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[
"it does little to help improve students' performance at school",
"it may cause leaming weariness",
"it will not have much educational value",
"it affects students' activities outside school"
] | Those against year-round schooling argue that | Some people say the traditional calendar of 180 days no longer meets the needs of American society. They point out that students in most other industrial countries are in school more hours a day and more days a year. Critics also say a long summer vacation causes students to forget much of what they learned and schools are under pressure to raise test scores. Some schools have changed their calendars to try to improve student performance. They have lengthened the school day or added days to the year or both. This can be costly if schools need air conditioning on hot days and school employees need to be paid for the extra time.
Some schools have a year-round schedule. The school year is extended over twelve months. Instead of a long vacation, there are many short ones. Local businesses may object to a longer school year because students are unable to work as long at summer jobs. Some parts of the country had year- round programs in the nineteenth century, mostly for economic reasons. They felt it wasted money to use school buildings for only part of the year. Year-round programs can also reduce crowding in schools. In one version, students attend school for nine weeks and then have three weeks off. The students are in groups that are not all in school at the same time.
Another year-round calendar has all students in school together for nine weeks and off for three. This is meant to provide the continuous learning that can be lost over a long break. But year-round schooling has opponents. They say it can cause problems for families when they want to make summer plans. And they say it interferes with activities outside school -- including summer employment.
Some experts say no really good studies have been done to measure the effect of school calendars on performance. But some educators think year-round schooling especially helps students from poor families that lack educational support at home. | 1534.txt | 3 |
[
"will enable students to raise their scores",
"is expected to get under way soon",
"remains a controversial issue",
"is approved by the govenment"
] | We leam from the passage that year-round schooling | Some people say the traditional calendar of 180 days no longer meets the needs of American society. They point out that students in most other industrial countries are in school more hours a day and more days a year. Critics also say a long summer vacation causes students to forget much of what they learned and schools are under pressure to raise test scores. Some schools have changed their calendars to try to improve student performance. They have lengthened the school day or added days to the year or both. This can be costly if schools need air conditioning on hot days and school employees need to be paid for the extra time.
Some schools have a year-round schedule. The school year is extended over twelve months. Instead of a long vacation, there are many short ones. Local businesses may object to a longer school year because students are unable to work as long at summer jobs. Some parts of the country had year- round programs in the nineteenth century, mostly for economic reasons. They felt it wasted money to use school buildings for only part of the year. Year-round programs can also reduce crowding in schools. In one version, students attend school for nine weeks and then have three weeks off. The students are in groups that are not all in school at the same time.
Another year-round calendar has all students in school together for nine weeks and off for three. This is meant to provide the continuous learning that can be lost over a long break. But year-round schooling has opponents. They say it can cause problems for families when they want to make summer plans. And they say it interferes with activities outside school -- including summer employment.
Some experts say no really good studies have been done to measure the effect of school calendars on performance. But some educators think year-round schooling especially helps students from poor families that lack educational support at home. | 1534.txt | 2 |
[
"she had managed to save so much money",
"she gave her money to African Americans",
"she gave her life savings to help others through university",
"she only spent money on cheap things"
] | This woman shocked and inspired the world because _ . | Oseola McCarty
LATE ONE SUNDAY AFTERNOON in September 1999，Oseola McCarty，an elderly cleaning lady passed away in the little wooden frame house where she had lived and worked most of her life. It may seem like an ordinary end to a humble life，but there was something quite exceptional about this woman. 1
In the summer of 1995 ，McCarty gave $ 150，000，most of the money she had saved throughout her life，to the University of Southern Mississippi in her hometown. The money was to help other African Americans through university. She had started her savings habit as a young child when she would return from school to clean and iron for money which she would then save.
She led a simple，frugal existence，never spending on anything but her most basic needs. 2 Her bank also advised her on investing her hard-earned savings.
When she retired，she decided that she wanted to use the money to give children of limited
Means the opportunity to go to university. 3 She had wanted to become a nurse，but had to leave school to look after ill relatives and work. When asked why she had given her life savings away，she replied，"I'm giving it away so that children won't have to work so hard，like I did. " After news of her donation hit the media，over 600 donations were made to the scholarship fund. One was given by media executive，Ted Turner，who reputedly gave a billion dollars.
She didn't want any fuss made over her gift，but the news got out and she was invited all over the United States to talk to people. Wherever she went ，people would come up to her to say a few words or to just touch her. She met the ordinary and the famous，President Clinton included. In the last few years of her life，before she died of cancer，McCarty was given over 300 awards：she was honoured by the United Nations and received the Presidential Citizen' s Medal. Despite having no real education，she found herself with two honorary doctorates：one from the University of Southern Mississippi and the other from Harvard University. Her generosity was clearly an inspiration to many and proof that true selflessness does exist. | 1235.txt | 2 |
[
"she had ironed and washed clothes all her life",
"she had worked hard ，saved hard and invested carefully",
"she had opened a good bank account",
"she knew how to make money"
] | She managed to save so much mOI1y because_ . | Oseola McCarty
LATE ONE SUNDAY AFTERNOON in September 1999，Oseola McCarty，an elderly cleaning lady passed away in the little wooden frame house where she had lived and worked most of her life. It may seem like an ordinary end to a humble life，but there was something quite exceptional about this woman. 1
In the summer of 1995 ，McCarty gave $ 150，000，most of the money she had saved throughout her life，to the University of Southern Mississippi in her hometown. The money was to help other African Americans through university. She had started her savings habit as a young child when she would return from school to clean and iron for money which she would then save.
She led a simple，frugal existence，never spending on anything but her most basic needs. 2 Her bank also advised her on investing her hard-earned savings.
When she retired，she decided that she wanted to use the money to give children of limited
Means the opportunity to go to university. 3 She had wanted to become a nurse，but had to leave school to look after ill relatives and work. When asked why she had given her life savings away，she replied，"I'm giving it away so that children won't have to work so hard，like I did. " After news of her donation hit the media，over 600 donations were made to the scholarship fund. One was given by media executive，Ted Turner，who reputedly gave a billion dollars.
She didn't want any fuss made over her gift，but the news got out and she was invited all over the United States to talk to people. Wherever she went ，people would come up to her to say a few words or to just touch her. She met the ordinary and the famous，President Clinton included. In the last few years of her life，before she died of cancer，McCarty was given over 300 awards：she was honoured by the United Nations and received the Presidential Citizen' s Medal. Despite having no real education，she found herself with two honorary doctorates：one from the University of Southern Mississippi and the other from Harvard University. Her generosity was clearly an inspiration to many and proof that true selflessness does exist. | 1235.txt | 1 |
[
"she wanted to help -the university",
"she wanted others to have the chance to become nurses",
"she wanted others to have the opportunity to escape a hard life",
"she want to be remembered after her death"
] | She gave her money away because_ . | Oseola McCarty
LATE ONE SUNDAY AFTERNOON in September 1999，Oseola McCarty，an elderly cleaning lady passed away in the little wooden frame house where she had lived and worked most of her life. It may seem like an ordinary end to a humble life，but there was something quite exceptional about this woman. 1
In the summer of 1995 ，McCarty gave $ 150，000，most of the money she had saved throughout her life，to the University of Southern Mississippi in her hometown. The money was to help other African Americans through university. She had started her savings habit as a young child when she would return from school to clean and iron for money which she would then save.
She led a simple，frugal existence，never spending on anything but her most basic needs. 2 Her bank also advised her on investing her hard-earned savings.
When she retired，she decided that she wanted to use the money to give children of limited
Means the opportunity to go to university. 3 She had wanted to become a nurse，but had to leave school to look after ill relatives and work. When asked why she had given her life savings away，she replied，"I'm giving it away so that children won't have to work so hard，like I did. " After news of her donation hit the media，over 600 donations were made to the scholarship fund. One was given by media executive，Ted Turner，who reputedly gave a billion dollars.
She didn't want any fuss made over her gift，but the news got out and she was invited all over the United States to talk to people. Wherever she went ，people would come up to her to say a few words or to just touch her. She met the ordinary and the famous，President Clinton included. In the last few years of her life，before she died of cancer，McCarty was given over 300 awards：she was honoured by the United Nations and received the Presidential Citizen' s Medal. Despite having no real education，she found herself with two honorary doctorates：one from the University of Southern Mississippi and the other from Harvard University. Her generosity was clearly an inspiration to many and proof that true selflessness does exist. | 1235.txt | 2 |
[
"people donated billions",
"hundreds of students got scholarships",
"hundreds of people put money into the fund",
"she was sent to university"
] | When her generosity was made_ . | Oseola McCarty
LATE ONE SUNDAY AFTERNOON in September 1999，Oseola McCarty，an elderly cleaning lady passed away in the little wooden frame house where she had lived and worked most of her life. It may seem like an ordinary end to a humble life，but there was something quite exceptional about this woman. 1
In the summer of 1995 ，McCarty gave $ 150，000，most of the money she had saved throughout her life，to the University of Southern Mississippi in her hometown. The money was to help other African Americans through university. She had started her savings habit as a young child when she would return from school to clean and iron for money which she would then save.
She led a simple，frugal existence，never spending on anything but her most basic needs. 2 Her bank also advised her on investing her hard-earned savings.
When she retired，she decided that she wanted to use the money to give children of limited
Means the opportunity to go to university. 3 She had wanted to become a nurse，but had to leave school to look after ill relatives and work. When asked why she had given her life savings away，she replied，"I'm giving it away so that children won't have to work so hard，like I did. " After news of her donation hit the media，over 600 donations were made to the scholarship fund. One was given by media executive，Ted Turner，who reputedly gave a billion dollars.
She didn't want any fuss made over her gift，but the news got out and she was invited all over the United States to talk to people. Wherever she went ，people would come up to her to say a few words or to just touch her. She met the ordinary and the famous，President Clinton included. In the last few years of her life，before she died of cancer，McCarty was given over 300 awards：she was honoured by the United Nations and received the Presidential Citizen' s Medal. Despite having no real education，she found herself with two honorary doctorates：one from the University of Southern Mississippi and the other from Harvard University. Her generosity was clearly an inspiration to many and proof that true selflessness does exist. | 1235.txt | 2 |
[
"of her generosity",
"of her exceptional skills",
"she had saved $ 150，000",
"she travelled all over America"
] | McCarty became famous because _ . | Oseola McCarty
LATE ONE SUNDAY AFTERNOON in September 1999，Oseola McCarty，an elderly cleaning lady passed away in the little wooden frame house where she had lived and worked most of her life. It may seem like an ordinary end to a humble life，but there was something quite exceptional about this woman. 1
In the summer of 1995 ，McCarty gave $ 150，000，most of the money she had saved throughout her life，to the University of Southern Mississippi in her hometown. The money was to help other African Americans through university. She had started her savings habit as a young child when she would return from school to clean and iron for money which she would then save.
She led a simple，frugal existence，never spending on anything but her most basic needs. 2 Her bank also advised her on investing her hard-earned savings.
When she retired，she decided that she wanted to use the money to give children of limited
Means the opportunity to go to university. 3 She had wanted to become a nurse，but had to leave school to look after ill relatives and work. When asked why she had given her life savings away，she replied，"I'm giving it away so that children won't have to work so hard，like I did. " After news of her donation hit the media，over 600 donations were made to the scholarship fund. One was given by media executive，Ted Turner，who reputedly gave a billion dollars.
She didn't want any fuss made over her gift，but the news got out and she was invited all over the United States to talk to people. Wherever she went ，people would come up to her to say a few words or to just touch her. She met the ordinary and the famous，President Clinton included. In the last few years of her life，before she died of cancer，McCarty was given over 300 awards：she was honoured by the United Nations and received the Presidential Citizen' s Medal. Despite having no real education，she found herself with two honorary doctorates：one from the University of Southern Mississippi and the other from Harvard University. Her generosity was clearly an inspiration to many and proof that true selflessness does exist. | 1235.txt | 0 |
[
"The US economic situation is going from bad to worse.",
"Washington is taking drastic measures to provide more jobs.",
"The US government is slashing more jobs from its payrolls.",
"The recent economic crisis has taken the US by surprise."
] | What do we learn from the first paragraph? | The report from the Bureau of Labor Statistics was just as gloomy as anticipated. Unemployment in January jumped to a 16-year high of 7.6 percent, as 598000 jobs were slashed from US payrolls in the worst single-month decline since December, 1974. With 1.8 million jobs lost in the last three months, there is urgent desire to boost the economy as quickly as possible. But Washington would do well to take a deep breath before reacting to the grim numbers.
Collectively, we rely on the unemployment figures and other statistics to frame our sense of reality. They are a vital part of an array of data that we use to assess if we're doing well or doing badly, and that in turn shapes government policies and corporate budgets and personal spending decisions. The problem is that the statistics aren't an objective measure of reality; they are simply a best approximation. Directionally, they capture the trends, but the idea that we know precisely how many are unemployed is a myth. That makes finding a solution all the more difficult.
First, there is the way the data is assembled. The official unemployment rate is the product of a telephone survey of about 60000 homes. There is another survey, sometimes referred to as the "payroll survey," that assesses 400000 businesses based on their reported payrolls. Both surveys have problems. The payroll survey can easily double-count someone: if you are one person with two jobs, you show up as two workers. The payroll survey also doesn't capture the number of self-employed, and so says little about how many people are generating an independent income.
The household survey has a larger problem. When asked straightforwardly, people tend to lie or shade the truth when the subject is sex, money or employment. If you get a call and are asked if you're employed, and you say yes, you're employed. If you say no, however, it may surprise you to learn that you are only unemployed if you've been actively looking for work in the past four weeks; otherwise, you are "marginally attached to the labor force" and not actually unemployed.
The urge to quantify is embedded in our society. But the idea that statisticians can then capture an objective reality isn't just impossible. It also leads to serious misjudgments. Democrats and Republicans can and will take sides on a number of issues, but a more crucial concern is that both are basing major policy decisions on guesstimates rather than looking at the vast wealth of raw data with a critical eye and an open mind. | 2362.txt | 0 |
[
"They form a solid basis for policy making.",
"They represent the current situation.",
"They signal future economic trends.",
"They do not fully reflect the reality."
] | What does the author think of the unemployment figures and other statistics? | The report from the Bureau of Labor Statistics was just as gloomy as anticipated. Unemployment in January jumped to a 16-year high of 7.6 percent, as 598000 jobs were slashed from US payrolls in the worst single-month decline since December, 1974. With 1.8 million jobs lost in the last three months, there is urgent desire to boost the economy as quickly as possible. But Washington would do well to take a deep breath before reacting to the grim numbers.
Collectively, we rely on the unemployment figures and other statistics to frame our sense of reality. They are a vital part of an array of data that we use to assess if we're doing well or doing badly, and that in turn shapes government policies and corporate budgets and personal spending decisions. The problem is that the statistics aren't an objective measure of reality; they are simply a best approximation. Directionally, they capture the trends, but the idea that we know precisely how many are unemployed is a myth. That makes finding a solution all the more difficult.
First, there is the way the data is assembled. The official unemployment rate is the product of a telephone survey of about 60000 homes. There is another survey, sometimes referred to as the "payroll survey," that assesses 400000 businesses based on their reported payrolls. Both surveys have problems. The payroll survey can easily double-count someone: if you are one person with two jobs, you show up as two workers. The payroll survey also doesn't capture the number of self-employed, and so says little about how many people are generating an independent income.
The household survey has a larger problem. When asked straightforwardly, people tend to lie or shade the truth when the subject is sex, money or employment. If you get a call and are asked if you're employed, and you say yes, you're employed. If you say no, however, it may surprise you to learn that you are only unemployed if you've been actively looking for work in the past four weeks; otherwise, you are "marginally attached to the labor force" and not actually unemployed.
The urge to quantify is embedded in our society. But the idea that statisticians can then capture an objective reality isn't just impossible. It also leads to serious misjudgments. Democrats and Republicans can and will take sides on a number of issues, but a more crucial concern is that both are basing major policy decisions on guesstimates rather than looking at the vast wealth of raw data with a critical eye and an open mind. | 2362.txt | 3 |
[
"it does not include all the businesses",
"it fails to count in the self-employed",
"it magnifies the number of the jobless",
"it does not treat all companies equally"
] | One problem with the payroll survey is that _ . | The report from the Bureau of Labor Statistics was just as gloomy as anticipated. Unemployment in January jumped to a 16-year high of 7.6 percent, as 598000 jobs were slashed from US payrolls in the worst single-month decline since December, 1974. With 1.8 million jobs lost in the last three months, there is urgent desire to boost the economy as quickly as possible. But Washington would do well to take a deep breath before reacting to the grim numbers.
Collectively, we rely on the unemployment figures and other statistics to frame our sense of reality. They are a vital part of an array of data that we use to assess if we're doing well or doing badly, and that in turn shapes government policies and corporate budgets and personal spending decisions. The problem is that the statistics aren't an objective measure of reality; they are simply a best approximation. Directionally, they capture the trends, but the idea that we know precisely how many are unemployed is a myth. That makes finding a solution all the more difficult.
First, there is the way the data is assembled. The official unemployment rate is the product of a telephone survey of about 60000 homes. There is another survey, sometimes referred to as the "payroll survey," that assesses 400000 businesses based on their reported payrolls. Both surveys have problems. The payroll survey can easily double-count someone: if you are one person with two jobs, you show up as two workers. The payroll survey also doesn't capture the number of self-employed, and so says little about how many people are generating an independent income.
The household survey has a larger problem. When asked straightforwardly, people tend to lie or shade the truth when the subject is sex, money or employment. If you get a call and are asked if you're employed, and you say yes, you're employed. If you say no, however, it may surprise you to learn that you are only unemployed if you've been actively looking for work in the past four weeks; otherwise, you are "marginally attached to the labor force" and not actually unemployed.
The urge to quantify is embedded in our society. But the idea that statisticians can then capture an objective reality isn't just impossible. It also leads to serious misjudgments. Democrats and Republicans can and will take sides on a number of issues, but a more crucial concern is that both are basing major policy decisions on guesstimates rather than looking at the vast wealth of raw data with a critical eye and an open mind. | 2362.txt | 1 |
[
"people tend to lie when talking on the phone",
"not everybody is willing or ready to respond",
"some people won't provide truthful information",
"the definition of unemployment is too broad"
] | The household survey can be faulty in that _ . | The report from the Bureau of Labor Statistics was just as gloomy as anticipated. Unemployment in January jumped to a 16-year high of 7.6 percent, as 598000 jobs were slashed from US payrolls in the worst single-month decline since December, 1974. With 1.8 million jobs lost in the last three months, there is urgent desire to boost the economy as quickly as possible. But Washington would do well to take a deep breath before reacting to the grim numbers.
Collectively, we rely on the unemployment figures and other statistics to frame our sense of reality. They are a vital part of an array of data that we use to assess if we're doing well or doing badly, and that in turn shapes government policies and corporate budgets and personal spending decisions. The problem is that the statistics aren't an objective measure of reality; they are simply a best approximation. Directionally, they capture the trends, but the idea that we know precisely how many are unemployed is a myth. That makes finding a solution all the more difficult.
First, there is the way the data is assembled. The official unemployment rate is the product of a telephone survey of about 60000 homes. There is another survey, sometimes referred to as the "payroll survey," that assesses 400000 businesses based on their reported payrolls. Both surveys have problems. The payroll survey can easily double-count someone: if you are one person with two jobs, you show up as two workers. The payroll survey also doesn't capture the number of self-employed, and so says little about how many people are generating an independent income.
The household survey has a larger problem. When asked straightforwardly, people tend to lie or shade the truth when the subject is sex, money or employment. If you get a call and are asked if you're employed, and you say yes, you're employed. If you say no, however, it may surprise you to learn that you are only unemployed if you've been actively looking for work in the past four weeks; otherwise, you are "marginally attached to the labor force" and not actually unemployed.
The urge to quantify is embedded in our society. But the idea that statisticians can then capture an objective reality isn't just impossible. It also leads to serious misjudgments. Democrats and Republicans can and will take sides on a number of issues, but a more crucial concern is that both are basing major policy decisions on guesstimates rather than looking at the vast wealth of raw data with a critical eye and an open mind. | 2362.txt | 2 |
[
"statisticians improve their data assembling methods",
"decision makers view the statistics with a critical eye",
"politicians listen more before making policy decisions",
"Democrats and Republicans cooperate on crucial issues"
] | At the end of the passage, the author suggests that _ . | The report from the Bureau of Labor Statistics was just as gloomy as anticipated. Unemployment in January jumped to a 16-year high of 7.6 percent, as 598000 jobs were slashed from US payrolls in the worst single-month decline since December, 1974. With 1.8 million jobs lost in the last three months, there is urgent desire to boost the economy as quickly as possible. But Washington would do well to take a deep breath before reacting to the grim numbers.
Collectively, we rely on the unemployment figures and other statistics to frame our sense of reality. They are a vital part of an array of data that we use to assess if we're doing well or doing badly, and that in turn shapes government policies and corporate budgets and personal spending decisions. The problem is that the statistics aren't an objective measure of reality; they are simply a best approximation. Directionally, they capture the trends, but the idea that we know precisely how many are unemployed is a myth. That makes finding a solution all the more difficult.
First, there is the way the data is assembled. The official unemployment rate is the product of a telephone survey of about 60000 homes. There is another survey, sometimes referred to as the "payroll survey," that assesses 400000 businesses based on their reported payrolls. Both surveys have problems. The payroll survey can easily double-count someone: if you are one person with two jobs, you show up as two workers. The payroll survey also doesn't capture the number of self-employed, and so says little about how many people are generating an independent income.
The household survey has a larger problem. When asked straightforwardly, people tend to lie or shade the truth when the subject is sex, money or employment. If you get a call and are asked if you're employed, and you say yes, you're employed. If you say no, however, it may surprise you to learn that you are only unemployed if you've been actively looking for work in the past four weeks; otherwise, you are "marginally attached to the labor force" and not actually unemployed.
The urge to quantify is embedded in our society. But the idea that statisticians can then capture an objective reality isn't just impossible. It also leads to serious misjudgments. Democrats and Republicans can and will take sides on a number of issues, but a more crucial concern is that both are basing major policy decisions on guesstimates rather than looking at the vast wealth of raw data with a critical eye and an open mind. | 2362.txt | 1 |
[
"objectives and legal methods for directing technological development",
"technical approaches to the problem of controlling market activity",
"economic procedures for facilitating transactions between buyers and sellers",
"reasons for slowing technological development in light of environmentalist objections"
] | The passage is primarily concerned with describing | Four legal approaches may be followed in attempting to channel technological development in socially useful directions: specific directives. market incentive modifications, criminal prohibitions. and changes in decision- making structures. Specific directives involve the government's identifying one or more factors controlling research, development, or implementation of a given technology. Directives affecting such factors may vary from administrative regulation of private activity to government ownership of a technological operation. Market incentive modifications are deliberate alterations of the market within which private decisions regarding the development and implementation of technology are made. Such modifications may consist of imposing taxes to cover the costs to society of a given technology, granting subsidies to pay for social benefits of a technology, creating the right to sue to prevent certain technological development. or easing procedural rules to enable the recovery of damages to compensate for harm caused by destructive technological activity. Criminal prohibitions may modify technological activity in areas impinging on fundament social values. or they may modify human behavior likely to result from technological applications-for example, the deactivation of automotive pollution control devices in order to improve vehicle performance. Alteration of decision-making structures includes all possible modifications in the authority, constitution, or responsibility of private and public entities deciding questions of technological development and implementation. Such alterations include the addition of public-interest members to corporate boards, the imposition by statute of duties on governmental decision-makers, and the extension of warranties in response to consumer action.
Effective use of these methods to control technology depends on whether or not the goal of regulation is the optimal allocation of resources, When the object is optimal resource allocation. that combination of legal methods should be used that most nearly yields the allocation that would exist if there were no external costs resulting from allocating resources through market activity. There are external costs, when the price set by buyers and sellers of goods fails to include some costs to anyone, that result from the production and use of the goods. Such costs are internalized when buyers pay them.
Air pollution from motor vehicles imposes external costs on all those exposes to it, in the form of soiling. materials damage, and disease, price on air, thus making it a free good, common to all, Such externalities lead to nonoptimal resource allocation, because the private net product and the social net product of market activity are not often identical. If all externalities were internalized, transactions would occur until were internalized transactions would occur until bargaining could no longer improve the situation, thus giving an optimal allocation of resources at a given time. | 1944.txt | 0 |
[
"revise cost estimates calculated by including the costs of resources",
"evaluate legal methods used to prevent technological developments",
"give examples of costs not included in buyer-seller bargains",
"refute hypotheses not made on the basis of monetary exchange values"
] | The author cites air pollution from motor vehicles in line 73 in order to | Four legal approaches may be followed in attempting to channel technological development in socially useful directions: specific directives. market incentive modifications, criminal prohibitions. and changes in decision- making structures. Specific directives involve the government's identifying one or more factors controlling research, development, or implementation of a given technology. Directives affecting such factors may vary from administrative regulation of private activity to government ownership of a technological operation. Market incentive modifications are deliberate alterations of the market within which private decisions regarding the development and implementation of technology are made. Such modifications may consist of imposing taxes to cover the costs to society of a given technology, granting subsidies to pay for social benefits of a technology, creating the right to sue to prevent certain technological development. or easing procedural rules to enable the recovery of damages to compensate for harm caused by destructive technological activity. Criminal prohibitions may modify technological activity in areas impinging on fundament social values. or they may modify human behavior likely to result from technological applications-for example, the deactivation of automotive pollution control devices in order to improve vehicle performance. Alteration of decision-making structures includes all possible modifications in the authority, constitution, or responsibility of private and public entities deciding questions of technological development and implementation. Such alterations include the addition of public-interest members to corporate boards, the imposition by statute of duties on governmental decision-makers, and the extension of warranties in response to consumer action.
Effective use of these methods to control technology depends on whether or not the goal of regulation is the optimal allocation of resources, When the object is optimal resource allocation. that combination of legal methods should be used that most nearly yields the allocation that would exist if there were no external costs resulting from allocating resources through market activity. There are external costs, when the price set by buyers and sellers of goods fails to include some costs to anyone, that result from the production and use of the goods. Such costs are internalized when buyers pay them.
Air pollution from motor vehicles imposes external costs on all those exposes to it, in the form of soiling. materials damage, and disease, price on air, thus making it a free good, common to all, Such externalities lead to nonoptimal resource allocation, because the private net product and the social net product of market activity are not often identical. If all externalities were internalized, transactions would occur until were internalized transactions would occur until bargaining could no longer improve the situation, thus giving an optimal allocation of resources at a given time. | 1944.txt | 2 |
[
"are harmful when all factors are considered",
"give rise to ever-increasing resource costs",
"reflect an optimal allocation of natural resources",
"encompass more than the effects on the buyers and sellers alone"
] | According to the passage, transactions between private buyers and sellers have effects on society that generally | Four legal approaches may be followed in attempting to channel technological development in socially useful directions: specific directives. market incentive modifications, criminal prohibitions. and changes in decision- making structures. Specific directives involve the government's identifying one or more factors controlling research, development, or implementation of a given technology. Directives affecting such factors may vary from administrative regulation of private activity to government ownership of a technological operation. Market incentive modifications are deliberate alterations of the market within which private decisions regarding the development and implementation of technology are made. Such modifications may consist of imposing taxes to cover the costs to society of a given technology, granting subsidies to pay for social benefits of a technology, creating the right to sue to prevent certain technological development. or easing procedural rules to enable the recovery of damages to compensate for harm caused by destructive technological activity. Criminal prohibitions may modify technological activity in areas impinging on fundament social values. or they may modify human behavior likely to result from technological applications-for example, the deactivation of automotive pollution control devices in order to improve vehicle performance. Alteration of decision-making structures includes all possible modifications in the authority, constitution, or responsibility of private and public entities deciding questions of technological development and implementation. Such alterations include the addition of public-interest members to corporate boards, the imposition by statute of duties on governmental decision-makers, and the extension of warranties in response to consumer action.
Effective use of these methods to control technology depends on whether or not the goal of regulation is the optimal allocation of resources, When the object is optimal resource allocation. that combination of legal methods should be used that most nearly yields the allocation that would exist if there were no external costs resulting from allocating resources through market activity. There are external costs, when the price set by buyers and sellers of goods fails to include some costs to anyone, that result from the production and use of the goods. Such costs are internalized when buyers pay them.
Air pollution from motor vehicles imposes external costs on all those exposes to it, in the form of soiling. materials damage, and disease, price on air, thus making it a free good, common to all, Such externalities lead to nonoptimal resource allocation, because the private net product and the social net product of market activity are not often identical. If all externalities were internalized, transactions would occur until were internalized transactions would occur until bargaining could no longer improve the situation, thus giving an optimal allocation of resources at a given time. | 1944.txt | 3 |
[
"Protecting the environment for future use",
"Changing the balance of power between opposing interests in business",
"Intervening in the activity of the free market",
"Causing technological development to cease"
] | It can be inferred from the passage that the author does NOT favor which of the following? | Four legal approaches may be followed in attempting to channel technological development in socially useful directions: specific directives. market incentive modifications, criminal prohibitions. and changes in decision- making structures. Specific directives involve the government's identifying one or more factors controlling research, development, or implementation of a given technology. Directives affecting such factors may vary from administrative regulation of private activity to government ownership of a technological operation. Market incentive modifications are deliberate alterations of the market within which private decisions regarding the development and implementation of technology are made. Such modifications may consist of imposing taxes to cover the costs to society of a given technology, granting subsidies to pay for social benefits of a technology, creating the right to sue to prevent certain technological development. or easing procedural rules to enable the recovery of damages to compensate for harm caused by destructive technological activity. Criminal prohibitions may modify technological activity in areas impinging on fundament social values. or they may modify human behavior likely to result from technological applications-for example, the deactivation of automotive pollution control devices in order to improve vehicle performance. Alteration of decision-making structures includes all possible modifications in the authority, constitution, or responsibility of private and public entities deciding questions of technological development and implementation. Such alterations include the addition of public-interest members to corporate boards, the imposition by statute of duties on governmental decision-makers, and the extension of warranties in response to consumer action.
Effective use of these methods to control technology depends on whether or not the goal of regulation is the optimal allocation of resources, When the object is optimal resource allocation. that combination of legal methods should be used that most nearly yields the allocation that would exist if there were no external costs resulting from allocating resources through market activity. There are external costs, when the price set by buyers and sellers of goods fails to include some costs to anyone, that result from the production and use of the goods. Such costs are internalized when buyers pay them.
Air pollution from motor vehicles imposes external costs on all those exposes to it, in the form of soiling. materials damage, and disease, price on air, thus making it a free good, common to all, Such externalities lead to nonoptimal resource allocation, because the private net product and the social net product of market activity are not often identical. If all externalities were internalized, transactions would occur until were internalized transactions would occur until bargaining could no longer improve the situation, thus giving an optimal allocation of resources at a given time. | 1944.txt | 3 |
[
"a specific directive",
"a market incentive modification",
"an optimal resource allocation",
"an alteration of a decision-making structure"
] | A gasoline-conservation tax on the purchase of large automobiles. With the proceeds of the tax rebated to purchasers of small automobiles, is an example of | Four legal approaches may be followed in attempting to channel technological development in socially useful directions: specific directives. market incentive modifications, criminal prohibitions. and changes in decision- making structures. Specific directives involve the government's identifying one or more factors controlling research, development, or implementation of a given technology. Directives affecting such factors may vary from administrative regulation of private activity to government ownership of a technological operation. Market incentive modifications are deliberate alterations of the market within which private decisions regarding the development and implementation of technology are made. Such modifications may consist of imposing taxes to cover the costs to society of a given technology, granting subsidies to pay for social benefits of a technology, creating the right to sue to prevent certain technological development. or easing procedural rules to enable the recovery of damages to compensate for harm caused by destructive technological activity. Criminal prohibitions may modify technological activity in areas impinging on fundament social values. or they may modify human behavior likely to result from technological applications-for example, the deactivation of automotive pollution control devices in order to improve vehicle performance. Alteration of decision-making structures includes all possible modifications in the authority, constitution, or responsibility of private and public entities deciding questions of technological development and implementation. Such alterations include the addition of public-interest members to corporate boards, the imposition by statute of duties on governmental decision-makers, and the extension of warranties in response to consumer action.
Effective use of these methods to control technology depends on whether or not the goal of regulation is the optimal allocation of resources, When the object is optimal resource allocation. that combination of legal methods should be used that most nearly yields the allocation that would exist if there were no external costs resulting from allocating resources through market activity. There are external costs, when the price set by buyers and sellers of goods fails to include some costs to anyone, that result from the production and use of the goods. Such costs are internalized when buyers pay them.
Air pollution from motor vehicles imposes external costs on all those exposes to it, in the form of soiling. materials damage, and disease, price on air, thus making it a free good, common to all, Such externalities lead to nonoptimal resource allocation, because the private net product and the social net product of market activity are not often identical. If all externalities were internalized, transactions would occur until were internalized transactions would occur until bargaining could no longer improve the situation, thus giving an optimal allocation of resources at a given time. | 1944.txt | 1 |
[
"All technology-control methods would be effective.",
"Some resource allocations would be illegal.",
"Prices would include all costs to members of society.",
"Some decision-making structures would be altered."
] | If there were no external costs, as they are described in the passage, which of the following would be true? | Four legal approaches may be followed in attempting to channel technological development in socially useful directions: specific directives. market incentive modifications, criminal prohibitions. and changes in decision- making structures. Specific directives involve the government's identifying one or more factors controlling research, development, or implementation of a given technology. Directives affecting such factors may vary from administrative regulation of private activity to government ownership of a technological operation. Market incentive modifications are deliberate alterations of the market within which private decisions regarding the development and implementation of technology are made. Such modifications may consist of imposing taxes to cover the costs to society of a given technology, granting subsidies to pay for social benefits of a technology, creating the right to sue to prevent certain technological development. or easing procedural rules to enable the recovery of damages to compensate for harm caused by destructive technological activity. Criminal prohibitions may modify technological activity in areas impinging on fundament social values. or they may modify human behavior likely to result from technological applications-for example, the deactivation of automotive pollution control devices in order to improve vehicle performance. Alteration of decision-making structures includes all possible modifications in the authority, constitution, or responsibility of private and public entities deciding questions of technological development and implementation. Such alterations include the addition of public-interest members to corporate boards, the imposition by statute of duties on governmental decision-makers, and the extension of warranties in response to consumer action.
Effective use of these methods to control technology depends on whether or not the goal of regulation is the optimal allocation of resources, When the object is optimal resource allocation. that combination of legal methods should be used that most nearly yields the allocation that would exist if there were no external costs resulting from allocating resources through market activity. There are external costs, when the price set by buyers and sellers of goods fails to include some costs to anyone, that result from the production and use of the goods. Such costs are internalized when buyers pay them.
Air pollution from motor vehicles imposes external costs on all those exposes to it, in the form of soiling. materials damage, and disease, price on air, thus making it a free good, common to all, Such externalities lead to nonoptimal resource allocation, because the private net product and the social net product of market activity are not often identical. If all externalities were internalized, transactions would occur until were internalized transactions would occur until bargaining could no longer improve the situation, thus giving an optimal allocation of resources at a given time. | 1944.txt | 2 |
[
"assign monetary value to all damage resulting from the use of technology",
"combine legal methods to yield theoretical optimum",
"convince buyers to bear the burden of damage from technological developments",
"predict the costs of new technological development"
] | The author assumes that, in determining what would be an optimal allocation of resources, it would be possible to | Four legal approaches may be followed in attempting to channel technological development in socially useful directions: specific directives. market incentive modifications, criminal prohibitions. and changes in decision- making structures. Specific directives involve the government's identifying one or more factors controlling research, development, or implementation of a given technology. Directives affecting such factors may vary from administrative regulation of private activity to government ownership of a technological operation. Market incentive modifications are deliberate alterations of the market within which private decisions regarding the development and implementation of technology are made. Such modifications may consist of imposing taxes to cover the costs to society of a given technology, granting subsidies to pay for social benefits of a technology, creating the right to sue to prevent certain technological development. or easing procedural rules to enable the recovery of damages to compensate for harm caused by destructive technological activity. Criminal prohibitions may modify technological activity in areas impinging on fundament social values. or they may modify human behavior likely to result from technological applications-for example, the deactivation of automotive pollution control devices in order to improve vehicle performance. Alteration of decision-making structures includes all possible modifications in the authority, constitution, or responsibility of private and public entities deciding questions of technological development and implementation. Such alterations include the addition of public-interest members to corporate boards, the imposition by statute of duties on governmental decision-makers, and the extension of warranties in response to consumer action.
Effective use of these methods to control technology depends on whether or not the goal of regulation is the optimal allocation of resources, When the object is optimal resource allocation. that combination of legal methods should be used that most nearly yields the allocation that would exist if there were no external costs resulting from allocating resources through market activity. There are external costs, when the price set by buyers and sellers of goods fails to include some costs to anyone, that result from the production and use of the goods. Such costs are internalized when buyers pay them.
Air pollution from motor vehicles imposes external costs on all those exposes to it, in the form of soiling. materials damage, and disease, price on air, thus making it a free good, common to all, Such externalities lead to nonoptimal resource allocation, because the private net product and the social net product of market activity are not often identical. If all externalities were internalized, transactions would occur until were internalized transactions would occur until bargaining could no longer improve the situation, thus giving an optimal allocation of resources at a given time. | 1944.txt | 0 |
[
"The government should own technological operations.",
"The effects of technological development cannot be controlled.",
"Some technological developments are beneficial.",
"The current states of technological development results in a good allocation of resources."
] | On the basis of the passage, it can be inferred that the author would agree with which of the following statements concerning technological development? | Four legal approaches may be followed in attempting to channel technological development in socially useful directions: specific directives. market incentive modifications, criminal prohibitions. and changes in decision- making structures. Specific directives involve the government's identifying one or more factors controlling research, development, or implementation of a given technology. Directives affecting such factors may vary from administrative regulation of private activity to government ownership of a technological operation. Market incentive modifications are deliberate alterations of the market within which private decisions regarding the development and implementation of technology are made. Such modifications may consist of imposing taxes to cover the costs to society of a given technology, granting subsidies to pay for social benefits of a technology, creating the right to sue to prevent certain technological development. or easing procedural rules to enable the recovery of damages to compensate for harm caused by destructive technological activity. Criminal prohibitions may modify technological activity in areas impinging on fundament social values. or they may modify human behavior likely to result from technological applications-for example, the deactivation of automotive pollution control devices in order to improve vehicle performance. Alteration of decision-making structures includes all possible modifications in the authority, constitution, or responsibility of private and public entities deciding questions of technological development and implementation. Such alterations include the addition of public-interest members to corporate boards, the imposition by statute of duties on governmental decision-makers, and the extension of warranties in response to consumer action.
Effective use of these methods to control technology depends on whether or not the goal of regulation is the optimal allocation of resources, When the object is optimal resource allocation. that combination of legal methods should be used that most nearly yields the allocation that would exist if there were no external costs resulting from allocating resources through market activity. There are external costs, when the price set by buyers and sellers of goods fails to include some costs to anyone, that result from the production and use of the goods. Such costs are internalized when buyers pay them.
Air pollution from motor vehicles imposes external costs on all those exposes to it, in the form of soiling. materials damage, and disease, price on air, thus making it a free good, common to all, Such externalities lead to nonoptimal resource allocation, because the private net product and the social net product of market activity are not often identical. If all externalities were internalized, transactions would occur until were internalized transactions would occur until bargaining could no longer improve the situation, thus giving an optimal allocation of resources at a given time. | 1944.txt | 2 |
[
"A person ignorant of the hard work involved in experimentation.",
"A citizen of a society that restricts personal creativity.",
"A person who has had no education.",
"An individual who often comes up with new ideas by accident."
] | What does the author probably mean by "untaught mind" in the first paragraph? | Discoveries in science and technology are thought by "untaught minds" to come in blinding flashes or as the result of dramatic accidents. Sir Alexander Fleming did not, as legend would have it, look at the mold on a piece of cheese and get the idea for penicillin there and then. He experimented with antibacterial substances for nine years before he made his discovery. Inventions and innovations almost always come out of laborious trial and error. Innovation is like soccer; even the best players miss the goal and have their shots blocked much more frequently than they score.
The point is that the players who score most are the ones who take most shots at the goal -- and so it goes with innovation in any field of activity. The prime difference between innovators and others is one of approach. Everybody gets ideas, but innovators work consciously on theirs, and they follow them through until they prove practicable or otherwise. What ordinary people see as fanciful abstractions, professional innovators see as solid possibilities.
"Creative thinking may mean simply the realization that there's no particular virtue in doing things the way they have always been done," wrote Rudolph Flesch, a language authority. This accounts for our reaction to seemingly simple innovations like plastic garbage bags and suitcases on wheels that make life more convenient: "How come nobody thought of that before?"
The creative approach begins with the proposition that nothing is as it appears. Innovators will not accept that there is only one way to do anything. Faced with getting from A to B, the average person will automatically set out on the best-known and apparently simplest route. The innovator will search for alternate courses, which may prove easier in the long run and are bound to be more interesting and challenging even if they lead to dead ends.
Highly creative individuals really do march to a different drummer. | 1453.txt | 0 |
[
"The variety of ideas they have.",
"The intelligence they possess.",
"The way they deal with problems.",
"The way they present their findings."
] | According to the author, what distinguishes innovators from non-innovators? | Discoveries in science and technology are thought by "untaught minds" to come in blinding flashes or as the result of dramatic accidents. Sir Alexander Fleming did not, as legend would have it, look at the mold on a piece of cheese and get the idea for penicillin there and then. He experimented with antibacterial substances for nine years before he made his discovery. Inventions and innovations almost always come out of laborious trial and error. Innovation is like soccer; even the best players miss the goal and have their shots blocked much more frequently than they score.
The point is that the players who score most are the ones who take most shots at the goal -- and so it goes with innovation in any field of activity. The prime difference between innovators and others is one of approach. Everybody gets ideas, but innovators work consciously on theirs, and they follow them through until they prove practicable or otherwise. What ordinary people see as fanciful abstractions, professional innovators see as solid possibilities.
"Creative thinking may mean simply the realization that there's no particular virtue in doing things the way they have always been done," wrote Rudolph Flesch, a language authority. This accounts for our reaction to seemingly simple innovations like plastic garbage bags and suitcases on wheels that make life more convenient: "How come nobody thought of that before?"
The creative approach begins with the proposition that nothing is as it appears. Innovators will not accept that there is only one way to do anything. Faced with getting from A to B, the average person will automatically set out on the best-known and apparently simplest route. The innovator will search for alternate courses, which may prove easier in the long run and are bound to be more interesting and challenging even if they lead to dead ends.
Highly creative individuals really do march to a different drummer. | 1453.txt | 2 |
[
"Rudolph Flesch is the best-known expert in the study of human creativity",
"the quotation strengthens the assertion that creative individuals look for new ways of doing things",
"the reader is familiar with Rudolph Flesch's point of view",
"the quotation adds a new idea to the information previously presented"
] | The author quotes Rudolph Flesch in Paragraph 3 because . | Discoveries in science and technology are thought by "untaught minds" to come in blinding flashes or as the result of dramatic accidents. Sir Alexander Fleming did not, as legend would have it, look at the mold on a piece of cheese and get the idea for penicillin there and then. He experimented with antibacterial substances for nine years before he made his discovery. Inventions and innovations almost always come out of laborious trial and error. Innovation is like soccer; even the best players miss the goal and have their shots blocked much more frequently than they score.
The point is that the players who score most are the ones who take most shots at the goal -- and so it goes with innovation in any field of activity. The prime difference between innovators and others is one of approach. Everybody gets ideas, but innovators work consciously on theirs, and they follow them through until they prove practicable or otherwise. What ordinary people see as fanciful abstractions, professional innovators see as solid possibilities.
"Creative thinking may mean simply the realization that there's no particular virtue in doing things the way they have always been done," wrote Rudolph Flesch, a language authority. This accounts for our reaction to seemingly simple innovations like plastic garbage bags and suitcases on wheels that make life more convenient: "How come nobody thought of that before?"
The creative approach begins with the proposition that nothing is as it appears. Innovators will not accept that there is only one way to do anything. Faced with getting from A to B, the average person will automatically set out on the best-known and apparently simplest route. The innovator will search for alternate courses, which may prove easier in the long run and are bound to be more interesting and challenging even if they lead to dead ends.
Highly creative individuals really do march to a different drummer. | 1453.txt | 1 |
[
"diligent in pursuing their goals",
"reluctant to follow common ways of doing things",
"devoted to the progress of society",
"concerned about the advance of society"
] | The phrase "march to a different drummer" (the last line of the passage) suggests that highly creative individuals are . | Discoveries in science and technology are thought by "untaught minds" to come in blinding flashes or as the result of dramatic accidents. Sir Alexander Fleming did not, as legend would have it, look at the mold on a piece of cheese and get the idea for penicillin there and then. He experimented with antibacterial substances for nine years before he made his discovery. Inventions and innovations almost always come out of laborious trial and error. Innovation is like soccer; even the best players miss the goal and have their shots blocked much more frequently than they score.
The point is that the players who score most are the ones who take most shots at the goal -- and so it goes with innovation in any field of activity. The prime difference between innovators and others is one of approach. Everybody gets ideas, but innovators work consciously on theirs, and they follow them through until they prove practicable or otherwise. What ordinary people see as fanciful abstractions, professional innovators see as solid possibilities.
"Creative thinking may mean simply the realization that there's no particular virtue in doing things the way they have always been done," wrote Rudolph Flesch, a language authority. This accounts for our reaction to seemingly simple innovations like plastic garbage bags and suitcases on wheels that make life more convenient: "How come nobody thought of that before?"
The creative approach begins with the proposition that nothing is as it appears. Innovators will not accept that there is only one way to do anything. Faced with getting from A to B, the average person will automatically set out on the best-known and apparently simplest route. The innovator will search for alternate courses, which may prove easier in the long run and are bound to be more interesting and challenging even if they lead to dead ends.
Highly creative individuals really do march to a different drummer. | 1453.txt | 1 |
[
"The Mississippi frequently floods the city.",
"The riverbed has raised inthe past 200 years.",
"The torrential rains flood the city frequently.",
"The high humidity cannot otherwise be comtrolled."
] | What accounts for the levees and pumps in New Orleans? | New Orleans, Louisiana, was established as part of the French Empire in 1718.
Its location on the east bank of the Mississippi River gave it control of the American hinerland and it became strategically important to many nations. It was transferred from France to Spain, returned to France,and finally sold by Napoleon to the United States in 1803. The city was the site of a famous battle fought in 1815 between the British, who hoped to control it , and the Americans under General And rew Jackson.
The riverbed of the Mississippi is constantly silting and the river is now actually higher than the city. Levees hold back the river and giant pumps are used to move water from the city into the river.
Although New Orleans haas beena part of the United States for almost two centuries, its population takes great pride in its French heritage. Louisiana still retains parts of the Code Napoleon which,form many years,was its only law.
New Orleans is carefree city and it boasts its hot, spicy Creole seafood and its native Dixieland Jazz. The jackson Square neighborhood maintains its French colonial homes and in other sections are pre-Civil War mansions. Visitors are surprised to find that behind this interesting facade of yesteryear, is a busy industrial and port city. Grain and coal come from the Midwest and foreigh cargoes are unloaded here. New Orleans is no longer a sleepy Southern town----but it's still fun to visit. | 1636.txt | 1 |
[
"France",
"Britain",
"Spain",
"The North"
] | The battle of New Orleans was fought by jackson against_ . | New Orleans, Louisiana, was established as part of the French Empire in 1718.
Its location on the east bank of the Mississippi River gave it control of the American hinerland and it became strategically important to many nations. It was transferred from France to Spain, returned to France,and finally sold by Napoleon to the United States in 1803. The city was the site of a famous battle fought in 1815 between the British, who hoped to control it , and the Americans under General And rew Jackson.
The riverbed of the Mississippi is constantly silting and the river is now actually higher than the city. Levees hold back the river and giant pumps are used to move water from the city into the river.
Although New Orleans haas beena part of the United States for almost two centuries, its population takes great pride in its French heritage. Louisiana still retains parts of the Code Napoleon which,form many years,was its only law.
New Orleans is carefree city and it boasts its hot, spicy Creole seafood and its native Dixieland Jazz. The jackson Square neighborhood maintains its French colonial homes and in other sections are pre-Civil War mansions. Visitors are surprised to find that behind this interesting facade of yesteryear, is a busy industrial and port city. Grain and coal come from the Midwest and foreigh cargoes are unloaded here. New Orleans is no longer a sleepy Southern town----but it's still fun to visit. | 1636.txt | 1 |
[
"an agreement to sell Louisiana",
"a body of laws",
"a city plan",
"a military code for the army"
] | The Code Napoleon was _ . | New Orleans, Louisiana, was established as part of the French Empire in 1718.
Its location on the east bank of the Mississippi River gave it control of the American hinerland and it became strategically important to many nations. It was transferred from France to Spain, returned to France,and finally sold by Napoleon to the United States in 1803. The city was the site of a famous battle fought in 1815 between the British, who hoped to control it , and the Americans under General And rew Jackson.
The riverbed of the Mississippi is constantly silting and the river is now actually higher than the city. Levees hold back the river and giant pumps are used to move water from the city into the river.
Although New Orleans haas beena part of the United States for almost two centuries, its population takes great pride in its French heritage. Louisiana still retains parts of the Code Napoleon which,form many years,was its only law.
New Orleans is carefree city and it boasts its hot, spicy Creole seafood and its native Dixieland Jazz. The jackson Square neighborhood maintains its French colonial homes and in other sections are pre-Civil War mansions. Visitors are surprised to find that behind this interesting facade of yesteryear, is a busy industrial and port city. Grain and coal come from the Midwest and foreigh cargoes are unloaded here. New Orleans is no longer a sleepy Southern town----but it's still fun to visit. | 1636.txt | 1 |
[
"Pride in their French heritage.",
"A desire to retain picturesque colonial buildings.",
"A refusal to engage in trade and commerce",
"A praising of Dixieland Jazz."
] | Which of the following elements does not apply to the attiude of the inhabitants of New Orleans? | New Orleans, Louisiana, was established as part of the French Empire in 1718.
Its location on the east bank of the Mississippi River gave it control of the American hinerland and it became strategically important to many nations. It was transferred from France to Spain, returned to France,and finally sold by Napoleon to the United States in 1803. The city was the site of a famous battle fought in 1815 between the British, who hoped to control it , and the Americans under General And rew Jackson.
The riverbed of the Mississippi is constantly silting and the river is now actually higher than the city. Levees hold back the river and giant pumps are used to move water from the city into the river.
Although New Orleans haas beena part of the United States for almost two centuries, its population takes great pride in its French heritage. Louisiana still retains parts of the Code Napoleon which,form many years,was its only law.
New Orleans is carefree city and it boasts its hot, spicy Creole seafood and its native Dixieland Jazz. The jackson Square neighborhood maintains its French colonial homes and in other sections are pre-Civil War mansions. Visitors are surprised to find that behind this interesting facade of yesteryear, is a busy industrial and port city. Grain and coal come from the Midwest and foreigh cargoes are unloaded here. New Orleans is no longer a sleepy Southern town----but it's still fun to visit. | 1636.txt | 2 |
[
"Creole food",
"Dixieland jazz",
"bustling city",
"authentic colonial homes"
] | Tourists visiting New Orleans are surprised to encounter_ . | New Orleans, Louisiana, was established as part of the French Empire in 1718.
Its location on the east bank of the Mississippi River gave it control of the American hinerland and it became strategically important to many nations. It was transferred from France to Spain, returned to France,and finally sold by Napoleon to the United States in 1803. The city was the site of a famous battle fought in 1815 between the British, who hoped to control it , and the Americans under General And rew Jackson.
The riverbed of the Mississippi is constantly silting and the river is now actually higher than the city. Levees hold back the river and giant pumps are used to move water from the city into the river.
Although New Orleans haas beena part of the United States for almost two centuries, its population takes great pride in its French heritage. Louisiana still retains parts of the Code Napoleon which,form many years,was its only law.
New Orleans is carefree city and it boasts its hot, spicy Creole seafood and its native Dixieland Jazz. The jackson Square neighborhood maintains its French colonial homes and in other sections are pre-Civil War mansions. Visitors are surprised to find that behind this interesting facade of yesteryear, is a busy industrial and port city. Grain and coal come from the Midwest and foreigh cargoes are unloaded here. New Orleans is no longer a sleepy Southern town----but it's still fun to visit. | 1636.txt | 2 |
[
"The combination of two dictionaries into one.",
"The new approach to defining words.",
"The inclusion of cultural content.",
"The increase in the number of entries."
] | What feature sets apart the three dictionaries discussed in the passage from traditional ones? | Three English dictionaries published recently all lay claim to possessing a "ne w" feature. The BBC English Dictionary contains background information on 1,000 people and places prominent in the news since 1988; the Oxford Advanced Learner 's Dictionary: Encyclopedic Edition is the OALD plus encyclopedic entries; the L ongman Dictionary of English Language and Culture is the LDOCE plus cultural inf ormation.
The key fact is that all three dictionaries can be seen to have a distinctly "c ultural" as well as language learning content. That being said, the way in whic h they approach the cultural element is not identical, making direct comparisons between the three difficult.
While there is some common ground between the encyclopedic/cultural entries for the Oxford and Longman dictionaries, there is a clear difference. Oxford lays cl aim to being encyclopedic on content whereas Longman distinctly concentrates on the language and culture of the Englishspeaking world. The Oxford dictionary c an therefore stand more vigorous scrutiny for cultural bias than the Longman pub lication because the latter does not hesitate about viewing the rest of the worl d from the cultural perspectives of the Englishspeaking world. The cultural ob jectives of the BBC dictionary are in turn more distinct still. Based on an anal ysis of over 70 million words recorded from the BBC World Service and National P ublic Radio of Washington over a period of four years, their 1,000 brief encyclo pedic entries are based on people and places that have featured in the news rece ntly. The intended user they have in mind is a regular listener to the World Ser vice who will have a reasonable standard of English and a developed skill in list ening comprehension.
In reality, though, the BBC dictionary will be purchased by a far wider range of language learners, as will the other two dictionaries. We will be faced with a situation where many of the users of these dictionaries will at the very least h ave distinct sociocultural perspectives and may have world views which are tot ally opposed and even hostile to those of the West. Advanced learners form this kind of background will not only evaluate a dictionary on how userfriendly it is but will also have definite views about the scope and appropriateness of the various sociocultural entries. | 10.txt | 2 |
[
"its scope of cultural entries goes beyond the culture of the Englishspeaking world",
"it pays little attention to the cultural content of the nonEnglishspeaking countries",
"it views the world purely from the standpoint of the Englishspeaking people",
"it fails to distinguish language from culture in its encyclopedic entries"
] | The Longman dictionary is more likely to be criticized for cultural prejudice because _ . | Three English dictionaries published recently all lay claim to possessing a "ne w" feature. The BBC English Dictionary contains background information on 1,000 people and places prominent in the news since 1988; the Oxford Advanced Learner 's Dictionary: Encyclopedic Edition is the OALD plus encyclopedic entries; the L ongman Dictionary of English Language and Culture is the LDOCE plus cultural inf ormation.
The key fact is that all three dictionaries can be seen to have a distinctly "c ultural" as well as language learning content. That being said, the way in whic h they approach the cultural element is not identical, making direct comparisons between the three difficult.
While there is some common ground between the encyclopedic/cultural entries for the Oxford and Longman dictionaries, there is a clear difference. Oxford lays cl aim to being encyclopedic on content whereas Longman distinctly concentrates on the language and culture of the Englishspeaking world. The Oxford dictionary c an therefore stand more vigorous scrutiny for cultural bias than the Longman pub lication because the latter does not hesitate about viewing the rest of the worl d from the cultural perspectives of the Englishspeaking world. The cultural ob jectives of the BBC dictionary are in turn more distinct still. Based on an anal ysis of over 70 million words recorded from the BBC World Service and National P ublic Radio of Washington over a period of four years, their 1,000 brief encyclo pedic entries are based on people and places that have featured in the news rece ntly. The intended user they have in mind is a regular listener to the World Ser vice who will have a reasonable standard of English and a developed skill in list ening comprehension.
In reality, though, the BBC dictionary will be purchased by a far wider range of language learners, as will the other two dictionaries. We will be faced with a situation where many of the users of these dictionaries will at the very least h ave distinct sociocultural perspectives and may have world views which are tot ally opposed and even hostile to those of the West. Advanced learners form this kind of background will not only evaluate a dictionary on how userfriendly it is but will also have definite views about the scope and appropriateness of the various sociocultural entries. | 10.txt | 2 |
[
"the language levels of its users",
"the number of its prospective purchasers",
"the different tastes of its users",
"the various cultural backgrounds of its users"
] | It is implied in the last paragraph that, in approaching sociocultural content in a dictionary,social thought should be given to _ . | Three English dictionaries published recently all lay claim to possessing a "ne w" feature. The BBC English Dictionary contains background information on 1,000 people and places prominent in the news since 1988; the Oxford Advanced Learner 's Dictionary: Encyclopedic Edition is the OALD plus encyclopedic entries; the L ongman Dictionary of English Language and Culture is the LDOCE plus cultural inf ormation.
The key fact is that all three dictionaries can be seen to have a distinctly "c ultural" as well as language learning content. That being said, the way in whic h they approach the cultural element is not identical, making direct comparisons between the three difficult.
While there is some common ground between the encyclopedic/cultural entries for the Oxford and Longman dictionaries, there is a clear difference. Oxford lays cl aim to being encyclopedic on content whereas Longman distinctly concentrates on the language and culture of the Englishspeaking world. The Oxford dictionary c an therefore stand more vigorous scrutiny for cultural bias than the Longman pub lication because the latter does not hesitate about viewing the rest of the worl d from the cultural perspectives of the Englishspeaking world. The cultural ob jectives of the BBC dictionary are in turn more distinct still. Based on an anal ysis of over 70 million words recorded from the BBC World Service and National P ublic Radio of Washington over a period of four years, their 1,000 brief encyclo pedic entries are based on people and places that have featured in the news rece ntly. The intended user they have in mind is a regular listener to the World Ser vice who will have a reasonable standard of English and a developed skill in list ening comprehension.
In reality, though, the BBC dictionary will be purchased by a far wider range of language learners, as will the other two dictionaries. We will be faced with a situation where many of the users of these dictionaries will at the very least h ave distinct sociocultural perspectives and may have world views which are tot ally opposed and even hostile to those of the West. Advanced learners form this kind of background will not only evaluate a dictionary on how userfriendly it is but will also have definite views about the scope and appropriateness of the various sociocultural entries. | 10.txt | 3 |
[
"Optimistic.",
"Imaginative.",
"Ambitious.",
"Proud."
] | What does the writer think of the reporter? | Open Letter to an Editor
I had an interesting conversation with a reporter recently---one who works for you. In fact, he's one of your best reporters. He wants to leave.
Your reporter gave me a copy of his resume and photocopies of six stories that he wrote for you. The headlines showed you played them proudly. With great enthusiasm, he talked about how he finds issues , approaches them, and writes about them, which tells me he is one of your best. I'm sure you would hate to lose him. Surprisingly, your reporter is not unhappy. In fact, he told me he really likes his job. He has a great assignment , and said you run a great paper. It would be easy for you to keep him, he said. He knows that the paper values him. He appreciates the responsibility you've given him, takes ownership of his profession, and enjoys his freedom.
So why is he looking for a way out?
He talked to me because he wants his editors to demand so much more of him. He wants to be pushed, challenged, coached to new heights.
The reporter believes that good stories spring from good questions, but his editors usually ask how long the story will be, when it will be in, where it can play, and what the budget is.
He longs for conversations with an editor who will help him turn his good ideas into great ones. He wants someone to get excited about what he's doing and to help him turn his story idea upside down and inside out, exploring the best ways to report it. He wants to be more valuable for your paper. That's what you want for him, too, isn't it?
So your reporter has set me thinking.
Our best hope in keeping our best reporters, copy editors, photographers, artists---everyone--is to work harder to make sure they get the help they are demanding to reach their potential. If we can't do it, they'll find someone who can. | 2290.txt | 2 |
[
"Finding the news value of his stories.",
"Giving him financial support.",
"Helping him to find issues.",
"Improving his good ideas."
] | What does the reporter want most from his editors in their talks? | Open Letter to an Editor
I had an interesting conversation with a reporter recently---one who works for you. In fact, he's one of your best reporters. He wants to leave.
Your reporter gave me a copy of his resume and photocopies of six stories that he wrote for you. The headlines showed you played them proudly. With great enthusiasm, he talked about how he finds issues , approaches them, and writes about them, which tells me he is one of your best. I'm sure you would hate to lose him. Surprisingly, your reporter is not unhappy. In fact, he told me he really likes his job. He has a great assignment , and said you run a great paper. It would be easy for you to keep him, he said. He knows that the paper values him. He appreciates the responsibility you've given him, takes ownership of his profession, and enjoys his freedom.
So why is he looking for a way out?
He talked to me because he wants his editors to demand so much more of him. He wants to be pushed, challenged, coached to new heights.
The reporter believes that good stories spring from good questions, but his editors usually ask how long the story will be, when it will be in, where it can play, and what the budget is.
He longs for conversations with an editor who will help him turn his good ideas into great ones. He wants someone to get excited about what he's doing and to help him turn his story idea upside down and inside out, exploring the best ways to report it. He wants to be more valuable for your paper. That's what you want for him, too, isn't it?
So your reporter has set me thinking.
Our best hope in keeping our best reporters, copy editors, photographers, artists---everyone--is to work harder to make sure they get the help they are demanding to reach their potential. If we can't do it, they'll find someone who can. | 2290.txt | 3 |
[
"An editor.",
"An artist.",
"A reporter.",
"A reader."
] | Who probably wrote the letter? | Open Letter to an Editor
I had an interesting conversation with a reporter recently---one who works for you. In fact, he's one of your best reporters. He wants to leave.
Your reporter gave me a copy of his resume and photocopies of six stories that he wrote for you. The headlines showed you played them proudly. With great enthusiasm, he talked about how he finds issues , approaches them, and writes about them, which tells me he is one of your best. I'm sure you would hate to lose him. Surprisingly, your reporter is not unhappy. In fact, he told me he really likes his job. He has a great assignment , and said you run a great paper. It would be easy for you to keep him, he said. He knows that the paper values him. He appreciates the responsibility you've given him, takes ownership of his profession, and enjoys his freedom.
So why is he looking for a way out?
He talked to me because he wants his editors to demand so much more of him. He wants to be pushed, challenged, coached to new heights.
The reporter believes that good stories spring from good questions, but his editors usually ask how long the story will be, when it will be in, where it can play, and what the budget is.
He longs for conversations with an editor who will help him turn his good ideas into great ones. He wants someone to get excited about what he's doing and to help him turn his story idea upside down and inside out, exploring the best ways to report it. He wants to be more valuable for your paper. That's what you want for him, too, isn't it?
So your reporter has set me thinking.
Our best hope in keeping our best reporters, copy editors, photographers, artists---everyone--is to work harder to make sure they get the help they are demanding to reach their potential. If we can't do it, they'll find someone who can. | 2290.txt | 0 |
[
"keep their best reporters at all costs",
"give more freedom to their reporters",
"be aware of their reporters' professional development",
"appreciate their reporters' working styles and attitudes"
] | The letter aims to remind editors that they should _ . | Open Letter to an Editor
I had an interesting conversation with a reporter recently---one who works for you. In fact, he's one of your best reporters. He wants to leave.
Your reporter gave me a copy of his resume and photocopies of six stories that he wrote for you. The headlines showed you played them proudly. With great enthusiasm, he talked about how he finds issues , approaches them, and writes about them, which tells me he is one of your best. I'm sure you would hate to lose him. Surprisingly, your reporter is not unhappy. In fact, he told me he really likes his job. He has a great assignment , and said you run a great paper. It would be easy for you to keep him, he said. He knows that the paper values him. He appreciates the responsibility you've given him, takes ownership of his profession, and enjoys his freedom.
So why is he looking for a way out?
He talked to me because he wants his editors to demand so much more of him. He wants to be pushed, challenged, coached to new heights.
The reporter believes that good stories spring from good questions, but his editors usually ask how long the story will be, when it will be in, where it can play, and what the budget is.
He longs for conversations with an editor who will help him turn his good ideas into great ones. He wants someone to get excited about what he's doing and to help him turn his story idea upside down and inside out, exploring the best ways to report it. He wants to be more valuable for your paper. That's what you want for him, too, isn't it?
So your reporter has set me thinking.
Our best hope in keeping our best reporters, copy editors, photographers, artists---everyone--is to work harder to make sure they get the help they are demanding to reach their potential. If we can't do it, they'll find someone who can. | 2290.txt | 2 |
[
"gained great popularity",
"created many jobs",
"strengthened community ties",
"become an official festival"
] | According to Paragraph1, Parkrun has __________. | Every Saturday morning, at 9 am, more than 50,000 runners set off to run 5km around their local park. The Parkrun phenomenon began with a dozen friends and has inspired 400 events in the UK and more abroad. Events are free, staffed by thousands of volunteers. Runners range from four years old to grandparents；their times range from Andrew Baddeley's world record 13 minutes 48 seconds up to an hour.
Parkrun is succeeding where London's Olympic "legacy" is failing. Ten years ago on Monday, it was announced that the Games of the 30th Olympiad would be in London. Planning documents pledged that the great legacy of the Games would be to level a nation of sport lovers away from their couches. The population would be fitter, healthier and produce more winners. It has not happened. The number of adults doing weekly sport did rise, by nearly 2 million in the run-up to 2012-but the general population was growing faster. Worse, the numbers are now falling at an accelerating rate. The opposition claims primary school pupils doing at least two hours of sport a week have nearly halved. Obesity has risen among adults and children. Official retrospections continue as to why London 2012 failed to "inspire a generation." The success of Parkrun offers answers.
Parkun is not a race but a time trial: Your only competitor is the clock. The ethos welcomes anybody. There is as much joy over a puffed-out first-timer being clapped over the line as there is about top talent shining. The Olympic bidders, by contrast, wanted to get more people doing sports and to produce more elite athletes. The dual aim was mixed up: The stress on success over taking part was intimidating for newcomers.
Indeed, there is something a little absurd in the state getting involved in the planning of such a fundamentally "grassroots", concept as community sports associations. If there is a role for government, it should really be getting involved in providing common goods-making sure there is space for playing fields and the money to pave tennis and netball courts, and encouraging the provision of all these activities in schools. But successive governments have presided over selling green spaces, squeezing money from local authorities and declining attention on sport in education. Instead of wordy, worthy strategies, future governments need to do more to provide the conditions for sport to thrive. Or at least not make them worse. | 400.txt | 0 |
[
"boost population growth",
"promote sport participation",
"improve the city's image",
"increase sport hours in schools"
] | The author believes that London's Olympic "legacy" has failed to ________. | Every Saturday morning, at 9 am, more than 50,000 runners set off to run 5km around their local park. The Parkrun phenomenon began with a dozen friends and has inspired 400 events in the UK and more abroad. Events are free, staffed by thousands of volunteers. Runners range from four years old to grandparents；their times range from Andrew Baddeley's world record 13 minutes 48 seconds up to an hour.
Parkrun is succeeding where London's Olympic "legacy" is failing. Ten years ago on Monday, it was announced that the Games of the 30th Olympiad would be in London. Planning documents pledged that the great legacy of the Games would be to level a nation of sport lovers away from their couches. The population would be fitter, healthier and produce more winners. It has not happened. The number of adults doing weekly sport did rise, by nearly 2 million in the run-up to 2012-but the general population was growing faster. Worse, the numbers are now falling at an accelerating rate. The opposition claims primary school pupils doing at least two hours of sport a week have nearly halved. Obesity has risen among adults and children. Official retrospections continue as to why London 2012 failed to "inspire a generation." The success of Parkrun offers answers.
Parkun is not a race but a time trial: Your only competitor is the clock. The ethos welcomes anybody. There is as much joy over a puffed-out first-timer being clapped over the line as there is about top talent shining. The Olympic bidders, by contrast, wanted to get more people doing sports and to produce more elite athletes. The dual aim was mixed up: The stress on success over taking part was intimidating for newcomers.
Indeed, there is something a little absurd in the state getting involved in the planning of such a fundamentally "grassroots", concept as community sports associations. If there is a role for government, it should really be getting involved in providing common goods-making sure there is space for playing fields and the money to pave tennis and netball courts, and encouraging the provision of all these activities in schools. But successive governments have presided over selling green spaces, squeezing money from local authorities and declining attention on sport in education. Instead of wordy, worthy strategies, future governments need to do more to provide the conditions for sport to thrive. Or at least not make them worse. | 400.txt | 1 |
[
"aims at discovering talents",
"focuses on mass competition",
"does not emphasize elitism",
"does not attract first-timers"
] | Parkrun is different from Olympic games in that it ______. | Every Saturday morning, at 9 am, more than 50,000 runners set off to run 5km around their local park. The Parkrun phenomenon began with a dozen friends and has inspired 400 events in the UK and more abroad. Events are free, staffed by thousands of volunteers. Runners range from four years old to grandparents；their times range from Andrew Baddeley's world record 13 minutes 48 seconds up to an hour.
Parkrun is succeeding where London's Olympic "legacy" is failing. Ten years ago on Monday, it was announced that the Games of the 30th Olympiad would be in London. Planning documents pledged that the great legacy of the Games would be to level a nation of sport lovers away from their couches. The population would be fitter, healthier and produce more winners. It has not happened. The number of adults doing weekly sport did rise, by nearly 2 million in the run-up to 2012-but the general population was growing faster. Worse, the numbers are now falling at an accelerating rate. The opposition claims primary school pupils doing at least two hours of sport a week have nearly halved. Obesity has risen among adults and children. Official retrospections continue as to why London 2012 failed to "inspire a generation." The success of Parkrun offers answers.
Parkun is not a race but a time trial: Your only competitor is the clock. The ethos welcomes anybody. There is as much joy over a puffed-out first-timer being clapped over the line as there is about top talent shining. The Olympic bidders, by contrast, wanted to get more people doing sports and to produce more elite athletes. The dual aim was mixed up: The stress on success over taking part was intimidating for newcomers.
Indeed, there is something a little absurd in the state getting involved in the planning of such a fundamentally "grassroots", concept as community sports associations. If there is a role for government, it should really be getting involved in providing common goods-making sure there is space for playing fields and the money to pave tennis and netball courts, and encouraging the provision of all these activities in schools. But successive governments have presided over selling green spaces, squeezing money from local authorities and declining attention on sport in education. Instead of wordy, worthy strategies, future governments need to do more to provide the conditions for sport to thrive. Or at least not make them worse. | 400.txt | 2 |
[
"organize \"grassroots\" sports events",
"supervise local sports associations",
"increase funds for sports clubs",
"invest in public sports facilities"
] | With regard to mass sport, the author holds that governments should ________. | Every Saturday morning, at 9 am, more than 50,000 runners set off to run 5km around their local park. The Parkrun phenomenon began with a dozen friends and has inspired 400 events in the UK and more abroad. Events are free, staffed by thousands of volunteers. Runners range from four years old to grandparents；their times range from Andrew Baddeley's world record 13 minutes 48 seconds up to an hour.
Parkrun is succeeding where London's Olympic "legacy" is failing. Ten years ago on Monday, it was announced that the Games of the 30th Olympiad would be in London. Planning documents pledged that the great legacy of the Games would be to level a nation of sport lovers away from their couches. The population would be fitter, healthier and produce more winners. It has not happened. The number of adults doing weekly sport did rise, by nearly 2 million in the run-up to 2012-but the general population was growing faster. Worse, the numbers are now falling at an accelerating rate. The opposition claims primary school pupils doing at least two hours of sport a week have nearly halved. Obesity has risen among adults and children. Official retrospections continue as to why London 2012 failed to "inspire a generation." The success of Parkrun offers answers.
Parkun is not a race but a time trial: Your only competitor is the clock. The ethos welcomes anybody. There is as much joy over a puffed-out first-timer being clapped over the line as there is about top talent shining. The Olympic bidders, by contrast, wanted to get more people doing sports and to produce more elite athletes. The dual aim was mixed up: The stress on success over taking part was intimidating for newcomers.
Indeed, there is something a little absurd in the state getting involved in the planning of such a fundamentally "grassroots", concept as community sports associations. If there is a role for government, it should really be getting involved in providing common goods-making sure there is space for playing fields and the money to pave tennis and netball courts, and encouraging the provision of all these activities in schools. But successive governments have presided over selling green spaces, squeezing money from local authorities and declining attention on sport in education. Instead of wordy, worthy strategies, future governments need to do more to provide the conditions for sport to thrive. Or at least not make them worse. | 400.txt | 3 |
[
"tolerant",
"critical",
"uncertain",
"sympathetic"
] | The author's attitude to what UK governments have done for sports is ______. | Every Saturday morning, at 9 am, more than 50,000 runners set off to run 5km around their local park. The Parkrun phenomenon began with a dozen friends and has inspired 400 events in the UK and more abroad. Events are free, staffed by thousands of volunteers. Runners range from four years old to grandparents；their times range from Andrew Baddeley's world record 13 minutes 48 seconds up to an hour.
Parkrun is succeeding where London's Olympic "legacy" is failing. Ten years ago on Monday, it was announced that the Games of the 30th Olympiad would be in London. Planning documents pledged that the great legacy of the Games would be to level a nation of sport lovers away from their couches. The population would be fitter, healthier and produce more winners. It has not happened. The number of adults doing weekly sport did rise, by nearly 2 million in the run-up to 2012-but the general population was growing faster. Worse, the numbers are now falling at an accelerating rate. The opposition claims primary school pupils doing at least two hours of sport a week have nearly halved. Obesity has risen among adults and children. Official retrospections continue as to why London 2012 failed to "inspire a generation." The success of Parkrun offers answers.
Parkun is not a race but a time trial: Your only competitor is the clock. The ethos welcomes anybody. There is as much joy over a puffed-out first-timer being clapped over the line as there is about top talent shining. The Olympic bidders, by contrast, wanted to get more people doing sports and to produce more elite athletes. The dual aim was mixed up: The stress on success over taking part was intimidating for newcomers.
Indeed, there is something a little absurd in the state getting involved in the planning of such a fundamentally "grassroots", concept as community sports associations. If there is a role for government, it should really be getting involved in providing common goods-making sure there is space for playing fields and the money to pave tennis and netball courts, and encouraging the provision of all these activities in schools. But successive governments have presided over selling green spaces, squeezing money from local authorities and declining attention on sport in education. Instead of wordy, worthy strategies, future governments need to do more to provide the conditions for sport to thrive. Or at least not make them worse. | 400.txt | 1 |
[
"stay at home after leaving school",
"marry men younger than themselves",
"start working again later in life",
"marry while still at school"
] | According to the passage, it is now quite usual for women to _ . | The greatest recent social changes have been in the lives of women. During the twentieth century there has been a remarkable shortening of the proportion of a woman's life spent in caring for the children. A woman marrying at the end of the nineteenth century would probably have been in her middle twenties ? and would be likely to have seven or eight children, of whom four or five lived till they were five years old. By the time the youngest was fifteen, the mother would have been in her early fifties and would expect to live a further twenty years, during which custom, opportunity and health made it unusual for her to get paid work. Today women marry younger and have fewer children. Usually a woman's youngest child will be fifteen when she is forty-five years and is likely to take paid work until retirement at sixty. Even while she has the care of children, her work is lightened by household appliances and convenience foods.
This important change in women's life-pattern has only recently begun to have its full effect on women's economic position. Even a few years ago most girls left school at the first opportunity, and most of them took a full-time job. However, when they married, they usually left work at once and never returned to it. Today the school leaving age is sixteen, many girls stay at school after that age, and though women tend to marry younger, more married women stay at work at least until shortly before their first child is born. Very many more afterwards return to full-or-part-time work. Such changes have led to a new relationship in marriage, with the husband accepting a greater share of the duties and satisfactions of family life, and with both husband and wife sharing more equally in providing the money, and running the home, according to the abilities and interests of each of them. | 908.txt | 2 |
[
"many children died before they lived to more than five",
"seven or eight children lived to be more than five",
"the youngest child would be fifteen",
"four or five children died when they were five"
] | We are told that in an average family about 1900 _ . | The greatest recent social changes have been in the lives of women. During the twentieth century there has been a remarkable shortening of the proportion of a woman's life spent in caring for the children. A woman marrying at the end of the nineteenth century would probably have been in her middle twenties ? and would be likely to have seven or eight children, of whom four or five lived till they were five years old. By the time the youngest was fifteen, the mother would have been in her early fifties and would expect to live a further twenty years, during which custom, opportunity and health made it unusual for her to get paid work. Today women marry younger and have fewer children. Usually a woman's youngest child will be fifteen when she is forty-five years and is likely to take paid work until retirement at sixty. Even while she has the care of children, her work is lightened by household appliances and convenience foods.
This important change in women's life-pattern has only recently begun to have its full effect on women's economic position. Even a few years ago most girls left school at the first opportunity, and most of them took a full-time job. However, when they married, they usually left work at once and never returned to it. Today the school leaving age is sixteen, many girls stay at school after that age, and though women tend to marry younger, more married women stay at work at least until shortly before their first child is born. Very many more afterwards return to full-or-part-time work. Such changes have led to a new relationship in marriage, with the husband accepting a greater share of the duties and satisfactions of family life, and with both husband and wife sharing more equally in providing the money, and running the home, according to the abilities and interests of each of them. | 908.txt | 0 |
[
"give up their jobs for good after they are married",
"leave school as soon as they can",
"marry so that they can get a job",
"continue working until they are going to have a baby"
] | Many girls, the passage claims, are now likely to _ . | The greatest recent social changes have been in the lives of women. During the twentieth century there has been a remarkable shortening of the proportion of a woman's life spent in caring for the children. A woman marrying at the end of the nineteenth century would probably have been in her middle twenties ? and would be likely to have seven or eight children, of whom four or five lived till they were five years old. By the time the youngest was fifteen, the mother would have been in her early fifties and would expect to live a further twenty years, during which custom, opportunity and health made it unusual for her to get paid work. Today women marry younger and have fewer children. Usually a woman's youngest child will be fifteen when she is forty-five years and is likely to take paid work until retirement at sixty. Even while she has the care of children, her work is lightened by household appliances and convenience foods.
This important change in women's life-pattern has only recently begun to have its full effect on women's economic position. Even a few years ago most girls left school at the first opportunity, and most of them took a full-time job. However, when they married, they usually left work at once and never returned to it. Today the school leaving age is sixteen, many girls stay at school after that age, and though women tend to marry younger, more married women stay at work at least until shortly before their first child is born. Very many more afterwards return to full-or-part-time work. Such changes have led to a new relationship in marriage, with the husband accepting a greater share of the duties and satisfactions of family life, and with both husband and wife sharing more equally in providing the money, and running the home, according to the abilities and interests of each of them. | 908.txt | 3 |
[
"is younger when her children are old enough to look after .themselves",
"does not like children herself",
"need not worry about food for her children",
"can retire from family responsibilities when she reaches sixty"
] | One reason why a woman today may take a job is that she _ . | The greatest recent social changes have been in the lives of women. During the twentieth century there has been a remarkable shortening of the proportion of a woman's life spent in caring for the children. A woman marrying at the end of the nineteenth century would probably have been in her middle twenties ? and would be likely to have seven or eight children, of whom four or five lived till they were five years old. By the time the youngest was fifteen, the mother would have been in her early fifties and would expect to live a further twenty years, during which custom, opportunity and health made it unusual for her to get paid work. Today women marry younger and have fewer children. Usually a woman's youngest child will be fifteen when she is forty-five years and is likely to take paid work until retirement at sixty. Even while she has the care of children, her work is lightened by household appliances and convenience foods.
This important change in women's life-pattern has only recently begun to have its full effect on women's economic position. Even a few years ago most girls left school at the first opportunity, and most of them took a full-time job. However, when they married, they usually left work at once and never returned to it. Today the school leaving age is sixteen, many girls stay at school after that age, and though women tend to marry younger, more married women stay at work at least until shortly before their first child is born. Very many more afterwards return to full-or-part-time work. Such changes have led to a new relationship in marriage, with the husband accepting a greater share of the duties and satisfactions of family life, and with both husband and wife sharing more equally in providing the money, and running the home, according to the abilities and interests of each of them. | 908.txt | 0 |
[
"play a greater part in looking after the children",
"help his wife by doing much of the housework",
"feel dissatisfied with his role in the family",
"take a part-time job so that he can help in the home"
] | Nowadays, a husband tends to _ . | The greatest recent social changes have been in the lives of women. During the twentieth century there has been a remarkable shortening of the proportion of a woman's life spent in caring for the children. A woman marrying at the end of the nineteenth century would probably have been in her middle twenties ? and would be likely to have seven or eight children, of whom four or five lived till they were five years old. By the time the youngest was fifteen, the mother would have been in her early fifties and would expect to live a further twenty years, during which custom, opportunity and health made it unusual for her to get paid work. Today women marry younger and have fewer children. Usually a woman's youngest child will be fifteen when she is forty-five years and is likely to take paid work until retirement at sixty. Even while she has the care of children, her work is lightened by household appliances and convenience foods.
This important change in women's life-pattern has only recently begun to have its full effect on women's economic position. Even a few years ago most girls left school at the first opportunity, and most of them took a full-time job. However, when they married, they usually left work at once and never returned to it. Today the school leaving age is sixteen, many girls stay at school after that age, and though women tend to marry younger, more married women stay at work at least until shortly before their first child is born. Very many more afterwards return to full-or-part-time work. Such changes have led to a new relationship in marriage, with the husband accepting a greater share of the duties and satisfactions of family life, and with both husband and wife sharing more equally in providing the money, and running the home, according to the abilities and interests of each of them. | 908.txt | 1 |
[
"regret",
"condescension",
"expectation",
"impulse"
] | According to the passage，once in Paris one might experience all the following feelings EXCEPT | Paris is like pornography. You respond even if you don't want to. You turn a corner and see a vista, and your imagination bolts away. Suddenly you are thinking about what it would be like to live in Paris, and then you think about all the lives you have not lived. Sometimes, though, when you are lucky, you only think about how many pleasures the day ahead holds. Then, you feel privileged.
The lobby of the hotel is decorated in red and gold. It gives off a whiff of 19th century decadence. Probably as much as any hotel in Paris, this hotel is sexy. I was standing facing the revolving doors and the driveway beyond. A car with a woman in the back seat-a woman in a short skirt and black-leather jacket-pulled up before the hotel door. She swung off and she was wearing high heels. Normally, my mind would have leaped and imagined a story for this woman. Now it didn't. I stood there and told myself," Cheer up. You're in Paris."
In many ways, Paris is best visited in winter. The tourist crowds are at a minimum, and one is not being jammed off the narrow sidewalks along the Rue Dauphine. More than this, Paris is like many other European cities in that the season of blockbuster cultural events tends to begin in mid-to late fall and so，by the time of winter, most of the cultural treasures of the city are laid out to be admired.
The other great reason why Paris in winter is so much better than Paris in spring and fall is that after the end of the August holidays and the return of chic Parisian women to their city, the restaurant-opening season truly begins hopping. By winter, many of the new restaurants have worked out their kinks(；)and, once the hype has died down, it is possible to see which restaurants are actually good and which are merely noisy and crowded.
Most people are about as happy as they set their mind to being, Lincoln said. In Paris it doesn't take much to be happy. Outside the hotel, the sky was pale and felt very high up. I walked the few blocks to the Seine and began running along the blue-green river toward the Eiffel Tower. The tower in the distance was black，and felt strange and beautiful the way that many things built for the joy of building do. As I ran toward it, because of its lattice structure, the tower seemed obviously delicate. Seeing it, I felt a sense of protectiveness.
I think it was this moment of protectiveness that marked the change in my mood and my slowly becoming thrilled with being in Paris.
During winter evenings，Paris's streetlamps have a halo and resemble dandelions. In winter, when one leaves the Paris street and enters a café or restaurant，the light and temperature change suddenly and dramatically, there is the sense of having discovered something secret. In winter, because the days are short, there is an urgency to the choices one makes. There is the sense that life is short and so let us decide on what matters. | 254.txt | 0 |
[
"Fashionable Parisian women return to Paris",
"More entertainment activities are staged",
"There are more good restaurants to choose from",
"There are fewer tourists in Paris"
] | Winter is the best season to visit Paris. Which of the following does NOT support this statement? | Paris is like pornography. You respond even if you don't want to. You turn a corner and see a vista, and your imagination bolts away. Suddenly you are thinking about what it would be like to live in Paris, and then you think about all the lives you have not lived. Sometimes, though, when you are lucky, you only think about how many pleasures the day ahead holds. Then, you feel privileged.
The lobby of the hotel is decorated in red and gold. It gives off a whiff of 19th century decadence. Probably as much as any hotel in Paris, this hotel is sexy. I was standing facing the revolving doors and the driveway beyond. A car with a woman in the back seat-a woman in a short skirt and black-leather jacket-pulled up before the hotel door. She swung off and she was wearing high heels. Normally, my mind would have leaped and imagined a story for this woman. Now it didn't. I stood there and told myself," Cheer up. You're in Paris."
In many ways, Paris is best visited in winter. The tourist crowds are at a minimum, and one is not being jammed off the narrow sidewalks along the Rue Dauphine. More than this, Paris is like many other European cities in that the season of blockbuster cultural events tends to begin in mid-to late fall and so，by the time of winter, most of the cultural treasures of the city are laid out to be admired.
The other great reason why Paris in winter is so much better than Paris in spring and fall is that after the end of the August holidays and the return of chic Parisian women to their city, the restaurant-opening season truly begins hopping. By winter, many of the new restaurants have worked out their kinks(；)and, once the hype has died down, it is possible to see which restaurants are actually good and which are merely noisy and crowded.
Most people are about as happy as they set their mind to being, Lincoln said. In Paris it doesn't take much to be happy. Outside the hotel, the sky was pale and felt very high up. I walked the few blocks to the Seine and began running along the blue-green river toward the Eiffel Tower. The tower in the distance was black，and felt strange and beautiful the way that many things built for the joy of building do. As I ran toward it, because of its lattice structure, the tower seemed obviously delicate. Seeing it, I felt a sense of protectiveness.
I think it was this moment of protectiveness that marked the change in my mood and my slowly becoming thrilled with being in Paris.
During winter evenings，Paris's streetlamps have a halo and resemble dandelions. In winter, when one leaves the Paris street and enters a café or restaurant，the light and temperature change suddenly and dramatically, there is the sense of having discovered something secret. In winter, because the days are short, there is an urgency to the choices one makes. There is the sense that life is short and so let us decide on what matters. | 254.txt | 0 |
[
"expect to be happy",
"hope to be as happy as others",
"would be happier if they wanted",
"can be happy if they want"
] | "Most people are about as happy as they set their mind to being. "This statement means that most people | Paris is like pornography. You respond even if you don't want to. You turn a corner and see a vista, and your imagination bolts away. Suddenly you are thinking about what it would be like to live in Paris, and then you think about all the lives you have not lived. Sometimes, though, when you are lucky, you only think about how many pleasures the day ahead holds. Then, you feel privileged.
The lobby of the hotel is decorated in red and gold. It gives off a whiff of 19th century decadence. Probably as much as any hotel in Paris, this hotel is sexy. I was standing facing the revolving doors and the driveway beyond. A car with a woman in the back seat-a woman in a short skirt and black-leather jacket-pulled up before the hotel door. She swung off and she was wearing high heels. Normally, my mind would have leaped and imagined a story for this woman. Now it didn't. I stood there and told myself," Cheer up. You're in Paris."
In many ways, Paris is best visited in winter. The tourist crowds are at a minimum, and one is not being jammed off the narrow sidewalks along the Rue Dauphine. More than this, Paris is like many other European cities in that the season of blockbuster cultural events tends to begin in mid-to late fall and so，by the time of winter, most of the cultural treasures of the city are laid out to be admired.
The other great reason why Paris in winter is so much better than Paris in spring and fall is that after the end of the August holidays and the return of chic Parisian women to their city, the restaurant-opening season truly begins hopping. By winter, many of the new restaurants have worked out their kinks(；)and, once the hype has died down, it is possible to see which restaurants are actually good and which are merely noisy and crowded.
Most people are about as happy as they set their mind to being, Lincoln said. In Paris it doesn't take much to be happy. Outside the hotel, the sky was pale and felt very high up. I walked the few blocks to the Seine and began running along the blue-green river toward the Eiffel Tower. The tower in the distance was black，and felt strange and beautiful the way that many things built for the joy of building do. As I ran toward it, because of its lattice structure, the tower seemed obviously delicate. Seeing it, I felt a sense of protectiveness.
I think it was this moment of protectiveness that marked the change in my mood and my slowly becoming thrilled with being in Paris.
During winter evenings，Paris's streetlamps have a halo and resemble dandelions. In winter, when one leaves the Paris street and enters a café or restaurant，the light and temperature change suddenly and dramatically, there is the sense of having discovered something secret. In winter, because the days are short, there is an urgency to the choices one makes. There is the sense that life is short and so let us decide on what matters. | 254.txt | 3 |
[
"the atmosphere of its evenings",
"its implications for life",
"the contrast it brings",
"the discovery one makes"
] | In the eyes of the author, winter in Paris is significant because of | Paris is like pornography. You respond even if you don't want to. You turn a corner and see a vista, and your imagination bolts away. Suddenly you are thinking about what it would be like to live in Paris, and then you think about all the lives you have not lived. Sometimes, though, when you are lucky, you only think about how many pleasures the day ahead holds. Then, you feel privileged.
The lobby of the hotel is decorated in red and gold. It gives off a whiff of 19th century decadence. Probably as much as any hotel in Paris, this hotel is sexy. I was standing facing the revolving doors and the driveway beyond. A car with a woman in the back seat-a woman in a short skirt and black-leather jacket-pulled up before the hotel door. She swung off and she was wearing high heels. Normally, my mind would have leaped and imagined a story for this woman. Now it didn't. I stood there and told myself," Cheer up. You're in Paris."
In many ways, Paris is best visited in winter. The tourist crowds are at a minimum, and one is not being jammed off the narrow sidewalks along the Rue Dauphine. More than this, Paris is like many other European cities in that the season of blockbuster cultural events tends to begin in mid-to late fall and so，by the time of winter, most of the cultural treasures of the city are laid out to be admired.
The other great reason why Paris in winter is so much better than Paris in spring and fall is that after the end of the August holidays and the return of chic Parisian women to their city, the restaurant-opening season truly begins hopping. By winter, many of the new restaurants have worked out their kinks(；)and, once the hype has died down, it is possible to see which restaurants are actually good and which are merely noisy and crowded.
Most people are about as happy as they set their mind to being, Lincoln said. In Paris it doesn't take much to be happy. Outside the hotel, the sky was pale and felt very high up. I walked the few blocks to the Seine and began running along the blue-green river toward the Eiffel Tower. The tower in the distance was black，and felt strange and beautiful the way that many things built for the joy of building do. As I ran toward it, because of its lattice structure, the tower seemed obviously delicate. Seeing it, I felt a sense of protectiveness.
I think it was this moment of protectiveness that marked the change in my mood and my slowly becoming thrilled with being in Paris.
During winter evenings，Paris's streetlamps have a halo and resemble dandelions. In winter, when one leaves the Paris street and enters a café or restaurant，the light and temperature change suddenly and dramatically, there is the sense of having discovered something secret. In winter, because the days are short, there is an urgency to the choices one makes. There is the sense that life is short and so let us decide on what matters. | 254.txt | 1 |
[
"excitement",
"thoughtfulness",
"loneliness",
"joyfulness"
] | At the end of the passage, the author found himself in a mood of | Paris is like pornography. You respond even if you don't want to. You turn a corner and see a vista, and your imagination bolts away. Suddenly you are thinking about what it would be like to live in Paris, and then you think about all the lives you have not lived. Sometimes, though, when you are lucky, you only think about how many pleasures the day ahead holds. Then, you feel privileged.
The lobby of the hotel is decorated in red and gold. It gives off a whiff of 19th century decadence. Probably as much as any hotel in Paris, this hotel is sexy. I was standing facing the revolving doors and the driveway beyond. A car with a woman in the back seat-a woman in a short skirt and black-leather jacket-pulled up before the hotel door. She swung off and she was wearing high heels. Normally, my mind would have leaped and imagined a story for this woman. Now it didn't. I stood there and told myself," Cheer up. You're in Paris."
In many ways, Paris is best visited in winter. The tourist crowds are at a minimum, and one is not being jammed off the narrow sidewalks along the Rue Dauphine. More than this, Paris is like many other European cities in that the season of blockbuster cultural events tends to begin in mid-to late fall and so，by the time of winter, most of the cultural treasures of the city are laid out to be admired.
The other great reason why Paris in winter is so much better than Paris in spring and fall is that after the end of the August holidays and the return of chic Parisian women to their city, the restaurant-opening season truly begins hopping. By winter, many of the new restaurants have worked out their kinks(；)and, once the hype has died down, it is possible to see which restaurants are actually good and which are merely noisy and crowded.
Most people are about as happy as they set their mind to being, Lincoln said. In Paris it doesn't take much to be happy. Outside the hotel, the sky was pale and felt very high up. I walked the few blocks to the Seine and began running along the blue-green river toward the Eiffel Tower. The tower in the distance was black，and felt strange and beautiful the way that many things built for the joy of building do. As I ran toward it, because of its lattice structure, the tower seemed obviously delicate. Seeing it, I felt a sense of protectiveness.
I think it was this moment of protectiveness that marked the change in my mood and my slowly becoming thrilled with being in Paris.
During winter evenings，Paris's streetlamps have a halo and resemble dandelions. In winter, when one leaves the Paris street and enters a café or restaurant，the light and temperature change suddenly and dramatically, there is the sense of having discovered something secret. In winter, because the days are short, there is an urgency to the choices one makes. There is the sense that life is short and so let us decide on what matters. | 254.txt | 1 |
[
"Praising.",
"Critical.",
"Ironical.",
"Distaste."
] | What is the author' s attitude toward Holmes? | Holmes'Knowledge
His ignorance was as remarkable as his knowledge. Of contemporary literature, philosophy and politics he appeared to know next to nothing. Upon my quoting Thomas Carlyle, he inquired in the naivest way who he might be what he had done. My surprise reached a climax, however, when I found incidentally that he ignorant of the Copernican Theory and of the composition of the Solar system.
"You appear to be astonished,"Holmes said, smiling at my expression. "Now that I do know it I shall do my best to forget it. You see, I consider that a man's brain originally is like a little empty attic, and you have to stock it with such furniture as you choose: A fool takes in all the lumber of every sort that he comes across, so that the knowledge which might be useful to him gets crowded out, or at best jumbled up with a lot of other things, so that he has difficulty in laying his hand upon it. It is a mistake to think that the little room has elastic walls and can distend to any extent. Depend upon it, there comes a time when for every addition of knowledge you forget something that you know before. It is of the highest importance, therefore, not to have useless facts elbowing out the useful ones."
"But the Solar System!"I protested.
"What the deuce is it to me?" he interrupted impatiently.
One morning, I picked up a magazine from the table and attempted to while away the time with it, while my companion munched silently at his toast. One of the articles had a pencil mark at the heading, and I naturally began to run my eye through it.
Its somewhat ambitious title was "The Book of Life,"and it attempted to show how much an observant man might learn by an accurate and systematic examination of all that came in his way. It struck me as being a remarkable mixture of shrewdness and of absurdity. The reasoning was close and intense, but the deduction appeared to me to be far-fetched and exaggerated. The writer claimed by a momentary expression, a twitch of a muscle or a glance of an eye, to fathom a man' s inmost thought.
Deceit, according to him, was impossibility in the case of one trained to observation and analysis. His conclusions were as infallible as so many propositions of Euclid. So startling would his results appear to the uninitiated that until they learned the processes by which he had arrived at them they might well consider him as a necromancer.
"From a drop of water,"said the writer, "a logician could infer the possibility of an Atlantic. So all life is a great chain, the nature of which is known whenever we are shown a single link of it. Like all other arts, the science of Deduction and Analysis is one which can be acquired by long and patient study, nor is life long enough to allow any mortal to attain the highest possible perfection in it."
This smartly written piece of theory I could not accept until a succession of evidences justified it. | 197.txt | 0 |
[
"By deduction.",
"By explanation.",
"By contrast.",
"By analysis."
] | What way did the author take to stick out Holmes'uniqueness? | Holmes'Knowledge
His ignorance was as remarkable as his knowledge. Of contemporary literature, philosophy and politics he appeared to know next to nothing. Upon my quoting Thomas Carlyle, he inquired in the naivest way who he might be what he had done. My surprise reached a climax, however, when I found incidentally that he ignorant of the Copernican Theory and of the composition of the Solar system.
"You appear to be astonished,"Holmes said, smiling at my expression. "Now that I do know it I shall do my best to forget it. You see, I consider that a man's brain originally is like a little empty attic, and you have to stock it with such furniture as you choose: A fool takes in all the lumber of every sort that he comes across, so that the knowledge which might be useful to him gets crowded out, or at best jumbled up with a lot of other things, so that he has difficulty in laying his hand upon it. It is a mistake to think that the little room has elastic walls and can distend to any extent. Depend upon it, there comes a time when for every addition of knowledge you forget something that you know before. It is of the highest importance, therefore, not to have useless facts elbowing out the useful ones."
"But the Solar System!"I protested.
"What the deuce is it to me?" he interrupted impatiently.
One morning, I picked up a magazine from the table and attempted to while away the time with it, while my companion munched silently at his toast. One of the articles had a pencil mark at the heading, and I naturally began to run my eye through it.
Its somewhat ambitious title was "The Book of Life,"and it attempted to show how much an observant man might learn by an accurate and systematic examination of all that came in his way. It struck me as being a remarkable mixture of shrewdness and of absurdity. The reasoning was close and intense, but the deduction appeared to me to be far-fetched and exaggerated. The writer claimed by a momentary expression, a twitch of a muscle or a glance of an eye, to fathom a man' s inmost thought.
Deceit, according to him, was impossibility in the case of one trained to observation and analysis. His conclusions were as infallible as so many propositions of Euclid. So startling would his results appear to the uninitiated that until they learned the processes by which he had arrived at them they might well consider him as a necromancer.
"From a drop of water,"said the writer, "a logician could infer the possibility of an Atlantic. So all life is a great chain, the nature of which is known whenever we are shown a single link of it. Like all other arts, the science of Deduction and Analysis is one which can be acquired by long and patient study, nor is life long enough to allow any mortal to attain the highest possible perfection in it."
This smartly written piece of theory I could not accept until a succession of evidences justified it. | 197.txt | 2 |
[
"Learning what every body learned.",
"Learning what was useful to you.",
"Learning whatever you came across.",
"Learning what was different to you."
] | What was the Holmes'idea about knowledge-learning? | Holmes'Knowledge
His ignorance was as remarkable as his knowledge. Of contemporary literature, philosophy and politics he appeared to know next to nothing. Upon my quoting Thomas Carlyle, he inquired in the naivest way who he might be what he had done. My surprise reached a climax, however, when I found incidentally that he ignorant of the Copernican Theory and of the composition of the Solar system.
"You appear to be astonished,"Holmes said, smiling at my expression. "Now that I do know it I shall do my best to forget it. You see, I consider that a man's brain originally is like a little empty attic, and you have to stock it with such furniture as you choose: A fool takes in all the lumber of every sort that he comes across, so that the knowledge which might be useful to him gets crowded out, or at best jumbled up with a lot of other things, so that he has difficulty in laying his hand upon it. It is a mistake to think that the little room has elastic walls and can distend to any extent. Depend upon it, there comes a time when for every addition of knowledge you forget something that you know before. It is of the highest importance, therefore, not to have useless facts elbowing out the useful ones."
"But the Solar System!"I protested.
"What the deuce is it to me?" he interrupted impatiently.
One morning, I picked up a magazine from the table and attempted to while away the time with it, while my companion munched silently at his toast. One of the articles had a pencil mark at the heading, and I naturally began to run my eye through it.
Its somewhat ambitious title was "The Book of Life,"and it attempted to show how much an observant man might learn by an accurate and systematic examination of all that came in his way. It struck me as being a remarkable mixture of shrewdness and of absurdity. The reasoning was close and intense, but the deduction appeared to me to be far-fetched and exaggerated. The writer claimed by a momentary expression, a twitch of a muscle or a glance of an eye, to fathom a man' s inmost thought.
Deceit, according to him, was impossibility in the case of one trained to observation and analysis. His conclusions were as infallible as so many propositions of Euclid. So startling would his results appear to the uninitiated that until they learned the processes by which he had arrived at them they might well consider him as a necromancer.
"From a drop of water,"said the writer, "a logician could infer the possibility of an Atlantic. So all life is a great chain, the nature of which is known whenever we are shown a single link of it. Like all other arts, the science of Deduction and Analysis is one which can be acquired by long and patient study, nor is life long enough to allow any mortal to attain the highest possible perfection in it."
This smartly written piece of theory I could not accept until a succession of evidences justified it. | 197.txt | 1 |
[
"One may master the way of reasoning through observation.",
"One may become rather critical through observation and analysis.",
"One may become rather sharp through observation and analysis.",
"One may become practical through observation and analysis."
] | What did the article mentioned in the passage talk about? | Holmes'Knowledge
His ignorance was as remarkable as his knowledge. Of contemporary literature, philosophy and politics he appeared to know next to nothing. Upon my quoting Thomas Carlyle, he inquired in the naivest way who he might be what he had done. My surprise reached a climax, however, when I found incidentally that he ignorant of the Copernican Theory and of the composition of the Solar system.
"You appear to be astonished,"Holmes said, smiling at my expression. "Now that I do know it I shall do my best to forget it. You see, I consider that a man's brain originally is like a little empty attic, and you have to stock it with such furniture as you choose: A fool takes in all the lumber of every sort that he comes across, so that the knowledge which might be useful to him gets crowded out, or at best jumbled up with a lot of other things, so that he has difficulty in laying his hand upon it. It is a mistake to think that the little room has elastic walls and can distend to any extent. Depend upon it, there comes a time when for every addition of knowledge you forget something that you know before. It is of the highest importance, therefore, not to have useless facts elbowing out the useful ones."
"But the Solar System!"I protested.
"What the deuce is it to me?" he interrupted impatiently.
One morning, I picked up a magazine from the table and attempted to while away the time with it, while my companion munched silently at his toast. One of the articles had a pencil mark at the heading, and I naturally began to run my eye through it.
Its somewhat ambitious title was "The Book of Life,"and it attempted to show how much an observant man might learn by an accurate and systematic examination of all that came in his way. It struck me as being a remarkable mixture of shrewdness and of absurdity. The reasoning was close and intense, but the deduction appeared to me to be far-fetched and exaggerated. The writer claimed by a momentary expression, a twitch of a muscle or a glance of an eye, to fathom a man' s inmost thought.
Deceit, according to him, was impossibility in the case of one trained to observation and analysis. His conclusions were as infallible as so many propositions of Euclid. So startling would his results appear to the uninitiated that until they learned the processes by which he had arrived at them they might well consider him as a necromancer.
"From a drop of water,"said the writer, "a logician could infer the possibility of an Atlantic. So all life is a great chain, the nature of which is known whenever we are shown a single link of it. Like all other arts, the science of Deduction and Analysis is one which can be acquired by long and patient study, nor is life long enough to allow any mortal to attain the highest possible perfection in it."
This smartly written piece of theory I could not accept until a succession of evidences justified it. | 197.txt | 2 |
[
"confrontation",
"dissatisfaction",
"separation",
"contempt"
] | The word "schism" (Line 4, Paragraph 1) in the context probably means . | Science has long had an uneasy relationship with other aspects of culture. Think of Gallileo's 17th-century trial for his rebelling belief before the Catholic Church or poet William Blake's harsh remarks against the mechanistic worldview of Isaac Newton. The schism between science and the humanities has, if anything, deepened in this century.
Until recently, the scientific community was so powerful that it could afford to ignore its critics -- but no longer. As funding for science has declined, scientists have attacked "anti-science" in several books, notably Higher Superstition, by Paul R. Gross, a biologist at the University of Virginia, and Norman Levitt, a mathematician at Rutgers University; and The Demon-Haunted World, by Carl Sagan of Cornell University.
Defenders of science have also voiced their concerns at meetings such as "The Flight from Science and Reason," held in New York City in 1995, and "Science in the Age of (Mis) information," which assembled last June near Buffalo.
Anti-science clearly means different things to different people. Gross and Levitt find fault primarily with sociologists, philosophers and other academics who have questioned science's objectivity. Sagan is more concerned with those who believe in ghosts, creationism and other phenomena that contradict the scientific worldview.
A survey of news stories in 1996 reveals that the anti-science tag has been attached to many other groups as well, from authorities who advocated the elimination of the last remaining stocks of smallpox virus to Republicans who advocated decreased funding for basic research.
Few would dispute that the term applies to the Unabomber, whose manifesto, published in 1995, scorns science and longs for return to a pre-technological utopia. But surely that does not mean environmentalists concerned about uncontrolled industrial growth are anti-science, as an essay in US News & World Report last May seemed to suggest.
The environmentalists, inevitably, respond to such critics. The true enemies of science, argues Paul Ehrlich of Stanford University, a pioneer of environmental studies, are those who question the evidence supporting global warming, the depletion of the ozone layer and other consequences of industrial growth.
Indeed, some observers fear that the anti-science epithet is in danger of becoming meaningless. "The term ‘anti-science' can lump together too many, quite different things," notes Harvard University philosopher Gerald Holton in his 1993 work Science and Anti-Science.
"They have in common only one thing that they tend to annoy or threaten those who regard themselves as more enlightened." | 1091.txt | 2 |
[
"discuss the cause of the decline of science's power",
"show the author's sympathy with scientists",
"explain the way in which science develops",
"exemplify the division of science and the humanities"
] | Paragraphs 2 and 3 are written to . | Science has long had an uneasy relationship with other aspects of culture. Think of Gallileo's 17th-century trial for his rebelling belief before the Catholic Church or poet William Blake's harsh remarks against the mechanistic worldview of Isaac Newton. The schism between science and the humanities has, if anything, deepened in this century.
Until recently, the scientific community was so powerful that it could afford to ignore its critics -- but no longer. As funding for science has declined, scientists have attacked "anti-science" in several books, notably Higher Superstition, by Paul R. Gross, a biologist at the University of Virginia, and Norman Levitt, a mathematician at Rutgers University; and The Demon-Haunted World, by Carl Sagan of Cornell University.
Defenders of science have also voiced their concerns at meetings such as "The Flight from Science and Reason," held in New York City in 1995, and "Science in the Age of (Mis) information," which assembled last June near Buffalo.
Anti-science clearly means different things to different people. Gross and Levitt find fault primarily with sociologists, philosophers and other academics who have questioned science's objectivity. Sagan is more concerned with those who believe in ghosts, creationism and other phenomena that contradict the scientific worldview.
A survey of news stories in 1996 reveals that the anti-science tag has been attached to many other groups as well, from authorities who advocated the elimination of the last remaining stocks of smallpox virus to Republicans who advocated decreased funding for basic research.
Few would dispute that the term applies to the Unabomber, whose manifesto, published in 1995, scorns science and longs for return to a pre-technological utopia. But surely that does not mean environmentalists concerned about uncontrolled industrial growth are anti-science, as an essay in US News & World Report last May seemed to suggest.
The environmentalists, inevitably, respond to such critics. The true enemies of science, argues Paul Ehrlich of Stanford University, a pioneer of environmental studies, are those who question the evidence supporting global warming, the depletion of the ozone layer and other consequences of industrial growth.
Indeed, some observers fear that the anti-science epithet is in danger of becoming meaningless. "The term ‘anti-science' can lump together too many, quite different things," notes Harvard University philosopher Gerald Holton in his 1993 work Science and Anti-Science.
"They have in common only one thing that they tend to annoy or threaten those who regard themselves as more enlightened." | 1091.txt | 3 |
[
"Environmentalists were blamed for anti-science in an essay.",
"Politicians are not subject to the labeling of anti-science.",
"The \"more enlightened\" tend to tag others as anti-science.",
"Tagging environmentalists as \"anti-science\" is justifiable."
] | Which of the following is true according to the passage? | Science has long had an uneasy relationship with other aspects of culture. Think of Gallileo's 17th-century trial for his rebelling belief before the Catholic Church or poet William Blake's harsh remarks against the mechanistic worldview of Isaac Newton. The schism between science and the humanities has, if anything, deepened in this century.
Until recently, the scientific community was so powerful that it could afford to ignore its critics -- but no longer. As funding for science has declined, scientists have attacked "anti-science" in several books, notably Higher Superstition, by Paul R. Gross, a biologist at the University of Virginia, and Norman Levitt, a mathematician at Rutgers University; and The Demon-Haunted World, by Carl Sagan of Cornell University.
Defenders of science have also voiced their concerns at meetings such as "The Flight from Science and Reason," held in New York City in 1995, and "Science in the Age of (Mis) information," which assembled last June near Buffalo.
Anti-science clearly means different things to different people. Gross and Levitt find fault primarily with sociologists, philosophers and other academics who have questioned science's objectivity. Sagan is more concerned with those who believe in ghosts, creationism and other phenomena that contradict the scientific worldview.
A survey of news stories in 1996 reveals that the anti-science tag has been attached to many other groups as well, from authorities who advocated the elimination of the last remaining stocks of smallpox virus to Republicans who advocated decreased funding for basic research.
Few would dispute that the term applies to the Unabomber, whose manifesto, published in 1995, scorns science and longs for return to a pre-technological utopia. But surely that does not mean environmentalists concerned about uncontrolled industrial growth are anti-science, as an essay in US News & World Report last May seemed to suggest.
The environmentalists, inevitably, respond to such critics. The true enemies of science, argues Paul Ehrlich of Stanford University, a pioneer of environmental studies, are those who question the evidence supporting global warming, the depletion of the ozone layer and other consequences of industrial growth.
Indeed, some observers fear that the anti-science epithet is in danger of becoming meaningless. "The term ‘anti-science' can lump together too many, quite different things," notes Harvard University philosopher Gerald Holton in his 1993 work Science and Anti-Science.
"They have in common only one thing that they tend to annoy or threaten those who regard themselves as more enlightened." | 1091.txt | 0 |
[
"impartial",
"subjective",
"biased",
"puzzling"
] | The author's attitude toward the issue of "science vs. anti-science" is . | Science has long had an uneasy relationship with other aspects of culture. Think of Gallileo's 17th-century trial for his rebelling belief before the Catholic Church or poet William Blake's harsh remarks against the mechanistic worldview of Isaac Newton. The schism between science and the humanities has, if anything, deepened in this century.
Until recently, the scientific community was so powerful that it could afford to ignore its critics -- but no longer. As funding for science has declined, scientists have attacked "anti-science" in several books, notably Higher Superstition, by Paul R. Gross, a biologist at the University of Virginia, and Norman Levitt, a mathematician at Rutgers University; and The Demon-Haunted World, by Carl Sagan of Cornell University.
Defenders of science have also voiced their concerns at meetings such as "The Flight from Science and Reason," held in New York City in 1995, and "Science in the Age of (Mis) information," which assembled last June near Buffalo.
Anti-science clearly means different things to different people. Gross and Levitt find fault primarily with sociologists, philosophers and other academics who have questioned science's objectivity. Sagan is more concerned with those who believe in ghosts, creationism and other phenomena that contradict the scientific worldview.
A survey of news stories in 1996 reveals that the anti-science tag has been attached to many other groups as well, from authorities who advocated the elimination of the last remaining stocks of smallpox virus to Republicans who advocated decreased funding for basic research.
Few would dispute that the term applies to the Unabomber, whose manifesto, published in 1995, scorns science and longs for return to a pre-technological utopia. But surely that does not mean environmentalists concerned about uncontrolled industrial growth are anti-science, as an essay in US News & World Report last May seemed to suggest.
The environmentalists, inevitably, respond to such critics. The true enemies of science, argues Paul Ehrlich of Stanford University, a pioneer of environmental studies, are those who question the evidence supporting global warming, the depletion of the ozone layer and other consequences of industrial growth.
Indeed, some observers fear that the anti-science epithet is in danger of becoming meaningless. "The term ‘anti-science' can lump together too many, quite different things," notes Harvard University philosopher Gerald Holton in his 1993 work Science and Anti-Science.
"They have in common only one thing that they tend to annoy or threaten those who regard themselves as more enlightened." | 1091.txt | 0 |
[
"person who has a strange habit",
"famous person all over the world",
"healthy man",
"man who lived a long life"
] | The man the writer tells us about is a _ . | The 17th-century Irish farmer Rober Cook was the most unusual person in County Waterford. he always wore white linen. His underwear, night clothes and shirts were all in white, and so were his suits, coats and hats. He became so famous for his clothes and his love for white that he was known all over Ireland as "Linen Cook".
He refused to have any brown cows in the field of his farm at Cappoquin and even his horses had to be the same pure white as his clothes.
Cook was a eager vegetarian and refused to eat the flesh of any animal or to wear anything produced by an animal.
A fox which attacked his chickens was not killed when it was caught. Instead, he gave it a talk on the evils of murder, then offered it a sporting chance by making it run through a line of his farm workers, who had sticks.
Cook had a long and healthy life and showed that "water for drink, vegetables for food and linen and other plant life for clothing were enough to live on."
He died in 1726 when he was over eighty years old and was buried in a white linen shroud . | 918.txt | 0 |
[
"he wasn't married all his life",
"he didn't wear leather shoes or woolen clothes",
"he disliked the colour brown most",
"he died at the age of 80"
] | From the passage we can know that _ . | The 17th-century Irish farmer Rober Cook was the most unusual person in County Waterford. he always wore white linen. His underwear, night clothes and shirts were all in white, and so were his suits, coats and hats. He became so famous for his clothes and his love for white that he was known all over Ireland as "Linen Cook".
He refused to have any brown cows in the field of his farm at Cappoquin and even his horses had to be the same pure white as his clothes.
Cook was a eager vegetarian and refused to eat the flesh of any animal or to wear anything produced by an animal.
A fox which attacked his chickens was not killed when it was caught. Instead, he gave it a talk on the evils of murder, then offered it a sporting chance by making it run through a line of his farm workers, who had sticks.
Cook had a long and healthy life and showed that "water for drink, vegetables for food and linen and other plant life for clothing were enough to live on."
He died in 1726 when he was over eighty years old and was buried in a white linen shroud . | 918.txt | 1 |
[
"buy animals",
"kill animals",
"eat animals",
"keep animals"
] | "Vegetarians"are people who do not _ . | The 17th-century Irish farmer Rober Cook was the most unusual person in County Waterford. he always wore white linen. His underwear, night clothes and shirts were all in white, and so were his suits, coats and hats. He became so famous for his clothes and his love for white that he was known all over Ireland as "Linen Cook".
He refused to have any brown cows in the field of his farm at Cappoquin and even his horses had to be the same pure white as his clothes.
Cook was a eager vegetarian and refused to eat the flesh of any animal or to wear anything produced by an animal.
A fox which attacked his chickens was not killed when it was caught. Instead, he gave it a talk on the evils of murder, then offered it a sporting chance by making it run through a line of his farm workers, who had sticks.
Cook had a long and healthy life and showed that "water for drink, vegetables for food and linen and other plant life for clothing were enough to live on."
He died in 1726 when he was over eighty years old and was buried in a white linen shroud . | 918.txt | 2 |
[
"it could understand what it did was bad after Robert gave it a talk on the evils of murder.",
"it had sports together with Robert's farm workers",
"it was given a chance to run away",
"it had got a beat from Robert's farm workers"
] | We can inferred from the passage that the fox wasn't killed by Robert Cook, but perhaps _ . | The 17th-century Irish farmer Rober Cook was the most unusual person in County Waterford. he always wore white linen. His underwear, night clothes and shirts were all in white, and so were his suits, coats and hats. He became so famous for his clothes and his love for white that he was known all over Ireland as "Linen Cook".
He refused to have any brown cows in the field of his farm at Cappoquin and even his horses had to be the same pure white as his clothes.
Cook was a eager vegetarian and refused to eat the flesh of any animal or to wear anything produced by an animal.
A fox which attacked his chickens was not killed when it was caught. Instead, he gave it a talk on the evils of murder, then offered it a sporting chance by making it run through a line of his farm workers, who had sticks.
Cook had a long and healthy life and showed that "water for drink, vegetables for food and linen and other plant life for clothing were enough to live on."
He died in 1726 when he was over eighty years old and was buried in a white linen shroud . | 918.txt | 3 |
[
"the conclusion drawn by the writer",
"the words of Robert Cook",
"a saying",
"the belief of a certain famous person"
] | "water for drink, vegetables for food and linen and other plant life for clothing were enough to live on." That is _ . | The 17th-century Irish farmer Rober Cook was the most unusual person in County Waterford. he always wore white linen. His underwear, night clothes and shirts were all in white, and so were his suits, coats and hats. He became so famous for his clothes and his love for white that he was known all over Ireland as "Linen Cook".
He refused to have any brown cows in the field of his farm at Cappoquin and even his horses had to be the same pure white as his clothes.
Cook was a eager vegetarian and refused to eat the flesh of any animal or to wear anything produced by an animal.
A fox which attacked his chickens was not killed when it was caught. Instead, he gave it a talk on the evils of murder, then offered it a sporting chance by making it run through a line of his farm workers, who had sticks.
Cook had a long and healthy life and showed that "water for drink, vegetables for food and linen and other plant life for clothing were enough to live on."
He died in 1726 when he was over eighty years old and was buried in a white linen shroud . | 918.txt | 1 |
[
"A large increase in food production led to industrialization.",
"Population changes occurred at the same pace in the major regions.",
"The standard of living rose to the level of that in most parts of the world.",
"The tremendous rise in population led to greater agricultural output in every region."
] | According to paragraph 1, which of the following is true about Europe in the nineteenth century? | Because of industrialization, but also because of a vast increase in agricultural output without which industrialization would have been impossible, Western Europeans by the latter half of the nineteenth century enjoyed higher standards of living and longer, healthier lives than most of the world's peoples. In Europe as a whole, the population rose from 188 million in 1800 to 400 million in 1900. By 1900, virtually every area of Europe had contributed to the tremendous surge of population, but each major region was at a different stage of demographic change.
Improvements in the food supply continued trends that had started in the late seventeenth century. New lands were put under cultivation, while the use of crops of American origin, particularly the potato, continued to expand. Setbacks did occur. Regional agricultural failures were the most common cause of economic recessions until 1850, and they could lead to localized famine as well. A major potato blight (disease) in 1846-1847 led to the deaths of at least one million persons in Ireland and the emigration of another million, and Ireland never recovered the population levels the potato had sustained to that point. Bad grain harvests at the same time led to increased hardship throughout much of Europe.
After 1850, however, the expansion of foods more regularly kept pace with population growth, though the poorer classes remained malnourished. Two developments were crucial. First, the application of science and new technology to agriculture increased. Led by German universities, increasing research was devoted to improving seeds, developing chemical fertilizers, and advancing livestock. After 1861, with the development of land-grant universities in the United States that had huge agricultural programs, American crop-production research added to this mix. Mechanization included the use of horse-drawn harvesters and seed drills, many developed initially in the United States. It also included mechanical cream separators and other food-processing devices that improved supply.
The second development involved industrially based transportation. With trains and steam shipping, it became possible to move foods to needy regions within Western Europe quickly. Famine (as opposed to malnutrition) became a thing of the past. Many Western European countries, headed by Britain, began also to import increasing amounts of food, not only from Eastern Europe, a traditional source, but also from the Americas, Australia, and New Zealand. Steam shipping, which improved speed and capacity, as well as new procedures for canning and refrigerating foods (particularly after 1870), was fundamental to these developments.
Europe's population growth included one additional innovation by the nineteenth century: it combined with rapid urbanization. More and more Western Europeans moved from countryside to city, and big cities grew most rapidly of all. By 1850, over half of all the people in England lived in cities, a first in human history. In one sense, this pattern seems inevitable growing numbers of people pressed available resources on the land, even when farmwork was combined with a bit of manufacturing, so people crowded into cities seeking work or other resources. Traditionally, however, death rates in cities surpassed those in the countryside by a large margin; cities had maintained population only through steady in-migration. Thus rapid urbanization should have reduced overall population growth, but by the middle of the nineteenth century this was no longer the case. Urban death rates remained high, particularly in the lower-class slums, but they began to decline rapidly.
The greater reliability of food supplies was a factor in the decline of urban death rates. Even more important were the gains in urban sanitation, as well as measures such as inspection of housing. Reformers, including enlightened doctors, began to study the causes of high death rates and to urge remediation. Even before the discovery of germs, beliefs that disease spread by "miasmas" (noxious forms of bad air) prompted attention to sewers and open garbage; Edwin Chadwick led an exemplary urban crusade for underground sewers in England in the 1830s. Gradually, public health provisions began to cut into customary urban mortality rates. By 1900, in some parts of Western Europe life expectancy in the cities began to surpass that of the rural areas. Industrial societies had figured out ways to combine large and growing cities with population growth, a development that would soon spread to other parts of the world. | 1011.txt | 0 |
[
"Replacement of seventeenth-century farming techniques with more modern ones",
"Improved grain harvests in most European countries",
"Reduced demand for food as a result of a decreased population",
"Use of new land to grow crops"
] | According to paragraph 2, which of the following caused the food supply to increase in most of Western Europe during the nineteenth century? | Because of industrialization, but also because of a vast increase in agricultural output without which industrialization would have been impossible, Western Europeans by the latter half of the nineteenth century enjoyed higher standards of living and longer, healthier lives than most of the world's peoples. In Europe as a whole, the population rose from 188 million in 1800 to 400 million in 1900. By 1900, virtually every area of Europe had contributed to the tremendous surge of population, but each major region was at a different stage of demographic change.
Improvements in the food supply continued trends that had started in the late seventeenth century. New lands were put under cultivation, while the use of crops of American origin, particularly the potato, continued to expand. Setbacks did occur. Regional agricultural failures were the most common cause of economic recessions until 1850, and they could lead to localized famine as well. A major potato blight (disease) in 1846-1847 led to the deaths of at least one million persons in Ireland and the emigration of another million, and Ireland never recovered the population levels the potato had sustained to that point. Bad grain harvests at the same time led to increased hardship throughout much of Europe.
After 1850, however, the expansion of foods more regularly kept pace with population growth, though the poorer classes remained malnourished. Two developments were crucial. First, the application of science and new technology to agriculture increased. Led by German universities, increasing research was devoted to improving seeds, developing chemical fertilizers, and advancing livestock. After 1861, with the development of land-grant universities in the United States that had huge agricultural programs, American crop-production research added to this mix. Mechanization included the use of horse-drawn harvesters and seed drills, many developed initially in the United States. It also included mechanical cream separators and other food-processing devices that improved supply.
The second development involved industrially based transportation. With trains and steam shipping, it became possible to move foods to needy regions within Western Europe quickly. Famine (as opposed to malnutrition) became a thing of the past. Many Western European countries, headed by Britain, began also to import increasing amounts of food, not only from Eastern Europe, a traditional source, but also from the Americas, Australia, and New Zealand. Steam shipping, which improved speed and capacity, as well as new procedures for canning and refrigerating foods (particularly after 1870), was fundamental to these developments.
Europe's population growth included one additional innovation by the nineteenth century: it combined with rapid urbanization. More and more Western Europeans moved from countryside to city, and big cities grew most rapidly of all. By 1850, over half of all the people in England lived in cities, a first in human history. In one sense, this pattern seems inevitable growing numbers of people pressed available resources on the land, even when farmwork was combined with a bit of manufacturing, so people crowded into cities seeking work or other resources. Traditionally, however, death rates in cities surpassed those in the countryside by a large margin; cities had maintained population only through steady in-migration. Thus rapid urbanization should have reduced overall population growth, but by the middle of the nineteenth century this was no longer the case. Urban death rates remained high, particularly in the lower-class slums, but they began to decline rapidly.
The greater reliability of food supplies was a factor in the decline of urban death rates. Even more important were the gains in urban sanitation, as well as measures such as inspection of housing. Reformers, including enlightened doctors, began to study the causes of high death rates and to urge remediation. Even before the discovery of germs, beliefs that disease spread by "miasmas" (noxious forms of bad air) prompted attention to sewers and open garbage; Edwin Chadwick led an exemplary urban crusade for underground sewers in England in the 1830s. Gradually, public health provisions began to cut into customary urban mortality rates. By 1900, in some parts of Western Europe life expectancy in the cities began to surpass that of the rural areas. Industrial societies had figured out ways to combine large and growing cities with population growth, a development that would soon spread to other parts of the world. | 1011.txt | 3 |
[
"To identify a crop that was more successful in the United States than it was in Western Europe",
"To support a claim about regional agricultural failures",
"To give an example of a problematic trend that had started in the late seventeenth century",
"To provide evidence that many countries in Europe experienced a loss of population in the nineteenth century"
] | In paragraph 2, why does the author mention the potato blight that occurred in Ireland? | Because of industrialization, but also because of a vast increase in agricultural output without which industrialization would have been impossible, Western Europeans by the latter half of the nineteenth century enjoyed higher standards of living and longer, healthier lives than most of the world's peoples. In Europe as a whole, the population rose from 188 million in 1800 to 400 million in 1900. By 1900, virtually every area of Europe had contributed to the tremendous surge of population, but each major region was at a different stage of demographic change.
Improvements in the food supply continued trends that had started in the late seventeenth century. New lands were put under cultivation, while the use of crops of American origin, particularly the potato, continued to expand. Setbacks did occur. Regional agricultural failures were the most common cause of economic recessions until 1850, and they could lead to localized famine as well. A major potato blight (disease) in 1846-1847 led to the deaths of at least one million persons in Ireland and the emigration of another million, and Ireland never recovered the population levels the potato had sustained to that point. Bad grain harvests at the same time led to increased hardship throughout much of Europe.
After 1850, however, the expansion of foods more regularly kept pace with population growth, though the poorer classes remained malnourished. Two developments were crucial. First, the application of science and new technology to agriculture increased. Led by German universities, increasing research was devoted to improving seeds, developing chemical fertilizers, and advancing livestock. After 1861, with the development of land-grant universities in the United States that had huge agricultural programs, American crop-production research added to this mix. Mechanization included the use of horse-drawn harvesters and seed drills, many developed initially in the United States. It also included mechanical cream separators and other food-processing devices that improved supply.
The second development involved industrially based transportation. With trains and steam shipping, it became possible to move foods to needy regions within Western Europe quickly. Famine (as opposed to malnutrition) became a thing of the past. Many Western European countries, headed by Britain, began also to import increasing amounts of food, not only from Eastern Europe, a traditional source, but also from the Americas, Australia, and New Zealand. Steam shipping, which improved speed and capacity, as well as new procedures for canning and refrigerating foods (particularly after 1870), was fundamental to these developments.
Europe's population growth included one additional innovation by the nineteenth century: it combined with rapid urbanization. More and more Western Europeans moved from countryside to city, and big cities grew most rapidly of all. By 1850, over half of all the people in England lived in cities, a first in human history. In one sense, this pattern seems inevitable growing numbers of people pressed available resources on the land, even when farmwork was combined with a bit of manufacturing, so people crowded into cities seeking work or other resources. Traditionally, however, death rates in cities surpassed those in the countryside by a large margin; cities had maintained population only through steady in-migration. Thus rapid urbanization should have reduced overall population growth, but by the middle of the nineteenth century this was no longer the case. Urban death rates remained high, particularly in the lower-class slums, but they began to decline rapidly.
The greater reliability of food supplies was a factor in the decline of urban death rates. Even more important were the gains in urban sanitation, as well as measures such as inspection of housing. Reformers, including enlightened doctors, began to study the causes of high death rates and to urge remediation. Even before the discovery of germs, beliefs that disease spread by "miasmas" (noxious forms of bad air) prompted attention to sewers and open garbage; Edwin Chadwick led an exemplary urban crusade for underground sewers in England in the 1830s. Gradually, public health provisions began to cut into customary urban mortality rates. By 1900, in some parts of Western Europe life expectancy in the cities began to surpass that of the rural areas. Industrial societies had figured out ways to combine large and growing cities with population growth, a development that would soon spread to other parts of the world. | 1011.txt | 1 |
[
"exceeded",
"matched the increase in",
"increased the rate of",
"caused"
] | The phrase "kept pace with" in the passage is closest in meaning to | Because of industrialization, but also because of a vast increase in agricultural output without which industrialization would have been impossible, Western Europeans by the latter half of the nineteenth century enjoyed higher standards of living and longer, healthier lives than most of the world's peoples. In Europe as a whole, the population rose from 188 million in 1800 to 400 million in 1900. By 1900, virtually every area of Europe had contributed to the tremendous surge of population, but each major region was at a different stage of demographic change.
Improvements in the food supply continued trends that had started in the late seventeenth century. New lands were put under cultivation, while the use of crops of American origin, particularly the potato, continued to expand. Setbacks did occur. Regional agricultural failures were the most common cause of economic recessions until 1850, and they could lead to localized famine as well. A major potato blight (disease) in 1846-1847 led to the deaths of at least one million persons in Ireland and the emigration of another million, and Ireland never recovered the population levels the potato had sustained to that point. Bad grain harvests at the same time led to increased hardship throughout much of Europe.
After 1850, however, the expansion of foods more regularly kept pace with population growth, though the poorer classes remained malnourished. Two developments were crucial. First, the application of science and new technology to agriculture increased. Led by German universities, increasing research was devoted to improving seeds, developing chemical fertilizers, and advancing livestock. After 1861, with the development of land-grant universities in the United States that had huge agricultural programs, American crop-production research added to this mix. Mechanization included the use of horse-drawn harvesters and seed drills, many developed initially in the United States. It also included mechanical cream separators and other food-processing devices that improved supply.
The second development involved industrially based transportation. With trains and steam shipping, it became possible to move foods to needy regions within Western Europe quickly. Famine (as opposed to malnutrition) became a thing of the past. Many Western European countries, headed by Britain, began also to import increasing amounts of food, not only from Eastern Europe, a traditional source, but also from the Americas, Australia, and New Zealand. Steam shipping, which improved speed and capacity, as well as new procedures for canning and refrigerating foods (particularly after 1870), was fundamental to these developments.
Europe's population growth included one additional innovation by the nineteenth century: it combined with rapid urbanization. More and more Western Europeans moved from countryside to city, and big cities grew most rapidly of all. By 1850, over half of all the people in England lived in cities, a first in human history. In one sense, this pattern seems inevitable growing numbers of people pressed available resources on the land, even when farmwork was combined with a bit of manufacturing, so people crowded into cities seeking work or other resources. Traditionally, however, death rates in cities surpassed those in the countryside by a large margin; cities had maintained population only through steady in-migration. Thus rapid urbanization should have reduced overall population growth, but by the middle of the nineteenth century this was no longer the case. Urban death rates remained high, particularly in the lower-class slums, but they began to decline rapidly.
The greater reliability of food supplies was a factor in the decline of urban death rates. Even more important were the gains in urban sanitation, as well as measures such as inspection of housing. Reformers, including enlightened doctors, began to study the causes of high death rates and to urge remediation. Even before the discovery of germs, beliefs that disease spread by "miasmas" (noxious forms of bad air) prompted attention to sewers and open garbage; Edwin Chadwick led an exemplary urban crusade for underground sewers in England in the 1830s. Gradually, public health provisions began to cut into customary urban mortality rates. By 1900, in some parts of Western Europe life expectancy in the cities began to surpass that of the rural areas. Industrial societies had figured out ways to combine large and growing cities with population growth, a development that would soon spread to other parts of the world. | 1011.txt | 1 |
[
"increased agricultural research in Germany",
"introduction of new crops",
"development of food-processing devices",
"agricultural programs in universities in the United States"
] | According to paragraph 3 all of the following factors helped the supply of food meet the needs of a growing population EXCEPT | Because of industrialization, but also because of a vast increase in agricultural output without which industrialization would have been impossible, Western Europeans by the latter half of the nineteenth century enjoyed higher standards of living and longer, healthier lives than most of the world's peoples. In Europe as a whole, the population rose from 188 million in 1800 to 400 million in 1900. By 1900, virtually every area of Europe had contributed to the tremendous surge of population, but each major region was at a different stage of demographic change.
Improvements in the food supply continued trends that had started in the late seventeenth century. New lands were put under cultivation, while the use of crops of American origin, particularly the potato, continued to expand. Setbacks did occur. Regional agricultural failures were the most common cause of economic recessions until 1850, and they could lead to localized famine as well. A major potato blight (disease) in 1846-1847 led to the deaths of at least one million persons in Ireland and the emigration of another million, and Ireland never recovered the population levels the potato had sustained to that point. Bad grain harvests at the same time led to increased hardship throughout much of Europe.
After 1850, however, the expansion of foods more regularly kept pace with population growth, though the poorer classes remained malnourished. Two developments were crucial. First, the application of science and new technology to agriculture increased. Led by German universities, increasing research was devoted to improving seeds, developing chemical fertilizers, and advancing livestock. After 1861, with the development of land-grant universities in the United States that had huge agricultural programs, American crop-production research added to this mix. Mechanization included the use of horse-drawn harvesters and seed drills, many developed initially in the United States. It also included mechanical cream separators and other food-processing devices that improved supply.
The second development involved industrially based transportation. With trains and steam shipping, it became possible to move foods to needy regions within Western Europe quickly. Famine (as opposed to malnutrition) became a thing of the past. Many Western European countries, headed by Britain, began also to import increasing amounts of food, not only from Eastern Europe, a traditional source, but also from the Americas, Australia, and New Zealand. Steam shipping, which improved speed and capacity, as well as new procedures for canning and refrigerating foods (particularly after 1870), was fundamental to these developments.
Europe's population growth included one additional innovation by the nineteenth century: it combined with rapid urbanization. More and more Western Europeans moved from countryside to city, and big cities grew most rapidly of all. By 1850, over half of all the people in England lived in cities, a first in human history. In one sense, this pattern seems inevitable growing numbers of people pressed available resources on the land, even when farmwork was combined with a bit of manufacturing, so people crowded into cities seeking work or other resources. Traditionally, however, death rates in cities surpassed those in the countryside by a large margin; cities had maintained population only through steady in-migration. Thus rapid urbanization should have reduced overall population growth, but by the middle of the nineteenth century this was no longer the case. Urban death rates remained high, particularly in the lower-class slums, but they began to decline rapidly.
The greater reliability of food supplies was a factor in the decline of urban death rates. Even more important were the gains in urban sanitation, as well as measures such as inspection of housing. Reformers, including enlightened doctors, began to study the causes of high death rates and to urge remediation. Even before the discovery of germs, beliefs that disease spread by "miasmas" (noxious forms of bad air) prompted attention to sewers and open garbage; Edwin Chadwick led an exemplary urban crusade for underground sewers in England in the 1830s. Gradually, public health provisions began to cut into customary urban mortality rates. By 1900, in some parts of Western Europe life expectancy in the cities began to surpass that of the rural areas. Industrial societies had figured out ways to combine large and growing cities with population growth, a development that would soon spread to other parts of the world. | 1011.txt | 1 |
[
"variety of goods",
"distance",
"reliability",
"available storage space"
] | The word "capacity" in the passage is closest in meaning to | Because of industrialization, but also because of a vast increase in agricultural output without which industrialization would have been impossible, Western Europeans by the latter half of the nineteenth century enjoyed higher standards of living and longer, healthier lives than most of the world's peoples. In Europe as a whole, the population rose from 188 million in 1800 to 400 million in 1900. By 1900, virtually every area of Europe had contributed to the tremendous surge of population, but each major region was at a different stage of demographic change.
Improvements in the food supply continued trends that had started in the late seventeenth century. New lands were put under cultivation, while the use of crops of American origin, particularly the potato, continued to expand. Setbacks did occur. Regional agricultural failures were the most common cause of economic recessions until 1850, and they could lead to localized famine as well. A major potato blight (disease) in 1846-1847 led to the deaths of at least one million persons in Ireland and the emigration of another million, and Ireland never recovered the population levels the potato had sustained to that point. Bad grain harvests at the same time led to increased hardship throughout much of Europe.
After 1850, however, the expansion of foods more regularly kept pace with population growth, though the poorer classes remained malnourished. Two developments were crucial. First, the application of science and new technology to agriculture increased. Led by German universities, increasing research was devoted to improving seeds, developing chemical fertilizers, and advancing livestock. After 1861, with the development of land-grant universities in the United States that had huge agricultural programs, American crop-production research added to this mix. Mechanization included the use of horse-drawn harvesters and seed drills, many developed initially in the United States. It also included mechanical cream separators and other food-processing devices that improved supply.
The second development involved industrially based transportation. With trains and steam shipping, it became possible to move foods to needy regions within Western Europe quickly. Famine (as opposed to malnutrition) became a thing of the past. Many Western European countries, headed by Britain, began also to import increasing amounts of food, not only from Eastern Europe, a traditional source, but also from the Americas, Australia, and New Zealand. Steam shipping, which improved speed and capacity, as well as new procedures for canning and refrigerating foods (particularly after 1870), was fundamental to these developments.
Europe's population growth included one additional innovation by the nineteenth century: it combined with rapid urbanization. More and more Western Europeans moved from countryside to city, and big cities grew most rapidly of all. By 1850, over half of all the people in England lived in cities, a first in human history. In one sense, this pattern seems inevitable growing numbers of people pressed available resources on the land, even when farmwork was combined with a bit of manufacturing, so people crowded into cities seeking work or other resources. Traditionally, however, death rates in cities surpassed those in the countryside by a large margin; cities had maintained population only through steady in-migration. Thus rapid urbanization should have reduced overall population growth, but by the middle of the nineteenth century this was no longer the case. Urban death rates remained high, particularly in the lower-class slums, but they began to decline rapidly.
The greater reliability of food supplies was a factor in the decline of urban death rates. Even more important were the gains in urban sanitation, as well as measures such as inspection of housing. Reformers, including enlightened doctors, began to study the causes of high death rates and to urge remediation. Even before the discovery of germs, beliefs that disease spread by "miasmas" (noxious forms of bad air) prompted attention to sewers and open garbage; Edwin Chadwick led an exemplary urban crusade for underground sewers in England in the 1830s. Gradually, public health provisions began to cut into customary urban mortality rates. By 1900, in some parts of Western Europe life expectancy in the cities began to surpass that of the rural areas. Industrial societies had figured out ways to combine large and growing cities with population growth, a development that would soon spread to other parts of the world. | 1011.txt | 3 |
[
"the decline of malnutrition",
"the construction of more food-storage facilities",
"faster means of transportation",
"improved agricultural methods in Eastern Europe"
] | According to paragraph 4, famine became less of a problem in Western Europe during the nineteenth century because of | Because of industrialization, but also because of a vast increase in agricultural output without which industrialization would have been impossible, Western Europeans by the latter half of the nineteenth century enjoyed higher standards of living and longer, healthier lives than most of the world's peoples. In Europe as a whole, the population rose from 188 million in 1800 to 400 million in 1900. By 1900, virtually every area of Europe had contributed to the tremendous surge of population, but each major region was at a different stage of demographic change.
Improvements in the food supply continued trends that had started in the late seventeenth century. New lands were put under cultivation, while the use of crops of American origin, particularly the potato, continued to expand. Setbacks did occur. Regional agricultural failures were the most common cause of economic recessions until 1850, and they could lead to localized famine as well. A major potato blight (disease) in 1846-1847 led to the deaths of at least one million persons in Ireland and the emigration of another million, and Ireland never recovered the population levels the potato had sustained to that point. Bad grain harvests at the same time led to increased hardship throughout much of Europe.
After 1850, however, the expansion of foods more regularly kept pace with population growth, though the poorer classes remained malnourished. Two developments were crucial. First, the application of science and new technology to agriculture increased. Led by German universities, increasing research was devoted to improving seeds, developing chemical fertilizers, and advancing livestock. After 1861, with the development of land-grant universities in the United States that had huge agricultural programs, American crop-production research added to this mix. Mechanization included the use of horse-drawn harvesters and seed drills, many developed initially in the United States. It also included mechanical cream separators and other food-processing devices that improved supply.
The second development involved industrially based transportation. With trains and steam shipping, it became possible to move foods to needy regions within Western Europe quickly. Famine (as opposed to malnutrition) became a thing of the past. Many Western European countries, headed by Britain, began also to import increasing amounts of food, not only from Eastern Europe, a traditional source, but also from the Americas, Australia, and New Zealand. Steam shipping, which improved speed and capacity, as well as new procedures for canning and refrigerating foods (particularly after 1870), was fundamental to these developments.
Europe's population growth included one additional innovation by the nineteenth century: it combined with rapid urbanization. More and more Western Europeans moved from countryside to city, and big cities grew most rapidly of all. By 1850, over half of all the people in England lived in cities, a first in human history. In one sense, this pattern seems inevitable growing numbers of people pressed available resources on the land, even when farmwork was combined with a bit of manufacturing, so people crowded into cities seeking work or other resources. Traditionally, however, death rates in cities surpassed those in the countryside by a large margin; cities had maintained population only through steady in-migration. Thus rapid urbanization should have reduced overall population growth, but by the middle of the nineteenth century this was no longer the case. Urban death rates remained high, particularly in the lower-class slums, but they began to decline rapidly.
The greater reliability of food supplies was a factor in the decline of urban death rates. Even more important were the gains in urban sanitation, as well as measures such as inspection of housing. Reformers, including enlightened doctors, began to study the causes of high death rates and to urge remediation. Even before the discovery of germs, beliefs that disease spread by "miasmas" (noxious forms of bad air) prompted attention to sewers and open garbage; Edwin Chadwick led an exemplary urban crusade for underground sewers in England in the 1830s. Gradually, public health provisions began to cut into customary urban mortality rates. By 1900, in some parts of Western Europe life expectancy in the cities began to surpass that of the rural areas. Industrial societies had figured out ways to combine large and growing cities with population growth, a development that would soon spread to other parts of the world. | 1011.txt | 2 |
[
"unexplainable",
"undesirable",
"unavoidable",
"unpredictable"
] | The word "inevitable" in the passage is closest in meaning to | Because of industrialization, but also because of a vast increase in agricultural output without which industrialization would have been impossible, Western Europeans by the latter half of the nineteenth century enjoyed higher standards of living and longer, healthier lives than most of the world's peoples. In Europe as a whole, the population rose from 188 million in 1800 to 400 million in 1900. By 1900, virtually every area of Europe had contributed to the tremendous surge of population, but each major region was at a different stage of demographic change.
Improvements in the food supply continued trends that had started in the late seventeenth century. New lands were put under cultivation, while the use of crops of American origin, particularly the potato, continued to expand. Setbacks did occur. Regional agricultural failures were the most common cause of economic recessions until 1850, and they could lead to localized famine as well. A major potato blight (disease) in 1846-1847 led to the deaths of at least one million persons in Ireland and the emigration of another million, and Ireland never recovered the population levels the potato had sustained to that point. Bad grain harvests at the same time led to increased hardship throughout much of Europe.
After 1850, however, the expansion of foods more regularly kept pace with population growth, though the poorer classes remained malnourished. Two developments were crucial. First, the application of science and new technology to agriculture increased. Led by German universities, increasing research was devoted to improving seeds, developing chemical fertilizers, and advancing livestock. After 1861, with the development of land-grant universities in the United States that had huge agricultural programs, American crop-production research added to this mix. Mechanization included the use of horse-drawn harvesters and seed drills, many developed initially in the United States. It also included mechanical cream separators and other food-processing devices that improved supply.
The second development involved industrially based transportation. With trains and steam shipping, it became possible to move foods to needy regions within Western Europe quickly. Famine (as opposed to malnutrition) became a thing of the past. Many Western European countries, headed by Britain, began also to import increasing amounts of food, not only from Eastern Europe, a traditional source, but also from the Americas, Australia, and New Zealand. Steam shipping, which improved speed and capacity, as well as new procedures for canning and refrigerating foods (particularly after 1870), was fundamental to these developments.
Europe's population growth included one additional innovation by the nineteenth century: it combined with rapid urbanization. More and more Western Europeans moved from countryside to city, and big cities grew most rapidly of all. By 1850, over half of all the people in England lived in cities, a first in human history. In one sense, this pattern seems inevitable growing numbers of people pressed available resources on the land, even when farmwork was combined with a bit of manufacturing, so people crowded into cities seeking work or other resources. Traditionally, however, death rates in cities surpassed those in the countryside by a large margin; cities had maintained population only through steady in-migration. Thus rapid urbanization should have reduced overall population growth, but by the middle of the nineteenth century this was no longer the case. Urban death rates remained high, particularly in the lower-class slums, but they began to decline rapidly.
The greater reliability of food supplies was a factor in the decline of urban death rates. Even more important were the gains in urban sanitation, as well as measures such as inspection of housing. Reformers, including enlightened doctors, began to study the causes of high death rates and to urge remediation. Even before the discovery of germs, beliefs that disease spread by "miasmas" (noxious forms of bad air) prompted attention to sewers and open garbage; Edwin Chadwick led an exemplary urban crusade for underground sewers in England in the 1830s. Gradually, public health provisions began to cut into customary urban mortality rates. By 1900, in some parts of Western Europe life expectancy in the cities began to surpass that of the rural areas. Industrial societies had figured out ways to combine large and growing cities with population growth, a development that would soon spread to other parts of the world. | 1011.txt | 2 |
[
"The destruction of many farms due to bad harvests",
"The reduction in the amount of good-quality farmland",
"The rise in death rates in the countryside",
"The lack of jobs in the countryside"
] | According to paragraph 5, which of the following factors led to rapid urbanization in the first half of the nineteenth century? | Because of industrialization, but also because of a vast increase in agricultural output without which industrialization would have been impossible, Western Europeans by the latter half of the nineteenth century enjoyed higher standards of living and longer, healthier lives than most of the world's peoples. In Europe as a whole, the population rose from 188 million in 1800 to 400 million in 1900. By 1900, virtually every area of Europe had contributed to the tremendous surge of population, but each major region was at a different stage of demographic change.
Improvements in the food supply continued trends that had started in the late seventeenth century. New lands were put under cultivation, while the use of crops of American origin, particularly the potato, continued to expand. Setbacks did occur. Regional agricultural failures were the most common cause of economic recessions until 1850, and they could lead to localized famine as well. A major potato blight (disease) in 1846-1847 led to the deaths of at least one million persons in Ireland and the emigration of another million, and Ireland never recovered the population levels the potato had sustained to that point. Bad grain harvests at the same time led to increased hardship throughout much of Europe.
After 1850, however, the expansion of foods more regularly kept pace with population growth, though the poorer classes remained malnourished. Two developments were crucial. First, the application of science and new technology to agriculture increased. Led by German universities, increasing research was devoted to improving seeds, developing chemical fertilizers, and advancing livestock. After 1861, with the development of land-grant universities in the United States that had huge agricultural programs, American crop-production research added to this mix. Mechanization included the use of horse-drawn harvesters and seed drills, many developed initially in the United States. It also included mechanical cream separators and other food-processing devices that improved supply.
The second development involved industrially based transportation. With trains and steam shipping, it became possible to move foods to needy regions within Western Europe quickly. Famine (as opposed to malnutrition) became a thing of the past. Many Western European countries, headed by Britain, began also to import increasing amounts of food, not only from Eastern Europe, a traditional source, but also from the Americas, Australia, and New Zealand. Steam shipping, which improved speed and capacity, as well as new procedures for canning and refrigerating foods (particularly after 1870), was fundamental to these developments.
Europe's population growth included one additional innovation by the nineteenth century: it combined with rapid urbanization. More and more Western Europeans moved from countryside to city, and big cities grew most rapidly of all. By 1850, over half of all the people in England lived in cities, a first in human history. In one sense, this pattern seems inevitable growing numbers of people pressed available resources on the land, even when farmwork was combined with a bit of manufacturing, so people crowded into cities seeking work or other resources. Traditionally, however, death rates in cities surpassed those in the countryside by a large margin; cities had maintained population only through steady in-migration. Thus rapid urbanization should have reduced overall population growth, but by the middle of the nineteenth century this was no longer the case. Urban death rates remained high, particularly in the lower-class slums, but they began to decline rapidly.
The greater reliability of food supplies was a factor in the decline of urban death rates. Even more important were the gains in urban sanitation, as well as measures such as inspection of housing. Reformers, including enlightened doctors, began to study the causes of high death rates and to urge remediation. Even before the discovery of germs, beliefs that disease spread by "miasmas" (noxious forms of bad air) prompted attention to sewers and open garbage; Edwin Chadwick led an exemplary urban crusade for underground sewers in England in the 1830s. Gradually, public health provisions began to cut into customary urban mortality rates. By 1900, in some parts of Western Europe life expectancy in the cities began to surpass that of the rural areas. Industrial societies had figured out ways to combine large and growing cities with population growth, a development that would soon spread to other parts of the world. | 1011.txt | 3 |
[
"exceed",
"influence",
"equal",
"differ from"
] | The word "surpass" in the passage is closest in meaning to | Because of industrialization, but also because of a vast increase in agricultural output without which industrialization would have been impossible, Western Europeans by the latter half of the nineteenth century enjoyed higher standards of living and longer, healthier lives than most of the world's peoples. In Europe as a whole, the population rose from 188 million in 1800 to 400 million in 1900. By 1900, virtually every area of Europe had contributed to the tremendous surge of population, but each major region was at a different stage of demographic change.
Improvements in the food supply continued trends that had started in the late seventeenth century. New lands were put under cultivation, while the use of crops of American origin, particularly the potato, continued to expand. Setbacks did occur. Regional agricultural failures were the most common cause of economic recessions until 1850, and they could lead to localized famine as well. A major potato blight (disease) in 1846-1847 led to the deaths of at least one million persons in Ireland and the emigration of another million, and Ireland never recovered the population levels the potato had sustained to that point. Bad grain harvests at the same time led to increased hardship throughout much of Europe.
After 1850, however, the expansion of foods more regularly kept pace with population growth, though the poorer classes remained malnourished. Two developments were crucial. First, the application of science and new technology to agriculture increased. Led by German universities, increasing research was devoted to improving seeds, developing chemical fertilizers, and advancing livestock. After 1861, with the development of land-grant universities in the United States that had huge agricultural programs, American crop-production research added to this mix. Mechanization included the use of horse-drawn harvesters and seed drills, many developed initially in the United States. It also included mechanical cream separators and other food-processing devices that improved supply.
The second development involved industrially based transportation. With trains and steam shipping, it became possible to move foods to needy regions within Western Europe quickly. Famine (as opposed to malnutrition) became a thing of the past. Many Western European countries, headed by Britain, began also to import increasing amounts of food, not only from Eastern Europe, a traditional source, but also from the Americas, Australia, and New Zealand. Steam shipping, which improved speed and capacity, as well as new procedures for canning and refrigerating foods (particularly after 1870), was fundamental to these developments.
Europe's population growth included one additional innovation by the nineteenth century: it combined with rapid urbanization. More and more Western Europeans moved from countryside to city, and big cities grew most rapidly of all. By 1850, over half of all the people in England lived in cities, a first in human history. In one sense, this pattern seems inevitable growing numbers of people pressed available resources on the land, even when farmwork was combined with a bit of manufacturing, so people crowded into cities seeking work or other resources. Traditionally, however, death rates in cities surpassed those in the countryside by a large margin; cities had maintained population only through steady in-migration. Thus rapid urbanization should have reduced overall population growth, but by the middle of the nineteenth century this was no longer the case. Urban death rates remained high, particularly in the lower-class slums, but they began to decline rapidly.
The greater reliability of food supplies was a factor in the decline of urban death rates. Even more important were the gains in urban sanitation, as well as measures such as inspection of housing. Reformers, including enlightened doctors, began to study the causes of high death rates and to urge remediation. Even before the discovery of germs, beliefs that disease spread by "miasmas" (noxious forms of bad air) prompted attention to sewers and open garbage; Edwin Chadwick led an exemplary urban crusade for underground sewers in England in the 1830s. Gradually, public health provisions began to cut into customary urban mortality rates. By 1900, in some parts of Western Europe life expectancy in the cities began to surpass that of the rural areas. Industrial societies had figured out ways to combine large and growing cities with population growth, a development that would soon spread to other parts of the world. | 1011.txt | 0 |
[
"They became common in most of Western Europe in the 1830s.",
"They helped reduce deaths caused by disease in cities.",
"They led to the discovery that disease could be caused by germs.",
"They encouraged people to leave rural areas and move to the cities."
] | Which of the following can be inferred from paragraph 6 about underground sewers? | Because of industrialization, but also because of a vast increase in agricultural output without which industrialization would have been impossible, Western Europeans by the latter half of the nineteenth century enjoyed higher standards of living and longer, healthier lives than most of the world's peoples. In Europe as a whole, the population rose from 188 million in 1800 to 400 million in 1900. By 1900, virtually every area of Europe had contributed to the tremendous surge of population, but each major region was at a different stage of demographic change.
Improvements in the food supply continued trends that had started in the late seventeenth century. New lands were put under cultivation, while the use of crops of American origin, particularly the potato, continued to expand. Setbacks did occur. Regional agricultural failures were the most common cause of economic recessions until 1850, and they could lead to localized famine as well. A major potato blight (disease) in 1846-1847 led to the deaths of at least one million persons in Ireland and the emigration of another million, and Ireland never recovered the population levels the potato had sustained to that point. Bad grain harvests at the same time led to increased hardship throughout much of Europe.
After 1850, however, the expansion of foods more regularly kept pace with population growth, though the poorer classes remained malnourished. Two developments were crucial. First, the application of science and new technology to agriculture increased. Led by German universities, increasing research was devoted to improving seeds, developing chemical fertilizers, and advancing livestock. After 1861, with the development of land-grant universities in the United States that had huge agricultural programs, American crop-production research added to this mix. Mechanization included the use of horse-drawn harvesters and seed drills, many developed initially in the United States. It also included mechanical cream separators and other food-processing devices that improved supply.
The second development involved industrially based transportation. With trains and steam shipping, it became possible to move foods to needy regions within Western Europe quickly. Famine (as opposed to malnutrition) became a thing of the past. Many Western European countries, headed by Britain, began also to import increasing amounts of food, not only from Eastern Europe, a traditional source, but also from the Americas, Australia, and New Zealand. Steam shipping, which improved speed and capacity, as well as new procedures for canning and refrigerating foods (particularly after 1870), was fundamental to these developments.
Europe's population growth included one additional innovation by the nineteenth century: it combined with rapid urbanization. More and more Western Europeans moved from countryside to city, and big cities grew most rapidly of all. By 1850, over half of all the people in England lived in cities, a first in human history. In one sense, this pattern seems inevitable growing numbers of people pressed available resources on the land, even when farmwork was combined with a bit of manufacturing, so people crowded into cities seeking work or other resources. Traditionally, however, death rates in cities surpassed those in the countryside by a large margin; cities had maintained population only through steady in-migration. Thus rapid urbanization should have reduced overall population growth, but by the middle of the nineteenth century this was no longer the case. Urban death rates remained high, particularly in the lower-class slums, but they began to decline rapidly.
The greater reliability of food supplies was a factor in the decline of urban death rates. Even more important were the gains in urban sanitation, as well as measures such as inspection of housing. Reformers, including enlightened doctors, began to study the causes of high death rates and to urge remediation. Even before the discovery of germs, beliefs that disease spread by "miasmas" (noxious forms of bad air) prompted attention to sewers and open garbage; Edwin Chadwick led an exemplary urban crusade for underground sewers in England in the 1830s. Gradually, public health provisions began to cut into customary urban mortality rates. By 1900, in some parts of Western Europe life expectancy in the cities began to surpass that of the rural areas. Industrial societies had figured out ways to combine large and growing cities with population growth, a development that would soon spread to other parts of the world. | 1011.txt | 1 |
[
"the greater reliability of food supplies",
"improvements in sanitation",
"advances in the treatment of disease",
"provisions for inspecting houses"
] | Paragraph 6 mentions all of the following as factors that contributed to the rapid decline of urban death rates EXCEPT | Because of industrialization, but also because of a vast increase in agricultural output without which industrialization would have been impossible, Western Europeans by the latter half of the nineteenth century enjoyed higher standards of living and longer, healthier lives than most of the world's peoples. In Europe as a whole, the population rose from 188 million in 1800 to 400 million in 1900. By 1900, virtually every area of Europe had contributed to the tremendous surge of population, but each major region was at a different stage of demographic change.
Improvements in the food supply continued trends that had started in the late seventeenth century. New lands were put under cultivation, while the use of crops of American origin, particularly the potato, continued to expand. Setbacks did occur. Regional agricultural failures were the most common cause of economic recessions until 1850, and they could lead to localized famine as well. A major potato blight (disease) in 1846-1847 led to the deaths of at least one million persons in Ireland and the emigration of another million, and Ireland never recovered the population levels the potato had sustained to that point. Bad grain harvests at the same time led to increased hardship throughout much of Europe.
After 1850, however, the expansion of foods more regularly kept pace with population growth, though the poorer classes remained malnourished. Two developments were crucial. First, the application of science and new technology to agriculture increased. Led by German universities, increasing research was devoted to improving seeds, developing chemical fertilizers, and advancing livestock. After 1861, with the development of land-grant universities in the United States that had huge agricultural programs, American crop-production research added to this mix. Mechanization included the use of horse-drawn harvesters and seed drills, many developed initially in the United States. It also included mechanical cream separators and other food-processing devices that improved supply.
The second development involved industrially based transportation. With trains and steam shipping, it became possible to move foods to needy regions within Western Europe quickly. Famine (as opposed to malnutrition) became a thing of the past. Many Western European countries, headed by Britain, began also to import increasing amounts of food, not only from Eastern Europe, a traditional source, but also from the Americas, Australia, and New Zealand. Steam shipping, which improved speed and capacity, as well as new procedures for canning and refrigerating foods (particularly after 1870), was fundamental to these developments.
Europe's population growth included one additional innovation by the nineteenth century: it combined with rapid urbanization. More and more Western Europeans moved from countryside to city, and big cities grew most rapidly of all. By 1850, over half of all the people in England lived in cities, a first in human history. In one sense, this pattern seems inevitable growing numbers of people pressed available resources on the land, even when farmwork was combined with a bit of manufacturing, so people crowded into cities seeking work or other resources. Traditionally, however, death rates in cities surpassed those in the countryside by a large margin; cities had maintained population only through steady in-migration. Thus rapid urbanization should have reduced overall population growth, but by the middle of the nineteenth century this was no longer the case. Urban death rates remained high, particularly in the lower-class slums, but they began to decline rapidly.
The greater reliability of food supplies was a factor in the decline of urban death rates. Even more important were the gains in urban sanitation, as well as measures such as inspection of housing. Reformers, including enlightened doctors, began to study the causes of high death rates and to urge remediation. Even before the discovery of germs, beliefs that disease spread by "miasmas" (noxious forms of bad air) prompted attention to sewers and open garbage; Edwin Chadwick led an exemplary urban crusade for underground sewers in England in the 1830s. Gradually, public health provisions began to cut into customary urban mortality rates. By 1900, in some parts of Western Europe life expectancy in the cities began to surpass that of the rural areas. Industrial societies had figured out ways to combine large and growing cities with population growth, a development that would soon spread to other parts of the world. | 1011.txt | 2 |
[
"to tell people how to raise greyhounds",
"to let people know more about greyhounds",
"to explain why greyhounds are aggressive",
"to describe greyhounds of different colors"
] | The text is written mainly _ . | Most people think of racing when they see greyhounds and believe they need lots of exercise. They can actually be quiet lazy! Greyhounds are good at fast races but not long-distance running. They do need regular exercise but they like to run for a short burst and then get back on the bed or a comfortable seat. Another misunderstanding is that greyhounds must be aggressive because they are big in size. In fact greyhounds love people and are gentle with children.
Greyhounds can live for 12-14 years but usually only race for two or three years, and after that they make great pets. They don't need a lot of space, don't make a lot of noise, and don't eat a lot for their size.
Normally, greyhounds can be as tall as 90 cm. There is, however, a small-sized greyhound, which stands only 33 cm. Greyhounds come in a variety of colors. Grey and yellowish-brown are the most common. Others include black, white, blue, red and brown or a mix of these.
Greyhounds have smooth body coats, low body fat and are very healthy. Because they're slimthey don't have the leg problems like other dogs the same height. But they do feel the cold, especially since they would much rather be at home in bed than walking around outside. | 985.txt | 1 |
[
"love big doghouses",
"like staying in bed all day",
"make the best guard dogs",
"need some exercise outdoors"
] | It can be inferred that greyhounds _ . | Most people think of racing when they see greyhounds and believe they need lots of exercise. They can actually be quiet lazy! Greyhounds are good at fast races but not long-distance running. They do need regular exercise but they like to run for a short burst and then get back on the bed or a comfortable seat. Another misunderstanding is that greyhounds must be aggressive because they are big in size. In fact greyhounds love people and are gentle with children.
Greyhounds can live for 12-14 years but usually only race for two or three years, and after that they make great pets. They don't need a lot of space, don't make a lot of noise, and don't eat a lot for their size.
Normally, greyhounds can be as tall as 90 cm. There is, however, a small-sized greyhound, which stands only 33 cm. Greyhounds come in a variety of colors. Grey and yellowish-brown are the most common. Others include black, white, blue, red and brown or a mix of these.
Greyhounds have smooth body coats, low body fat and are very healthy. Because they're slimthey don't have the leg problems like other dogs the same height. But they do feel the cold, especially since they would much rather be at home in bed than walking around outside. | 985.txt | 3 |
[
"They are big in size.",
"They live a very long life.",
"They can run races for some time.",
"They are quiet and easy to look after."
] | Why does the author say that greyhounds make great pets? | Most people think of racing when they see greyhounds and believe they need lots of exercise. They can actually be quiet lazy! Greyhounds are good at fast races but not long-distance running. They do need regular exercise but they like to run for a short burst and then get back on the bed or a comfortable seat. Another misunderstanding is that greyhounds must be aggressive because they are big in size. In fact greyhounds love people and are gentle with children.
Greyhounds can live for 12-14 years but usually only race for two or three years, and after that they make great pets. They don't need a lot of space, don't make a lot of noise, and don't eat a lot for their size.
Normally, greyhounds can be as tall as 90 cm. There is, however, a small-sized greyhound, which stands only 33 cm. Greyhounds come in a variety of colors. Grey and yellowish-brown are the most common. Others include black, white, blue, red and brown or a mix of these.
Greyhounds have smooth body coats, low body fat and are very healthy. Because they're slimthey don't have the leg problems like other dogs the same height. But they do feel the cold, especially since they would much rather be at home in bed than walking around outside. | 985.txt | 3 |
[
"to keep it slim",
"to keep it warm",
"to take special care of its legs",
"to take it to animal doctors regularly"
] | If you keep a pet greyhound, it is important _ . | Most people think of racing when they see greyhounds and believe they need lots of exercise. They can actually be quiet lazy! Greyhounds are good at fast races but not long-distance running. They do need regular exercise but they like to run for a short burst and then get back on the bed or a comfortable seat. Another misunderstanding is that greyhounds must be aggressive because they are big in size. In fact greyhounds love people and are gentle with children.
Greyhounds can live for 12-14 years but usually only race for two or three years, and after that they make great pets. They don't need a lot of space, don't make a lot of noise, and don't eat a lot for their size.
Normally, greyhounds can be as tall as 90 cm. There is, however, a small-sized greyhound, which stands only 33 cm. Greyhounds come in a variety of colors. Grey and yellowish-brown are the most common. Others include black, white, blue, red and brown or a mix of these.
Greyhounds have smooth body coats, low body fat and are very healthy. Because they're slimthey don't have the leg problems like other dogs the same height. But they do feel the cold, especially since they would much rather be at home in bed than walking around outside. | 985.txt | 1 |
[
"Of course , it loves me , since I love it.",
"If I love it , it should love me.",
"I hope it will bring me a safe sailing as a return for my love of it.",
"I hope it will save my life when I am in time of danger."
] | When Fiona McFee said "---I just hope it loves me." What she meant was _ . | Sixty-year-old grandmother, Fiona McFee, is going to stop working next year and she decided to realize a childhood dream and sail around the coast of Scotland in a small boat. Although the inside of the boat is very cosy it has no running water or electricity. Fiona says she can live without these things but she plans to take her small CD player, her hot water bottle and a bag of books to make sure life isn't too uncomfortable.
We asked her if she was afraid of being at sea for so long. She said, "Well, I'm going to take a good compass . Anyway I'm not afraid of death because I love the sea---I just hope it loves me." Fiona certainly has plenty of energy; in her spare time, she enjoys playing the piano, rock-climbing, canoeing and dancing. Although she is sixty, she doesn't want to have a quiet and peaceful life. "I'm looking forward to having fun in the rest of my life and that's exactly why I'd like to be a sailor for a while." | 979.txt | 2 |
[
"she thinks it will be very exciting",
"she likes sports and enjoys canoeing",
"she has decided to realize a childhood dream",
"she wants to be still active when she gets old"
] | The reason why she would like to have the sail is that _ . | Sixty-year-old grandmother, Fiona McFee, is going to stop working next year and she decided to realize a childhood dream and sail around the coast of Scotland in a small boat. Although the inside of the boat is very cosy it has no running water or electricity. Fiona says she can live without these things but she plans to take her small CD player, her hot water bottle and a bag of books to make sure life isn't too uncomfortable.
We asked her if she was afraid of being at sea for so long. She said, "Well, I'm going to take a good compass . Anyway I'm not afraid of death because I love the sea---I just hope it loves me." Fiona certainly has plenty of energy; in her spare time, she enjoys playing the piano, rock-climbing, canoeing and dancing. Although she is sixty, she doesn't want to have a quiet and peaceful life. "I'm looking forward to having fun in the rest of my life and that's exactly why I'd like to be a sailor for a while." | 979.txt | 3 |
[
"Someone who does not show what she is feeling.",
"Someone who is very proud and sure of her success.",
"Someone who doesn't use her head much.",
"Someone who is open , honest and brave."
] | What kind of person would you say the old woman is ? | Sixty-year-old grandmother, Fiona McFee, is going to stop working next year and she decided to realize a childhood dream and sail around the coast of Scotland in a small boat. Although the inside of the boat is very cosy it has no running water or electricity. Fiona says she can live without these things but she plans to take her small CD player, her hot water bottle and a bag of books to make sure life isn't too uncomfortable.
We asked her if she was afraid of being at sea for so long. She said, "Well, I'm going to take a good compass . Anyway I'm not afraid of death because I love the sea---I just hope it loves me." Fiona certainly has plenty of energy; in her spare time, she enjoys playing the piano, rock-climbing, canoeing and dancing. Although she is sixty, she doesn't want to have a quiet and peaceful life. "I'm looking forward to having fun in the rest of my life and that's exactly why I'd like to be a sailor for a while." | 979.txt | 3 |
[
"Life Begins at Sixty",
"A Round Coast Sail",
"An Old Woman Sailor",
"An Unusual Hobby"
] | The best title for this passage is _ . | Sixty-year-old grandmother, Fiona McFee, is going to stop working next year and she decided to realize a childhood dream and sail around the coast of Scotland in a small boat. Although the inside of the boat is very cosy it has no running water or electricity. Fiona says she can live without these things but she plans to take her small CD player, her hot water bottle and a bag of books to make sure life isn't too uncomfortable.
We asked her if she was afraid of being at sea for so long. She said, "Well, I'm going to take a good compass . Anyway I'm not afraid of death because I love the sea---I just hope it loves me." Fiona certainly has plenty of energy; in her spare time, she enjoys playing the piano, rock-climbing, canoeing and dancing. Although she is sixty, she doesn't want to have a quiet and peaceful life. "I'm looking forward to having fun in the rest of my life and that's exactly why I'd like to be a sailor for a while." | 979.txt | 0 |
[
"they are derived from a branch of early Neanderthals called Homo heidelbergensis.",
"they are existent descendant of Homo neanderthalensis.",
"they are Homo sapiens's closest relatives.",
"they are officially named Homo neanderthalensis in the academic circle."
] | Which one of the following statements is NOT true of Neanderthal men? | If you found yourself in a cocktail bar with a Neanderthal man, what would he say? A good conversation is one of the great joys of being human, but it is not clear just how far back in the hominid lineage the ability to use language stretches. The question of when grunts and yelps turned into words and phrases is a tricky one. One way of trying to answer it is to look in the fossil record for evidence about what modern humanity's closest relatives could do.
Svante Pääbo, of the Max Planck Institute for Evolutionary Anthropology in Leipzig, and his colleagues have done just that. Dr Pääbo is an expert in extracting and interpreting the DNA of fossils. As he reports in the latest issue of Current Biology, he and his team have worked their magic on a gene called FOXP2 found in Neanderthal remains from northern Spain. The reason for picking this particular gene is that it is the only one known so far to have a direct connection with speech. In 1990, a family with an inherited speech disorder known as verbal dyspraxia drew the attention of genetics researchers. Those researchers identified a mutation in FOXP2 as the cause of the dyspraxia.
Since then FOXP2 has been the subject of intensive study. It has been linked to the production of birdsong and the ultrasonic musings of mice. It is a conservative type, not changing much from species to species. But it has undergone two changes since humans split from chimpanzees 6m years ago, and some researchers believe these changes played a crucial role in the development of speech and language.
If these changes are common to modern humans and Neanderthals, they must predate the separation of the line leading to Homo sapiens from the one leading to Homo neanderthalensis. Dr Pääbo's research suggests precisely that: the FOXP2 genes from modern humans and Neanderthals are essentially the same. To the extent that the gene enables language, it enables it in both species.
There has been much speculation about Neanderthals' ability to speak. They were endowed with a hyoid bone, which anchors the tongue and allows a wide variety of movements of the larynx. Neanderthal skulls also show evidence of a large hypoglossal canal. This is the route taken by the nerves that supply the tongue. As such, it is a requisite for the exquisitely complex movements of speech. Moreover, the inner-ear structure of Homo heidelbergensis, an ancestor of Neanderthals, shows that this species was highly sensitive to the frequencies of sound that are associated with speech.
That Neanderthals also shared with moderns the single known genetic component of speech is another clue that they possessed the necessary apparatus for having a good natter. But suggestive as that is, the question remains open. FOXP2 is almost certainly not "the language gene". Without doubt, it is involved in the control and regulation of the motions of speech, but whether it plays a role in the cognitive processes that must precede talking remains unclear-jokes about engaging brain before putting mouth in gear notwithstanding. The idea that the forebears of modern humans could talk would scupper the notion that language was the force that created modern human culture-otherwise, why would they not have built civilisations? But it would make that chat with a Neanderthal much more interesting. | 3546.txt | 2 |
[
"trace the appearance and evolution of the speech ability.",
"find out how far back in the hominid lineage the ability to use language stretches.",
"find evidence proving the gene which controls the motion of speech.",
"identify the crucial changes that had taken place on this gene and the consequent influence."
] | Svante Pääbo and his team carried out a study on FOXP2 in order to _ | If you found yourself in a cocktail bar with a Neanderthal man, what would he say? A good conversation is one of the great joys of being human, but it is not clear just how far back in the hominid lineage the ability to use language stretches. The question of when grunts and yelps turned into words and phrases is a tricky one. One way of trying to answer it is to look in the fossil record for evidence about what modern humanity's closest relatives could do.
Svante Pääbo, of the Max Planck Institute for Evolutionary Anthropology in Leipzig, and his colleagues have done just that. Dr Pääbo is an expert in extracting and interpreting the DNA of fossils. As he reports in the latest issue of Current Biology, he and his team have worked their magic on a gene called FOXP2 found in Neanderthal remains from northern Spain. The reason for picking this particular gene is that it is the only one known so far to have a direct connection with speech. In 1990, a family with an inherited speech disorder known as verbal dyspraxia drew the attention of genetics researchers. Those researchers identified a mutation in FOXP2 as the cause of the dyspraxia.
Since then FOXP2 has been the subject of intensive study. It has been linked to the production of birdsong and the ultrasonic musings of mice. It is a conservative type, not changing much from species to species. But it has undergone two changes since humans split from chimpanzees 6m years ago, and some researchers believe these changes played a crucial role in the development of speech and language.
If these changes are common to modern humans and Neanderthals, they must predate the separation of the line leading to Homo sapiens from the one leading to Homo neanderthalensis. Dr Pääbo's research suggests precisely that: the FOXP2 genes from modern humans and Neanderthals are essentially the same. To the extent that the gene enables language, it enables it in both species.
There has been much speculation about Neanderthals' ability to speak. They were endowed with a hyoid bone, which anchors the tongue and allows a wide variety of movements of the larynx. Neanderthal skulls also show evidence of a large hypoglossal canal. This is the route taken by the nerves that supply the tongue. As such, it is a requisite for the exquisitely complex movements of speech. Moreover, the inner-ear structure of Homo heidelbergensis, an ancestor of Neanderthals, shows that this species was highly sensitive to the frequencies of sound that are associated with speech.
That Neanderthals also shared with moderns the single known genetic component of speech is another clue that they possessed the necessary apparatus for having a good natter. But suggestive as that is, the question remains open. FOXP2 is almost certainly not "the language gene". Without doubt, it is involved in the control and regulation of the motions of speech, but whether it plays a role in the cognitive processes that must precede talking remains unclear-jokes about engaging brain before putting mouth in gear notwithstanding. The idea that the forebears of modern humans could talk would scupper the notion that language was the force that created modern human culture-otherwise, why would they not have built civilisations? But it would make that chat with a Neanderthal much more interesting. | 3546.txt | 0 |
[
"it was found in Neanderthal remains from northern Spain.",
"it was found that sudden change of FOXP2 may lead to speech disorder.",
"it was linked to the production of birdsong and the ultrasonic musings of mice.",
"it does not change much from species to species."
] | The gene of FOXP2 is regarded as a gene with a direct connection with speech because _ | If you found yourself in a cocktail bar with a Neanderthal man, what would he say? A good conversation is one of the great joys of being human, but it is not clear just how far back in the hominid lineage the ability to use language stretches. The question of when grunts and yelps turned into words and phrases is a tricky one. One way of trying to answer it is to look in the fossil record for evidence about what modern humanity's closest relatives could do.
Svante Pääbo, of the Max Planck Institute for Evolutionary Anthropology in Leipzig, and his colleagues have done just that. Dr Pääbo is an expert in extracting and interpreting the DNA of fossils. As he reports in the latest issue of Current Biology, he and his team have worked their magic on a gene called FOXP2 found in Neanderthal remains from northern Spain. The reason for picking this particular gene is that it is the only one known so far to have a direct connection with speech. In 1990, a family with an inherited speech disorder known as verbal dyspraxia drew the attention of genetics researchers. Those researchers identified a mutation in FOXP2 as the cause of the dyspraxia.
Since then FOXP2 has been the subject of intensive study. It has been linked to the production of birdsong and the ultrasonic musings of mice. It is a conservative type, not changing much from species to species. But it has undergone two changes since humans split from chimpanzees 6m years ago, and some researchers believe these changes played a crucial role in the development of speech and language.
If these changes are common to modern humans and Neanderthals, they must predate the separation of the line leading to Homo sapiens from the one leading to Homo neanderthalensis. Dr Pääbo's research suggests precisely that: the FOXP2 genes from modern humans and Neanderthals are essentially the same. To the extent that the gene enables language, it enables it in both species.
There has been much speculation about Neanderthals' ability to speak. They were endowed with a hyoid bone, which anchors the tongue and allows a wide variety of movements of the larynx. Neanderthal skulls also show evidence of a large hypoglossal canal. This is the route taken by the nerves that supply the tongue. As such, it is a requisite for the exquisitely complex movements of speech. Moreover, the inner-ear structure of Homo heidelbergensis, an ancestor of Neanderthals, shows that this species was highly sensitive to the frequencies of sound that are associated with speech.
That Neanderthals also shared with moderns the single known genetic component of speech is another clue that they possessed the necessary apparatus for having a good natter. But suggestive as that is, the question remains open. FOXP2 is almost certainly not "the language gene". Without doubt, it is involved in the control and regulation of the motions of speech, but whether it plays a role in the cognitive processes that must precede talking remains unclear-jokes about engaging brain before putting mouth in gear notwithstanding. The idea that the forebears of modern humans could talk would scupper the notion that language was the force that created modern human culture-otherwise, why would they not have built civilisations? But it would make that chat with a Neanderthal much more interesting. | 3546.txt | 1 |
[
"deny.",
"defeat.",
"demolish.",
"destory."
] | The word "scupper" (Line 8, Paragraph 6) most probably means _ | If you found yourself in a cocktail bar with a Neanderthal man, what would he say? A good conversation is one of the great joys of being human, but it is not clear just how far back in the hominid lineage the ability to use language stretches. The question of when grunts and yelps turned into words and phrases is a tricky one. One way of trying to answer it is to look in the fossil record for evidence about what modern humanity's closest relatives could do.
Svante Pääbo, of the Max Planck Institute for Evolutionary Anthropology in Leipzig, and his colleagues have done just that. Dr Pääbo is an expert in extracting and interpreting the DNA of fossils. As he reports in the latest issue of Current Biology, he and his team have worked their magic on a gene called FOXP2 found in Neanderthal remains from northern Spain. The reason for picking this particular gene is that it is the only one known so far to have a direct connection with speech. In 1990, a family with an inherited speech disorder known as verbal dyspraxia drew the attention of genetics researchers. Those researchers identified a mutation in FOXP2 as the cause of the dyspraxia.
Since then FOXP2 has been the subject of intensive study. It has been linked to the production of birdsong and the ultrasonic musings of mice. It is a conservative type, not changing much from species to species. But it has undergone two changes since humans split from chimpanzees 6m years ago, and some researchers believe these changes played a crucial role in the development of speech and language.
If these changes are common to modern humans and Neanderthals, they must predate the separation of the line leading to Homo sapiens from the one leading to Homo neanderthalensis. Dr Pääbo's research suggests precisely that: the FOXP2 genes from modern humans and Neanderthals are essentially the same. To the extent that the gene enables language, it enables it in both species.
There has been much speculation about Neanderthals' ability to speak. They were endowed with a hyoid bone, which anchors the tongue and allows a wide variety of movements of the larynx. Neanderthal skulls also show evidence of a large hypoglossal canal. This is the route taken by the nerves that supply the tongue. As such, it is a requisite for the exquisitely complex movements of speech. Moreover, the inner-ear structure of Homo heidelbergensis, an ancestor of Neanderthals, shows that this species was highly sensitive to the frequencies of sound that are associated with speech.
That Neanderthals also shared with moderns the single known genetic component of speech is another clue that they possessed the necessary apparatus for having a good natter. But suggestive as that is, the question remains open. FOXP2 is almost certainly not "the language gene". Without doubt, it is involved in the control and regulation of the motions of speech, but whether it plays a role in the cognitive processes that must precede talking remains unclear-jokes about engaging brain before putting mouth in gear notwithstanding. The idea that the forebears of modern humans could talk would scupper the notion that language was the force that created modern human culture-otherwise, why would they not have built civilisations? But it would make that chat with a Neanderthal much more interesting. | 3546.txt | 0 |
[
"FOXP2 is the gene that enables the speech ability in both humans and Neanderthals.",
"the fork seprating the line leading to Homo sapiens from that to Homo neanderthalensis is wrong.",
"more important genes should be identified which control speech ability and cognitive pcrocess.",
"the establishment of human civilization as a result of language ability might be false."
] | From the findings of Dr Pääbo's research it may be inferred that _ | If you found yourself in a cocktail bar with a Neanderthal man, what would he say? A good conversation is one of the great joys of being human, but it is not clear just how far back in the hominid lineage the ability to use language stretches. The question of when grunts and yelps turned into words and phrases is a tricky one. One way of trying to answer it is to look in the fossil record for evidence about what modern humanity's closest relatives could do.
Svante Pääbo, of the Max Planck Institute for Evolutionary Anthropology in Leipzig, and his colleagues have done just that. Dr Pääbo is an expert in extracting and interpreting the DNA of fossils. As he reports in the latest issue of Current Biology, he and his team have worked their magic on a gene called FOXP2 found in Neanderthal remains from northern Spain. The reason for picking this particular gene is that it is the only one known so far to have a direct connection with speech. In 1990, a family with an inherited speech disorder known as verbal dyspraxia drew the attention of genetics researchers. Those researchers identified a mutation in FOXP2 as the cause of the dyspraxia.
Since then FOXP2 has been the subject of intensive study. It has been linked to the production of birdsong and the ultrasonic musings of mice. It is a conservative type, not changing much from species to species. But it has undergone two changes since humans split from chimpanzees 6m years ago, and some researchers believe these changes played a crucial role in the development of speech and language.
If these changes are common to modern humans and Neanderthals, they must predate the separation of the line leading to Homo sapiens from the one leading to Homo neanderthalensis. Dr Pääbo's research suggests precisely that: the FOXP2 genes from modern humans and Neanderthals are essentially the same. To the extent that the gene enables language, it enables it in both species.
There has been much speculation about Neanderthals' ability to speak. They were endowed with a hyoid bone, which anchors the tongue and allows a wide variety of movements of the larynx. Neanderthal skulls also show evidence of a large hypoglossal canal. This is the route taken by the nerves that supply the tongue. As such, it is a requisite for the exquisitely complex movements of speech. Moreover, the inner-ear structure of Homo heidelbergensis, an ancestor of Neanderthals, shows that this species was highly sensitive to the frequencies of sound that are associated with speech.
That Neanderthals also shared with moderns the single known genetic component of speech is another clue that they possessed the necessary apparatus for having a good natter. But suggestive as that is, the question remains open. FOXP2 is almost certainly not "the language gene". Without doubt, it is involved in the control and regulation of the motions of speech, but whether it plays a role in the cognitive processes that must precede talking remains unclear-jokes about engaging brain before putting mouth in gear notwithstanding. The idea that the forebears of modern humans could talk would scupper the notion that language was the force that created modern human culture-otherwise, why would they not have built civilisations? But it would make that chat with a Neanderthal much more interesting. | 3546.txt | 1 |
[
"UBS again becomes a victim of America's mortgage market.",
"UBS's capital base has obtained adequate financial support to digest its debt.",
"those measures will forcefully stop UBS from further loss.",
"good news from those measures would prevent UBS from bankruptcy."
] | The author uses the metaphor "hot iron" to imply that _ | Controled bleeding or cauterisation? That was the unappealing choice facing UBS, a Swiss bank which has been badly hurt by the carnage in America's mortgage market. The bank opted for the latter. First it opened the wound, by announcing a hefty $10 billion write-down on its exposure to subprime-infected debt. UBS now expects a loss for the fourth quarter, which ends this month. Then came the hot iron: news of a series of measures to shore up the bank's capital base, among them investments from sovereign-wealth funds in Singapore and the Middle East.
Bad news had been expected. UBS's third-quarter write-down of over SFr4 billionin October looked overly optimistic compared with more aggressive markdowns at other banks such as Citigroup and Merrill Lynch. Steep falls in the market value of subprime debt since the end of the third quarter made it certain that UBS would take more pain, given its sizeable exposure to toxic collateralised-debt obligations (CDOs). Analysts at Citigroup were predicting in November that write-downs of up to SFr14 billion were possible.
Why then did this new batch of red ink still come as a shock? The answer lies not in the scale of the overall loss, more in UBS's decision to take the hit in one go. The bank's mark-to-model approach to valuing its subprime-related holdings had been based on payments data from the underlying mortgage loans. Although these data show a worsening in credit quality, the deterioration is slower than mark-to-market valuations, which have the effect of instantly crystallising all expected future losses.
Thanks to this gradualist approach, UBS had been expected to take write-downs in managed increments of SFr2 billion-3 billion over a period of several quarters. It now appears that the bank has incorporated market values into its model, sending its fourth-quarter write-downs into orbit. The change of approach may be on the advice of auditors and regulators but it is more likely to reflect a desire by UBS's bosses to avoid months of speculation about the bank's exposure, something that Marcel Rohner, the chief executive, described as "distracting".
In a particular indignity for a bank long associated with conservatism, concerns about the level of UBS's capital ratio had even started to surface. Hence the moves to strengthen its tier-one capital, an important measure of bank solidity, by SFr19.4 billion, a great deal more than the write-down. The majority of that money will come from sovereign-wealth funds, the white knights of choice for today's bank in distress. Singapore's GIC, which manages the city-state's foreign reserves, has pledged to buy SFr11 billion-worth of convertible bonds in UBS; an unnamed Middle Eastern investor will put in a further SFr2 billion. UBS will also raise money by selling treasury shares, and save cash by issuing its 2007 dividend in the form of shares. Its capital ratio is expected to end up above 12% in the fourth quarter, a strong position.
Hopeful talk of lines being drawn under the subprime crisis has been a feature of banks' quarterly reporting since September. Marrying bigger-than-expected write-downs with bigger-than-expected boosts to capital looks like the right treatment in this environment. But UBS still cannot be sure that its problems are over. Further deterioration in its subprime asset values is possible; the broader economic impact of the credit crunch is unclear; and the damage to the bank's reputation cannot yet be quantified. The patient still needs watching. | 3611.txt | 2 |
[
"slow down the worsening in credit quality.",
"present the effect of instantly crystallization of all expected future loss.",
"show data against a worsening the credit quality.",
"accelerate the deterioration in credit quality."
] | Compared with the mark-to-market valuations, the mark-to-model approach could _ | Controled bleeding or cauterisation? That was the unappealing choice facing UBS, a Swiss bank which has been badly hurt by the carnage in America's mortgage market. The bank opted for the latter. First it opened the wound, by announcing a hefty $10 billion write-down on its exposure to subprime-infected debt. UBS now expects a loss for the fourth quarter, which ends this month. Then came the hot iron: news of a series of measures to shore up the bank's capital base, among them investments from sovereign-wealth funds in Singapore and the Middle East.
Bad news had been expected. UBS's third-quarter write-down of over SFr4 billionin October looked overly optimistic compared with more aggressive markdowns at other banks such as Citigroup and Merrill Lynch. Steep falls in the market value of subprime debt since the end of the third quarter made it certain that UBS would take more pain, given its sizeable exposure to toxic collateralised-debt obligations (CDOs). Analysts at Citigroup were predicting in November that write-downs of up to SFr14 billion were possible.
Why then did this new batch of red ink still come as a shock? The answer lies not in the scale of the overall loss, more in UBS's decision to take the hit in one go. The bank's mark-to-model approach to valuing its subprime-related holdings had been based on payments data from the underlying mortgage loans. Although these data show a worsening in credit quality, the deterioration is slower than mark-to-market valuations, which have the effect of instantly crystallising all expected future losses.
Thanks to this gradualist approach, UBS had been expected to take write-downs in managed increments of SFr2 billion-3 billion over a period of several quarters. It now appears that the bank has incorporated market values into its model, sending its fourth-quarter write-downs into orbit. The change of approach may be on the advice of auditors and regulators but it is more likely to reflect a desire by UBS's bosses to avoid months of speculation about the bank's exposure, something that Marcel Rohner, the chief executive, described as "distracting".
In a particular indignity for a bank long associated with conservatism, concerns about the level of UBS's capital ratio had even started to surface. Hence the moves to strengthen its tier-one capital, an important measure of bank solidity, by SFr19.4 billion, a great deal more than the write-down. The majority of that money will come from sovereign-wealth funds, the white knights of choice for today's bank in distress. Singapore's GIC, which manages the city-state's foreign reserves, has pledged to buy SFr11 billion-worth of convertible bonds in UBS; an unnamed Middle Eastern investor will put in a further SFr2 billion. UBS will also raise money by selling treasury shares, and save cash by issuing its 2007 dividend in the form of shares. Its capital ratio is expected to end up above 12% in the fourth quarter, a strong position.
Hopeful talk of lines being drawn under the subprime crisis has been a feature of banks' quarterly reporting since September. Marrying bigger-than-expected write-downs with bigger-than-expected boosts to capital looks like the right treatment in this environment. But UBS still cannot be sure that its problems are over. Further deterioration in its subprime asset values is possible; the broader economic impact of the credit crunch is unclear; and the damage to the bank's reputation cannot yet be quantified. The patient still needs watching. | 3611.txt | 0 |
[
"this change was unexpected to take place in such a situation.",
"this change was result of the advice of auditors and regulators.",
"this change was not favorite to UBS's speculation about the bank's exposure.",
"this change was taken to make people dispel their guess."
] | The reason that Marcel Rohner thought the change of approach was "distracting" is _ | Controled bleeding or cauterisation? That was the unappealing choice facing UBS, a Swiss bank which has been badly hurt by the carnage in America's mortgage market. The bank opted for the latter. First it opened the wound, by announcing a hefty $10 billion write-down on its exposure to subprime-infected debt. UBS now expects a loss for the fourth quarter, which ends this month. Then came the hot iron: news of a series of measures to shore up the bank's capital base, among them investments from sovereign-wealth funds in Singapore and the Middle East.
Bad news had been expected. UBS's third-quarter write-down of over SFr4 billionin October looked overly optimistic compared with more aggressive markdowns at other banks such as Citigroup and Merrill Lynch. Steep falls in the market value of subprime debt since the end of the third quarter made it certain that UBS would take more pain, given its sizeable exposure to toxic collateralised-debt obligations (CDOs). Analysts at Citigroup were predicting in November that write-downs of up to SFr14 billion were possible.
Why then did this new batch of red ink still come as a shock? The answer lies not in the scale of the overall loss, more in UBS's decision to take the hit in one go. The bank's mark-to-model approach to valuing its subprime-related holdings had been based on payments data from the underlying mortgage loans. Although these data show a worsening in credit quality, the deterioration is slower than mark-to-market valuations, which have the effect of instantly crystallising all expected future losses.
Thanks to this gradualist approach, UBS had been expected to take write-downs in managed increments of SFr2 billion-3 billion over a period of several quarters. It now appears that the bank has incorporated market values into its model, sending its fourth-quarter write-downs into orbit. The change of approach may be on the advice of auditors and regulators but it is more likely to reflect a desire by UBS's bosses to avoid months of speculation about the bank's exposure, something that Marcel Rohner, the chief executive, described as "distracting".
In a particular indignity for a bank long associated with conservatism, concerns about the level of UBS's capital ratio had even started to surface. Hence the moves to strengthen its tier-one capital, an important measure of bank solidity, by SFr19.4 billion, a great deal more than the write-down. The majority of that money will come from sovereign-wealth funds, the white knights of choice for today's bank in distress. Singapore's GIC, which manages the city-state's foreign reserves, has pledged to buy SFr11 billion-worth of convertible bonds in UBS; an unnamed Middle Eastern investor will put in a further SFr2 billion. UBS will also raise money by selling treasury shares, and save cash by issuing its 2007 dividend in the form of shares. Its capital ratio is expected to end up above 12% in the fourth quarter, a strong position.
Hopeful talk of lines being drawn under the subprime crisis has been a feature of banks' quarterly reporting since September. Marrying bigger-than-expected write-downs with bigger-than-expected boosts to capital looks like the right treatment in this environment. But UBS still cannot be sure that its problems are over. Further deterioration in its subprime asset values is possible; the broader economic impact of the credit crunch is unclear; and the damage to the bank's reputation cannot yet be quantified. The patient still needs watching. | 3611.txt | 3 |
[
"rich people.",
"wealthy saviors.",
"generous investors.",
"brave fighters."
] | The phrase "the white knights" (Line 4, Paragraph 5) most probably means _ | Controled bleeding or cauterisation? That was the unappealing choice facing UBS, a Swiss bank which has been badly hurt by the carnage in America's mortgage market. The bank opted for the latter. First it opened the wound, by announcing a hefty $10 billion write-down on its exposure to subprime-infected debt. UBS now expects a loss for the fourth quarter, which ends this month. Then came the hot iron: news of a series of measures to shore up the bank's capital base, among them investments from sovereign-wealth funds in Singapore and the Middle East.
Bad news had been expected. UBS's third-quarter write-down of over SFr4 billionin October looked overly optimistic compared with more aggressive markdowns at other banks such as Citigroup and Merrill Lynch. Steep falls in the market value of subprime debt since the end of the third quarter made it certain that UBS would take more pain, given its sizeable exposure to toxic collateralised-debt obligations (CDOs). Analysts at Citigroup were predicting in November that write-downs of up to SFr14 billion were possible.
Why then did this new batch of red ink still come as a shock? The answer lies not in the scale of the overall loss, more in UBS's decision to take the hit in one go. The bank's mark-to-model approach to valuing its subprime-related holdings had been based on payments data from the underlying mortgage loans. Although these data show a worsening in credit quality, the deterioration is slower than mark-to-market valuations, which have the effect of instantly crystallising all expected future losses.
Thanks to this gradualist approach, UBS had been expected to take write-downs in managed increments of SFr2 billion-3 billion over a period of several quarters. It now appears that the bank has incorporated market values into its model, sending its fourth-quarter write-downs into orbit. The change of approach may be on the advice of auditors and regulators but it is more likely to reflect a desire by UBS's bosses to avoid months of speculation about the bank's exposure, something that Marcel Rohner, the chief executive, described as "distracting".
In a particular indignity for a bank long associated with conservatism, concerns about the level of UBS's capital ratio had even started to surface. Hence the moves to strengthen its tier-one capital, an important measure of bank solidity, by SFr19.4 billion, a great deal more than the write-down. The majority of that money will come from sovereign-wealth funds, the white knights of choice for today's bank in distress. Singapore's GIC, which manages the city-state's foreign reserves, has pledged to buy SFr11 billion-worth of convertible bonds in UBS; an unnamed Middle Eastern investor will put in a further SFr2 billion. UBS will also raise money by selling treasury shares, and save cash by issuing its 2007 dividend in the form of shares. Its capital ratio is expected to end up above 12% in the fourth quarter, a strong position.
Hopeful talk of lines being drawn under the subprime crisis has been a feature of banks' quarterly reporting since September. Marrying bigger-than-expected write-downs with bigger-than-expected boosts to capital looks like the right treatment in this environment. But UBS still cannot be sure that its problems are over. Further deterioration in its subprime asset values is possible; the broader economic impact of the credit crunch is unclear; and the damage to the bank's reputation cannot yet be quantified. The patient still needs watching. | 3611.txt | 1 |
[
"optimistic.",
"pessimistic.",
"uncertain.",
"none of the above."
] | The author's attitude towards UBS's future is _ | Controled bleeding or cauterisation? That was the unappealing choice facing UBS, a Swiss bank which has been badly hurt by the carnage in America's mortgage market. The bank opted for the latter. First it opened the wound, by announcing a hefty $10 billion write-down on its exposure to subprime-infected debt. UBS now expects a loss for the fourth quarter, which ends this month. Then came the hot iron: news of a series of measures to shore up the bank's capital base, among them investments from sovereign-wealth funds in Singapore and the Middle East.
Bad news had been expected. UBS's third-quarter write-down of over SFr4 billionin October looked overly optimistic compared with more aggressive markdowns at other banks such as Citigroup and Merrill Lynch. Steep falls in the market value of subprime debt since the end of the third quarter made it certain that UBS would take more pain, given its sizeable exposure to toxic collateralised-debt obligations (CDOs). Analysts at Citigroup were predicting in November that write-downs of up to SFr14 billion were possible.
Why then did this new batch of red ink still come as a shock? The answer lies not in the scale of the overall loss, more in UBS's decision to take the hit in one go. The bank's mark-to-model approach to valuing its subprime-related holdings had been based on payments data from the underlying mortgage loans. Although these data show a worsening in credit quality, the deterioration is slower than mark-to-market valuations, which have the effect of instantly crystallising all expected future losses.
Thanks to this gradualist approach, UBS had been expected to take write-downs in managed increments of SFr2 billion-3 billion over a period of several quarters. It now appears that the bank has incorporated market values into its model, sending its fourth-quarter write-downs into orbit. The change of approach may be on the advice of auditors and regulators but it is more likely to reflect a desire by UBS's bosses to avoid months of speculation about the bank's exposure, something that Marcel Rohner, the chief executive, described as "distracting".
In a particular indignity for a bank long associated with conservatism, concerns about the level of UBS's capital ratio had even started to surface. Hence the moves to strengthen its tier-one capital, an important measure of bank solidity, by SFr19.4 billion, a great deal more than the write-down. The majority of that money will come from sovereign-wealth funds, the white knights of choice for today's bank in distress. Singapore's GIC, which manages the city-state's foreign reserves, has pledged to buy SFr11 billion-worth of convertible bonds in UBS; an unnamed Middle Eastern investor will put in a further SFr2 billion. UBS will also raise money by selling treasury shares, and save cash by issuing its 2007 dividend in the form of shares. Its capital ratio is expected to end up above 12% in the fourth quarter, a strong position.
Hopeful talk of lines being drawn under the subprime crisis has been a feature of banks' quarterly reporting since September. Marrying bigger-than-expected write-downs with bigger-than-expected boosts to capital looks like the right treatment in this environment. But UBS still cannot be sure that its problems are over. Further deterioration in its subprime asset values is possible; the broader economic impact of the credit crunch is unclear; and the damage to the bank's reputation cannot yet be quantified. The patient still needs watching. | 3611.txt | 2 |
[
"definite",
"illuminating",
"misleading",
"exceptional"
] | The word illusory in the passage is closest in meaning to | Buffalo, zebras, wildebeests, topi, and Thomson's gazelles live in huge groups that together make up some 90 percent of the total weight of mammals living on the Serengeti Plain of East Africa. They are all herbivores (plant-eating animals), and they all appear to be living on the same diet of grasses, herbs, and small bushes. This appearance, however, is illusory. When biologist Richard Bell and his colleagues analyzed the stomach contents of four of the five species (they did not study buffalo), they found that each species was living on a different part of the vegetation. The different vegetational parts differ in their food qualities: lower down, there are succulent, nutritious leaves; higher up are the harder stems. There are also sparsely distributed, highly nutritious fruits, and Bell found that only the Thomson's gazelles eat much of these. The other three species differ in the proportion of lower leaves and higher stems that they eat: zebras eat the most stem matter, wildebeests eat the most leaves, and topi are intermediate.
How are we to understand their different feeding preferences? The answer lies in two associated differences among the species, in their digestive systems and body sizes. According to their digestive systems, these herbivores can be divided into two categories: the nonruminants (such as the zebra, which has a digestive system like a horse) and the ruminants (such as the wildebeest, topi, and gazelle, which are like the cow). Nonruminants cannot extract much energy from the hard parts of a plant; however, this is more than made up for by the fast speed at which food passes through their guts. Thus, when there is only a short supply of poor-quality food, the wildebeest, topi, and gazelle enjoy an advantage. They are ruminants and have a special structure (the rumen) in their stomachs, which contains microorganisms that can break down the hard parts of plants. Food passes only slowly through the ruminant's gut because ruminating-digesting the hard parts-takes time. The ruminant continually regurgitates food from its stomach back to its mouth to chew it up further (that is what a cow is doing when "chewing cud"). Only when it has been chewed up and digested almost to a liquid can the food pass through the rumen and on through the gut. Larger particles cannot pass through until they have been chewed down to size. Therefore, when food is in short supply, a ruminant can last longer than a nonruminant because it can derive more energy out of the same food. The difference can partially explain the eating habits of the Serengeti herbivores. The zebra chooses areas where there is more low-quality food. It migrates first to unexploited areas and chomps the abundant low-quality stems before moving on. It is a fast-in/fast-out feeder, relying on a high output of incompletely digested food. By the time the wildebeests (and other ruminants) arrive, the grazing and trampling of the zebras will have worn the vegetation down. As the ruminants then set to work, they eat down to the lower, leafier parts of the vegetation. All of this fits in with the differences in stomach contents with which we began.
The other part of the explanation is body size. Larger animals require more food than smaller animals, but smaller animals have a higher metabolic rate. Smaller animals can therefore live where there is less food, provided that such food is of high energy content. That is why the smallest of the herbivores, Thomson's gazelle, lives on fruit that is very nutritious but too thin on the ground to support a larger animal. By contrast, the large zebra lives on the masses of low-quality stem material.
The differences in feeding preferences lead, in turn, to differences in migratory habits. The wildebeests follow, in their migration, the pattern of local rainfall. The other species do likewise. But when a new area is fueled by rain, the mammals migrate toward it in a set order to exploit it. The larger, less fastidious feeders, the zebras, move in first; the choosier, smaller wildebeests come later; and the smallest species of all, Thomson's gazelle, arrives last. The later species all depend on the preparations of the earlier one, for the actions of the zebra alter the vegetation to suit the stomachs of the wildebeest, topi, and gazelle. | 1602.txt | 2 |
[
"widely",
"thinly",
"clearly",
"freshly"
] | The word sparsely in the passage is closest in meaning to | Buffalo, zebras, wildebeests, topi, and Thomson's gazelles live in huge groups that together make up some 90 percent of the total weight of mammals living on the Serengeti Plain of East Africa. They are all herbivores (plant-eating animals), and they all appear to be living on the same diet of grasses, herbs, and small bushes. This appearance, however, is illusory. When biologist Richard Bell and his colleagues analyzed the stomach contents of four of the five species (they did not study buffalo), they found that each species was living on a different part of the vegetation. The different vegetational parts differ in their food qualities: lower down, there are succulent, nutritious leaves; higher up are the harder stems. There are also sparsely distributed, highly nutritious fruits, and Bell found that only the Thomson's gazelles eat much of these. The other three species differ in the proportion of lower leaves and higher stems that they eat: zebras eat the most stem matter, wildebeests eat the most leaves, and topi are intermediate.
How are we to understand their different feeding preferences? The answer lies in two associated differences among the species, in their digestive systems and body sizes. According to their digestive systems, these herbivores can be divided into two categories: the nonruminants (such as the zebra, which has a digestive system like a horse) and the ruminants (such as the wildebeest, topi, and gazelle, which are like the cow). Nonruminants cannot extract much energy from the hard parts of a plant; however, this is more than made up for by the fast speed at which food passes through their guts. Thus, when there is only a short supply of poor-quality food, the wildebeest, topi, and gazelle enjoy an advantage. They are ruminants and have a special structure (the rumen) in their stomachs, which contains microorganisms that can break down the hard parts of plants. Food passes only slowly through the ruminant's gut because ruminating-digesting the hard parts-takes time. The ruminant continually regurgitates food from its stomach back to its mouth to chew it up further (that is what a cow is doing when "chewing cud"). Only when it has been chewed up and digested almost to a liquid can the food pass through the rumen and on through the gut. Larger particles cannot pass through until they have been chewed down to size. Therefore, when food is in short supply, a ruminant can last longer than a nonruminant because it can derive more energy out of the same food. The difference can partially explain the eating habits of the Serengeti herbivores. The zebra chooses areas where there is more low-quality food. It migrates first to unexploited areas and chomps the abundant low-quality stems before moving on. It is a fast-in/fast-out feeder, relying on a high output of incompletely digested food. By the time the wildebeests (and other ruminants) arrive, the grazing and trampling of the zebras will have worn the vegetation down. As the ruminants then set to work, they eat down to the lower, leafier parts of the vegetation. All of this fits in with the differences in stomach contents with which we began.
The other part of the explanation is body size. Larger animals require more food than smaller animals, but smaller animals have a higher metabolic rate. Smaller animals can therefore live where there is less food, provided that such food is of high energy content. That is why the smallest of the herbivores, Thomson's gazelle, lives on fruit that is very nutritious but too thin on the ground to support a larger animal. By contrast, the large zebra lives on the masses of low-quality stem material.
The differences in feeding preferences lead, in turn, to differences in migratory habits. The wildebeests follow, in their migration, the pattern of local rainfall. The other species do likewise. But when a new area is fueled by rain, the mammals migrate toward it in a set order to exploit it. The larger, less fastidious feeders, the zebras, move in first; the choosier, smaller wildebeests come later; and the smallest species of all, Thomson's gazelle, arrives last. The later species all depend on the preparations of the earlier one, for the actions of the zebra alter the vegetation to suit the stomachs of the wildebeest, topi, and gazelle. | 1602.txt | 1 |
[
"Which of the herbivores studied is the only one to eat much fruit",
"Which part of the plants do wildebeests prefer to eat",
"Where did the study of herbivores' eating habits take place",
"Why were buffalo excluded from the research study"
] | Which of the following questions about Richard Bell's research is NOT answered in paragraph 1? | Buffalo, zebras, wildebeests, topi, and Thomson's gazelles live in huge groups that together make up some 90 percent of the total weight of mammals living on the Serengeti Plain of East Africa. They are all herbivores (plant-eating animals), and they all appear to be living on the same diet of grasses, herbs, and small bushes. This appearance, however, is illusory. When biologist Richard Bell and his colleagues analyzed the stomach contents of four of the five species (they did not study buffalo), they found that each species was living on a different part of the vegetation. The different vegetational parts differ in their food qualities: lower down, there are succulent, nutritious leaves; higher up are the harder stems. There are also sparsely distributed, highly nutritious fruits, and Bell found that only the Thomson's gazelles eat much of these. The other three species differ in the proportion of lower leaves and higher stems that they eat: zebras eat the most stem matter, wildebeests eat the most leaves, and topi are intermediate.
How are we to understand their different feeding preferences? The answer lies in two associated differences among the species, in their digestive systems and body sizes. According to their digestive systems, these herbivores can be divided into two categories: the nonruminants (such as the zebra, which has a digestive system like a horse) and the ruminants (such as the wildebeest, topi, and gazelle, which are like the cow). Nonruminants cannot extract much energy from the hard parts of a plant; however, this is more than made up for by the fast speed at which food passes through their guts. Thus, when there is only a short supply of poor-quality food, the wildebeest, topi, and gazelle enjoy an advantage. They are ruminants and have a special structure (the rumen) in their stomachs, which contains microorganisms that can break down the hard parts of plants. Food passes only slowly through the ruminant's gut because ruminating-digesting the hard parts-takes time. The ruminant continually regurgitates food from its stomach back to its mouth to chew it up further (that is what a cow is doing when "chewing cud"). Only when it has been chewed up and digested almost to a liquid can the food pass through the rumen and on through the gut. Larger particles cannot pass through until they have been chewed down to size. Therefore, when food is in short supply, a ruminant can last longer than a nonruminant because it can derive more energy out of the same food. The difference can partially explain the eating habits of the Serengeti herbivores. The zebra chooses areas where there is more low-quality food. It migrates first to unexploited areas and chomps the abundant low-quality stems before moving on. It is a fast-in/fast-out feeder, relying on a high output of incompletely digested food. By the time the wildebeests (and other ruminants) arrive, the grazing and trampling of the zebras will have worn the vegetation down. As the ruminants then set to work, they eat down to the lower, leafier parts of the vegetation. All of this fits in with the differences in stomach contents with which we began.
The other part of the explanation is body size. Larger animals require more food than smaller animals, but smaller animals have a higher metabolic rate. Smaller animals can therefore live where there is less food, provided that such food is of high energy content. That is why the smallest of the herbivores, Thomson's gazelle, lives on fruit that is very nutritious but too thin on the ground to support a larger animal. By contrast, the large zebra lives on the masses of low-quality stem material.
The differences in feeding preferences lead, in turn, to differences in migratory habits. The wildebeests follow, in their migration, the pattern of local rainfall. The other species do likewise. But when a new area is fueled by rain, the mammals migrate toward it in a set order to exploit it. The larger, less fastidious feeders, the zebras, move in first; the choosier, smaller wildebeests come later; and the smallest species of all, Thomson's gazelle, arrives last. The later species all depend on the preparations of the earlier one, for the actions of the zebra alter the vegetation to suit the stomachs of the wildebeest, topi, and gazelle. | 1602.txt | 3 |
[
"obvious",
"significant",
"expected",
"connected"
] | The word associated in the passage is closest in meaning to | Buffalo, zebras, wildebeests, topi, and Thomson's gazelles live in huge groups that together make up some 90 percent of the total weight of mammals living on the Serengeti Plain of East Africa. They are all herbivores (plant-eating animals), and they all appear to be living on the same diet of grasses, herbs, and small bushes. This appearance, however, is illusory. When biologist Richard Bell and his colleagues analyzed the stomach contents of four of the five species (they did not study buffalo), they found that each species was living on a different part of the vegetation. The different vegetational parts differ in their food qualities: lower down, there are succulent, nutritious leaves; higher up are the harder stems. There are also sparsely distributed, highly nutritious fruits, and Bell found that only the Thomson's gazelles eat much of these. The other three species differ in the proportion of lower leaves and higher stems that they eat: zebras eat the most stem matter, wildebeests eat the most leaves, and topi are intermediate.
How are we to understand their different feeding preferences? The answer lies in two associated differences among the species, in their digestive systems and body sizes. According to their digestive systems, these herbivores can be divided into two categories: the nonruminants (such as the zebra, which has a digestive system like a horse) and the ruminants (such as the wildebeest, topi, and gazelle, which are like the cow). Nonruminants cannot extract much energy from the hard parts of a plant; however, this is more than made up for by the fast speed at which food passes through their guts. Thus, when there is only a short supply of poor-quality food, the wildebeest, topi, and gazelle enjoy an advantage. They are ruminants and have a special structure (the rumen) in their stomachs, which contains microorganisms that can break down the hard parts of plants. Food passes only slowly through the ruminant's gut because ruminating-digesting the hard parts-takes time. The ruminant continually regurgitates food from its stomach back to its mouth to chew it up further (that is what a cow is doing when "chewing cud"). Only when it has been chewed up and digested almost to a liquid can the food pass through the rumen and on through the gut. Larger particles cannot pass through until they have been chewed down to size. Therefore, when food is in short supply, a ruminant can last longer than a nonruminant because it can derive more energy out of the same food. The difference can partially explain the eating habits of the Serengeti herbivores. The zebra chooses areas where there is more low-quality food. It migrates first to unexploited areas and chomps the abundant low-quality stems before moving on. It is a fast-in/fast-out feeder, relying on a high output of incompletely digested food. By the time the wildebeests (and other ruminants) arrive, the grazing and trampling of the zebras will have worn the vegetation down. As the ruminants then set to work, they eat down to the lower, leafier parts of the vegetation. All of this fits in with the differences in stomach contents with which we began.
The other part of the explanation is body size. Larger animals require more food than smaller animals, but smaller animals have a higher metabolic rate. Smaller animals can therefore live where there is less food, provided that such food is of high energy content. That is why the smallest of the herbivores, Thomson's gazelle, lives on fruit that is very nutritious but too thin on the ground to support a larger animal. By contrast, the large zebra lives on the masses of low-quality stem material.
The differences in feeding preferences lead, in turn, to differences in migratory habits. The wildebeests follow, in their migration, the pattern of local rainfall. The other species do likewise. But when a new area is fueled by rain, the mammals migrate toward it in a set order to exploit it. The larger, less fastidious feeders, the zebras, move in first; the choosier, smaller wildebeests come later; and the smallest species of all, Thomson's gazelle, arrives last. The later species all depend on the preparations of the earlier one, for the actions of the zebra alter the vegetation to suit the stomachs of the wildebeest, topi, and gazelle. | 1602.txt | 3 |
[
"distinguish the functioning of their digestive systems from those of East African animals",
"emphasize that their relatively large body size leads them to have feeding practices similar to those of East African mammals",
"illustrate differences between ruminants and nonruminants through the use of animals likely to be familiar to most readers",
"emphasize similarities between the diets of cows and horses and the diets of East African mammals"
] | The author mentions the cow and the horse in paragraph 2 in order to | Buffalo, zebras, wildebeests, topi, and Thomson's gazelles live in huge groups that together make up some 90 percent of the total weight of mammals living on the Serengeti Plain of East Africa. They are all herbivores (plant-eating animals), and they all appear to be living on the same diet of grasses, herbs, and small bushes. This appearance, however, is illusory. When biologist Richard Bell and his colleagues analyzed the stomach contents of four of the five species (they did not study buffalo), they found that each species was living on a different part of the vegetation. The different vegetational parts differ in their food qualities: lower down, there are succulent, nutritious leaves; higher up are the harder stems. There are also sparsely distributed, highly nutritious fruits, and Bell found that only the Thomson's gazelles eat much of these. The other three species differ in the proportion of lower leaves and higher stems that they eat: zebras eat the most stem matter, wildebeests eat the most leaves, and topi are intermediate.
How are we to understand their different feeding preferences? The answer lies in two associated differences among the species, in their digestive systems and body sizes. According to their digestive systems, these herbivores can be divided into two categories: the nonruminants (such as the zebra, which has a digestive system like a horse) and the ruminants (such as the wildebeest, topi, and gazelle, which are like the cow). Nonruminants cannot extract much energy from the hard parts of a plant; however, this is more than made up for by the fast speed at which food passes through their guts. Thus, when there is only a short supply of poor-quality food, the wildebeest, topi, and gazelle enjoy an advantage. They are ruminants and have a special structure (the rumen) in their stomachs, which contains microorganisms that can break down the hard parts of plants. Food passes only slowly through the ruminant's gut because ruminating-digesting the hard parts-takes time. The ruminant continually regurgitates food from its stomach back to its mouth to chew it up further (that is what a cow is doing when "chewing cud"). Only when it has been chewed up and digested almost to a liquid can the food pass through the rumen and on through the gut. Larger particles cannot pass through until they have been chewed down to size. Therefore, when food is in short supply, a ruminant can last longer than a nonruminant because it can derive more energy out of the same food. The difference can partially explain the eating habits of the Serengeti herbivores. The zebra chooses areas where there is more low-quality food. It migrates first to unexploited areas and chomps the abundant low-quality stems before moving on. It is a fast-in/fast-out feeder, relying on a high output of incompletely digested food. By the time the wildebeests (and other ruminants) arrive, the grazing and trampling of the zebras will have worn the vegetation down. As the ruminants then set to work, they eat down to the lower, leafier parts of the vegetation. All of this fits in with the differences in stomach contents with which we began.
The other part of the explanation is body size. Larger animals require more food than smaller animals, but smaller animals have a higher metabolic rate. Smaller animals can therefore live where there is less food, provided that such food is of high energy content. That is why the smallest of the herbivores, Thomson's gazelle, lives on fruit that is very nutritious but too thin on the ground to support a larger animal. By contrast, the large zebra lives on the masses of low-quality stem material.
The differences in feeding preferences lead, in turn, to differences in migratory habits. The wildebeests follow, in their migration, the pattern of local rainfall. The other species do likewise. But when a new area is fueled by rain, the mammals migrate toward it in a set order to exploit it. The larger, less fastidious feeders, the zebras, move in first; the choosier, smaller wildebeests come later; and the smallest species of all, Thomson's gazelle, arrives last. The later species all depend on the preparations of the earlier one, for the actions of the zebra alter the vegetation to suit the stomachs of the wildebeest, topi, and gazelle. | 1602.txt | 2 |
[
"The gazelle",
"The wildebeest",
"The zebra",
"The topi"
] | According to paragraph 2, which of the following herbivores has to eat large quantities of plant stems because it gains relatively little energy from each given quantity of this food? | Buffalo, zebras, wildebeests, topi, and Thomson's gazelles live in huge groups that together make up some 90 percent of the total weight of mammals living on the Serengeti Plain of East Africa. They are all herbivores (plant-eating animals), and they all appear to be living on the same diet of grasses, herbs, and small bushes. This appearance, however, is illusory. When biologist Richard Bell and his colleagues analyzed the stomach contents of four of the five species (they did not study buffalo), they found that each species was living on a different part of the vegetation. The different vegetational parts differ in their food qualities: lower down, there are succulent, nutritious leaves; higher up are the harder stems. There are also sparsely distributed, highly nutritious fruits, and Bell found that only the Thomson's gazelles eat much of these. The other three species differ in the proportion of lower leaves and higher stems that they eat: zebras eat the most stem matter, wildebeests eat the most leaves, and topi are intermediate.
How are we to understand their different feeding preferences? The answer lies in two associated differences among the species, in their digestive systems and body sizes. According to their digestive systems, these herbivores can be divided into two categories: the nonruminants (such as the zebra, which has a digestive system like a horse) and the ruminants (such as the wildebeest, topi, and gazelle, which are like the cow). Nonruminants cannot extract much energy from the hard parts of a plant; however, this is more than made up for by the fast speed at which food passes through their guts. Thus, when there is only a short supply of poor-quality food, the wildebeest, topi, and gazelle enjoy an advantage. They are ruminants and have a special structure (the rumen) in their stomachs, which contains microorganisms that can break down the hard parts of plants. Food passes only slowly through the ruminant's gut because ruminating-digesting the hard parts-takes time. The ruminant continually regurgitates food from its stomach back to its mouth to chew it up further (that is what a cow is doing when "chewing cud"). Only when it has been chewed up and digested almost to a liquid can the food pass through the rumen and on through the gut. Larger particles cannot pass through until they have been chewed down to size. Therefore, when food is in short supply, a ruminant can last longer than a nonruminant because it can derive more energy out of the same food. The difference can partially explain the eating habits of the Serengeti herbivores. The zebra chooses areas where there is more low-quality food. It migrates first to unexploited areas and chomps the abundant low-quality stems before moving on. It is a fast-in/fast-out feeder, relying on a high output of incompletely digested food. By the time the wildebeests (and other ruminants) arrive, the grazing and trampling of the zebras will have worn the vegetation down. As the ruminants then set to work, they eat down to the lower, leafier parts of the vegetation. All of this fits in with the differences in stomach contents with which we began.
The other part of the explanation is body size. Larger animals require more food than smaller animals, but smaller animals have a higher metabolic rate. Smaller animals can therefore live where there is less food, provided that such food is of high energy content. That is why the smallest of the herbivores, Thomson's gazelle, lives on fruit that is very nutritious but too thin on the ground to support a larger animal. By contrast, the large zebra lives on the masses of low-quality stem material.
The differences in feeding preferences lead, in turn, to differences in migratory habits. The wildebeests follow, in their migration, the pattern of local rainfall. The other species do likewise. But when a new area is fueled by rain, the mammals migrate toward it in a set order to exploit it. The larger, less fastidious feeders, the zebras, move in first; the choosier, smaller wildebeests come later; and the smallest species of all, Thomson's gazelle, arrives last. The later species all depend on the preparations of the earlier one, for the actions of the zebra alter the vegetation to suit the stomachs of the wildebeest, topi, and gazelle. | 1602.txt | 2 |
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