccelli di passaggio," birds of passage.
Today, we are much more rigid about immigrants. We divide newcomers into two categories: legal or illegal, good or bad. We hail them as Americans in the making, or our broken immigration system and the long political paralysis over how to fix it. We don't need more categories, but we need to change the way we think about categories. We need to look beyond strict definitions of legal and illegal. To start, we can recognize the new birds of passage, those living and thriving in the gray areas. We might then begin to solve our immigration challenges.
Crop pickers, violinists, construction workers, entrepreneurs, engineers, home health-care aides and physicists are among today's birds of passage. They are energetic participants in a global economy driven by the flow of work, money and ideas. They prefer to come and go as opportunity calls them. They can manage to have a job in one place and a family in another.
With or without permission, they straddle laws, jurisdictions and identities with ease. We need them to imagine the United States as a place where they can be productive for a while without committing themselves to staying forever. We need them to feel that home can be both here and there and that they can belong to two nations honorably.
Accommodating this new world of people in motion will require new attitudes on both sides of the immigration battle. Looking beyond the culture war logic of right or wrong means opening up the middle ground and understanding that managing immigration today requires multiple paths and multiple outcomes. Including some that are not easy to accomplish legally in the existing system. | 4077.txt | 2 |
[
"needs new immigrant categories",
"has loosened control over immigrants",
"should be adopted to meet challenges",
"has been fixed via political means"
] | It is implied in paragraph 2 that the current immigration system in the US____. | A century ago, the immigrants from across the Atlantic included settlers and sojourners. Along with the many folks looking to make a permanent home in the United States came those who had no intention to stay, and 7 million people arrived while about 2 million departed. About a quarter of all Italian immigrants, for example, eventually returned to Italy for good. They even had an affectionate nickname, "uccelli di passaggio," birds of passage.
Today, we are much more rigid about immigrants. We divide newcomers into two categories: legal or illegal, good or bad. We hail them as Americans in the making, or our broken immigration system and the long political paralysis over how to fix it. We don't need more categories, but we need to change the way we think about categories. We need to look beyond strict definitions of legal and illegal. To start, we can recognize the new birds of passage, those living and thriving in the gray areas. We might then begin to solve our immigration challenges.
Crop pickers, violinists, construction workers, entrepreneurs, engineers, home health-care aides and physicists are among today's birds of passage. They are energetic participants in a global economy driven by the flow of work, money and ideas. They prefer to come and go as opportunity calls them. They can manage to have a job in one place and a family in another.
With or without permission, they straddle laws, jurisdictions and identities with ease. We need them to imagine the United States as a place where they can be productive for a while without committing themselves to staying forever. We need them to feel that home can be both here and there and that they can belong to two nations honorably.
Accommodating this new world of people in motion will require new attitudes on both sides of the immigration battle. Looking beyond the culture war logic of right or wrong means opening up the middle ground and understanding that managing immigration today requires multiple paths and multiple outcomes. Including some that are not easy to accomplish legally in the existing system. | 4077.txt | 2 |
[
"financial incentives",
"a global recognition",
"opportunities to get regular jobs",
"the freedom to stay and leave"
] | According to the author, today's birds of passage want___. | A century ago, the immigrants from across the Atlantic included settlers and sojourners. Along with the many folks looking to make a permanent home in the United States came those who had no intention to stay, and 7 million people arrived while about 2 million departed. About a quarter of all Italian immigrants, for example, eventually returned to Italy for good. They even had an affectionate nickname, "uccelli di passaggio," birds of passage.
Today, we are much more rigid about immigrants. We divide newcomers into two categories: legal or illegal, good or bad. We hail them as Americans in the making, or our broken immigration system and the long political paralysis over how to fix it. We don't need more categories, but we need to change the way we think about categories. We need to look beyond strict definitions of legal and illegal. To start, we can recognize the new birds of passage, those living and thriving in the gray areas. We might then begin to solve our immigration challenges.
Crop pickers, violinists, construction workers, entrepreneurs, engineers, home health-care aides and physicists are among today's birds of passage. They are energetic participants in a global economy driven by the flow of work, money and ideas. They prefer to come and go as opportunity calls them. They can manage to have a job in one place and a family in another.
With or without permission, they straddle laws, jurisdictions and identities with ease. We need them to imagine the United States as a place where they can be productive for a while without committing themselves to staying forever. We need them to feel that home can be both here and there and that they can belong to two nations honorably.
Accommodating this new world of people in motion will require new attitudes on both sides of the immigration battle. Looking beyond the culture war logic of right or wrong means opening up the middle ground and understanding that managing immigration today requires multiple paths and multiple outcomes. Including some that are not easy to accomplish legally in the existing system. | 4077.txt | 3 |
[
"as faithful partners",
"with economic favors",
"with legal tolerance",
"as mighty rivals"
] | The author suggests that the birds of passage today should be treated __. | A century ago, the immigrants from across the Atlantic included settlers and sojourners. Along with the many folks looking to make a permanent home in the United States came those who had no intention to stay, and 7 million people arrived while about 2 million departed. About a quarter of all Italian immigrants, for example, eventually returned to Italy for good. They even had an affectionate nickname, "uccelli di passaggio," birds of passage.
Today, we are much more rigid about immigrants. We divide newcomers into two categories: legal or illegal, good or bad. We hail them as Americans in the making, or our broken immigration system and the long political paralysis over how to fix it. We don't need more categories, but we need to change the way we think about categories. We need to look beyond strict definitions of legal and illegal. To start, we can recognize the new birds of passage, those living and thriving in the gray areas. We might then begin to solve our immigration challenges.
Crop pickers, violinists, construction workers, entrepreneurs, engineers, home health-care aides and physicists are among today's birds of passage. They are energetic participants in a global economy driven by the flow of work, money and ideas. They prefer to come and go as opportunity calls them. They can manage to have a job in one place and a family in another.
With or without permission, they straddle laws, jurisdictions and identities with ease. We need them to imagine the United States as a place where they can be productive for a while without committing themselves to staying forever. We need them to feel that home can be both here and there and that they can belong to two nations honorably.
Accommodating this new world of people in motion will require new attitudes on both sides of the immigration battle. Looking beyond the culture war logic of right or wrong means opening up the middle ground and understanding that managing immigration today requires multiple paths and multiple outcomes. Including some that are not easy to accomplish legally in the existing system. | 4077.txt | 2 |
[
"Come and Go: Big Mistake",
"Living and Thriving: Great Risk",
"With or Without: Great Risk",
"Legal or Illegal: Big Mistake"
] | which of the following would be the most appropriate title for the text? | A century ago, the immigrants from across the Atlantic included settlers and sojourners. Along with the many folks looking to make a permanent home in the United States came those who had no intention to stay, and 7 million people arrived while about 2 million departed. About a quarter of all Italian immigrants, for example, eventually returned to Italy for good. They even had an affectionate nickname, "uccelli di passaggio," birds of passage.
Today, we are much more rigid about immigrants. We divide newcomers into two categories: legal or illegal, good or bad. We hail them as Americans in the making, or our broken immigration system and the long political paralysis over how to fix it. We don't need more categories, but we need to change the way we think about categories. We need to look beyond strict definitions of legal and illegal. To start, we can recognize the new birds of passage, those living and thriving in the gray areas. We might then begin to solve our immigration challenges.
Crop pickers, violinists, construction workers, entrepreneurs, engineers, home health-care aides and physicists are among today's birds of passage. They are energetic participants in a global economy driven by the flow of work, money and ideas. They prefer to come and go as opportunity calls them. They can manage to have a job in one place and a family in another.
With or without permission, they straddle laws, jurisdictions and identities with ease. We need them to imagine the United States as a place where they can be productive for a while without committing themselves to staying forever. We need them to feel that home can be both here and there and that they can belong to two nations honorably.
Accommodating this new world of people in motion will require new attitudes on both sides of the immigration battle. Looking beyond the culture war logic of right or wrong means opening up the middle ground and understanding that managing immigration today requires multiple paths and multiple outcomes. Including some that are not easy to accomplish legally in the existing system. | 4077.txt | 3 |
[
"they live too far away from one another.",
"they do not like school.",
"they are not old enough to go to school.",
"their families are too poor."
] | The children in "The Centre" do not go to a school because _ . | Robert is nine years old and Joanna is seven. They live at Mount Ebenezer. Their father has a big property. In Australia they call a farm a property.
Robert and Joanna like school very much. At school they can talk to their friends but Robert and Joanna cannot see their friends. They live 100, perhaps 300, miles away and like Robert and Joanna, they all go to school by radio.
Mount Ebenezer is in the centre of Australia. Not many people live in "The Centre". There are no schools with desks and blackboards and no teachers in "The Centre". School is a room at home with a two-way radio. The teacher also has a two-way radio. Every morning she calls each student on the radio. When all students answer, lessons begin… Think of your teacher 300 miles away! | 948.txt | 0 |
[
"a property.",
"a car.",
"a school room at home.",
"a special radio."
] | In order to send their children to school, parents in "The Centre" of Australia must have _ . | Robert is nine years old and Joanna is seven. They live at Mount Ebenezer. Their father has a big property. In Australia they call a farm a property.
Robert and Joanna like school very much. At school they can talk to their friends but Robert and Joanna cannot see their friends. They live 100, perhaps 300, miles away and like Robert and Joanna, they all go to school by radio.
Mount Ebenezer is in the centre of Australia. Not many people live in "The Centre". There are no schools with desks and blackboards and no teachers in "The Centre". School is a room at home with a two-way radio. The teacher also has a two-way radio. Every morning she calls each student on the radio. When all students answer, lessons begin… Think of your teacher 300 miles away! | 948.txt | 3 |
[
"not in a classroom but at the homes of the students.",
"by speaking only and not showing anything in writing.",
"without using any textbooks or pictures.",
"without knowing whether the students are attending."
] | Teachers in "The Centre" of Australia teach _ . | Robert is nine years old and Joanna is seven. They live at Mount Ebenezer. Their father has a big property. In Australia they call a farm a property.
Robert and Joanna like school very much. At school they can talk to their friends but Robert and Joanna cannot see their friends. They live 100, perhaps 300, miles away and like Robert and Joanna, they all go to school by radio.
Mount Ebenezer is in the centre of Australia. Not many people live in "The Centre". There are no schools with desks and blackboards and no teachers in "The Centre". School is a room at home with a two-way radio. The teacher also has a two-way radio. Every morning she calls each student on the radio. When all students answer, lessons begin… Think of your teacher 300 miles away! | 948.txt | 1 |
[
"but their teacher cannot hear them.",
"and their teacher can hear them too.",
"but cannot hear their schoolmates.",
"and see him or her at the same time."
] | When children are having a lesson, they can hear their teacher. | Robert is nine years old and Joanna is seven. They live at Mount Ebenezer. Their father has a big property. In Australia they call a farm a property.
Robert and Joanna like school very much. At school they can talk to their friends but Robert and Joanna cannot see their friends. They live 100, perhaps 300, miles away and like Robert and Joanna, they all go to school by radio.
Mount Ebenezer is in the centre of Australia. Not many people live in "The Centre". There are no schools with desks and blackboards and no teachers in "The Centre". School is a room at home with a two-way radio. The teacher also has a two-way radio. Every morning she calls each student on the radio. When all students answer, lessons begin… Think of your teacher 300 miles away! | 948.txt | 1 |
[
"house.",
"school.",
"farm.",
"radio."
] | A "Property" in Australia is a | Robert is nine years old and Joanna is seven. They live at Mount Ebenezer. Their father has a big property. In Australia they call a farm a property.
Robert and Joanna like school very much. At school they can talk to their friends but Robert and Joanna cannot see their friends. They live 100, perhaps 300, miles away and like Robert and Joanna, they all go to school by radio.
Mount Ebenezer is in the centre of Australia. Not many people live in "The Centre". There are no schools with desks and blackboards and no teachers in "The Centre". School is a room at home with a two-way radio. The teacher also has a two-way radio. Every morning she calls each student on the radio. When all students answer, lessons begin… Think of your teacher 300 miles away! | 948.txt | 2 |
[
"2008 Olympic Games will be held in Beijing.",
"It shows us the importance of holding Olympic Games in China.",
"Chinese people hold Cultural Activities in honor of Olympic Games.",
"Chinese government tries to improve the transportation in the run up to the Olympic Games."
] | What is the main idea of this passage? | Beijing to Hold Olympic Cultural Activities
Beijing Olympic organizers say the city will hold a variety of Olympic cultural activities between June and September. This is an attempt to provide an opportunity for both domestic and overseas tourists to experience the combination of Olympic and Chinese cultures.
The officials released schedule of the activities at a coordination meeting Thursday.
Zhao Dongming is with the Beijing Olympic organizing Committee. He said cultural activities are an important part of the sporting event.
"The Olympic Games is a big international stage. It provides a broad platform to showcase the diversified cultures in China and across the world through various cultural activities. It promotes understanding of China and Beijing."
Officials say the Olympic Cultural Square Program will be the core part of the city Olympic cultural activities. Over 100 squares in Beijing will be used as platforms for cultural shows and activities in the summer.
Other cities, including Hong Kong, Shanghai and Tianjin will also have a variety of cultural activities in the run up to the Olympic Games. | 2793.txt | 2 |
[
"Chongqing",
"Beijing",
"Tianjing",
"Hong Kong"
] | Which city will not have a variety of cultural activities in the run up to the Olympic Games? | Beijing to Hold Olympic Cultural Activities
Beijing Olympic organizers say the city will hold a variety of Olympic cultural activities between June and September. This is an attempt to provide an opportunity for both domestic and overseas tourists to experience the combination of Olympic and Chinese cultures.
The officials released schedule of the activities at a coordination meeting Thursday.
Zhao Dongming is with the Beijing Olympic organizing Committee. He said cultural activities are an important part of the sporting event.
"The Olympic Games is a big international stage. It provides a broad platform to showcase the diversified cultures in China and across the world through various cultural activities. It promotes understanding of China and Beijing."
Officials say the Olympic Cultural Square Program will be the core part of the city Olympic cultural activities. Over 100 squares in Beijing will be used as platforms for cultural shows and activities in the summer.
Other cities, including Hong Kong, Shanghai and Tianjin will also have a variety of cultural activities in the run up to the Olympic Games. | 2793.txt | 0 |
[
"It can help Chinese to make a lot of money.",
"It will provide a broad platform to showcase the highly-developing economy in China and across the world.",
"This is an attempt to provide an opportunity for both domestic and overseas tourists to experience the combination of Olympic and Chinese tourism.",
"It will let people all over the word have a chance to experience Chinese various cultures."
] | What is the cultural magnificence of holding 2008 Olympic Games? | Beijing to Hold Olympic Cultural Activities
Beijing Olympic organizers say the city will hold a variety of Olympic cultural activities between June and September. This is an attempt to provide an opportunity for both domestic and overseas tourists to experience the combination of Olympic and Chinese cultures.
The officials released schedule of the activities at a coordination meeting Thursday.
Zhao Dongming is with the Beijing Olympic organizing Committee. He said cultural activities are an important part of the sporting event.
"The Olympic Games is a big international stage. It provides a broad platform to showcase the diversified cultures in China and across the world through various cultural activities. It promotes understanding of China and Beijing."
Officials say the Olympic Cultural Square Program will be the core part of the city Olympic cultural activities. Over 100 squares in Beijing will be used as platforms for cultural shows and activities in the summer.
Other cities, including Hong Kong, Shanghai and Tianjin will also have a variety of cultural activities in the run up to the Olympic Games. | 2793.txt | 3 |
[
"They have more graduates from community colleges.",
"They score far below the average education level.",
"They obviously are victims of the American education system.",
"Their academic performances are worse than their white peers."
] | What does the author say about African-American youth as a whole? | The 35 percent of African-American youth living in poverty are the most visible victims of what is often called the achievement gap. But black children of all socioeconomic levels perform worse on national tests and graduate in fewer numbers than their white middle-class peers. A 2009 study by the U.S. Department of Education's National Center for Education Statistics found that African-American students scored, on average, 26 points lower than white students on their reading and math tests.
Some say, as Harvard psychologist Richard J. Herrnstein and American Enterprise Institute political scientist Charles Murray did in their 1994 book, The Bell Curve, that the cause is genetic. And though The Bell Curve has been discredited in scientific circles, the idea that IQ is somehow linked to race has been slow to retreat.
Others, like Cornell University researchers Gary Evans and Michelle Schamberg, believe that " physiological stress is a plausible model for how poverty could get into the brain and eventually interfere with achievement," as they wrote in Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences. Our best efforts at narrowing the gap nationally - think No Child Left Behind - haven't worked.
But locally, there are now signs of hope. At the Harlem Children's Zone's Promise Academy charter schools, at least 97 percent of third graders scored at or above grade level on a statewide math test in 2008, outperforming the average scores of both black and white children in New York City and New York State.
What the HCZ does is first recognize that the amelioration of poverty does not begin and end with an excellent education, but also requires a full belly, parental education, safety, advocacy, and the expectation that every student will succeed. " We help parents and kids through the system," HCZ founder Geoffrey Canada says. " We get them past every hindrance put in their way, whether it be at home or with social services. We can advocate on a child's behalf, whether it be at home or in the classroom or with the juvenile justice system."
Indeed, the HCZ starts early: it provides new parents with a Baby College to teach parenting skills during the crucial first three years of a child's life and a preschool Gems program, where kids learn not only French and Spanish but healthy eating habits to combat childhood obesity.
The Zone also offers the HCZ Asthma Initiative to provide medical care and education to families, thus drastically cutting down on the number of school days missed by students suffering from asthma. And it has a network of afterschool programs that teach media literacy, karate, and computer skills. It's called the pipeline - once families enter, it's hoped that they'll stay until their child graduates from college. The idea is to create a safety net woven so tightly that kids can't slip through. | 4000.txt | 3 |
[
"has sparked a heated debate in the scientific field",
"leads to the study on the link between race and IQ",
"states that intelligence has a lot to do with race",
"is against the idea that intelligence is decided by race"
] | According to the passage, the book The Bell Curve _ . | The 35 percent of African-American youth living in poverty are the most visible victims of what is often called the achievement gap. But black children of all socioeconomic levels perform worse on national tests and graduate in fewer numbers than their white middle-class peers. A 2009 study by the U.S. Department of Education's National Center for Education Statistics found that African-American students scored, on average, 26 points lower than white students on their reading and math tests.
Some say, as Harvard psychologist Richard J. Herrnstein and American Enterprise Institute political scientist Charles Murray did in their 1994 book, The Bell Curve, that the cause is genetic. And though The Bell Curve has been discredited in scientific circles, the idea that IQ is somehow linked to race has been slow to retreat.
Others, like Cornell University researchers Gary Evans and Michelle Schamberg, believe that " physiological stress is a plausible model for how poverty could get into the brain and eventually interfere with achievement," as they wrote in Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences. Our best efforts at narrowing the gap nationally - think No Child Left Behind - haven't worked.
But locally, there are now signs of hope. At the Harlem Children's Zone's Promise Academy charter schools, at least 97 percent of third graders scored at or above grade level on a statewide math test in 2008, outperforming the average scores of both black and white children in New York City and New York State.
What the HCZ does is first recognize that the amelioration of poverty does not begin and end with an excellent education, but also requires a full belly, parental education, safety, advocacy, and the expectation that every student will succeed. " We help parents and kids through the system," HCZ founder Geoffrey Canada says. " We get them past every hindrance put in their way, whether it be at home or with social services. We can advocate on a child's behalf, whether it be at home or in the classroom or with the juvenile justice system."
Indeed, the HCZ starts early: it provides new parents with a Baby College to teach parenting skills during the crucial first three years of a child's life and a preschool Gems program, where kids learn not only French and Spanish but healthy eating habits to combat childhood obesity.
The Zone also offers the HCZ Asthma Initiative to provide medical care and education to families, thus drastically cutting down on the number of school days missed by students suffering from asthma. And it has a network of afterschool programs that teach media literacy, karate, and computer skills. It's called the pipeline - once families enter, it's hoped that they'll stay until their child graduates from college. The idea is to create a safety net woven so tightly that kids can't slip through. | 4000.txt | 2 |
[
"the achievement gap can be narrowed easily",
"it is unreasonable to relate low achievement to poverty",
"physiological stress works on achievement indirectly",
"it is impossible to achieve the goal of equal performance"
] | Experts like Michelle Schamberg think that _ . | The 35 percent of African-American youth living in poverty are the most visible victims of what is often called the achievement gap. But black children of all socioeconomic levels perform worse on national tests and graduate in fewer numbers than their white middle-class peers. A 2009 study by the U.S. Department of Education's National Center for Education Statistics found that African-American students scored, on average, 26 points lower than white students on their reading and math tests.
Some say, as Harvard psychologist Richard J. Herrnstein and American Enterprise Institute political scientist Charles Murray did in their 1994 book, The Bell Curve, that the cause is genetic. And though The Bell Curve has been discredited in scientific circles, the idea that IQ is somehow linked to race has been slow to retreat.
Others, like Cornell University researchers Gary Evans and Michelle Schamberg, believe that " physiological stress is a plausible model for how poverty could get into the brain and eventually interfere with achievement," as they wrote in Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences. Our best efforts at narrowing the gap nationally - think No Child Left Behind - haven't worked.
But locally, there are now signs of hope. At the Harlem Children's Zone's Promise Academy charter schools, at least 97 percent of third graders scored at or above grade level on a statewide math test in 2008, outperforming the average scores of both black and white children in New York City and New York State.
What the HCZ does is first recognize that the amelioration of poverty does not begin and end with an excellent education, but also requires a full belly, parental education, safety, advocacy, and the expectation that every student will succeed. " We help parents and kids through the system," HCZ founder Geoffrey Canada says. " We get them past every hindrance put in their way, whether it be at home or with social services. We can advocate on a child's behalf, whether it be at home or in the classroom or with the juvenile justice system."
Indeed, the HCZ starts early: it provides new parents with a Baby College to teach parenting skills during the crucial first three years of a child's life and a preschool Gems program, where kids learn not only French and Spanish but healthy eating habits to combat childhood obesity.
The Zone also offers the HCZ Asthma Initiative to provide medical care and education to families, thus drastically cutting down on the number of school days missed by students suffering from asthma. And it has a network of afterschool programs that teach media literacy, karate, and computer skills. It's called the pipeline - once families enter, it's hoped that they'll stay until their child graduates from college. The idea is to create a safety net woven so tightly that kids can't slip through. | 4000.txt | 2 |
[
"stresses more on crime prevention",
"emphasizes an all-around system",
"condemns parents as a hindrance",
"sees excellent education as the sole way"
] | When it comes to fighting poverty, the Harlem Children‘s Zone _ . | The 35 percent of African-American youth living in poverty are the most visible victims of what is often called the achievement gap. But black children of all socioeconomic levels perform worse on national tests and graduate in fewer numbers than their white middle-class peers. A 2009 study by the U.S. Department of Education's National Center for Education Statistics found that African-American students scored, on average, 26 points lower than white students on their reading and math tests.
Some say, as Harvard psychologist Richard J. Herrnstein and American Enterprise Institute political scientist Charles Murray did in their 1994 book, The Bell Curve, that the cause is genetic. And though The Bell Curve has been discredited in scientific circles, the idea that IQ is somehow linked to race has been slow to retreat.
Others, like Cornell University researchers Gary Evans and Michelle Schamberg, believe that " physiological stress is a plausible model for how poverty could get into the brain and eventually interfere with achievement," as they wrote in Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences. Our best efforts at narrowing the gap nationally - think No Child Left Behind - haven't worked.
But locally, there are now signs of hope. At the Harlem Children's Zone's Promise Academy charter schools, at least 97 percent of third graders scored at or above grade level on a statewide math test in 2008, outperforming the average scores of both black and white children in New York City and New York State.
What the HCZ does is first recognize that the amelioration of poverty does not begin and end with an excellent education, but also requires a full belly, parental education, safety, advocacy, and the expectation that every student will succeed. " We help parents and kids through the system," HCZ founder Geoffrey Canada says. " We get them past every hindrance put in their way, whether it be at home or with social services. We can advocate on a child's behalf, whether it be at home or in the classroom or with the juvenile justice system."
Indeed, the HCZ starts early: it provides new parents with a Baby College to teach parenting skills during the crucial first three years of a child's life and a preschool Gems program, where kids learn not only French and Spanish but healthy eating habits to combat childhood obesity.
The Zone also offers the HCZ Asthma Initiative to provide medical care and education to families, thus drastically cutting down on the number of school days missed by students suffering from asthma. And it has a network of afterschool programs that teach media literacy, karate, and computer skills. It's called the pipeline - once families enter, it's hoped that they'll stay until their child graduates from college. The idea is to create a safety net woven so tightly that kids can't slip through. | 4000.txt | 1 |
[
"offer students an integrated system",
"reduce the number of asthmatic children",
"get rid of poverty at the first place",
"set up a network to protect students from hazards"
] | According to the passage, the purpose of HCZ‘s black education is to _ . | The 35 percent of African-American youth living in poverty are the most visible victims of what is often called the achievement gap. But black children of all socioeconomic levels perform worse on national tests and graduate in fewer numbers than their white middle-class peers. A 2009 study by the U.S. Department of Education's National Center for Education Statistics found that African-American students scored, on average, 26 points lower than white students on their reading and math tests.
Some say, as Harvard psychologist Richard J. Herrnstein and American Enterprise Institute political scientist Charles Murray did in their 1994 book, The Bell Curve, that the cause is genetic. And though The Bell Curve has been discredited in scientific circles, the idea that IQ is somehow linked to race has been slow to retreat.
Others, like Cornell University researchers Gary Evans and Michelle Schamberg, believe that " physiological stress is a plausible model for how poverty could get into the brain and eventually interfere with achievement," as they wrote in Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences. Our best efforts at narrowing the gap nationally - think No Child Left Behind - haven't worked.
But locally, there are now signs of hope. At the Harlem Children's Zone's Promise Academy charter schools, at least 97 percent of third graders scored at or above grade level on a statewide math test in 2008, outperforming the average scores of both black and white children in New York City and New York State.
What the HCZ does is first recognize that the amelioration of poverty does not begin and end with an excellent education, but also requires a full belly, parental education, safety, advocacy, and the expectation that every student will succeed. " We help parents and kids through the system," HCZ founder Geoffrey Canada says. " We get them past every hindrance put in their way, whether it be at home or with social services. We can advocate on a child's behalf, whether it be at home or in the classroom or with the juvenile justice system."
Indeed, the HCZ starts early: it provides new parents with a Baby College to teach parenting skills during the crucial first three years of a child's life and a preschool Gems program, where kids learn not only French and Spanish but healthy eating habits to combat childhood obesity.
The Zone also offers the HCZ Asthma Initiative to provide medical care and education to families, thus drastically cutting down on the number of school days missed by students suffering from asthma. And it has a network of afterschool programs that teach media literacy, karate, and computer skills. It's called the pipeline - once families enter, it's hoped that they'll stay until their child graduates from college. The idea is to create a safety net woven so tightly that kids can't slip through. | 4000.txt | 0 |
[
"Recurring outbreaks of infestation by gypsy moth caterpillars have had a devastating impact on trees in the northeastern United States.",
"A mechanism used by trees to combat the threat from gypsy moth caterpillars has actually made some trees more vulnerable to that threat.",
"Although deadly to gypsy moth caterpillars, wilt disease has failed to significantly affect the population density of the caterpillars.",
"The tree species with the highest levels of phenols in their foliage are the most successful in defending themselves against gypsy moth caterpillars."
] | Which of the following statements best expresses the main point of the passage? | The defoliation of millions of acres of trees by massive infestations of gypsy moth caterpillars is a recurring phenomenon in the northeastern United States.In studying these outbreaks, scientists have discovered that affected trees fight back by releasing toxic chemicals, mainly phenols, into their foliage. These noxious substances limit caterpillars' growth and reduce the number of eggs that female moths lay. Phenols also make the eggs smaller, which reduces the growth of the following year's caterpillars. Because the number of eggs a female moth produces is directly related to her size, and because her size is determined entirely by her feeding success as a caterpillar, the trees' defensive mechanism has an impact on moth fecundity. The gypsy moth is also subject to attack by the nucleopolyhedrosis virus, or wilt disease, a particularly important killer of the caterpillars in outbreak years. Caterpillars contract wilt disease when they eat a leaf to which the virus, encased in a protein globule, has become attached. Once ingested by a caterpillar, the protein globule dissolves, releasing thousands of viruses, or virions, that after about two weeks multiply enough to fill the entire body cavity. When the caterpillar dies, the virions are released to the outside, encased in a new protein globule synthesized from the caterpillar's tissues and ready to be picked up by other caterpillars. Knowing that phenols, including tannins, often act by associating with and altering the activity of proteins, researchers focused on the effects on caterpillars of ingesting the virus and leaves together. They found that on tannin-rich oak leaves, the virus is considerably less effective at killing caterpillars than when it is on aspen leaves, which are lower in phenols. In general, the more concentrated the phenols in tree leaves, the less deadly the virus. Thus, while highly concentrated phenols in tree leaves reduce the caterpillar population by limiting the size of caterpillars and consequently, the size of the female's egg cluster, these same chemicals also help caterpillars survive by disabling the wilt virus. Forest stands of red oaks, with their tannin-rich foliage, may even provide caterpillars with safe havens from disease. In stands dominated by trees such as aspen, however, incipient gypsy moth outbreaks are quickly suppressed by viral epidemics.
Further research has shown that catefpillars become virtually immune to the wilt virus as the trees on which they feed respond to increasing defoliation. The trees' own defenses raise the threshold of caterpillar vulnerability to the disease, allowing populations to grow denser without becoming more susceptible to infection. For these reasons, the benefits to the caterpillars of ingesting phenols appear to outweigh die costs. Given the presence of the virus, the trees' defensive tactic apparently has backfired. | 1898.txt | 1 |
[
"Female moths that ingest phenols are more susceptible to wilt virus, which causes them to lay smaller eggs.",
"Highly concentrated phenols in tree leaves limit caterpillars' food supply, thereby reducing the gypsy moth population.",
"Phenols attack the protein globule that protects moth egg clusters, making them vulnerable to wilt virus and lowering their survival rate.",
"The consumption of phenols by caterpillars results in undersized female gypsy moths, which tend to produce small egg clusters."
] | In lines 12-14, the phrase "the trees'defensive mechanism has an impact on moth fecundity" refers to which of the following phenomena? | The defoliation of millions of acres of trees by massive infestations of gypsy moth caterpillars is a recurring phenomenon in the northeastern United States.In studying these outbreaks, scientists have discovered that affected trees fight back by releasing toxic chemicals, mainly phenols, into their foliage. These noxious substances limit caterpillars' growth and reduce the number of eggs that female moths lay. Phenols also make the eggs smaller, which reduces the growth of the following year's caterpillars. Because the number of eggs a female moth produces is directly related to her size, and because her size is determined entirely by her feeding success as a caterpillar, the trees' defensive mechanism has an impact on moth fecundity. The gypsy moth is also subject to attack by the nucleopolyhedrosis virus, or wilt disease, a particularly important killer of the caterpillars in outbreak years. Caterpillars contract wilt disease when they eat a leaf to which the virus, encased in a protein globule, has become attached. Once ingested by a caterpillar, the protein globule dissolves, releasing thousands of viruses, or virions, that after about two weeks multiply enough to fill the entire body cavity. When the caterpillar dies, the virions are released to the outside, encased in a new protein globule synthesized from the caterpillar's tissues and ready to be picked up by other caterpillars. Knowing that phenols, including tannins, often act by associating with and altering the activity of proteins, researchers focused on the effects on caterpillars of ingesting the virus and leaves together. They found that on tannin-rich oak leaves, the virus is considerably less effective at killing caterpillars than when it is on aspen leaves, which are lower in phenols. In general, the more concentrated the phenols in tree leaves, the less deadly the virus. Thus, while highly concentrated phenols in tree leaves reduce the caterpillar population by limiting the size of caterpillars and consequently, the size of the female's egg cluster, these same chemicals also help caterpillars survive by disabling the wilt virus. Forest stands of red oaks, with their tannin-rich foliage, may even provide caterpillars with safe havens from disease. In stands dominated by trees such as aspen, however, incipient gypsy moth outbreaks are quickly suppressed by viral epidemics.
Further research has shown that catefpillars become virtually immune to the wilt virus as the trees on which they feed respond to increasing defoliation. The trees' own defenses raise the threshold of caterpillar vulnerability to the disease, allowing populations to grow denser without becoming more susceptible to infection. For these reasons, the benefits to the caterpillars of ingesting phenols appear to outweigh die costs. Given the presence of the virus, the trees' defensive tactic apparently has backfired. | 1898.txt | 3 |
[
"protein synthesized from the tissues of a host caterpillar",
"aspen leaves with high concentrations of phenols",
"tannin-rich oak leaves",
"nutrients that they synthesize from gypsy moth egg clusters"
] | It can be inferred from the passage that wilt disease virions depend for their survival on | The defoliation of millions of acres of trees by massive infestations of gypsy moth caterpillars is a recurring phenomenon in the northeastern United States.In studying these outbreaks, scientists have discovered that affected trees fight back by releasing toxic chemicals, mainly phenols, into their foliage. These noxious substances limit caterpillars' growth and reduce the number of eggs that female moths lay. Phenols also make the eggs smaller, which reduces the growth of the following year's caterpillars. Because the number of eggs a female moth produces is directly related to her size, and because her size is determined entirely by her feeding success as a caterpillar, the trees' defensive mechanism has an impact on moth fecundity. The gypsy moth is also subject to attack by the nucleopolyhedrosis virus, or wilt disease, a particularly important killer of the caterpillars in outbreak years. Caterpillars contract wilt disease when they eat a leaf to which the virus, encased in a protein globule, has become attached. Once ingested by a caterpillar, the protein globule dissolves, releasing thousands of viruses, or virions, that after about two weeks multiply enough to fill the entire body cavity. When the caterpillar dies, the virions are released to the outside, encased in a new protein globule synthesized from the caterpillar's tissues and ready to be picked up by other caterpillars. Knowing that phenols, including tannins, often act by associating with and altering the activity of proteins, researchers focused on the effects on caterpillars of ingesting the virus and leaves together. They found that on tannin-rich oak leaves, the virus is considerably less effective at killing caterpillars than when it is on aspen leaves, which are lower in phenols. In general, the more concentrated the phenols in tree leaves, the less deadly the virus. Thus, while highly concentrated phenols in tree leaves reduce the caterpillar population by limiting the size of caterpillars and consequently, the size of the female's egg cluster, these same chemicals also help caterpillars survive by disabling the wilt virus. Forest stands of red oaks, with their tannin-rich foliage, may even provide caterpillars with safe havens from disease. In stands dominated by trees such as aspen, however, incipient gypsy moth outbreaks are quickly suppressed by viral epidemics.
Further research has shown that catefpillars become virtually immune to the wilt virus as the trees on which they feed respond to increasing defoliation. The trees' own defenses raise the threshold of caterpillar vulnerability to the disease, allowing populations to grow denser without becoming more susceptible to infection. For these reasons, the benefits to the caterpillars of ingesting phenols appear to outweigh die costs. Given the presence of the virus, the trees' defensive tactic apparently has backfired. | 1898.txt | 0 |
[
"Caterpillars feeding on red oaks that were more than 50 percent defoliated grew to be only two-thirds the size of those feeding on trees with relatively intact foliage.",
"Oak leaves in areas unaffected by gypsy moths were found to have higher levels of tannin on average than aspen leaves in areas infested with gypsy moths.",
"The survival rate of gypsy moth caterpillars exposed to the wilt virus was 40 percent higher for those that fed on aspen leaves than for those that ate oak leaves.",
"Female gypsy moths produced an average of 25 percent fewer eggs in areas where the wilt virus flourished than did moths in areas that were free of the virus."
] | Which of the following, if true, would most clearly demonstrate the operation of the trees' defensive mechanism as it is described in the first paragraph of the passage? | The defoliation of millions of acres of trees by massive infestations of gypsy moth caterpillars is a recurring phenomenon in the northeastern United States.In studying these outbreaks, scientists have discovered that affected trees fight back by releasing toxic chemicals, mainly phenols, into their foliage. These noxious substances limit caterpillars' growth and reduce the number of eggs that female moths lay. Phenols also make the eggs smaller, which reduces the growth of the following year's caterpillars. Because the number of eggs a female moth produces is directly related to her size, and because her size is determined entirely by her feeding success as a caterpillar, the trees' defensive mechanism has an impact on moth fecundity. The gypsy moth is also subject to attack by the nucleopolyhedrosis virus, or wilt disease, a particularly important killer of the caterpillars in outbreak years. Caterpillars contract wilt disease when they eat a leaf to which the virus, encased in a protein globule, has become attached. Once ingested by a caterpillar, the protein globule dissolves, releasing thousands of viruses, or virions, that after about two weeks multiply enough to fill the entire body cavity. When the caterpillar dies, the virions are released to the outside, encased in a new protein globule synthesized from the caterpillar's tissues and ready to be picked up by other caterpillars. Knowing that phenols, including tannins, often act by associating with and altering the activity of proteins, researchers focused on the effects on caterpillars of ingesting the virus and leaves together. They found that on tannin-rich oak leaves, the virus is considerably less effective at killing caterpillars than when it is on aspen leaves, which are lower in phenols. In general, the more concentrated the phenols in tree leaves, the less deadly the virus. Thus, while highly concentrated phenols in tree leaves reduce the caterpillar population by limiting the size of caterpillars and consequently, the size of the female's egg cluster, these same chemicals also help caterpillars survive by disabling the wilt virus. Forest stands of red oaks, with their tannin-rich foliage, may even provide caterpillars with safe havens from disease. In stands dominated by trees such as aspen, however, incipient gypsy moth outbreaks are quickly suppressed by viral epidemics.
Further research has shown that catefpillars become virtually immune to the wilt virus as the trees on which they feed respond to increasing defoliation. The trees' own defenses raise the threshold of caterpillar vulnerability to the disease, allowing populations to grow denser without becoming more susceptible to infection. For these reasons, the benefits to the caterpillars of ingesting phenols appear to outweigh die costs. Given the presence of the virus, the trees' defensive tactic apparently has backfired. | 1898.txt | 0 |
[
"It resolves a contradiction between the ideas presented in the first and second paragraphs.",
"It introduces research data to support the theory outlined in the second paragraph.",
"It draws a conclusion from conflicting evidence presented in the first two paragraphs.",
"It shows how phenomena described in the first and second paragraphs act in combination."
] | Which of the following best describes the function of the third paragraph of the passage? | The defoliation of millions of acres of trees by massive infestations of gypsy moth caterpillars is a recurring phenomenon in the northeastern United States.In studying these outbreaks, scientists have discovered that affected trees fight back by releasing toxic chemicals, mainly phenols, into their foliage. These noxious substances limit caterpillars' growth and reduce the number of eggs that female moths lay. Phenols also make the eggs smaller, which reduces the growth of the following year's caterpillars. Because the number of eggs a female moth produces is directly related to her size, and because her size is determined entirely by her feeding success as a caterpillar, the trees' defensive mechanism has an impact on moth fecundity. The gypsy moth is also subject to attack by the nucleopolyhedrosis virus, or wilt disease, a particularly important killer of the caterpillars in outbreak years. Caterpillars contract wilt disease when they eat a leaf to which the virus, encased in a protein globule, has become attached. Once ingested by a caterpillar, the protein globule dissolves, releasing thousands of viruses, or virions, that after about two weeks multiply enough to fill the entire body cavity. When the caterpillar dies, the virions are released to the outside, encased in a new protein globule synthesized from the caterpillar's tissues and ready to be picked up by other caterpillars. Knowing that phenols, including tannins, often act by associating with and altering the activity of proteins, researchers focused on the effects on caterpillars of ingesting the virus and leaves together. They found that on tannin-rich oak leaves, the virus is considerably less effective at killing caterpillars than when it is on aspen leaves, which are lower in phenols. In general, the more concentrated the phenols in tree leaves, the less deadly the virus. Thus, while highly concentrated phenols in tree leaves reduce the caterpillar population by limiting the size of caterpillars and consequently, the size of the female's egg cluster, these same chemicals also help caterpillars survive by disabling the wilt virus. Forest stands of red oaks, with their tannin-rich foliage, may even provide caterpillars with safe havens from disease. In stands dominated by trees such as aspen, however, incipient gypsy moth outbreaks are quickly suppressed by viral epidemics.
Further research has shown that catefpillars become virtually immune to the wilt virus as the trees on which they feed respond to increasing defoliation. The trees' own defenses raise the threshold of caterpillar vulnerability to the disease, allowing populations to grow denser without becoming more susceptible to infection. For these reasons, the benefits to the caterpillars of ingesting phenols appear to outweigh die costs. Given the presence of the virus, the trees' defensive tactic apparently has backfired. | 1898.txt | 3 |
[
"consuming a wide range of nutrients from a variety of leaf types",
"feeding on leaves that contain high levels of phenols",
"producing fewer offspring, which favors the survival of the hardiest individuals",
"ingesting the virus together with leaves that do not contain tannin"
] | It can be inferred from the passage that gypsy moth caterpillars become immune to the wilt virus as a result of | The defoliation of millions of acres of trees by massive infestations of gypsy moth caterpillars is a recurring phenomenon in the northeastern United States.In studying these outbreaks, scientists have discovered that affected trees fight back by releasing toxic chemicals, mainly phenols, into their foliage. These noxious substances limit caterpillars' growth and reduce the number of eggs that female moths lay. Phenols also make the eggs smaller, which reduces the growth of the following year's caterpillars. Because the number of eggs a female moth produces is directly related to her size, and because her size is determined entirely by her feeding success as a caterpillar, the trees' defensive mechanism has an impact on moth fecundity. The gypsy moth is also subject to attack by the nucleopolyhedrosis virus, or wilt disease, a particularly important killer of the caterpillars in outbreak years. Caterpillars contract wilt disease when they eat a leaf to which the virus, encased in a protein globule, has become attached. Once ingested by a caterpillar, the protein globule dissolves, releasing thousands of viruses, or virions, that after about two weeks multiply enough to fill the entire body cavity. When the caterpillar dies, the virions are released to the outside, encased in a new protein globule synthesized from the caterpillar's tissues and ready to be picked up by other caterpillars. Knowing that phenols, including tannins, often act by associating with and altering the activity of proteins, researchers focused on the effects on caterpillars of ingesting the virus and leaves together. They found that on tannin-rich oak leaves, the virus is considerably less effective at killing caterpillars than when it is on aspen leaves, which are lower in phenols. In general, the more concentrated the phenols in tree leaves, the less deadly the virus. Thus, while highly concentrated phenols in tree leaves reduce the caterpillar population by limiting the size of caterpillars and consequently, the size of the female's egg cluster, these same chemicals also help caterpillars survive by disabling the wilt virus. Forest stands of red oaks, with their tannin-rich foliage, may even provide caterpillars with safe havens from disease. In stands dominated by trees such as aspen, however, incipient gypsy moth outbreaks are quickly suppressed by viral epidemics.
Further research has shown that catefpillars become virtually immune to the wilt virus as the trees on which they feed respond to increasing defoliation. The trees' own defenses raise the threshold of caterpillar vulnerability to the disease, allowing populations to grow denser without becoming more susceptible to infection. For these reasons, the benefits to the caterpillars of ingesting phenols appear to outweigh die costs. Given the presence of the virus, the trees' defensive tactic apparently has backfired. | 1898.txt | 1 |
[
"Wilt disease is more likely to strike small gypsy moth caterpillars than large ones.",
"The concentration of phenols in tree leaves increases as the gypsy moth caterpillar population dies off.",
"Female gypsy moth caterpillars stop growing after they ingest leaves containing phenols.",
"Differing concentrations of phenols in leaves have differing effects on the ability of the wilt virus to kill gypsy moth caterpillars."
] | Which of the following statements about gypsy moth caterpillars is supported by information presented in the passage? | The defoliation of millions of acres of trees by massive infestations of gypsy moth caterpillars is a recurring phenomenon in the northeastern United States.In studying these outbreaks, scientists have discovered that affected trees fight back by releasing toxic chemicals, mainly phenols, into their foliage. These noxious substances limit caterpillars' growth and reduce the number of eggs that female moths lay. Phenols also make the eggs smaller, which reduces the growth of the following year's caterpillars. Because the number of eggs a female moth produces is directly related to her size, and because her size is determined entirely by her feeding success as a caterpillar, the trees' defensive mechanism has an impact on moth fecundity. The gypsy moth is also subject to attack by the nucleopolyhedrosis virus, or wilt disease, a particularly important killer of the caterpillars in outbreak years. Caterpillars contract wilt disease when they eat a leaf to which the virus, encased in a protein globule, has become attached. Once ingested by a caterpillar, the protein globule dissolves, releasing thousands of viruses, or virions, that after about two weeks multiply enough to fill the entire body cavity. When the caterpillar dies, the virions are released to the outside, encased in a new protein globule synthesized from the caterpillar's tissues and ready to be picked up by other caterpillars. Knowing that phenols, including tannins, often act by associating with and altering the activity of proteins, researchers focused on the effects on caterpillars of ingesting the virus and leaves together. They found that on tannin-rich oak leaves, the virus is considerably less effective at killing caterpillars than when it is on aspen leaves, which are lower in phenols. In general, the more concentrated the phenols in tree leaves, the less deadly the virus. Thus, while highly concentrated phenols in tree leaves reduce the caterpillar population by limiting the size of caterpillars and consequently, the size of the female's egg cluster, these same chemicals also help caterpillars survive by disabling the wilt virus. Forest stands of red oaks, with their tannin-rich foliage, may even provide caterpillars with safe havens from disease. In stands dominated by trees such as aspen, however, incipient gypsy moth outbreaks are quickly suppressed by viral epidemics.
Further research has shown that catefpillars become virtually immune to the wilt virus as the trees on which they feed respond to increasing defoliation. The trees' own defenses raise the threshold of caterpillar vulnerability to the disease, allowing populations to grow denser without becoming more susceptible to infection. For these reasons, the benefits to the caterpillars of ingesting phenols appear to outweigh die costs. Given the presence of the virus, the trees' defensive tactic apparently has backfired. | 1898.txt | 3 |
[
"America has suddenly become a nation of old people",
"gerontology has suddenly become popular",
"more elderly professors are found on American campuses",
"American colleges have realized the need of enrolling older students"
] | "...Old is suddenly in" (Line 1, Para. 1) most probably means "_ ". | For an increasing number of students at American universities, Old is suddenly in. The reason is obvious: the graying of America means jobs, coupled with the aging of the baby-boom generation, a longer life span means that the nation's elderly population is bound to expand significantly over the next 50 years. By 2050, 25 percent of all Americans will be older than 65, up from 14 percent in 1995. The change poses profound questions for government and society, of course. But it also creates career opportunities in medicine and health professions, and in law and business as well. "In addition to the doctors, we're going to need more sociologists, biologists, urban planners and specialized lawyers," says Professor Edward Schneider of the University of Southern California's (USC. School of Gerontology .
Lawyers can specialize in "elder law," which covers everything from trusts and estates to nursing-home abuse and age discrimination . Businessmen see huge opportunities in the elder market because the baby boomers, 74 million strong, are likely to be the wealthiest group of retirees in human history. "Any student who combines an expert knowledge in gerontology with, say, an MBA or law degree will have a license to print money," one professor says.
Margarite Santos is a 21-year-old senior at USC. She began college as a biology major but found she was "really bored with bacteria." So she took a class in gerontology and discovered that she lied it. She says, "I did volunteer work in retirement homes and it was very satisfying." | 1590.txt | 1 |
[
"from the adoption of the \"elder law\"",
"from rendering special services to the elderly",
"by enriching their professional knowledge",
"by winning the trust of the elderly to promote their own interests"
] | With the aging of America, lawyers can benefit _ . | For an increasing number of students at American universities, Old is suddenly in. The reason is obvious: the graying of America means jobs, coupled with the aging of the baby-boom generation, a longer life span means that the nation's elderly population is bound to expand significantly over the next 50 years. By 2050, 25 percent of all Americans will be older than 65, up from 14 percent in 1995. The change poses profound questions for government and society, of course. But it also creates career opportunities in medicine and health professions, and in law and business as well. "In addition to the doctors, we're going to need more sociologists, biologists, urban planners and specialized lawyers," says Professor Edward Schneider of the University of Southern California's (USC. School of Gerontology .
Lawyers can specialize in "elder law," which covers everything from trusts and estates to nursing-home abuse and age discrimination . Businessmen see huge opportunities in the elder market because the baby boomers, 74 million strong, are likely to be the wealthiest group of retirees in human history. "Any student who combines an expert knowledge in gerontology with, say, an MBA or law degree will have a license to print money," one professor says.
Margarite Santos is a 21-year-old senior at USC. She began college as a biology major but found she was "really bored with bacteria." So she took a class in gerontology and discovered that she lied it. She says, "I did volunteer work in retirement homes and it was very satisfying." | 1590.txt | 1 |
[
"Retirees are more generous in spending money.",
"They can employ more gerontologists.",
"The elderly possess an enormous purchasing power.",
"There are more elderly people working than before."
] | Why can businessmen make money in the emerging elder market? | For an increasing number of students at American universities, Old is suddenly in. The reason is obvious: the graying of America means jobs, coupled with the aging of the baby-boom generation, a longer life span means that the nation's elderly population is bound to expand significantly over the next 50 years. By 2050, 25 percent of all Americans will be older than 65, up from 14 percent in 1995. The change poses profound questions for government and society, of course. But it also creates career opportunities in medicine and health professions, and in law and business as well. "In addition to the doctors, we're going to need more sociologists, biologists, urban planners and specialized lawyers," says Professor Edward Schneider of the University of Southern California's (USC. School of Gerontology .
Lawyers can specialize in "elder law," which covers everything from trusts and estates to nursing-home abuse and age discrimination . Businessmen see huge opportunities in the elder market because the baby boomers, 74 million strong, are likely to be the wealthiest group of retirees in human history. "Any student who combines an expert knowledge in gerontology with, say, an MBA or law degree will have a license to print money," one professor says.
Margarite Santos is a 21-year-old senior at USC. She began college as a biology major but found she was "really bored with bacteria." So she took a class in gerontology and discovered that she lied it. She says, "I did volunteer work in retirement homes and it was very satisfying." | 1590.txt | 2 |
[
"Retirees who are business-minded.",
"The volunteer workers in retirement homes.",
"College graduates with an MBA or law degree.",
"Professionals with a good knowledge of gerontology."
] | Who can make big money in the new century according to the passage? | For an increasing number of students at American universities, Old is suddenly in. The reason is obvious: the graying of America means jobs, coupled with the aging of the baby-boom generation, a longer life span means that the nation's elderly population is bound to expand significantly over the next 50 years. By 2050, 25 percent of all Americans will be older than 65, up from 14 percent in 1995. The change poses profound questions for government and society, of course. But it also creates career opportunities in medicine and health professions, and in law and business as well. "In addition to the doctors, we're going to need more sociologists, biologists, urban planners and specialized lawyers," says Professor Edward Schneider of the University of Southern California's (USC. School of Gerontology .
Lawyers can specialize in "elder law," which covers everything from trusts and estates to nursing-home abuse and age discrimination . Businessmen see huge opportunities in the elder market because the baby boomers, 74 million strong, are likely to be the wealthiest group of retirees in human history. "Any student who combines an expert knowledge in gerontology with, say, an MBA or law degree will have a license to print money," one professor says.
Margarite Santos is a 21-year-old senior at USC. She began college as a biology major but found she was "really bored with bacteria." So she took a class in gerontology and discovered that she lied it. She says, "I did volunteer work in retirement homes and it was very satisfying." | 1590.txt | 3 |
[
"will provide good job opportunities in many areas",
"will impose an unbearable burden on society",
"may lead to nursing home abuse and age discrimination",
"will create new fields of study in universities"
] | It can be seen from the passage that the expansion of America's elderly population _ . | For an increasing number of students at American universities, Old is suddenly in. The reason is obvious: the graying of America means jobs, coupled with the aging of the baby-boom generation, a longer life span means that the nation's elderly population is bound to expand significantly over the next 50 years. By 2050, 25 percent of all Americans will be older than 65, up from 14 percent in 1995. The change poses profound questions for government and society, of course. But it also creates career opportunities in medicine and health professions, and in law and business as well. "In addition to the doctors, we're going to need more sociologists, biologists, urban planners and specialized lawyers," says Professor Edward Schneider of the University of Southern California's (USC. School of Gerontology .
Lawyers can specialize in "elder law," which covers everything from trusts and estates to nursing-home abuse and age discrimination . Businessmen see huge opportunities in the elder market because the baby boomers, 74 million strong, are likely to be the wealthiest group of retirees in human history. "Any student who combines an expert knowledge in gerontology with, say, an MBA or law degree will have a license to print money," one professor says.
Margarite Santos is a 21-year-old senior at USC. She began college as a biology major but found she was "really bored with bacteria." So she took a class in gerontology and discovered that she lied it. She says, "I did volunteer work in retirement homes and it was very satisfying." | 1590.txt | 0 |
[
"Development of the National Flag",
"Power of the National Flag",
"Types of Flags",
"Uses of Flags"
] | The best title for the passage would be _ . | The flag, the most common symbol(） of a nation in the modern world, is also one of the most ancient. With a clear symbolic meaning, the flag in the traditional form is still used today to mark buildings, ships and other vehicles related to a country.
The national flag as we know it today is in no way a primitive(） artifact. It is, rather, the product of thousands of years' development. Historians believe that it had two major ancestors, of which the earlier served to show wind direction.
Early human beings used very fragile houses and boats. Often strong winds would tear roofs from houses or cause high waves that endangered travelers. People's food supplies were similarly vulnerable. Even after they had learned how to plant grains, they still needed help from nature to ensure good harvests. Therefore they feared and depended on the power of the wind, which could bring warmth from one direction and cold from another.
Using a simple piece of cloth tied to the top of a post to tell the direction of the wind was more dependable than earlier methods, such as watching the rising of smoke from a fire. The connection of the flag with heavenly power was therefore reasonable. Early human societies began to fix long pieces of cloth to the tops of totems(） before carrying them into battle. They believed that the power of the wind would be added to the good wishes of the gods and ancestors represented by the totems themselves.
These flags developed very slowly into modern flags. The first known flag of a nation or a ruler was unmarked: The king of China around 1000
B.C. was known to have a white flag carried ahead of him. This practice might have been learned from Egyptians even further in the past, but it was from China that it spread over trade routes through India, then across Arab lands, and finally to Europe, where it met up with the other ancestor of the national flag. | 3627.txt | 0 |
[
"they could tell wind direction",
"they could bring good luck to fighters",
"they were handed down by the ancestors",
"they were believed to stand for natural forces"
] | The earliest flags were connected with heavenly power because. _ . | The flag, the most common symbol(） of a nation in the modern world, is also one of the most ancient. With a clear symbolic meaning, the flag in the traditional form is still used today to mark buildings, ships and other vehicles related to a country.
The national flag as we know it today is in no way a primitive(） artifact. It is, rather, the product of thousands of years' development. Historians believe that it had two major ancestors, of which the earlier served to show wind direction.
Early human beings used very fragile houses and boats. Often strong winds would tear roofs from houses or cause high waves that endangered travelers. People's food supplies were similarly vulnerable. Even after they had learned how to plant grains, they still needed help from nature to ensure good harvests. Therefore they feared and depended on the power of the wind, which could bring warmth from one direction and cold from another.
Using a simple piece of cloth tied to the top of a post to tell the direction of the wind was more dependable than earlier methods, such as watching the rising of smoke from a fire. The connection of the flag with heavenly power was therefore reasonable. Early human societies began to fix long pieces of cloth to the tops of totems(） before carrying them into battle. They believed that the power of the wind would be added to the good wishes of the gods and ancestors represented by the totems themselves.
These flags developed very slowly into modern flags. The first known flag of a nation or a ruler was unmarked: The king of China around 1000
B.C. was known to have a white flag carried ahead of him. This practice might have been learned from Egyptians even further in the past, but it was from China that it spread over trade routes through India, then across Arab lands, and finally to Europe, where it met up with the other ancestor of the national flag. | 3627.txt | 3 |
[
"He knows when it was sent to Europe.",
"He believes it was made in Egypt.",
"He thinks it came from China.",
"He doubts where it started."
] | What does the author know of the first national flag? | The flag, the most common symbol(） of a nation in the modern world, is also one of the most ancient. With a clear symbolic meaning, the flag in the traditional form is still used today to mark buildings, ships and other vehicles related to a country.
The national flag as we know it today is in no way a primitive(） artifact. It is, rather, the product of thousands of years' development. Historians believe that it had two major ancestors, of which the earlier served to show wind direction.
Early human beings used very fragile houses and boats. Often strong winds would tear roofs from houses or cause high waves that endangered travelers. People's food supplies were similarly vulnerable. Even after they had learned how to plant grains, they still needed help from nature to ensure good harvests. Therefore they feared and depended on the power of the wind, which could bring warmth from one direction and cold from another.
Using a simple piece of cloth tied to the top of a post to tell the direction of the wind was more dependable than earlier methods, such as watching the rising of smoke from a fire. The connection of the flag with heavenly power was therefore reasonable. Early human societies began to fix long pieces of cloth to the tops of totems(） before carrying them into battle. They believed that the power of the wind would be added to the good wishes of the gods and ancestors represented by the totems themselves.
These flags developed very slowly into modern flags. The first known flag of a nation or a ruler was unmarked: The king of China around 1000
B.C. was known to have a white flag carried ahead of him. This practice might have been learned from Egyptians even further in the past, but it was from China that it spread over trade routes through India, then across Arab lands, and finally to Europe, where it met up with the other ancestor of the national flag. | 3627.txt | 3 |
[
"The role of China in the spread of the national flag.",
"The second ancestor of the national flag.",
"The use of modern flags in Europe.",
"The importance of modern flags."
] | What will the author most probably talk about next? | The flag, the most common symbol(） of a nation in the modern world, is also one of the most ancient. With a clear symbolic meaning, the flag in the traditional form is still used today to mark buildings, ships and other vehicles related to a country.
The national flag as we know it today is in no way a primitive(） artifact. It is, rather, the product of thousands of years' development. Historians believe that it had two major ancestors, of which the earlier served to show wind direction.
Early human beings used very fragile houses and boats. Often strong winds would tear roofs from houses or cause high waves that endangered travelers. People's food supplies were similarly vulnerable. Even after they had learned how to plant grains, they still needed help from nature to ensure good harvests. Therefore they feared and depended on the power of the wind, which could bring warmth from one direction and cold from another.
Using a simple piece of cloth tied to the top of a post to tell the direction of the wind was more dependable than earlier methods, such as watching the rising of smoke from a fire. The connection of the flag with heavenly power was therefore reasonable. Early human societies began to fix long pieces of cloth to the tops of totems(） before carrying them into battle. They believed that the power of the wind would be added to the good wishes of the gods and ancestors represented by the totems themselves.
These flags developed very slowly into modern flags. The first known flag of a nation or a ruler was unmarked: The king of China around 1000
B.C. was known to have a white flag carried ahead of him. This practice might have been learned from Egyptians even further in the past, but it was from China that it spread over trade routes through India, then across Arab lands, and finally to Europe, where it met up with the other ancestor of the national flag. | 3627.txt | 1 |
[
"How insects use pheromones to communicate",
"How pheromones are produced by insects",
"Why analyzing insect pheromones is difficult",
"The different uses of pheromones among various insect species"
] | What does the passage mainly discuss? | Pheromones are substances that serve as chemical signals between members of the same species. They are secreted to the outside of the body and cause other individuals of the species to have specific reactions. Pheromones, which are sometimes called "social hormones," affect a group of individuals somewhat like hormones do an individual animal. Pheromones are the predominant medium of communication among insects (but rarely the sole methoD. Some species have simple pheromone systems and produce only a few pheromones, but others produce many with various functions. Pheromone systems are the most complex in some of the so-called social insects, insects that live in organized groups.
Chemical communication differs from that by sight or sound in several ways. Transmission is relatively slow (the chemical signals are usually airborne), but the signal can be persistent, depending upon the volatility of the chemical, and is sometimes effective over a very long range. Localization of the signal is generally poorer than localization of a sound or visual stimulus and is usually effected by the animal's moving upwind in response to the stimulus. The ability to modulate a chemical signal is limited, compared with communication by visual or acoustic means, but some pheromones may convey different meanings and consequently result in different behavioral or physiological responses, depending on their concentration or when presented in combination. The modulation of chemical signals occurs via the elaboration of the number of exocrine glands that produce pheromones. Some species, such as ants, seem to be very articulate creatures, but their medium of communication is difficult for humans to study and appreciate because of our own olfactory, insensitivity and the technological difficulties in detecting and analyzing these pheromones.
Pheromones play numerous roles in the activities of insects. They may act as alarm substances, play a role in individual and group recognition, serve as attractants between sexes, mediate the formation of aggregations, identify foraging trails, and be involved in caste determination. For example, pheromones involved in caste determination include the "queen substance" produced by queen honey bees. Aphids, which are particularly vulnerable to predators because of their gregarious habits and sedentary nature, secrete an alarm pheromone when attacked that causes nearby aphids to respond by moving away. | 409.txt | 0 |
[
"improve",
"function",
"begin",
"rely"
] | The word "serve" in line 1 is closest in meaning to | Pheromones are substances that serve as chemical signals between members of the same species. They are secreted to the outside of the body and cause other individuals of the species to have specific reactions. Pheromones, which are sometimes called "social hormones," affect a group of individuals somewhat like hormones do an individual animal. Pheromones are the predominant medium of communication among insects (but rarely the sole methoD. Some species have simple pheromone systems and produce only a few pheromones, but others produce many with various functions. Pheromone systems are the most complex in some of the so-called social insects, insects that live in organized groups.
Chemical communication differs from that by sight or sound in several ways. Transmission is relatively slow (the chemical signals are usually airborne), but the signal can be persistent, depending upon the volatility of the chemical, and is sometimes effective over a very long range. Localization of the signal is generally poorer than localization of a sound or visual stimulus and is usually effected by the animal's moving upwind in response to the stimulus. The ability to modulate a chemical signal is limited, compared with communication by visual or acoustic means, but some pheromones may convey different meanings and consequently result in different behavioral or physiological responses, depending on their concentration or when presented in combination. The modulation of chemical signals occurs via the elaboration of the number of exocrine glands that produce pheromones. Some species, such as ants, seem to be very articulate creatures, but their medium of communication is difficult for humans to study and appreciate because of our own olfactory, insensitivity and the technological difficulties in detecting and analyzing these pheromones.
Pheromones play numerous roles in the activities of insects. They may act as alarm substances, play a role in individual and group recognition, serve as attractants between sexes, mediate the formation of aggregations, identify foraging trails, and be involved in caste determination. For example, pheromones involved in caste determination include the "queen substance" produced by queen honey bees. Aphids, which are particularly vulnerable to predators because of their gregarious habits and sedentary nature, secrete an alarm pheromone when attacked that causes nearby aphids to respond by moving away. | 409.txt | 1 |
[
"chemical signals that are common among insects",
"specific responses of various species to chemical signals",
"similarities between two chemical substances",
"how insects produce different chemical substances"
] | The purpose of the second mention of "hormones" in line 4 is to point out | Pheromones are substances that serve as chemical signals between members of the same species. They are secreted to the outside of the body and cause other individuals of the species to have specific reactions. Pheromones, which are sometimes called "social hormones," affect a group of individuals somewhat like hormones do an individual animal. Pheromones are the predominant medium of communication among insects (but rarely the sole methoD. Some species have simple pheromone systems and produce only a few pheromones, but others produce many with various functions. Pheromone systems are the most complex in some of the so-called social insects, insects that live in organized groups.
Chemical communication differs from that by sight or sound in several ways. Transmission is relatively slow (the chemical signals are usually airborne), but the signal can be persistent, depending upon the volatility of the chemical, and is sometimes effective over a very long range. Localization of the signal is generally poorer than localization of a sound or visual stimulus and is usually effected by the animal's moving upwind in response to the stimulus. The ability to modulate a chemical signal is limited, compared with communication by visual or acoustic means, but some pheromones may convey different meanings and consequently result in different behavioral or physiological responses, depending on their concentration or when presented in combination. The modulation of chemical signals occurs via the elaboration of the number of exocrine glands that produce pheromones. Some species, such as ants, seem to be very articulate creatures, but their medium of communication is difficult for humans to study and appreciate because of our own olfactory, insensitivity and the technological difficulties in detecting and analyzing these pheromones.
Pheromones play numerous roles in the activities of insects. They may act as alarm substances, play a role in individual and group recognition, serve as attractants between sexes, mediate the formation of aggregations, identify foraging trails, and be involved in caste determination. For example, pheromones involved in caste determination include the "queen substance" produced by queen honey bees. Aphids, which are particularly vulnerable to predators because of their gregarious habits and sedentary nature, secrete an alarm pheromone when attacked that causes nearby aphids to respond by moving away. | 409.txt | 2 |
[
"obvious",
"best",
"only",
"final"
] | The word "sole" in line 6 is closest in meaning to | Pheromones are substances that serve as chemical signals between members of the same species. They are secreted to the outside of the body and cause other individuals of the species to have specific reactions. Pheromones, which are sometimes called "social hormones," affect a group of individuals somewhat like hormones do an individual animal. Pheromones are the predominant medium of communication among insects (but rarely the sole methoD. Some species have simple pheromone systems and produce only a few pheromones, but others produce many with various functions. Pheromone systems are the most complex in some of the so-called social insects, insects that live in organized groups.
Chemical communication differs from that by sight or sound in several ways. Transmission is relatively slow (the chemical signals are usually airborne), but the signal can be persistent, depending upon the volatility of the chemical, and is sometimes effective over a very long range. Localization of the signal is generally poorer than localization of a sound or visual stimulus and is usually effected by the animal's moving upwind in response to the stimulus. The ability to modulate a chemical signal is limited, compared with communication by visual or acoustic means, but some pheromones may convey different meanings and consequently result in different behavioral or physiological responses, depending on their concentration or when presented in combination. The modulation of chemical signals occurs via the elaboration of the number of exocrine glands that produce pheromones. Some species, such as ants, seem to be very articulate creatures, but their medium of communication is difficult for humans to study and appreciate because of our own olfactory, insensitivity and the technological difficulties in detecting and analyzing these pheromones.
Pheromones play numerous roles in the activities of insects. They may act as alarm substances, play a role in individual and group recognition, serve as attractants between sexes, mediate the formation of aggregations, identify foraging trails, and be involved in caste determination. For example, pheromones involved in caste determination include the "queen substance" produced by queen honey bees. Aphids, which are particularly vulnerable to predators because of their gregarious habits and sedentary nature, secrete an alarm pheromone when attacked that causes nearby aphids to respond by moving away. | 409.txt | 2 |
[
"lose their effectiveness",
"evaporate in the air",
"travel through the air",
"are produced by the body"
] | The passage suggests that the speed at which communication through pheromones occurs is dependent on how quickly they | Pheromones are substances that serve as chemical signals between members of the same species. They are secreted to the outside of the body and cause other individuals of the species to have specific reactions. Pheromones, which are sometimes called "social hormones," affect a group of individuals somewhat like hormones do an individual animal. Pheromones are the predominant medium of communication among insects (but rarely the sole methoD. Some species have simple pheromone systems and produce only a few pheromones, but others produce many with various functions. Pheromone systems are the most complex in some of the so-called social insects, insects that live in organized groups.
Chemical communication differs from that by sight or sound in several ways. Transmission is relatively slow (the chemical signals are usually airborne), but the signal can be persistent, depending upon the volatility of the chemical, and is sometimes effective over a very long range. Localization of the signal is generally poorer than localization of a sound or visual stimulus and is usually effected by the animal's moving upwind in response to the stimulus. The ability to modulate a chemical signal is limited, compared with communication by visual or acoustic means, but some pheromones may convey different meanings and consequently result in different behavioral or physiological responses, depending on their concentration or when presented in combination. The modulation of chemical signals occurs via the elaboration of the number of exocrine glands that produce pheromones. Some species, such as ants, seem to be very articulate creatures, but their medium of communication is difficult for humans to study and appreciate because of our own olfactory, insensitivity and the technological difficulties in detecting and analyzing these pheromones.
Pheromones play numerous roles in the activities of insects. They may act as alarm substances, play a role in individual and group recognition, serve as attractants between sexes, mediate the formation of aggregations, identify foraging trails, and be involved in caste determination. For example, pheromones involved in caste determination include the "queen substance" produced by queen honey bees. Aphids, which are particularly vulnerable to predators because of their gregarious habits and sedentary nature, secrete an alarm pheromone when attacked that causes nearby aphids to respond by moving away. | 409.txt | 1 |
[
"chemical structure of the pheromone is changed",
"pheromone is excreted while other pheromones are also being excreted",
"exocrine glands do not produce the pheromone",
"pheromone is released near certain specific organisms"
] | According to the passage , the meaning of a message communicated through a pheromone may vary when the | Pheromones are substances that serve as chemical signals between members of the same species. They are secreted to the outside of the body and cause other individuals of the species to have specific reactions. Pheromones, which are sometimes called "social hormones," affect a group of individuals somewhat like hormones do an individual animal. Pheromones are the predominant medium of communication among insects (but rarely the sole methoD. Some species have simple pheromone systems and produce only a few pheromones, but others produce many with various functions. Pheromone systems are the most complex in some of the so-called social insects, insects that live in organized groups.
Chemical communication differs from that by sight or sound in several ways. Transmission is relatively slow (the chemical signals are usually airborne), but the signal can be persistent, depending upon the volatility of the chemical, and is sometimes effective over a very long range. Localization of the signal is generally poorer than localization of a sound or visual stimulus and is usually effected by the animal's moving upwind in response to the stimulus. The ability to modulate a chemical signal is limited, compared with communication by visual or acoustic means, but some pheromones may convey different meanings and consequently result in different behavioral or physiological responses, depending on their concentration or when presented in combination. The modulation of chemical signals occurs via the elaboration of the number of exocrine glands that produce pheromones. Some species, such as ants, seem to be very articulate creatures, but their medium of communication is difficult for humans to study and appreciate because of our own olfactory, insensitivity and the technological difficulties in detecting and analyzing these pheromones.
Pheromones play numerous roles in the activities of insects. They may act as alarm substances, play a role in individual and group recognition, serve as attractants between sexes, mediate the formation of aggregations, identify foraging trails, and be involved in caste determination. For example, pheromones involved in caste determination include the "queen substance" produced by queen honey bees. Aphids, which are particularly vulnerable to predators because of their gregarious habits and sedentary nature, secrete an alarm pheromone when attacked that causes nearby aphids to respond by moving away. | 409.txt | 0 |
[
"controlling",
"storing",
"questioning",
"finding"
] | The word "detecting" in line 23 is closest in meaning to | Pheromones are substances that serve as chemical signals between members of the same species. They are secreted to the outside of the body and cause other individuals of the species to have specific reactions. Pheromones, which are sometimes called "social hormones," affect a group of individuals somewhat like hormones do an individual animal. Pheromones are the predominant medium of communication among insects (but rarely the sole methoD. Some species have simple pheromone systems and produce only a few pheromones, but others produce many with various functions. Pheromone systems are the most complex in some of the so-called social insects, insects that live in organized groups.
Chemical communication differs from that by sight or sound in several ways. Transmission is relatively slow (the chemical signals are usually airborne), but the signal can be persistent, depending upon the volatility of the chemical, and is sometimes effective over a very long range. Localization of the signal is generally poorer than localization of a sound or visual stimulus and is usually effected by the animal's moving upwind in response to the stimulus. The ability to modulate a chemical signal is limited, compared with communication by visual or acoustic means, but some pheromones may convey different meanings and consequently result in different behavioral or physiological responses, depending on their concentration or when presented in combination. The modulation of chemical signals occurs via the elaboration of the number of exocrine glands that produce pheromones. Some species, such as ants, seem to be very articulate creatures, but their medium of communication is difficult for humans to study and appreciate because of our own olfactory, insensitivity and the technological difficulties in detecting and analyzing these pheromones.
Pheromones play numerous roles in the activities of insects. They may act as alarm substances, play a role in individual and group recognition, serve as attractants between sexes, mediate the formation of aggregations, identify foraging trails, and be involved in caste determination. For example, pheromones involved in caste determination include the "queen substance" produced by queen honey bees. Aphids, which are particularly vulnerable to predators because of their gregarious habits and sedentary nature, secrete an alarm pheromone when attacked that causes nearby aphids to respond by moving away. | 409.txt | 3 |
[
"Pheromones cannot be easily reproduced in chemical laboratories.",
"Existing technology cannot fully explore the properties of pheromones.",
"Pheromones are highly volatile.",
"Pheromone signals are constantly changing."
] | According to paragraph 2, which of the following has made the study of pheromones difficult? | Pheromones are substances that serve as chemical signals between members of the same species. They are secreted to the outside of the body and cause other individuals of the species to have specific reactions. Pheromones, which are sometimes called "social hormones," affect a group of individuals somewhat like hormones do an individual animal. Pheromones are the predominant medium of communication among insects (but rarely the sole methoD. Some species have simple pheromone systems and produce only a few pheromones, but others produce many with various functions. Pheromone systems are the most complex in some of the so-called social insects, insects that live in organized groups.
Chemical communication differs from that by sight or sound in several ways. Transmission is relatively slow (the chemical signals are usually airborne), but the signal can be persistent, depending upon the volatility of the chemical, and is sometimes effective over a very long range. Localization of the signal is generally poorer than localization of a sound or visual stimulus and is usually effected by the animal's moving upwind in response to the stimulus. The ability to modulate a chemical signal is limited, compared with communication by visual or acoustic means, but some pheromones may convey different meanings and consequently result in different behavioral or physiological responses, depending on their concentration or when presented in combination. The modulation of chemical signals occurs via the elaboration of the number of exocrine glands that produce pheromones. Some species, such as ants, seem to be very articulate creatures, but their medium of communication is difficult for humans to study and appreciate because of our own olfactory, insensitivity and the technological difficulties in detecting and analyzing these pheromones.
Pheromones play numerous roles in the activities of insects. They may act as alarm substances, play a role in individual and group recognition, serve as attractants between sexes, mediate the formation of aggregations, identify foraging trails, and be involved in caste determination. For example, pheromones involved in caste determination include the "queen substance" produced by queen honey bees. Aphids, which are particularly vulnerable to predators because of their gregarious habits and sedentary nature, secrete an alarm pheromone when attacked that causes nearby aphids to respond by moving away. | 409.txt | 1 |
[
"pheromones",
"roles",
"activities",
"insects"
] | The word "They" in line 24 refers to | Pheromones are substances that serve as chemical signals between members of the same species. They are secreted to the outside of the body and cause other individuals of the species to have specific reactions. Pheromones, which are sometimes called "social hormones," affect a group of individuals somewhat like hormones do an individual animal. Pheromones are the predominant medium of communication among insects (but rarely the sole methoD. Some species have simple pheromone systems and produce only a few pheromones, but others produce many with various functions. Pheromone systems are the most complex in some of the so-called social insects, insects that live in organized groups.
Chemical communication differs from that by sight or sound in several ways. Transmission is relatively slow (the chemical signals are usually airborne), but the signal can be persistent, depending upon the volatility of the chemical, and is sometimes effective over a very long range. Localization of the signal is generally poorer than localization of a sound or visual stimulus and is usually effected by the animal's moving upwind in response to the stimulus. The ability to modulate a chemical signal is limited, compared with communication by visual or acoustic means, but some pheromones may convey different meanings and consequently result in different behavioral or physiological responses, depending on their concentration or when presented in combination. The modulation of chemical signals occurs via the elaboration of the number of exocrine glands that produce pheromones. Some species, such as ants, seem to be very articulate creatures, but their medium of communication is difficult for humans to study and appreciate because of our own olfactory, insensitivity and the technological difficulties in detecting and analyzing these pheromones.
Pheromones play numerous roles in the activities of insects. They may act as alarm substances, play a role in individual and group recognition, serve as attractants between sexes, mediate the formation of aggregations, identify foraging trails, and be involved in caste determination. For example, pheromones involved in caste determination include the "queen substance" produced by queen honey bees. Aphids, which are particularly vulnerable to predators because of their gregarious habits and sedentary nature, secrete an alarm pheromone when attacked that causes nearby aphids to respond by moving away. | 409.txt | 0 |
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