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[
"Their inadequate food supply.",
"Unregulated commercial fishing.",
"Their lower reproductively ability.",
"Contamination of sea water"
] | What constitutes a major threat to the survival of turtles according to Elizabeth Griffin? | For hundreds of millions of years, turtles have struggled out of the sea to lay their eggs on sandy beaches, long before there were nature documentaries to celebrate them, or GPS satellites and marine biologists to track them, or volunteers to hand-carry the hatchlings down to the water's edge lest they become disoriented by headlights and crawl towards a motel parking lot instead. A formidable wall of bureaucracy has been erected to protect their prime nesting on the Atlantic coastlines. With all that attention paid to them, you'd think these creatures would at least have the gratitude not to go extinct.
But Nature is indifferent to human notions of fairness, and a report by the Fish and Wildlife Service showed a worrisome drop in the populations of several species of North Atlantic turtles, notably loggerheads, which can grow to as much as 400 pounds. The South Florida nesting population, the largest, has declined by 50% in the last decade, according to Elizabeth Griffin, a marine biologist with the environmental group Oceana. The figures prompted Oceana to petition the government to upgrade the level of protection for the North Atlantic loggerheads from "threatened" to "endangered"-meaning they are in danger of disappearing without additional help.
Which raises the obvious question: what else do these turtles want from us, anyway? It turns out, according to Griffin, that while we have done a good job of protecting the turtles for the weeks they spend on land (as egg-laying females, as eggs and as hatchlings), we have neglected the years spend in the ocean. "The threat is from commercial fishing," says Griffin. Trawlers (which drag large nets through the water and along the ocean floor) and long line fishers (which can deploy thousands of hooks on lines that can stretch for miles) take a heavy toll on turtles.
Of course, like every other environmental issue today, this is playing out against the background of global warming and human interference with natural ecosystems. The narrow strips of beach on which the turtles lay their eggs are being squeezed on one side by development and on the other by the threat of rising sea levels as the oceans warm. Ultimately we must get a handle on those issues as well, or a creature that outlived the dinosaurs will meet its end at the hands of humans, leaving our descendants to wonder how creature so ugly could have won so much affection. | 963.txt | 1 |
[
"It threatens the sandy beaches on which they lay eggs.",
"The changing climate makes it difficult for their eggs to hatch.",
"The rising sea levels make it harder for their hatchlings to grow.",
"It takes them longer to adapt to the high beach temperature."
] | How does global warming affect the survival of turtles? | For hundreds of millions of years, turtles have struggled out of the sea to lay their eggs on sandy beaches, long before there were nature documentaries to celebrate them, or GPS satellites and marine biologists to track them, or volunteers to hand-carry the hatchlings down to the water's edge lest they become disoriented by headlights and crawl towards a motel parking lot instead. A formidable wall of bureaucracy has been erected to protect their prime nesting on the Atlantic coastlines. With all that attention paid to them, you'd think these creatures would at least have the gratitude not to go extinct.
But Nature is indifferent to human notions of fairness, and a report by the Fish and Wildlife Service showed a worrisome drop in the populations of several species of North Atlantic turtles, notably loggerheads, which can grow to as much as 400 pounds. The South Florida nesting population, the largest, has declined by 50% in the last decade, according to Elizabeth Griffin, a marine biologist with the environmental group Oceana. The figures prompted Oceana to petition the government to upgrade the level of protection for the North Atlantic loggerheads from "threatened" to "endangered"-meaning they are in danger of disappearing without additional help.
Which raises the obvious question: what else do these turtles want from us, anyway? It turns out, according to Griffin, that while we have done a good job of protecting the turtles for the weeks they spend on land (as egg-laying females, as eggs and as hatchlings), we have neglected the years spend in the ocean. "The threat is from commercial fishing," says Griffin. Trawlers (which drag large nets through the water and along the ocean floor) and long line fishers (which can deploy thousands of hooks on lines that can stretch for miles) take a heavy toll on turtles.
Of course, like every other environmental issue today, this is playing out against the background of global warming and human interference with natural ecosystems. The narrow strips of beach on which the turtles lay their eggs are being squeezed on one side by development and on the other by the threat of rising sea levels as the oceans warm. Ultimately we must get a handle on those issues as well, or a creature that outlived the dinosaurs will meet its end at the hands of humans, leaving our descendants to wonder how creature so ugly could have won so much affection. | 963.txt | 0 |
[
"persuade human beings to show more affection for turtles",
"stress that even the most ugly species should be protected",
"call for effective measures to ensure sea turtles' survival",
"warn our descendants about the extinction of species"
] | The last sentence of the passage is meant to ________. | For hundreds of millions of years, turtles have struggled out of the sea to lay their eggs on sandy beaches, long before there were nature documentaries to celebrate them, or GPS satellites and marine biologists to track them, or volunteers to hand-carry the hatchlings down to the water's edge lest they become disoriented by headlights and crawl towards a motel parking lot instead. A formidable wall of bureaucracy has been erected to protect their prime nesting on the Atlantic coastlines. With all that attention paid to them, you'd think these creatures would at least have the gratitude not to go extinct.
But Nature is indifferent to human notions of fairness, and a report by the Fish and Wildlife Service showed a worrisome drop in the populations of several species of North Atlantic turtles, notably loggerheads, which can grow to as much as 400 pounds. The South Florida nesting population, the largest, has declined by 50% in the last decade, according to Elizabeth Griffin, a marine biologist with the environmental group Oceana. The figures prompted Oceana to petition the government to upgrade the level of protection for the North Atlantic loggerheads from "threatened" to "endangered"-meaning they are in danger of disappearing without additional help.
Which raises the obvious question: what else do these turtles want from us, anyway? It turns out, according to Griffin, that while we have done a good job of protecting the turtles for the weeks they spend on land (as egg-laying females, as eggs and as hatchlings), we have neglected the years spend in the ocean. "The threat is from commercial fishing," says Griffin. Trawlers (which drag large nets through the water and along the ocean floor) and long line fishers (which can deploy thousands of hooks on lines that can stretch for miles) take a heavy toll on turtles.
Of course, like every other environmental issue today, this is playing out against the background of global warming and human interference with natural ecosystems. The narrow strips of beach on which the turtles lay their eggs are being squeezed on one side by development and on the other by the threat of rising sea levels as the oceans warm. Ultimately we must get a handle on those issues as well, or a creature that outlived the dinosaurs will meet its end at the hands of humans, leaving our descendants to wonder how creature so ugly could have won so much affection. | 963.txt | 2 |
[
"Her camera stopped working.",
"A woman blocked her view.",
"Someone asked her to leave.",
"A friend approached from behind."
] | What happened when the author was about to take a photo? | Unfortunately, just as I took out my camera, a woman approached from behind, and planted herself right in front of my view. Like me, this woman was here to stop, sigh and appreciate the view.
Patient as I was, after about 15 minutes, my camera scanning the sun and reviewing the shot I would eventually take, I grew frustrated. Was it too much to ask her to move so I could take just one picture of the landscape? Sure, I could have asked her, but something prevented me from doing so. She seemed so content in her observation. I didn't want to mess with that.
Another 15 minutes passed and I grew bored. The woman was still there. I decided to take the photo anyway. And now when I look at it, I think her presence in the photo is what makes the image interesting. The landscape, beautiful on its own, somehow comes to life and breathes because this woman is engaging with it. zxx|k
This photo, with the unique beauty that unfolded before me and that woman who "ruined" it, now hangs on a wall in my bedroom. What would she think if she knew that her figure is captured and frozen on some stranger's bedroom wall? A bedroom, after all, is a very private space, in which some woman I don't even know has been immortalized(……). In some ways, she lives in my house.
Perhaps we all live in each others' spaces. Perhaps this is what photos are for: to remind us that we all appreciate beauty, that we all share a common desire for pleasure, for connection, for something that is greater than us.
That photo is a reminder, a captured moment, an unspoken conversation between two women, separated only by a thin square of glass. | 3892.txt | 1 |
[
"enjoying herself",
"losing her patience",
"waiting for the sunset",
"thinking about her past"
] | According to the author, the woman was probably _ . | Unfortunately, just as I took out my camera, a woman approached from behind, and planted herself right in front of my view. Like me, this woman was here to stop, sigh and appreciate the view.
Patient as I was, after about 15 minutes, my camera scanning the sun and reviewing the shot I would eventually take, I grew frustrated. Was it too much to ask her to move so I could take just one picture of the landscape? Sure, I could have asked her, but something prevented me from doing so. She seemed so content in her observation. I didn't want to mess with that.
Another 15 minutes passed and I grew bored. The woman was still there. I decided to take the photo anyway. And now when I look at it, I think her presence in the photo is what makes the image interesting. The landscape, beautiful on its own, somehow comes to life and breathes because this woman is engaging with it. zxx|k
This photo, with the unique beauty that unfolded before me and that woman who "ruined" it, now hangs on a wall in my bedroom. What would she think if she knew that her figure is captured and frozen on some stranger's bedroom wall? A bedroom, after all, is a very private space, in which some woman I don't even know has been immortalized(……). In some ways, she lives in my house.
Perhaps we all live in each others' spaces. Perhaps this is what photos are for: to remind us that we all appreciate beauty, that we all share a common desire for pleasure, for connection, for something that is greater than us.
That photo is a reminder, a captured moment, an unspoken conversation between two women, separated only by a thin square of glass. | 3892.txt | 0 |
[
"The rich color of the landscape.",
"The perfect positioning of the camera.",
"The woman's existence in the photo.",
"The soft sunlight that summer day."
] | In the author's opinion, what makes the photo so alive? | Unfortunately, just as I took out my camera, a woman approached from behind, and planted herself right in front of my view. Like me, this woman was here to stop, sigh and appreciate the view.
Patient as I was, after about 15 minutes, my camera scanning the sun and reviewing the shot I would eventually take, I grew frustrated. Was it too much to ask her to move so I could take just one picture of the landscape? Sure, I could have asked her, but something prevented me from doing so. She seemed so content in her observation. I didn't want to mess with that.
Another 15 minutes passed and I grew bored. The woman was still there. I decided to take the photo anyway. And now when I look at it, I think her presence in the photo is what makes the image interesting. The landscape, beautiful on its own, somehow comes to life and breathes because this woman is engaging with it. zxx|k
This photo, with the unique beauty that unfolded before me and that woman who "ruined" it, now hangs on a wall in my bedroom. What would she think if she knew that her figure is captured and frozen on some stranger's bedroom wall? A bedroom, after all, is a very private space, in which some woman I don't even know has been immortalized(……). In some ways, she lives in my house.
Perhaps we all live in each others' spaces. Perhaps this is what photos are for: to remind us that we all appreciate beauty, that we all share a common desire for pleasure, for connection, for something that is greater than us.
That photo is a reminder, a captured moment, an unspoken conversation between two women, separated only by a thin square of glass. | 3892.txt | 2 |
[
"the need to be close to nature",
"the importance of private space",
"the joy of the vacation in Italy",
"the shared passion for beauty"
] | The photo on the bedroom wall enables the author to better understand _ . | Unfortunately, just as I took out my camera, a woman approached from behind, and planted herself right in front of my view. Like me, this woman was here to stop, sigh and appreciate the view.
Patient as I was, after about 15 minutes, my camera scanning the sun and reviewing the shot I would eventually take, I grew frustrated. Was it too much to ask her to move so I could take just one picture of the landscape? Sure, I could have asked her, but something prevented me from doing so. She seemed so content in her observation. I didn't want to mess with that.
Another 15 minutes passed and I grew bored. The woman was still there. I decided to take the photo anyway. And now when I look at it, I think her presence in the photo is what makes the image interesting. The landscape, beautiful on its own, somehow comes to life and breathes because this woman is engaging with it. zxx|k
This photo, with the unique beauty that unfolded before me and that woman who "ruined" it, now hangs on a wall in my bedroom. What would she think if she knew that her figure is captured and frozen on some stranger's bedroom wall? A bedroom, after all, is a very private space, in which some woman I don't even know has been immortalized(……). In some ways, she lives in my house.
Perhaps we all live in each others' spaces. Perhaps this is what photos are for: to remind us that we all appreciate beauty, that we all share a common desire for pleasure, for connection, for something that is greater than us.
That photo is a reminder, a captured moment, an unspoken conversation between two women, separated only by a thin square of glass. | 3892.txt | 3 |
[
"a particular life experience",
"the pleasure of traveling",
"the art of photography",
"a lost friendship"
] | The passage can be seen as the author's reflections upon _ . | Unfortunately, just as I took out my camera, a woman approached from behind, and planted herself right in front of my view. Like me, this woman was here to stop, sigh and appreciate the view.
Patient as I was, after about 15 minutes, my camera scanning the sun and reviewing the shot I would eventually take, I grew frustrated. Was it too much to ask her to move so I could take just one picture of the landscape? Sure, I could have asked her, but something prevented me from doing so. She seemed so content in her observation. I didn't want to mess with that.
Another 15 minutes passed and I grew bored. The woman was still there. I decided to take the photo anyway. And now when I look at it, I think her presence in the photo is what makes the image interesting. The landscape, beautiful on its own, somehow comes to life and breathes because this woman is engaging with it. zxx|k
This photo, with the unique beauty that unfolded before me and that woman who "ruined" it, now hangs on a wall in my bedroom. What would she think if she knew that her figure is captured and frozen on some stranger's bedroom wall? A bedroom, after all, is a very private space, in which some woman I don't even know has been immortalized(……). In some ways, she lives in my house.
Perhaps we all live in each others' spaces. Perhaps this is what photos are for: to remind us that we all appreciate beauty, that we all share a common desire for pleasure, for connection, for something that is greater than us.
That photo is a reminder, a captured moment, an unspoken conversation between two women, separated only by a thin square of glass. | 3892.txt | 0 |
[
"proceeding.",
"exceeding.",
"challenging.",
"outlasting."
] | The word "surpassing" in the passage is closest in meaning to | Some of the earliest human civilizations arose in southern Mesopotamia, in what is now southern Iraq, in the fourth millennium B.C.E. In the second half of the millennium, in the south around the city of Uruk, there was an enormous escalation in the area occupied by permanent settlements. A large part of that increase took place in Uruk itself, which became a real urban center surrounded by a set of secondary settlements. While population estimates are notoriously unreliable, scholars assume that Uruk inhabitants were able to support themselves from the agricultural production of the field surrounding the city, which could be reached with a daily commute. But Uruk's dominant size in the entire region, far surpassing that of other settlements, indicates that it was a regional center and a true city. Indeed, it was the first city in human history.
The vast majority of its population remained active in agriculture, even those people living within the city itself. But a small segment of the urban society started to specialize in nonagricultural tasks as a result of the city's role as a regional center. Within the productive sector, there was a growth of a variety of specialist craftspeople. Early in the Uruk period, the use of undecorated utilitarian pottery was probably the result of specialized mass production. In an early fourth-millennium level of the Eanna archaeological site at Uruk, a pottery style appears that is most characteristic of this process, the so-called beveled-rim bowl. It is a rather shallow bowl that was crudely made in a mold; hence, in only a limited number of standard sizes. For some unknown reason, many were discarded, often still intact, and thousands have been found all over the Near East. The beveled-rim bowl is one of the most telling diagnostic finds for identifying an Uruk-period site. Of importance is the fact that it was produced rapidly in large amounts, most likely by specialists in a central location.
A variety of documentation indicates that certain goods, once made by a family member as one of many duties, were later made by skilled artisans. Certain images depict groups of people, most likely women, involved in weaving textiles, an activity we know from later third-millennium texts to have been vital in the economy and to have been centrally administered. Also, a specialized metal-producing workshop may have been excavated in a small area at Uruk. It contained a number of channels lined by a sequence of holes, about 50 centimeters deep, all showing burn marks and filled with ashes. This has been interpreted as the remains of a workshop where molten metal was scooped up from the channel and poured into molds in the holes. Some type of mass production by specialists were involved here.
Objects themselves suggest that they were the work of skilled professionals. In the late Uruk period(3500-3100 B.C.E.), there first appeared a type of object that remained characteristic for Mesopotamia throughout its entire history: the cylinder seal. This was a small cylinder, usually no more than 3 centimeters high and 2 centimeters in diameter, of shell, bone, faience (a glassy type of stoneware), or various types of stones, on which a scene was carved into the surface. When rolled over a soft materialprimarily the clay of bullae (round seals), tablets, or clay lumps attached to boxes, jars, or door boltsthe scene would appear in relief, easily legible. The technological knowledge needed to carved it was far superior to that for stamp seals, which had happened in the early Neolithic period (approximately 10,000-5000 B.C.E.). From the first appearance of cylinder seals, the carved scenes could be highly elaborate and refined, indicating the work of specialist stone-cutters. Similarly, the late Uruk period shows the first monumental art, relief, and statuary in the round, made with a degree of mastery that only a professional could have produced. | 4012.txt | 1 |
[
"It was a permanent settlement.",
"It was self-sufficient.",
"It was one of a group of other larger settlements.",
"It had easy access to the land where its crops were grown."
] | According to paragraph 1, all of the following are true of the ancient settlement at Uruk EXCEPT | Some of the earliest human civilizations arose in southern Mesopotamia, in what is now southern Iraq, in the fourth millennium B.C.E. In the second half of the millennium, in the south around the city of Uruk, there was an enormous escalation in the area occupied by permanent settlements. A large part of that increase took place in Uruk itself, which became a real urban center surrounded by a set of secondary settlements. While population estimates are notoriously unreliable, scholars assume that Uruk inhabitants were able to support themselves from the agricultural production of the field surrounding the city, which could be reached with a daily commute. But Uruk's dominant size in the entire region, far surpassing that of other settlements, indicates that it was a regional center and a true city. Indeed, it was the first city in human history.
The vast majority of its population remained active in agriculture, even those people living within the city itself. But a small segment of the urban society started to specialize in nonagricultural tasks as a result of the city's role as a regional center. Within the productive sector, there was a growth of a variety of specialist craftspeople. Early in the Uruk period, the use of undecorated utilitarian pottery was probably the result of specialized mass production. In an early fourth-millennium level of the Eanna archaeological site at Uruk, a pottery style appears that is most characteristic of this process, the so-called beveled-rim bowl. It is a rather shallow bowl that was crudely made in a mold; hence, in only a limited number of standard sizes. For some unknown reason, many were discarded, often still intact, and thousands have been found all over the Near East. The beveled-rim bowl is one of the most telling diagnostic finds for identifying an Uruk-period site. Of importance is the fact that it was produced rapidly in large amounts, most likely by specialists in a central location.
A variety of documentation indicates that certain goods, once made by a family member as one of many duties, were later made by skilled artisans. Certain images depict groups of people, most likely women, involved in weaving textiles, an activity we know from later third-millennium texts to have been vital in the economy and to have been centrally administered. Also, a specialized metal-producing workshop may have been excavated in a small area at Uruk. It contained a number of channels lined by a sequence of holes, about 50 centimeters deep, all showing burn marks and filled with ashes. This has been interpreted as the remains of a workshop where molten metal was scooped up from the channel and poured into molds in the holes. Some type of mass production by specialists were involved here.
Objects themselves suggest that they were the work of skilled professionals. In the late Uruk period(3500-3100 B.C.E.), there first appeared a type of object that remained characteristic for Mesopotamia throughout its entire history: the cylinder seal. This was a small cylinder, usually no more than 3 centimeters high and 2 centimeters in diameter, of shell, bone, faience (a glassy type of stoneware), or various types of stones, on which a scene was carved into the surface. When rolled over a soft materialprimarily the clay of bullae (round seals), tablets, or clay lumps attached to boxes, jars, or door boltsthe scene would appear in relief, easily legible. The technological knowledge needed to carved it was far superior to that for stamp seals, which had happened in the early Neolithic period (approximately 10,000-5000 B.C.E.). From the first appearance of cylinder seals, the carved scenes could be highly elaborate and refined, indicating the work of specialist stone-cutters. Similarly, the late Uruk period shows the first monumental art, relief, and statuary in the round, made with a degree of mastery that only a professional could have produced. | 4012.txt | 2 |
[
"unsold.",
"unused.",
"undamaged.",
"unpainted."
] | The word "intact" in the passage is closest in meaning to | Some of the earliest human civilizations arose in southern Mesopotamia, in what is now southern Iraq, in the fourth millennium B.C.E. In the second half of the millennium, in the south around the city of Uruk, there was an enormous escalation in the area occupied by permanent settlements. A large part of that increase took place in Uruk itself, which became a real urban center surrounded by a set of secondary settlements. While population estimates are notoriously unreliable, scholars assume that Uruk inhabitants were able to support themselves from the agricultural production of the field surrounding the city, which could be reached with a daily commute. But Uruk's dominant size in the entire region, far surpassing that of other settlements, indicates that it was a regional center and a true city. Indeed, it was the first city in human history.
The vast majority of its population remained active in agriculture, even those people living within the city itself. But a small segment of the urban society started to specialize in nonagricultural tasks as a result of the city's role as a regional center. Within the productive sector, there was a growth of a variety of specialist craftspeople. Early in the Uruk period, the use of undecorated utilitarian pottery was probably the result of specialized mass production. In an early fourth-millennium level of the Eanna archaeological site at Uruk, a pottery style appears that is most characteristic of this process, the so-called beveled-rim bowl. It is a rather shallow bowl that was crudely made in a mold; hence, in only a limited number of standard sizes. For some unknown reason, many were discarded, often still intact, and thousands have been found all over the Near East. The beveled-rim bowl is one of the most telling diagnostic finds for identifying an Uruk-period site. Of importance is the fact that it was produced rapidly in large amounts, most likely by specialists in a central location.
A variety of documentation indicates that certain goods, once made by a family member as one of many duties, were later made by skilled artisans. Certain images depict groups of people, most likely women, involved in weaving textiles, an activity we know from later third-millennium texts to have been vital in the economy and to have been centrally administered. Also, a specialized metal-producing workshop may have been excavated in a small area at Uruk. It contained a number of channels lined by a sequence of holes, about 50 centimeters deep, all showing burn marks and filled with ashes. This has been interpreted as the remains of a workshop where molten metal was scooped up from the channel and poured into molds in the holes. Some type of mass production by specialists were involved here.
Objects themselves suggest that they were the work of skilled professionals. In the late Uruk period(3500-3100 B.C.E.), there first appeared a type of object that remained characteristic for Mesopotamia throughout its entire history: the cylinder seal. This was a small cylinder, usually no more than 3 centimeters high and 2 centimeters in diameter, of shell, bone, faience (a glassy type of stoneware), or various types of stones, on which a scene was carved into the surface. When rolled over a soft materialprimarily the clay of bullae (round seals), tablets, or clay lumps attached to boxes, jars, or door boltsthe scene would appear in relief, easily legible. The technological knowledge needed to carved it was far superior to that for stamp seals, which had happened in the early Neolithic period (approximately 10,000-5000 B.C.E.). From the first appearance of cylinder seals, the carved scenes could be highly elaborate and refined, indicating the work of specialist stone-cutters. Similarly, the late Uruk period shows the first monumental art, relief, and statuary in the round, made with a degree of mastery that only a professional could have produced. | 4012.txt | 2 |
[
"They were discarded because they became unpopular.",
"They varied greatly in shape and decoration.",
"They were each individually styled.",
"They were made in only a few sizes."
] | According to paragraph 2, which of the following best describes the beveled-rim bowls from the Eanna Archaeological site at Uruk. | Some of the earliest human civilizations arose in southern Mesopotamia, in what is now southern Iraq, in the fourth millennium B.C.E. In the second half of the millennium, in the south around the city of Uruk, there was an enormous escalation in the area occupied by permanent settlements. A large part of that increase took place in Uruk itself, which became a real urban center surrounded by a set of secondary settlements. While population estimates are notoriously unreliable, scholars assume that Uruk inhabitants were able to support themselves from the agricultural production of the field surrounding the city, which could be reached with a daily commute. But Uruk's dominant size in the entire region, far surpassing that of other settlements, indicates that it was a regional center and a true city. Indeed, it was the first city in human history.
The vast majority of its population remained active in agriculture, even those people living within the city itself. But a small segment of the urban society started to specialize in nonagricultural tasks as a result of the city's role as a regional center. Within the productive sector, there was a growth of a variety of specialist craftspeople. Early in the Uruk period, the use of undecorated utilitarian pottery was probably the result of specialized mass production. In an early fourth-millennium level of the Eanna archaeological site at Uruk, a pottery style appears that is most characteristic of this process, the so-called beveled-rim bowl. It is a rather shallow bowl that was crudely made in a mold; hence, in only a limited number of standard sizes. For some unknown reason, many were discarded, often still intact, and thousands have been found all over the Near East. The beveled-rim bowl is one of the most telling diagnostic finds for identifying an Uruk-period site. Of importance is the fact that it was produced rapidly in large amounts, most likely by specialists in a central location.
A variety of documentation indicates that certain goods, once made by a family member as one of many duties, were later made by skilled artisans. Certain images depict groups of people, most likely women, involved in weaving textiles, an activity we know from later third-millennium texts to have been vital in the economy and to have been centrally administered. Also, a specialized metal-producing workshop may have been excavated in a small area at Uruk. It contained a number of channels lined by a sequence of holes, about 50 centimeters deep, all showing burn marks and filled with ashes. This has been interpreted as the remains of a workshop where molten metal was scooped up from the channel and poured into molds in the holes. Some type of mass production by specialists were involved here.
Objects themselves suggest that they were the work of skilled professionals. In the late Uruk period(3500-3100 B.C.E.), there first appeared a type of object that remained characteristic for Mesopotamia throughout its entire history: the cylinder seal. This was a small cylinder, usually no more than 3 centimeters high and 2 centimeters in diameter, of shell, bone, faience (a glassy type of stoneware), or various types of stones, on which a scene was carved into the surface. When rolled over a soft materialprimarily the clay of bullae (round seals), tablets, or clay lumps attached to boxes, jars, or door boltsthe scene would appear in relief, easily legible. The technological knowledge needed to carved it was far superior to that for stamp seals, which had happened in the early Neolithic period (approximately 10,000-5000 B.C.E.). From the first appearance of cylinder seals, the carved scenes could be highly elaborate and refined, indicating the work of specialist stone-cutters. Similarly, the late Uruk period shows the first monumental art, relief, and statuary in the round, made with a degree of mastery that only a professional could have produced. | 4012.txt | 3 |
[
"Specialists in nonagricultural tasks obtained a higher status than those engaged in agricultural production.",
"People not needed for framing could perform other more specialized activities.",
"Ancient crafts were beginning to be produced for both utilitarian and decorative purposes.",
"Pottery making was the only known during the fourth millennium."
] | Which of the following can be inferred from paragraph 2 about craft production in the Uruk period? | Some of the earliest human civilizations arose in southern Mesopotamia, in what is now southern Iraq, in the fourth millennium B.C.E. In the second half of the millennium, in the south around the city of Uruk, there was an enormous escalation in the area occupied by permanent settlements. A large part of that increase took place in Uruk itself, which became a real urban center surrounded by a set of secondary settlements. While population estimates are notoriously unreliable, scholars assume that Uruk inhabitants were able to support themselves from the agricultural production of the field surrounding the city, which could be reached with a daily commute. But Uruk's dominant size in the entire region, far surpassing that of other settlements, indicates that it was a regional center and a true city. Indeed, it was the first city in human history.
The vast majority of its population remained active in agriculture, even those people living within the city itself. But a small segment of the urban society started to specialize in nonagricultural tasks as a result of the city's role as a regional center. Within the productive sector, there was a growth of a variety of specialist craftspeople. Early in the Uruk period, the use of undecorated utilitarian pottery was probably the result of specialized mass production. In an early fourth-millennium level of the Eanna archaeological site at Uruk, a pottery style appears that is most characteristic of this process, the so-called beveled-rim bowl. It is a rather shallow bowl that was crudely made in a mold; hence, in only a limited number of standard sizes. For some unknown reason, many were discarded, often still intact, and thousands have been found all over the Near East. The beveled-rim bowl is one of the most telling diagnostic finds for identifying an Uruk-period site. Of importance is the fact that it was produced rapidly in large amounts, most likely by specialists in a central location.
A variety of documentation indicates that certain goods, once made by a family member as one of many duties, were later made by skilled artisans. Certain images depict groups of people, most likely women, involved in weaving textiles, an activity we know from later third-millennium texts to have been vital in the economy and to have been centrally administered. Also, a specialized metal-producing workshop may have been excavated in a small area at Uruk. It contained a number of channels lined by a sequence of holes, about 50 centimeters deep, all showing burn marks and filled with ashes. This has been interpreted as the remains of a workshop where molten metal was scooped up from the channel and poured into molds in the holes. Some type of mass production by specialists were involved here.
Objects themselves suggest that they were the work of skilled professionals. In the late Uruk period(3500-3100 B.C.E.), there first appeared a type of object that remained characteristic for Mesopotamia throughout its entire history: the cylinder seal. This was a small cylinder, usually no more than 3 centimeters high and 2 centimeters in diameter, of shell, bone, faience (a glassy type of stoneware), or various types of stones, on which a scene was carved into the surface. When rolled over a soft materialprimarily the clay of bullae (round seals), tablets, or clay lumps attached to boxes, jars, or door boltsthe scene would appear in relief, easily legible. The technological knowledge needed to carved it was far superior to that for stamp seals, which had happened in the early Neolithic period (approximately 10,000-5000 B.C.E.). From the first appearance of cylinder seals, the carved scenes could be highly elaborate and refined, indicating the work of specialist stone-cutters. Similarly, the late Uruk period shows the first monumental art, relief, and statuary in the round, made with a degree of mastery that only a professional could have produced. | 4012.txt | 1 |
[
"It had an important commercial value.",
"It existed but was not well organized.",
"It is not documented in the archaeological record.",
"It was carried on by individuals in their own homes."
] | According to paragraph 3, which of the following is true of textile production after the fourth millennium? | Some of the earliest human civilizations arose in southern Mesopotamia, in what is now southern Iraq, in the fourth millennium B.C.E. In the second half of the millennium, in the south around the city of Uruk, there was an enormous escalation in the area occupied by permanent settlements. A large part of that increase took place in Uruk itself, which became a real urban center surrounded by a set of secondary settlements. While population estimates are notoriously unreliable, scholars assume that Uruk inhabitants were able to support themselves from the agricultural production of the field surrounding the city, which could be reached with a daily commute. But Uruk's dominant size in the entire region, far surpassing that of other settlements, indicates that it was a regional center and a true city. Indeed, it was the first city in human history.
The vast majority of its population remained active in agriculture, even those people living within the city itself. But a small segment of the urban society started to specialize in nonagricultural tasks as a result of the city's role as a regional center. Within the productive sector, there was a growth of a variety of specialist craftspeople. Early in the Uruk period, the use of undecorated utilitarian pottery was probably the result of specialized mass production. In an early fourth-millennium level of the Eanna archaeological site at Uruk, a pottery style appears that is most characteristic of this process, the so-called beveled-rim bowl. It is a rather shallow bowl that was crudely made in a mold; hence, in only a limited number of standard sizes. For some unknown reason, many were discarded, often still intact, and thousands have been found all over the Near East. The beveled-rim bowl is one of the most telling diagnostic finds for identifying an Uruk-period site. Of importance is the fact that it was produced rapidly in large amounts, most likely by specialists in a central location.
A variety of documentation indicates that certain goods, once made by a family member as one of many duties, were later made by skilled artisans. Certain images depict groups of people, most likely women, involved in weaving textiles, an activity we know from later third-millennium texts to have been vital in the economy and to have been centrally administered. Also, a specialized metal-producing workshop may have been excavated in a small area at Uruk. It contained a number of channels lined by a sequence of holes, about 50 centimeters deep, all showing burn marks and filled with ashes. This has been interpreted as the remains of a workshop where molten metal was scooped up from the channel and poured into molds in the holes. Some type of mass production by specialists were involved here.
Objects themselves suggest that they were the work of skilled professionals. In the late Uruk period(3500-3100 B.C.E.), there first appeared a type of object that remained characteristic for Mesopotamia throughout its entire history: the cylinder seal. This was a small cylinder, usually no more than 3 centimeters high and 2 centimeters in diameter, of shell, bone, faience (a glassy type of stoneware), or various types of stones, on which a scene was carved into the surface. When rolled over a soft materialprimarily the clay of bullae (round seals), tablets, or clay lumps attached to boxes, jars, or door boltsthe scene would appear in relief, easily legible. The technological knowledge needed to carved it was far superior to that for stamp seals, which had happened in the early Neolithic period (approximately 10,000-5000 B.C.E.). From the first appearance of cylinder seals, the carved scenes could be highly elaborate and refined, indicating the work of specialist stone-cutters. Similarly, the late Uruk period shows the first monumental art, relief, and statuary in the round, made with a degree of mastery that only a professional could have produced. | 4012.txt | 0 |
[
"documented.",
"debated.",
"displayed.",
"understood."
] | The word "interpreted" in the passage(paragraph 3)is closest in meaning to | Some of the earliest human civilizations arose in southern Mesopotamia, in what is now southern Iraq, in the fourth millennium B.C.E. In the second half of the millennium, in the south around the city of Uruk, there was an enormous escalation in the area occupied by permanent settlements. A large part of that increase took place in Uruk itself, which became a real urban center surrounded by a set of secondary settlements. While population estimates are notoriously unreliable, scholars assume that Uruk inhabitants were able to support themselves from the agricultural production of the field surrounding the city, which could be reached with a daily commute. But Uruk's dominant size in the entire region, far surpassing that of other settlements, indicates that it was a regional center and a true city. Indeed, it was the first city in human history.
The vast majority of its population remained active in agriculture, even those people living within the city itself. But a small segment of the urban society started to specialize in nonagricultural tasks as a result of the city's role as a regional center. Within the productive sector, there was a growth of a variety of specialist craftspeople. Early in the Uruk period, the use of undecorated utilitarian pottery was probably the result of specialized mass production. In an early fourth-millennium level of the Eanna archaeological site at Uruk, a pottery style appears that is most characteristic of this process, the so-called beveled-rim bowl. It is a rather shallow bowl that was crudely made in a mold; hence, in only a limited number of standard sizes. For some unknown reason, many were discarded, often still intact, and thousands have been found all over the Near East. The beveled-rim bowl is one of the most telling diagnostic finds for identifying an Uruk-period site. Of importance is the fact that it was produced rapidly in large amounts, most likely by specialists in a central location.
A variety of documentation indicates that certain goods, once made by a family member as one of many duties, were later made by skilled artisans. Certain images depict groups of people, most likely women, involved in weaving textiles, an activity we know from later third-millennium texts to have been vital in the economy and to have been centrally administered. Also, a specialized metal-producing workshop may have been excavated in a small area at Uruk. It contained a number of channels lined by a sequence of holes, about 50 centimeters deep, all showing burn marks and filled with ashes. This has been interpreted as the remains of a workshop where molten metal was scooped up from the channel and poured into molds in the holes. Some type of mass production by specialists were involved here.
Objects themselves suggest that they were the work of skilled professionals. In the late Uruk period(3500-3100 B.C.E.), there first appeared a type of object that remained characteristic for Mesopotamia throughout its entire history: the cylinder seal. This was a small cylinder, usually no more than 3 centimeters high and 2 centimeters in diameter, of shell, bone, faience (a glassy type of stoneware), or various types of stones, on which a scene was carved into the surface. When rolled over a soft materialprimarily the clay of bullae (round seals), tablets, or clay lumps attached to boxes, jars, or door boltsthe scene would appear in relief, easily legible. The technological knowledge needed to carved it was far superior to that for stamp seals, which had happened in the early Neolithic period (approximately 10,000-5000 B.C.E.). From the first appearance of cylinder seals, the carved scenes could be highly elaborate and refined, indicating the work of specialist stone-cutters. Similarly, the late Uruk period shows the first monumental art, relief, and statuary in the round, made with a degree of mastery that only a professional could have produced. | 4012.txt | 3 |
[
"To contrast the productivity of crafts workers in the third and fourth millennia.",
"To provide additional evidence of mass production by crafts workers.",
"To suggest that an early form of urban settlement may have exist before Uruk.",
"To contrast the development of weaving and pottery in Uruk."
] | What is the purpose of paragraph 3? | Some of the earliest human civilizations arose in southern Mesopotamia, in what is now southern Iraq, in the fourth millennium B.C.E. In the second half of the millennium, in the south around the city of Uruk, there was an enormous escalation in the area occupied by permanent settlements. A large part of that increase took place in Uruk itself, which became a real urban center surrounded by a set of secondary settlements. While population estimates are notoriously unreliable, scholars assume that Uruk inhabitants were able to support themselves from the agricultural production of the field surrounding the city, which could be reached with a daily commute. But Uruk's dominant size in the entire region, far surpassing that of other settlements, indicates that it was a regional center and a true city. Indeed, it was the first city in human history.
The vast majority of its population remained active in agriculture, even those people living within the city itself. But a small segment of the urban society started to specialize in nonagricultural tasks as a result of the city's role as a regional center. Within the productive sector, there was a growth of a variety of specialist craftspeople. Early in the Uruk period, the use of undecorated utilitarian pottery was probably the result of specialized mass production. In an early fourth-millennium level of the Eanna archaeological site at Uruk, a pottery style appears that is most characteristic of this process, the so-called beveled-rim bowl. It is a rather shallow bowl that was crudely made in a mold; hence, in only a limited number of standard sizes. For some unknown reason, many were discarded, often still intact, and thousands have been found all over the Near East. The beveled-rim bowl is one of the most telling diagnostic finds for identifying an Uruk-period site. Of importance is the fact that it was produced rapidly in large amounts, most likely by specialists in a central location.
A variety of documentation indicates that certain goods, once made by a family member as one of many duties, were later made by skilled artisans. Certain images depict groups of people, most likely women, involved in weaving textiles, an activity we know from later third-millennium texts to have been vital in the economy and to have been centrally administered. Also, a specialized metal-producing workshop may have been excavated in a small area at Uruk. It contained a number of channels lined by a sequence of holes, about 50 centimeters deep, all showing burn marks and filled with ashes. This has been interpreted as the remains of a workshop where molten metal was scooped up from the channel and poured into molds in the holes. Some type of mass production by specialists were involved here.
Objects themselves suggest that they were the work of skilled professionals. In the late Uruk period(3500-3100 B.C.E.), there first appeared a type of object that remained characteristic for Mesopotamia throughout its entire history: the cylinder seal. This was a small cylinder, usually no more than 3 centimeters high and 2 centimeters in diameter, of shell, bone, faience (a glassy type of stoneware), or various types of stones, on which a scene was carved into the surface. When rolled over a soft materialprimarily the clay of bullae (round seals), tablets, or clay lumps attached to boxes, jars, or door boltsthe scene would appear in relief, easily legible. The technological knowledge needed to carved it was far superior to that for stamp seals, which had happened in the early Neolithic period (approximately 10,000-5000 B.C.E.). From the first appearance of cylinder seals, the carved scenes could be highly elaborate and refined, indicating the work of specialist stone-cutters. Similarly, the late Uruk period shows the first monumental art, relief, and statuary in the round, made with a degree of mastery that only a professional could have produced. | 4012.txt | 1 |
[
"printable",
"enjoyable",
"recognizable",
"available"
] | The word "legible" in the passage(paragraph 4)is closest in meaning to | Some of the earliest human civilizations arose in southern Mesopotamia, in what is now southern Iraq, in the fourth millennium B.C.E. In the second half of the millennium, in the south around the city of Uruk, there was an enormous escalation in the area occupied by permanent settlements. A large part of that increase took place in Uruk itself, which became a real urban center surrounded by a set of secondary settlements. While population estimates are notoriously unreliable, scholars assume that Uruk inhabitants were able to support themselves from the agricultural production of the field surrounding the city, which could be reached with a daily commute. But Uruk's dominant size in the entire region, far surpassing that of other settlements, indicates that it was a regional center and a true city. Indeed, it was the first city in human history.
The vast majority of its population remained active in agriculture, even those people living within the city itself. But a small segment of the urban society started to specialize in nonagricultural tasks as a result of the city's role as a regional center. Within the productive sector, there was a growth of a variety of specialist craftspeople. Early in the Uruk period, the use of undecorated utilitarian pottery was probably the result of specialized mass production. In an early fourth-millennium level of the Eanna archaeological site at Uruk, a pottery style appears that is most characteristic of this process, the so-called beveled-rim bowl. It is a rather shallow bowl that was crudely made in a mold; hence, in only a limited number of standard sizes. For some unknown reason, many were discarded, often still intact, and thousands have been found all over the Near East. The beveled-rim bowl is one of the most telling diagnostic finds for identifying an Uruk-period site. Of importance is the fact that it was produced rapidly in large amounts, most likely by specialists in a central location.
A variety of documentation indicates that certain goods, once made by a family member as one of many duties, were later made by skilled artisans. Certain images depict groups of people, most likely women, involved in weaving textiles, an activity we know from later third-millennium texts to have been vital in the economy and to have been centrally administered. Also, a specialized metal-producing workshop may have been excavated in a small area at Uruk. It contained a number of channels lined by a sequence of holes, about 50 centimeters deep, all showing burn marks and filled with ashes. This has been interpreted as the remains of a workshop where molten metal was scooped up from the channel and poured into molds in the holes. Some type of mass production by specialists were involved here.
Objects themselves suggest that they were the work of skilled professionals. In the late Uruk period(3500-3100 B.C.E.), there first appeared a type of object that remained characteristic for Mesopotamia throughout its entire history: the cylinder seal. This was a small cylinder, usually no more than 3 centimeters high and 2 centimeters in diameter, of shell, bone, faience (a glassy type of stoneware), or various types of stones, on which a scene was carved into the surface. When rolled over a soft materialprimarily the clay of bullae (round seals), tablets, or clay lumps attached to boxes, jars, or door boltsthe scene would appear in relief, easily legible. The technological knowledge needed to carved it was far superior to that for stamp seals, which had happened in the early Neolithic period (approximately 10,000-5000 B.C.E.). From the first appearance of cylinder seals, the carved scenes could be highly elaborate and refined, indicating the work of specialist stone-cutters. Similarly, the late Uruk period shows the first monumental art, relief, and statuary in the round, made with a degree of mastery that only a professional could have produced. | 4012.txt | 2 |
[
"They were designed more for home than for legal use.",
"They demonstrate that their creators were professionals.",
"They were the first example of seals made from materials other than stone.",
"They were the first example of carved seals."
] | Paragraph 4 suggests which of the following about the significances of Mesopotamian cylinder seals? | Some of the earliest human civilizations arose in southern Mesopotamia, in what is now southern Iraq, in the fourth millennium B.C.E. In the second half of the millennium, in the south around the city of Uruk, there was an enormous escalation in the area occupied by permanent settlements. A large part of that increase took place in Uruk itself, which became a real urban center surrounded by a set of secondary settlements. While population estimates are notoriously unreliable, scholars assume that Uruk inhabitants were able to support themselves from the agricultural production of the field surrounding the city, which could be reached with a daily commute. But Uruk's dominant size in the entire region, far surpassing that of other settlements, indicates that it was a regional center and a true city. Indeed, it was the first city in human history.
The vast majority of its population remained active in agriculture, even those people living within the city itself. But a small segment of the urban society started to specialize in nonagricultural tasks as a result of the city's role as a regional center. Within the productive sector, there was a growth of a variety of specialist craftspeople. Early in the Uruk period, the use of undecorated utilitarian pottery was probably the result of specialized mass production. In an early fourth-millennium level of the Eanna archaeological site at Uruk, a pottery style appears that is most characteristic of this process, the so-called beveled-rim bowl. It is a rather shallow bowl that was crudely made in a mold; hence, in only a limited number of standard sizes. For some unknown reason, many were discarded, often still intact, and thousands have been found all over the Near East. The beveled-rim bowl is one of the most telling diagnostic finds for identifying an Uruk-period site. Of importance is the fact that it was produced rapidly in large amounts, most likely by specialists in a central location.
A variety of documentation indicates that certain goods, once made by a family member as one of many duties, were later made by skilled artisans. Certain images depict groups of people, most likely women, involved in weaving textiles, an activity we know from later third-millennium texts to have been vital in the economy and to have been centrally administered. Also, a specialized metal-producing workshop may have been excavated in a small area at Uruk. It contained a number of channels lined by a sequence of holes, about 50 centimeters deep, all showing burn marks and filled with ashes. This has been interpreted as the remains of a workshop where molten metal was scooped up from the channel and poured into molds in the holes. Some type of mass production by specialists were involved here.
Objects themselves suggest that they were the work of skilled professionals. In the late Uruk period(3500-3100 B.C.E.), there first appeared a type of object that remained characteristic for Mesopotamia throughout its entire history: the cylinder seal. This was a small cylinder, usually no more than 3 centimeters high and 2 centimeters in diameter, of shell, bone, faience (a glassy type of stoneware), or various types of stones, on which a scene was carved into the surface. When rolled over a soft materialprimarily the clay of bullae (round seals), tablets, or clay lumps attached to boxes, jars, or door boltsthe scene would appear in relief, easily legible. The technological knowledge needed to carved it was far superior to that for stamp seals, which had happened in the early Neolithic period (approximately 10,000-5000 B.C.E.). From the first appearance of cylinder seals, the carved scenes could be highly elaborate and refined, indicating the work of specialist stone-cutters. Similarly, the late Uruk period shows the first monumental art, relief, and statuary in the round, made with a degree of mastery that only a professional could have produced. | 4012.txt | 1 |
[
"Its sophisticated sculpture and relief carving.",
"Its architecturally complex monuments.",
"Its invention of stamp seals carved from stone.",
"Its use of highly refined glassy stoneware."
] | According to paragraph 4, one of the artistic achievements of the late Uruk culture was | Some of the earliest human civilizations arose in southern Mesopotamia, in what is now southern Iraq, in the fourth millennium B.C.E. In the second half of the millennium, in the south around the city of Uruk, there was an enormous escalation in the area occupied by permanent settlements. A large part of that increase took place in Uruk itself, which became a real urban center surrounded by a set of secondary settlements. While population estimates are notoriously unreliable, scholars assume that Uruk inhabitants were able to support themselves from the agricultural production of the field surrounding the city, which could be reached with a daily commute. But Uruk's dominant size in the entire region, far surpassing that of other settlements, indicates that it was a regional center and a true city. Indeed, it was the first city in human history.
The vast majority of its population remained active in agriculture, even those people living within the city itself. But a small segment of the urban society started to specialize in nonagricultural tasks as a result of the city's role as a regional center. Within the productive sector, there was a growth of a variety of specialist craftspeople. Early in the Uruk period, the use of undecorated utilitarian pottery was probably the result of specialized mass production. In an early fourth-millennium level of the Eanna archaeological site at Uruk, a pottery style appears that is most characteristic of this process, the so-called beveled-rim bowl. It is a rather shallow bowl that was crudely made in a mold; hence, in only a limited number of standard sizes. For some unknown reason, many were discarded, often still intact, and thousands have been found all over the Near East. The beveled-rim bowl is one of the most telling diagnostic finds for identifying an Uruk-period site. Of importance is the fact that it was produced rapidly in large amounts, most likely by specialists in a central location.
A variety of documentation indicates that certain goods, once made by a family member as one of many duties, were later made by skilled artisans. Certain images depict groups of people, most likely women, involved in weaving textiles, an activity we know from later third-millennium texts to have been vital in the economy and to have been centrally administered. Also, a specialized metal-producing workshop may have been excavated in a small area at Uruk. It contained a number of channels lined by a sequence of holes, about 50 centimeters deep, all showing burn marks and filled with ashes. This has been interpreted as the remains of a workshop where molten metal was scooped up from the channel and poured into molds in the holes. Some type of mass production by specialists were involved here.
Objects themselves suggest that they were the work of skilled professionals. In the late Uruk period(3500-3100 B.C.E.), there first appeared a type of object that remained characteristic for Mesopotamia throughout its entire history: the cylinder seal. This was a small cylinder, usually no more than 3 centimeters high and 2 centimeters in diameter, of shell, bone, faience (a glassy type of stoneware), or various types of stones, on which a scene was carved into the surface. When rolled over a soft materialprimarily the clay of bullae (round seals), tablets, or clay lumps attached to boxes, jars, or door boltsthe scene would appear in relief, easily legible. The technological knowledge needed to carved it was far superior to that for stamp seals, which had happened in the early Neolithic period (approximately 10,000-5000 B.C.E.). From the first appearance of cylinder seals, the carved scenes could be highly elaborate and refined, indicating the work of specialist stone-cutters. Similarly, the late Uruk period shows the first monumental art, relief, and statuary in the round, made with a degree of mastery that only a professional could have produced. | 4012.txt | 0 |
[
"body language",
"logical reasoning",
"tasks demanding for the use of words",
"both A and B"
] | According to the passage, women are usually good at _ . | Women are on the whole more verbal than men. They are good at 1anguage and verbal reasoning. while men tend to be skilled at tasks demanding visual-spatialabilities. In fact, along with aggression these are the most commonly accepted difference between these sexes.
Words are tools for communicating with other people especially information about people. They are mainly social tools. Visual and spatial abilities are good for imagining and manipulating objects and for communicating information about them. Are these talents programmed into the brain? In some of the newest and most controversial research in neurophysiology, it has been suggested that when it comes to the brain males are specialists while women are generalists.
But one knows that, if anything this means in terms of the abilities of the two sexes. Engineering is both Visual and spatial and it's true that there are relatively few women engineers. But women become just as skilled as men at shooting a rifle or driving a car task that involve visual-spatial skills. They also do equally well at programming a computer, which is neither visual nor spatial. Women do, however, seem less likely to fall in love with the objects themselves. We all know men for whom machines seem to be extensions of their identity.
(82)A woman is more likely to see her car, rifle or computer as a useful tool but not in itself fascinating. | 435.txt | 2 |
[
"believed",
"assumed",
"received",
"reconciled"
] | The word "accepted‖ in the last sentence of the first paragraph, roughly means _ . | Women are on the whole more verbal than men. They are good at 1anguage and verbal reasoning. while men tend to be skilled at tasks demanding visual-spatialabilities. In fact, along with aggression these are the most commonly accepted difference between these sexes.
Words are tools for communicating with other people especially information about people. They are mainly social tools. Visual and spatial abilities are good for imagining and manipulating objects and for communicating information about them. Are these talents programmed into the brain? In some of the newest and most controversial research in neurophysiology, it has been suggested that when it comes to the brain males are specialists while women are generalists.
But one knows that, if anything this means in terms of the abilities of the two sexes. Engineering is both Visual and spatial and it's true that there are relatively few women engineers. But women become just as skilled as men at shooting a rifle or driving a car task that involve visual-spatial skills. They also do equally well at programming a computer, which is neither visual nor spatial. Women do, however, seem less likely to fall in love with the objects themselves. We all know men for whom machines seem to be extensions of their identity.
(82)A woman is more likely to see her car, rifle or computer as a useful tool but not in itself fascinating. | 435.txt | 0 |
[
"achieving one's objects.",
"mind and body.",
"programming talents into the brain.",
"imagination and communication."
] | In the author's opinion, visual and spatial abilities are good for _ . | Women are on the whole more verbal than men. They are good at 1anguage and verbal reasoning. while men tend to be skilled at tasks demanding visual-spatialabilities. In fact, along with aggression these are the most commonly accepted difference between these sexes.
Words are tools for communicating with other people especially information about people. They are mainly social tools. Visual and spatial abilities are good for imagining and manipulating objects and for communicating information about them. Are these talents programmed into the brain? In some of the newest and most controversial research in neurophysiology, it has been suggested that when it comes to the brain males are specialists while women are generalists.
But one knows that, if anything this means in terms of the abilities of the two sexes. Engineering is both Visual and spatial and it's true that there are relatively few women engineers. But women become just as skilled as men at shooting a rifle or driving a car task that involve visual-spatial skills. They also do equally well at programming a computer, which is neither visual nor spatial. Women do, however, seem less likely to fall in love with the objects themselves. We all know men for whom machines seem to be extensions of their identity.
(82)A woman is more likely to see her car, rifle or computer as a useful tool but not in itself fascinating. | 435.txt | 3 |
[
"imagining and handling objects.",
"providing a computer with a set of instructions",
"shooting a gun and driving an automobile",
"planning and making things as an engineer does"
] | All the following tasks involve visual-spatial abilities EXCEPT _ . | Women are on the whole more verbal than men. They are good at 1anguage and verbal reasoning. while men tend to be skilled at tasks demanding visual-spatialabilities. In fact, along with aggression these are the most commonly accepted difference between these sexes.
Words are tools for communicating with other people especially information about people. They are mainly social tools. Visual and spatial abilities are good for imagining and manipulating objects and for communicating information about them. Are these talents programmed into the brain? In some of the newest and most controversial research in neurophysiology, it has been suggested that when it comes to the brain males are specialists while women are generalists.
But one knows that, if anything this means in terms of the abilities of the two sexes. Engineering is both Visual and spatial and it's true that there are relatively few women engineers. But women become just as skilled as men at shooting a rifle or driving a car task that involve visual-spatial skills. They also do equally well at programming a computer, which is neither visual nor spatial. Women do, however, seem less likely to fall in love with the objects themselves. We all know men for whom machines seem to be extensions of their identity.
(82)A woman is more likely to see her car, rifle or computer as a useful tool but not in itself fascinating. | 435.txt | 1 |
[
"Because they have no visual-spatial skills.",
"Because they are only good at 1anguage and verbal reasoning.",
"Because they are less likely to see their charming or interesting aspects.",
"Because they rarely use machines such as cars, rifles, computers, etc."
] | Why do women seem less likely to fall in love with the objects themselves? | Women are on the whole more verbal than men. They are good at 1anguage and verbal reasoning. while men tend to be skilled at tasks demanding visual-spatialabilities. In fact, along with aggression these are the most commonly accepted difference between these sexes.
Words are tools for communicating with other people especially information about people. They are mainly social tools. Visual and spatial abilities are good for imagining and manipulating objects and for communicating information about them. Are these talents programmed into the brain? In some of the newest and most controversial research in neurophysiology, it has been suggested that when it comes to the brain males are specialists while women are generalists.
But one knows that, if anything this means in terms of the abilities of the two sexes. Engineering is both Visual and spatial and it's true that there are relatively few women engineers. But women become just as skilled as men at shooting a rifle or driving a car task that involve visual-spatial skills. They also do equally well at programming a computer, which is neither visual nor spatial. Women do, however, seem less likely to fall in love with the objects themselves. We all know men for whom machines seem to be extensions of their identity.
(82)A woman is more likely to see her car, rifle or computer as a useful tool but not in itself fascinating. | 435.txt | 2 |
[
"It involves the application of sophisticated technology.",
"It is the direction energy development should follow.",
"It will prove to be a profitable business.",
"It is a technology benefiting everyone."
] | What does Dr. Sadoway think of energy storage? | Dr. Donald Sadoway at MIT started his own battery company with the hope of changing the world's energy future. It's a dramatic endorsement for a technology most people think about only when their smartphone goes dark. But Sadoway isn't alone in trumpeting energy storage as a missing link to a cleaner, more efficient, and more equitable energy future.
Scientists and engineers have long believed in the promise of batteries to change the world. Advanced batteries are moving out of specialized markets and creeping into the mainstream, signaling a tipping point for forward-looking technologies such as electric cars and rooftop solar propels.
The ubiquitous battery has already come a long way, of course. For better or worse, batteries make possible our mobile-first lifestyles, our screen culture, our increasingly globalized world. Still, as impressive as all this is, it may be trivial compared with what comes next. Having already enabled a communications revolution, the battery is now poised to transform just about everything else.
The wireless age is expanding to include not just our phones, tablets, and laptops, but also our cars, homes, and even whole communities. In emerging economies, rural communities are bypassing the wires and wooden poles that spread power. Instead, some in Africa and Asia are seeing their first lightbulbs illuminated by the power of sunlight stored in batteries.
Today, energy storage is a $33 billion global industry that generates nearly 100 gigawatt-hours of electricity per year. By the end of the decade, it's expected to be worth over $50 billion and generate 160 gigawatt-hours, enough to attract the attention of major companies that might not otherwise be interested in a decidedly pedestrian technology. Even utility companies, which have long Viewed batteries and alternative forms of energy as a threat, are learning to embrace the technologies as enabling rather than disrupting.
Today's battery breakthroughs come as the. world looks to expand modern energy access to the billion or so people without it, while also cutting back on fuels that warm the planet. Those simultaneous challenges appear less overwhelming with increasingly better answers to a centuries-old question: how to make power portable.
To be sure, the battery still has a long way to go before the nightly recharge completely replaces the weekly trip to the gas station. A battery-powered world comes with its own risks, too. What happens to the centralized electric grid, which took decades and billions of dollars to build, as more and more people become "prosumers," who produce and consume their own energy onsite?
No one knows whichif anybattery technology will ultimately dominate, but one thing remains clear. The future of energy is in how we store it. | 2224.txt | 1 |
[
"Mobile-first lifestyles will become popular.",
"The globalization process will be accelerated.",
"Communications will take more diverse forms.",
"The world will undergo revolutionary changes."
] | What is most likely to happen when advanced batteries become widely used? | Dr. Donald Sadoway at MIT started his own battery company with the hope of changing the world's energy future. It's a dramatic endorsement for a technology most people think about only when their smartphone goes dark. But Sadoway isn't alone in trumpeting energy storage as a missing link to a cleaner, more efficient, and more equitable energy future.
Scientists and engineers have long believed in the promise of batteries to change the world. Advanced batteries are moving out of specialized markets and creeping into the mainstream, signaling a tipping point for forward-looking technologies such as electric cars and rooftop solar propels.
The ubiquitous battery has already come a long way, of course. For better or worse, batteries make possible our mobile-first lifestyles, our screen culture, our increasingly globalized world. Still, as impressive as all this is, it may be trivial compared with what comes next. Having already enabled a communications revolution, the battery is now poised to transform just about everything else.
The wireless age is expanding to include not just our phones, tablets, and laptops, but also our cars, homes, and even whole communities. In emerging economies, rural communities are bypassing the wires and wooden poles that spread power. Instead, some in Africa and Asia are seeing their first lightbulbs illuminated by the power of sunlight stored in batteries.
Today, energy storage is a $33 billion global industry that generates nearly 100 gigawatt-hours of electricity per year. By the end of the decade, it's expected to be worth over $50 billion and generate 160 gigawatt-hours, enough to attract the attention of major companies that might not otherwise be interested in a decidedly pedestrian technology. Even utility companies, which have long Viewed batteries and alternative forms of energy as a threat, are learning to embrace the technologies as enabling rather than disrupting.
Today's battery breakthroughs come as the. world looks to expand modern energy access to the billion or so people without it, while also cutting back on fuels that warm the planet. Those simultaneous challenges appear less overwhelming with increasingly better answers to a centuries-old question: how to make power portable.
To be sure, the battery still has a long way to go before the nightly recharge completely replaces the weekly trip to the gas station. A battery-powered world comes with its own risks, too. What happens to the centralized electric grid, which took decades and billions of dollars to build, as more and more people become "prosumers," who produce and consume their own energy onsite?
No one knows whichif anybattery technology will ultimately dominate, but one thing remains clear. The future of energy is in how we store it. | 2224.txt | 3 |
[
"find digital devices simply indispensable",
"communicate primarily by mobile phone",
"light their homes with stored solar energy",
"distribute power with wires and wooden poles"
] | In some rural communities of emerging economies, people have begun to _ . | Dr. Donald Sadoway at MIT started his own battery company with the hope of changing the world's energy future. It's a dramatic endorsement for a technology most people think about only when their smartphone goes dark. But Sadoway isn't alone in trumpeting energy storage as a missing link to a cleaner, more efficient, and more equitable energy future.
Scientists and engineers have long believed in the promise of batteries to change the world. Advanced batteries are moving out of specialized markets and creeping into the mainstream, signaling a tipping point for forward-looking technologies such as electric cars and rooftop solar propels.
The ubiquitous battery has already come a long way, of course. For better or worse, batteries make possible our mobile-first lifestyles, our screen culture, our increasingly globalized world. Still, as impressive as all this is, it may be trivial compared with what comes next. Having already enabled a communications revolution, the battery is now poised to transform just about everything else.
The wireless age is expanding to include not just our phones, tablets, and laptops, but also our cars, homes, and even whole communities. In emerging economies, rural communities are bypassing the wires and wooden poles that spread power. Instead, some in Africa and Asia are seeing their first lightbulbs illuminated by the power of sunlight stored in batteries.
Today, energy storage is a $33 billion global industry that generates nearly 100 gigawatt-hours of electricity per year. By the end of the decade, it's expected to be worth over $50 billion and generate 160 gigawatt-hours, enough to attract the attention of major companies that might not otherwise be interested in a decidedly pedestrian technology. Even utility companies, which have long Viewed batteries and alternative forms of energy as a threat, are learning to embrace the technologies as enabling rather than disrupting.
Today's battery breakthroughs come as the. world looks to expand modern energy access to the billion or so people without it, while also cutting back on fuels that warm the planet. Those simultaneous challenges appear less overwhelming with increasingly better answers to a centuries-old question: how to make power portable.
To be sure, the battery still has a long way to go before the nightly recharge completely replaces the weekly trip to the gas station. A battery-powered world comes with its own risks, too. What happens to the centralized electric grid, which took decades and billions of dollars to build, as more and more people become "prosumers," who produce and consume their own energy onsite?
No one knows whichif anybattery technology will ultimately dominate, but one thing remains clear. The future of energy is in how we store it. | 2224.txt | 2 |
[
"benefit their business",
"transmit power faster",
"promote innovation",
"encourage competition"
] | Utility companies have begun to realize that battery technologies _ . | Dr. Donald Sadoway at MIT started his own battery company with the hope of changing the world's energy future. It's a dramatic endorsement for a technology most people think about only when their smartphone goes dark. But Sadoway isn't alone in trumpeting energy storage as a missing link to a cleaner, more efficient, and more equitable energy future.
Scientists and engineers have long believed in the promise of batteries to change the world. Advanced batteries are moving out of specialized markets and creeping into the mainstream, signaling a tipping point for forward-looking technologies such as electric cars and rooftop solar propels.
The ubiquitous battery has already come a long way, of course. For better or worse, batteries make possible our mobile-first lifestyles, our screen culture, our increasingly globalized world. Still, as impressive as all this is, it may be trivial compared with what comes next. Having already enabled a communications revolution, the battery is now poised to transform just about everything else.
The wireless age is expanding to include not just our phones, tablets, and laptops, but also our cars, homes, and even whole communities. In emerging economies, rural communities are bypassing the wires and wooden poles that spread power. Instead, some in Africa and Asia are seeing their first lightbulbs illuminated by the power of sunlight stored in batteries.
Today, energy storage is a $33 billion global industry that generates nearly 100 gigawatt-hours of electricity per year. By the end of the decade, it's expected to be worth over $50 billion and generate 160 gigawatt-hours, enough to attract the attention of major companies that might not otherwise be interested in a decidedly pedestrian technology. Even utility companies, which have long Viewed batteries and alternative forms of energy as a threat, are learning to embrace the technologies as enabling rather than disrupting.
Today's battery breakthroughs come as the. world looks to expand modern energy access to the billion or so people without it, while also cutting back on fuels that warm the planet. Those simultaneous challenges appear less overwhelming with increasingly better answers to a centuries-old question: how to make power portable.
To be sure, the battery still has a long way to go before the nightly recharge completely replaces the weekly trip to the gas station. A battery-powered world comes with its own risks, too. What happens to the centralized electric grid, which took decades and billions of dollars to build, as more and more people become "prosumers," who produce and consume their own energy onsite?
No one knows whichif anybattery technology will ultimately dominate, but one thing remains clear. The future of energy is in how we store it. | 2224.txt | 0 |
[
"It might become a thing of the past.",
"It might turn out to be a \"prosumer\".",
"It will be easier to operate and maintain.",
"It will have to be completely transformed."
] | What does the author imply about the centralized electric grid? | Dr. Donald Sadoway at MIT started his own battery company with the hope of changing the world's energy future. It's a dramatic endorsement for a technology most people think about only when their smartphone goes dark. But Sadoway isn't alone in trumpeting energy storage as a missing link to a cleaner, more efficient, and more equitable energy future.
Scientists and engineers have long believed in the promise of batteries to change the world. Advanced batteries are moving out of specialized markets and creeping into the mainstream, signaling a tipping point for forward-looking technologies such as electric cars and rooftop solar propels.
The ubiquitous battery has already come a long way, of course. For better or worse, batteries make possible our mobile-first lifestyles, our screen culture, our increasingly globalized world. Still, as impressive as all this is, it may be trivial compared with what comes next. Having already enabled a communications revolution, the battery is now poised to transform just about everything else.
The wireless age is expanding to include not just our phones, tablets, and laptops, but also our cars, homes, and even whole communities. In emerging economies, rural communities are bypassing the wires and wooden poles that spread power. Instead, some in Africa and Asia are seeing their first lightbulbs illuminated by the power of sunlight stored in batteries.
Today, energy storage is a $33 billion global industry that generates nearly 100 gigawatt-hours of electricity per year. By the end of the decade, it's expected to be worth over $50 billion and generate 160 gigawatt-hours, enough to attract the attention of major companies that might not otherwise be interested in a decidedly pedestrian technology. Even utility companies, which have long Viewed batteries and alternative forms of energy as a threat, are learning to embrace the technologies as enabling rather than disrupting.
Today's battery breakthroughs come as the. world looks to expand modern energy access to the billion or so people without it, while also cutting back on fuels that warm the planet. Those simultaneous challenges appear less overwhelming with increasingly better answers to a centuries-old question: how to make power portable.
To be sure, the battery still has a long way to go before the nightly recharge completely replaces the weekly trip to the gas station. A battery-powered world comes with its own risks, too. What happens to the centralized electric grid, which took decades and billions of dollars to build, as more and more people become "prosumers," who produce and consume their own energy onsite?
No one knows whichif anybattery technology will ultimately dominate, but one thing remains clear. The future of energy is in how we store it. | 2224.txt | 0 |
[
"a necessary part of the society though each individual‘s function is negligible",
"an unimportant part in comparison with the rest of the society, though functioning smoothly",
"working in complete harmony with the rest of the society",
"a humble component of the society, especially when working smoothly"
] | By" a well-oiled cog in the machinery" the author intends to render the idea that man is _ . | In general, our society is becoming one of the giant enterprises directed by a bureaucratic management in which man becomes a small we1l-oiled cog in the machinery.The oiling is done with higher wages, well-ventilated factories and piped music, and by psychologists and" human relations" experts;yet all this oiling does not alter the fact that man has become powerless, that he is bored with it.In fact, the blue-collar and the white-collar workers have become economic puppets who dance to the tune of automated machines and bureaucratic management.
The worker and employee are anxious not only because they might find themselves out of a job, they are anxious also because they are unable to acquire any real satisfaction of interest in life.They live and die without ever having confronted the fundamental realities of human existence as emotionally and intellectually independent and productive human beings.
Those higher up on the social ladder are no less anxious.Their lives are no less empty than those of their subordinates.They are even more insecure in some respects.They are in a highly competitive race.To be promoted or to fall behind is not a matter of salary but even more a matter of self-respect.When they apply for their first job, they are tested for intelligence as well as for the right mixture of submissiveness and independence.From that moment on they are tested again and again by the psychologists, for whom testing is a big business, and by their superiors, who judge their behavior, sociability, capacity to get along, etc.This constant need to prove that one is as good as or better than one‘s fellow competitor creates constant anxiety and stress, the very causes of unhappiness and illness.
Am I suggesting that we should return to the pre-industrial mode of production or to nineteenth century" free enterprise" capitalism? Certainly not.Problems are never solved by returning to a stage which one has already outgrown.I suggest transforming our social system from a bureaucratically managed industrialism in which maximal production and consumption are ends in themselves into a humanist industrialism in which man and full development of his potentialities-those of all love and of reason-are the aims of social arrangements.Production and consumption should serve only as means to this end, and should be prevented from ruling man. | 610.txt | 1 |
[
"they are deprived of their individuality and independence",
"they have no genuine satisfaction or interest in life",
"they are faced with the fundamental realities of human existence",
"they are likely to lose their jobs"
] | The real cause of the anxiety of the workers and employees is that _ . | In general, our society is becoming one of the giant enterprises directed by a bureaucratic management in which man becomes a small we1l-oiled cog in the machinery.The oiling is done with higher wages, well-ventilated factories and piped music, and by psychologists and" human relations" experts;yet all this oiling does not alter the fact that man has become powerless, that he is bored with it.In fact, the blue-collar and the white-collar workers have become economic puppets who dance to the tune of automated machines and bureaucratic management.
The worker and employee are anxious not only because they might find themselves out of a job, they are anxious also because they are unable to acquire any real satisfaction of interest in life.They live and die without ever having confronted the fundamental realities of human existence as emotionally and intellectually independent and productive human beings.
Those higher up on the social ladder are no less anxious.Their lives are no less empty than those of their subordinates.They are even more insecure in some respects.They are in a highly competitive race.To be promoted or to fall behind is not a matter of salary but even more a matter of self-respect.When they apply for their first job, they are tested for intelligence as well as for the right mixture of submissiveness and independence.From that moment on they are tested again and again by the psychologists, for whom testing is a big business, and by their superiors, who judge their behavior, sociability, capacity to get along, etc.This constant need to prove that one is as good as or better than one‘s fellow competitor creates constant anxiety and stress, the very causes of unhappiness and illness.
Am I suggesting that we should return to the pre-industrial mode of production or to nineteenth century" free enterprise" capitalism? Certainly not.Problems are never solved by returning to a stage which one has already outgrown.I suggest transforming our social system from a bureaucratically managed industrialism in which maximal production and consumption are ends in themselves into a humanist industrialism in which man and full development of his potentialities-those of all love and of reason-are the aims of social arrangements.Production and consumption should serve only as means to this end, and should be prevented from ruling man. | 610.txt | 0 |
[
"who are at the bottom of the society",
"who are higher up in their social status",
"who could keep far away from this competitive world",
"who prove better than their fellow competitors"
] | From the passage we can infer that real happiness of life belongs to those _ . | In general, our society is becoming one of the giant enterprises directed by a bureaucratic management in which man becomes a small we1l-oiled cog in the machinery.The oiling is done with higher wages, well-ventilated factories and piped music, and by psychologists and" human relations" experts;yet all this oiling does not alter the fact that man has become powerless, that he is bored with it.In fact, the blue-collar and the white-collar workers have become economic puppets who dance to the tune of automated machines and bureaucratic management.
The worker and employee are anxious not only because they might find themselves out of a job, they are anxious also because they are unable to acquire any real satisfaction of interest in life.They live and die without ever having confronted the fundamental realities of human existence as emotionally and intellectually independent and productive human beings.
Those higher up on the social ladder are no less anxious.Their lives are no less empty than those of their subordinates.They are even more insecure in some respects.They are in a highly competitive race.To be promoted or to fall behind is not a matter of salary but even more a matter of self-respect.When they apply for their first job, they are tested for intelligence as well as for the right mixture of submissiveness and independence.From that moment on they are tested again and again by the psychologists, for whom testing is a big business, and by their superiors, who judge their behavior, sociability, capacity to get along, etc.This constant need to prove that one is as good as or better than one‘s fellow competitor creates constant anxiety and stress, the very causes of unhappiness and illness.
Am I suggesting that we should return to the pre-industrial mode of production or to nineteenth century" free enterprise" capitalism? Certainly not.Problems are never solved by returning to a stage which one has already outgrown.I suggest transforming our social system from a bureaucratically managed industrialism in which maximal production and consumption are ends in themselves into a humanist industrialism in which man and full development of his potentialities-those of all love and of reason-are the aims of social arrangements.Production and consumption should serve only as means to this end, and should be prevented from ruling man. | 610.txt | 2 |
[
"resort to the production mode of our ancestors",
"offer higher wages to the workers and employees",
"enable man to fully develop his potentialities",
"take the fundamental realities for granted"
] | To solve the present social problems the author suggests that we should _ . | In general, our society is becoming one of the giant enterprises directed by a bureaucratic management in which man becomes a small we1l-oiled cog in the machinery.The oiling is done with higher wages, well-ventilated factories and piped music, and by psychologists and" human relations" experts;yet all this oiling does not alter the fact that man has become powerless, that he is bored with it.In fact, the blue-collar and the white-collar workers have become economic puppets who dance to the tune of automated machines and bureaucratic management.
The worker and employee are anxious not only because they might find themselves out of a job, they are anxious also because they are unable to acquire any real satisfaction of interest in life.They live and die without ever having confronted the fundamental realities of human existence as emotionally and intellectually independent and productive human beings.
Those higher up on the social ladder are no less anxious.Their lives are no less empty than those of their subordinates.They are even more insecure in some respects.They are in a highly competitive race.To be promoted or to fall behind is not a matter of salary but even more a matter of self-respect.When they apply for their first job, they are tested for intelligence as well as for the right mixture of submissiveness and independence.From that moment on they are tested again and again by the psychologists, for whom testing is a big business, and by their superiors, who judge their behavior, sociability, capacity to get along, etc.This constant need to prove that one is as good as or better than one‘s fellow competitor creates constant anxiety and stress, the very causes of unhappiness and illness.
Am I suggesting that we should return to the pre-industrial mode of production or to nineteenth century" free enterprise" capitalism? Certainly not.Problems are never solved by returning to a stage which one has already outgrown.I suggest transforming our social system from a bureaucratically managed industrialism in which maximal production and consumption are ends in themselves into a humanist industrialism in which man and full development of his potentialities-those of all love and of reason-are the aims of social arrangements.Production and consumption should serve only as means to this end, and should be prevented from ruling man. | 610.txt | 2 |
[
"approval",
"tolerance",
"suspicion",
"dissatisfaction"
] | The author's attitude towards industrialism might best be summarized as one of _ . | In general, our society is becoming one of the giant enterprises directed by a bureaucratic management in which man becomes a small we1l-oiled cog in the machinery.The oiling is done with higher wages, well-ventilated factories and piped music, and by psychologists and" human relations" experts;yet all this oiling does not alter the fact that man has become powerless, that he is bored with it.In fact, the blue-collar and the white-collar workers have become economic puppets who dance to the tune of automated machines and bureaucratic management.
The worker and employee are anxious not only because they might find themselves out of a job, they are anxious also because they are unable to acquire any real satisfaction of interest in life.They live and die without ever having confronted the fundamental realities of human existence as emotionally and intellectually independent and productive human beings.
Those higher up on the social ladder are no less anxious.Their lives are no less empty than those of their subordinates.They are even more insecure in some respects.They are in a highly competitive race.To be promoted or to fall behind is not a matter of salary but even more a matter of self-respect.When they apply for their first job, they are tested for intelligence as well as for the right mixture of submissiveness and independence.From that moment on they are tested again and again by the psychologists, for whom testing is a big business, and by their superiors, who judge their behavior, sociability, capacity to get along, etc.This constant need to prove that one is as good as or better than one‘s fellow competitor creates constant anxiety and stress, the very causes of unhappiness and illness.
Am I suggesting that we should return to the pre-industrial mode of production or to nineteenth century" free enterprise" capitalism? Certainly not.Problems are never solved by returning to a stage which one has already outgrown.I suggest transforming our social system from a bureaucratically managed industrialism in which maximal production and consumption are ends in themselves into a humanist industrialism in which man and full development of his potentialities-those of all love and of reason-are the aims of social arrangements.Production and consumption should serve only as means to this end, and should be prevented from ruling man. | 610.txt | 3 |
[
"the standards set for contemporary Japanese women",
"the Confucian influence on gender norms in Japan",
"the stereotyped role of women in Japanese families",
"the norms for traditional Japanese women to follow"
] | The first paragraph describes in detail ________. | The use of deferential language is symbolic of the Confucian ideal of the woman, which dominates conservative gender norms in Japan. This ideal presents a woman who withdraws quietly to the background, subordinating her life and needs to those of her family and its male head. She is a dutiful daughter, wife, and mother, master of the domestic arts. The typical refined Japanese woman excels in modesty and delicacy; she "treads softly in the world," elevating feminine beauty and grace to an art form.
Nowadays, it is commonly observed that young women are not conforming to the feminine linguistic ideal. They are using fewer of the very deferential "women's" forms, and even using the few strong forms that are know as "men's." This, of course, attracts considerable attention and has led to an outcry in the Japanese media against the defeminization of women's language. Indeed, we didn't hear about "men's language" until people began to respond to girls' appropriation of forms normally reserved for boys and men. There is considerable sentiment about the "corruption" of women's language-which of course is viewed as part of the loss of feminine ideals and morality-and this sentiment is crystallized by nationwide opinion polls that are regularly carried out by the media.
Yoshiko Matsumoto has argued that young women probably never used as many of the highly deferential forms as older women. This highly polite style is no doubt something that young women have been expected to "grow into"-after all, it is assign not simply of femininity, but of maturity and refinement, and its use could be taken to indicate a change in the nature of one's social relations as well. One might well imagine little girls using exceedingly polite forms when playing house or imitating older women-in a fashion analogous to little girls' use of a high-pitched voice to do "teacher talk" or "mother talk" in role play.
The fact that young Japanese women are using less deferential language is a sure sign of change-of social change and of linguistic change. But it is most certainly not a sign of the "masculization" of girls. In some instances, it may be a sign that girls are making the same claim to authority as boys and men, but that is very different from saying that they are trying to be "masculine." Katsue Reynolds has argued that girls nowadays are using more assertive language strategies in order to be able to compete with boys in schools and out. Social change also brings not simply different positions for women and girls, but different relations to life stages, and adolescent girls are participating in new subcultural forms. Thus what may, to an older speaker, seem like "masculine" speech may seem to an adolescent like "liberated" or "hip" speech. | 853.txt | 1 |
[
"They pay less attention to their linguistic behavior.",
"The use fewer of the deferential linguistic forms.",
"They confuse male and female forms of language.",
"They employ very strong linguistic expressions."
] | What change has been observed in today's young Japanese women? | The use of deferential language is symbolic of the Confucian ideal of the woman, which dominates conservative gender norms in Japan. This ideal presents a woman who withdraws quietly to the background, subordinating her life and needs to those of her family and its male head. She is a dutiful daughter, wife, and mother, master of the domestic arts. The typical refined Japanese woman excels in modesty and delicacy; she "treads softly in the world," elevating feminine beauty and grace to an art form.
Nowadays, it is commonly observed that young women are not conforming to the feminine linguistic ideal. They are using fewer of the very deferential "women's" forms, and even using the few strong forms that are know as "men's." This, of course, attracts considerable attention and has led to an outcry in the Japanese media against the defeminization of women's language. Indeed, we didn't hear about "men's language" until people began to respond to girls' appropriation of forms normally reserved for boys and men. There is considerable sentiment about the "corruption" of women's language-which of course is viewed as part of the loss of feminine ideals and morality-and this sentiment is crystallized by nationwide opinion polls that are regularly carried out by the media.
Yoshiko Matsumoto has argued that young women probably never used as many of the highly deferential forms as older women. This highly polite style is no doubt something that young women have been expected to "grow into"-after all, it is assign not simply of femininity, but of maturity and refinement, and its use could be taken to indicate a change in the nature of one's social relations as well. One might well imagine little girls using exceedingly polite forms when playing house or imitating older women-in a fashion analogous to little girls' use of a high-pitched voice to do "teacher talk" or "mother talk" in role play.
The fact that young Japanese women are using less deferential language is a sure sign of change-of social change and of linguistic change. But it is most certainly not a sign of the "masculization" of girls. In some instances, it may be a sign that girls are making the same claim to authority as boys and men, but that is very different from saying that they are trying to be "masculine." Katsue Reynolds has argued that girls nowadays are using more assertive language strategies in order to be able to compete with boys in schools and out. Social change also brings not simply different positions for women and girls, but different relations to life stages, and adolescent girls are participating in new subcultural forms. Thus what may, to an older speaker, seem like "masculine" speech may seem to an adolescent like "liberated" or "hip" speech. | 853.txt | 1 |
[
"They call for a campaign to stop the defeminization.",
"The see it as an expression of women's sentiment.",
"They accept it as a modern trend.",
"They express strong disapproval."
] | How do some people react to women's appropriation of men's language forms as reported in the Japanese media? | The use of deferential language is symbolic of the Confucian ideal of the woman, which dominates conservative gender norms in Japan. This ideal presents a woman who withdraws quietly to the background, subordinating her life and needs to those of her family and its male head. She is a dutiful daughter, wife, and mother, master of the domestic arts. The typical refined Japanese woman excels in modesty and delicacy; she "treads softly in the world," elevating feminine beauty and grace to an art form.
Nowadays, it is commonly observed that young women are not conforming to the feminine linguistic ideal. They are using fewer of the very deferential "women's" forms, and even using the few strong forms that are know as "men's." This, of course, attracts considerable attention and has led to an outcry in the Japanese media against the defeminization of women's language. Indeed, we didn't hear about "men's language" until people began to respond to girls' appropriation of forms normally reserved for boys and men. There is considerable sentiment about the "corruption" of women's language-which of course is viewed as part of the loss of feminine ideals and morality-and this sentiment is crystallized by nationwide opinion polls that are regularly carried out by the media.
Yoshiko Matsumoto has argued that young women probably never used as many of the highly deferential forms as older women. This highly polite style is no doubt something that young women have been expected to "grow into"-after all, it is assign not simply of femininity, but of maturity and refinement, and its use could be taken to indicate a change in the nature of one's social relations as well. One might well imagine little girls using exceedingly polite forms when playing house or imitating older women-in a fashion analogous to little girls' use of a high-pitched voice to do "teacher talk" or "mother talk" in role play.
The fact that young Japanese women are using less deferential language is a sure sign of change-of social change and of linguistic change. But it is most certainly not a sign of the "masculization" of girls. In some instances, it may be a sign that girls are making the same claim to authority as boys and men, but that is very different from saying that they are trying to be "masculine." Katsue Reynolds has argued that girls nowadays are using more assertive language strategies in order to be able to compete with boys in schools and out. Social change also brings not simply different positions for women and girls, but different relations to life stages, and adolescent girls are participating in new subcultural forms. Thus what may, to an older speaker, seem like "masculine" speech may seem to an adolescent like "liberated" or "hip" speech. | 853.txt | 3 |
[
"may lead to changes in social relations",
"has been true of all past generations",
"is viewed as a sign of their maturity",
"is a result of rapid social progress"
] | According to Yoshiko Matsumoto, the linguistic behavior observed in today's young women ________. | The use of deferential language is symbolic of the Confucian ideal of the woman, which dominates conservative gender norms in Japan. This ideal presents a woman who withdraws quietly to the background, subordinating her life and needs to those of her family and its male head. She is a dutiful daughter, wife, and mother, master of the domestic arts. The typical refined Japanese woman excels in modesty and delicacy; she "treads softly in the world," elevating feminine beauty and grace to an art form.
Nowadays, it is commonly observed that young women are not conforming to the feminine linguistic ideal. They are using fewer of the very deferential "women's" forms, and even using the few strong forms that are know as "men's." This, of course, attracts considerable attention and has led to an outcry in the Japanese media against the defeminization of women's language. Indeed, we didn't hear about "men's language" until people began to respond to girls' appropriation of forms normally reserved for boys and men. There is considerable sentiment about the "corruption" of women's language-which of course is viewed as part of the loss of feminine ideals and morality-and this sentiment is crystallized by nationwide opinion polls that are regularly carried out by the media.
Yoshiko Matsumoto has argued that young women probably never used as many of the highly deferential forms as older women. This highly polite style is no doubt something that young women have been expected to "grow into"-after all, it is assign not simply of femininity, but of maturity and refinement, and its use could be taken to indicate a change in the nature of one's social relations as well. One might well imagine little girls using exceedingly polite forms when playing house or imitating older women-in a fashion analogous to little girls' use of a high-pitched voice to do "teacher talk" or "mother talk" in role play.
The fact that young Japanese women are using less deferential language is a sure sign of change-of social change and of linguistic change. But it is most certainly not a sign of the "masculization" of girls. In some instances, it may be a sign that girls are making the same claim to authority as boys and men, but that is very different from saying that they are trying to be "masculine." Katsue Reynolds has argued that girls nowadays are using more assertive language strategies in order to be able to compete with boys in schools and out. Social change also brings not simply different positions for women and girls, but different relations to life stages, and adolescent girls are participating in new subcultural forms. Thus what may, to an older speaker, seem like "masculine" speech may seem to an adolescent like "liberated" or "hip" speech. | 853.txt | 0 |
[
"a sure sign of their defeminization and maturation",
"an indication of their defiance against social change",
"one of their strategies to compete in a male-dominated society",
"an inevitable trend of linguistic development in Japan today"
] | The author believes that the use of assertive language by young Japanese women is ________. | The use of deferential language is symbolic of the Confucian ideal of the woman, which dominates conservative gender norms in Japan. This ideal presents a woman who withdraws quietly to the background, subordinating her life and needs to those of her family and its male head. She is a dutiful daughter, wife, and mother, master of the domestic arts. The typical refined Japanese woman excels in modesty and delicacy; she "treads softly in the world," elevating feminine beauty and grace to an art form.
Nowadays, it is commonly observed that young women are not conforming to the feminine linguistic ideal. They are using fewer of the very deferential "women's" forms, and even using the few strong forms that are know as "men's." This, of course, attracts considerable attention and has led to an outcry in the Japanese media against the defeminization of women's language. Indeed, we didn't hear about "men's language" until people began to respond to girls' appropriation of forms normally reserved for boys and men. There is considerable sentiment about the "corruption" of women's language-which of course is viewed as part of the loss of feminine ideals and morality-and this sentiment is crystallized by nationwide opinion polls that are regularly carried out by the media.
Yoshiko Matsumoto has argued that young women probably never used as many of the highly deferential forms as older women. This highly polite style is no doubt something that young women have been expected to "grow into"-after all, it is assign not simply of femininity, but of maturity and refinement, and its use could be taken to indicate a change in the nature of one's social relations as well. One might well imagine little girls using exceedingly polite forms when playing house or imitating older women-in a fashion analogous to little girls' use of a high-pitched voice to do "teacher talk" or "mother talk" in role play.
The fact that young Japanese women are using less deferential language is a sure sign of change-of social change and of linguistic change. But it is most certainly not a sign of the "masculization" of girls. In some instances, it may be a sign that girls are making the same claim to authority as boys and men, but that is very different from saying that they are trying to be "masculine." Katsue Reynolds has argued that girls nowadays are using more assertive language strategies in order to be able to compete with boys in schools and out. Social change also brings not simply different positions for women and girls, but different relations to life stages, and adolescent girls are participating in new subcultural forms. Thus what may, to an older speaker, seem like "masculine" speech may seem to an adolescent like "liberated" or "hip" speech. | 853.txt | 2 |
[
"the negative effects of overland flow, rain, and evaporation on river water levels.",
"water that a lake loses to outflowing rivers, to the lake bed, and to evaporation.",
"the importance of rivers to the maintenance of lake water levels.",
"the information given about ways that water can enter or exit a lake."
] | The phrase So much in the passage (paragraph 1) refers to | Where does the water in a lake come from, and how does water leave it? Water enters a lake from inflowing rivers, from underwater seeps and springs, from overland flow off the surrounding land, and from rain falling directly on the lake surface. Water leaves a lake via outflowing rivers, by soaking into the bed of the lake, and by evaporation. So much is obvious.
The questions become more complicated when actual volumes of water are considered: how much water enters and leaves by each route? Discovering the inputs and outputs of rivers is a matter of measuring the discharges of every inflowing and outflowing stream and river. Then exchanges with the atmosphere are calculated by finding the difference between the gains from rain, as measured (rather roughly) by rain gauges, and the losses by evaporation, measured with models that correct for the other sources of water loss. For the majority of lakes, certainly those surrounded by forests, input from overland flow is too small to have a noticeable effect. Changes in lake level not explained by river flows plus exchanges with the atmosphere must be due to the net difference between what seeps into the lake from the groundwater and what leaks into the groundwater. Note the word "net": measuring the actual amounts of groundwater seepage into the lake and out of the lake is a much more complicated matter than merely inferring their difference.
Once all this information has been gathered, it becomes possible to judge whether a lake's flow is mainly due to its surface inputs and outputs or to its underground inputs and outputs. If the former are greater, the lake is a surface-water-dominated lake; if the latter, it is a seepage-dominated lake. Occasionally, common sense tells you which of these two possibilities applies. For example, a pond in hilly country that maintains a steady water level all through a dry summer in spite of having no streams flowing into it must obviously be seepage dominated. Conversely, a pond with a stream flowing in one end and out the other, which dries up when the stream dries up, is clearly surface water dominated.
By whatever means, a lake is constantly gaining water and losing water: its water does not just sit there, or, anyway, not for long. This raises the matter of a lake's residence time. The residence time is the average length of time that any particular molecule of water remains in the lake, and it is calculated by dividing the volume of water in the lake by the rate at which water leaves the lake. The residence time is an average; the time spent in the lake by a given molecule (if we could follow its fate) would depend on the route it took: it might flow through as part of the fastest, most direct current, or it might circle in a backwater for an indefinitely long time.
Residence times vary enormously. They range from a few days for small lakes up to several hundred years for large ones; Lake Tahoe, in California, has a residence time of 700 years. The residence times for the Great Lakes of North America, namely, Lakes Superior, Michigan, Huron, Erie, and Ontario, are, respectively, 190,100,22,2.5, and 6 years. Lake Erie's is the lowest: although its area is larger than Lake Ontario' s, its volume is less than one-third as great because it is so shallow-less than 20 meters on average.
A given lake's residence time is by no means a fixed quantity. It depends on the rate at which water enters the lake, and that depends on the rainfall and the evaporation rate. Climatic change (the result of global warming?) is dramatically affecting the residence times of some lakes in northwestern Ontario, Canada. In the period 1970 to 1986, rainfall in the area decreased from 1,000 millimeters to 650 millimeters per annum, while above-average temperatures speeded up the evapotranspiration rate (the rate at which water is lost to the atmosphere through evaporation and the processes of plant life).
The result has been that the residence time of one of the lakes increased from 5 to 18 years during the study period. The slowing down of water renewal leads to a chain of further consequences; it causes dissolved chemicals to become increasingly concentrated, and this, in turn, has a marked effect on all living things in the lake. | 4167.txt | 3 |
[
"results.",
"increases.",
"resources.",
"savings."
] | The word gains in the passage (paragraph 2) is closest in meaning to | Where does the water in a lake come from, and how does water leave it? Water enters a lake from inflowing rivers, from underwater seeps and springs, from overland flow off the surrounding land, and from rain falling directly on the lake surface. Water leaves a lake via outflowing rivers, by soaking into the bed of the lake, and by evaporation. So much is obvious.
The questions become more complicated when actual volumes of water are considered: how much water enters and leaves by each route? Discovering the inputs and outputs of rivers is a matter of measuring the discharges of every inflowing and outflowing stream and river. Then exchanges with the atmosphere are calculated by finding the difference between the gains from rain, as measured (rather roughly) by rain gauges, and the losses by evaporation, measured with models that correct for the other sources of water loss. For the majority of lakes, certainly those surrounded by forests, input from overland flow is too small to have a noticeable effect. Changes in lake level not explained by river flows plus exchanges with the atmosphere must be due to the net difference between what seeps into the lake from the groundwater and what leaks into the groundwater. Note the word "net": measuring the actual amounts of groundwater seepage into the lake and out of the lake is a much more complicated matter than merely inferring their difference.
Once all this information has been gathered, it becomes possible to judge whether a lake's flow is mainly due to its surface inputs and outputs or to its underground inputs and outputs. If the former are greater, the lake is a surface-water-dominated lake; if the latter, it is a seepage-dominated lake. Occasionally, common sense tells you which of these two possibilities applies. For example, a pond in hilly country that maintains a steady water level all through a dry summer in spite of having no streams flowing into it must obviously be seepage dominated. Conversely, a pond with a stream flowing in one end and out the other, which dries up when the stream dries up, is clearly surface water dominated.
By whatever means, a lake is constantly gaining water and losing water: its water does not just sit there, or, anyway, not for long. This raises the matter of a lake's residence time. The residence time is the average length of time that any particular molecule of water remains in the lake, and it is calculated by dividing the volume of water in the lake by the rate at which water leaves the lake. The residence time is an average; the time spent in the lake by a given molecule (if we could follow its fate) would depend on the route it took: it might flow through as part of the fastest, most direct current, or it might circle in a backwater for an indefinitely long time.
Residence times vary enormously. They range from a few days for small lakes up to several hundred years for large ones; Lake Tahoe, in California, has a residence time of 700 years. The residence times for the Great Lakes of North America, namely, Lakes Superior, Michigan, Huron, Erie, and Ontario, are, respectively, 190,100,22,2.5, and 6 years. Lake Erie's is the lowest: although its area is larger than Lake Ontario' s, its volume is less than one-third as great because it is so shallow-less than 20 meters on average.
A given lake's residence time is by no means a fixed quantity. It depends on the rate at which water enters the lake, and that depends on the rainfall and the evaporation rate. Climatic change (the result of global warming?) is dramatically affecting the residence times of some lakes in northwestern Ontario, Canada. In the period 1970 to 1986, rainfall in the area decreased from 1,000 millimeters to 650 millimeters per annum, while above-average temperatures speeded up the evapotranspiration rate (the rate at which water is lost to the atmosphere through evaporation and the processes of plant life).
The result has been that the residence time of one of the lakes increased from 5 to 18 years during the study period. The slowing down of water renewal leads to a chain of further consequences; it causes dissolved chemicals to become increasingly concentrated, and this, in turn, has a marked effect on all living things in the lake. | 4167.txt | 1 |
[
"Heavy rain accounts for most of the water that enters into lakes.",
"Rainfall replaces approximately the amount of water lost through evaporation.",
"Overland flow into lakes is reduced by the presence of forests.",
"Seepage has a smaller effect on water level than any other input."
] | Which of the following can be inferred from paragraph 2 about the movement of water into a lake? | Where does the water in a lake come from, and how does water leave it? Water enters a lake from inflowing rivers, from underwater seeps and springs, from overland flow off the surrounding land, and from rain falling directly on the lake surface. Water leaves a lake via outflowing rivers, by soaking into the bed of the lake, and by evaporation. So much is obvious.
The questions become more complicated when actual volumes of water are considered: how much water enters and leaves by each route? Discovering the inputs and outputs of rivers is a matter of measuring the discharges of every inflowing and outflowing stream and river. Then exchanges with the atmosphere are calculated by finding the difference between the gains from rain, as measured (rather roughly) by rain gauges, and the losses by evaporation, measured with models that correct for the other sources of water loss. For the majority of lakes, certainly those surrounded by forests, input from overland flow is too small to have a noticeable effect. Changes in lake level not explained by river flows plus exchanges with the atmosphere must be due to the net difference between what seeps into the lake from the groundwater and what leaks into the groundwater. Note the word "net": measuring the actual amounts of groundwater seepage into the lake and out of the lake is a much more complicated matter than merely inferring their difference.
Once all this information has been gathered, it becomes possible to judge whether a lake's flow is mainly due to its surface inputs and outputs or to its underground inputs and outputs. If the former are greater, the lake is a surface-water-dominated lake; if the latter, it is a seepage-dominated lake. Occasionally, common sense tells you which of these two possibilities applies. For example, a pond in hilly country that maintains a steady water level all through a dry summer in spite of having no streams flowing into it must obviously be seepage dominated. Conversely, a pond with a stream flowing in one end and out the other, which dries up when the stream dries up, is clearly surface water dominated.
By whatever means, a lake is constantly gaining water and losing water: its water does not just sit there, or, anyway, not for long. This raises the matter of a lake's residence time. The residence time is the average length of time that any particular molecule of water remains in the lake, and it is calculated by dividing the volume of water in the lake by the rate at which water leaves the lake. The residence time is an average; the time spent in the lake by a given molecule (if we could follow its fate) would depend on the route it took: it might flow through as part of the fastest, most direct current, or it might circle in a backwater for an indefinitely long time.
Residence times vary enormously. They range from a few days for small lakes up to several hundred years for large ones; Lake Tahoe, in California, has a residence time of 700 years. The residence times for the Great Lakes of North America, namely, Lakes Superior, Michigan, Huron, Erie, and Ontario, are, respectively, 190,100,22,2.5, and 6 years. Lake Erie's is the lowest: although its area is larger than Lake Ontario' s, its volume is less than one-third as great because it is so shallow-less than 20 meters on average.
A given lake's residence time is by no means a fixed quantity. It depends on the rate at which water enters the lake, and that depends on the rainfall and the evaporation rate. Climatic change (the result of global warming?) is dramatically affecting the residence times of some lakes in northwestern Ontario, Canada. In the period 1970 to 1986, rainfall in the area decreased from 1,000 millimeters to 650 millimeters per annum, while above-average temperatures speeded up the evapotranspiration rate (the rate at which water is lost to the atmosphere through evaporation and the processes of plant life).
The result has been that the residence time of one of the lakes increased from 5 to 18 years during the study period. The slowing down of water renewal leads to a chain of further consequences; it causes dissolved chemicals to become increasingly concentrated, and this, in turn, has a marked effect on all living things in the lake. | 4167.txt | 2 |
[
"To emphasize the impact of seepage on water levels.",
"To point out that seepage is calculated differently from river flows and atmospheric exchanges.",
"To compare the different methods of calculating seepage.",
"To emphasize the difficulty of obtaining specific values for seepage inputs and outputs."
] | Why does the author use the phrase Note the word "net" in the passage (paragraph 2)? | Where does the water in a lake come from, and how does water leave it? Water enters a lake from inflowing rivers, from underwater seeps and springs, from overland flow off the surrounding land, and from rain falling directly on the lake surface. Water leaves a lake via outflowing rivers, by soaking into the bed of the lake, and by evaporation. So much is obvious.
The questions become more complicated when actual volumes of water are considered: how much water enters and leaves by each route? Discovering the inputs and outputs of rivers is a matter of measuring the discharges of every inflowing and outflowing stream and river. Then exchanges with the atmosphere are calculated by finding the difference between the gains from rain, as measured (rather roughly) by rain gauges, and the losses by evaporation, measured with models that correct for the other sources of water loss. For the majority of lakes, certainly those surrounded by forests, input from overland flow is too small to have a noticeable effect. Changes in lake level not explained by river flows plus exchanges with the atmosphere must be due to the net difference between what seeps into the lake from the groundwater and what leaks into the groundwater. Note the word "net": measuring the actual amounts of groundwater seepage into the lake and out of the lake is a much more complicated matter than merely inferring their difference.
Once all this information has been gathered, it becomes possible to judge whether a lake's flow is mainly due to its surface inputs and outputs or to its underground inputs and outputs. If the former are greater, the lake is a surface-water-dominated lake; if the latter, it is a seepage-dominated lake. Occasionally, common sense tells you which of these two possibilities applies. For example, a pond in hilly country that maintains a steady water level all through a dry summer in spite of having no streams flowing into it must obviously be seepage dominated. Conversely, a pond with a stream flowing in one end and out the other, which dries up when the stream dries up, is clearly surface water dominated.
By whatever means, a lake is constantly gaining water and losing water: its water does not just sit there, or, anyway, not for long. This raises the matter of a lake's residence time. The residence time is the average length of time that any particular molecule of water remains in the lake, and it is calculated by dividing the volume of water in the lake by the rate at which water leaves the lake. The residence time is an average; the time spent in the lake by a given molecule (if we could follow its fate) would depend on the route it took: it might flow through as part of the fastest, most direct current, or it might circle in a backwater for an indefinitely long time.
Residence times vary enormously. They range from a few days for small lakes up to several hundred years for large ones; Lake Tahoe, in California, has a residence time of 700 years. The residence times for the Great Lakes of North America, namely, Lakes Superior, Michigan, Huron, Erie, and Ontario, are, respectively, 190,100,22,2.5, and 6 years. Lake Erie's is the lowest: although its area is larger than Lake Ontario' s, its volume is less than one-third as great because it is so shallow-less than 20 meters on average.
A given lake's residence time is by no means a fixed quantity. It depends on the rate at which water enters the lake, and that depends on the rainfall and the evaporation rate. Climatic change (the result of global warming?) is dramatically affecting the residence times of some lakes in northwestern Ontario, Canada. In the period 1970 to 1986, rainfall in the area decreased from 1,000 millimeters to 650 millimeters per annum, while above-average temperatures speeded up the evapotranspiration rate (the rate at which water is lost to the atmosphere through evaporation and the processes of plant life).
The result has been that the residence time of one of the lakes increased from 5 to 18 years during the study period. The slowing down of water renewal leads to a chain of further consequences; it causes dissolved chemicals to become increasingly concentrated, and this, in turn, has a marked effect on all living things in the lake. | 4167.txt | 3 |
[
"on the other hand.",
"in the same way.",
"in other words.",
"on average."
] | The word Conversely in paragraph 3 meaning to | Where does the water in a lake come from, and how does water leave it? Water enters a lake from inflowing rivers, from underwater seeps and springs, from overland flow off the surrounding land, and from rain falling directly on the lake surface. Water leaves a lake via outflowing rivers, by soaking into the bed of the lake, and by evaporation. So much is obvious.
The questions become more complicated when actual volumes of water are considered: how much water enters and leaves by each route? Discovering the inputs and outputs of rivers is a matter of measuring the discharges of every inflowing and outflowing stream and river. Then exchanges with the atmosphere are calculated by finding the difference between the gains from rain, as measured (rather roughly) by rain gauges, and the losses by evaporation, measured with models that correct for the other sources of water loss. For the majority of lakes, certainly those surrounded by forests, input from overland flow is too small to have a noticeable effect. Changes in lake level not explained by river flows plus exchanges with the atmosphere must be due to the net difference between what seeps into the lake from the groundwater and what leaks into the groundwater. Note the word "net": measuring the actual amounts of groundwater seepage into the lake and out of the lake is a much more complicated matter than merely inferring their difference.
Once all this information has been gathered, it becomes possible to judge whether a lake's flow is mainly due to its surface inputs and outputs or to its underground inputs and outputs. If the former are greater, the lake is a surface-water-dominated lake; if the latter, it is a seepage-dominated lake. Occasionally, common sense tells you which of these two possibilities applies. For example, a pond in hilly country that maintains a steady water level all through a dry summer in spite of having no streams flowing into it must obviously be seepage dominated. Conversely, a pond with a stream flowing in one end and out the other, which dries up when the stream dries up, is clearly surface water dominated.
By whatever means, a lake is constantly gaining water and losing water: its water does not just sit there, or, anyway, not for long. This raises the matter of a lake's residence time. The residence time is the average length of time that any particular molecule of water remains in the lake, and it is calculated by dividing the volume of water in the lake by the rate at which water leaves the lake. The residence time is an average; the time spent in the lake by a given molecule (if we could follow its fate) would depend on the route it took: it might flow through as part of the fastest, most direct current, or it might circle in a backwater for an indefinitely long time.
Residence times vary enormously. They range from a few days for small lakes up to several hundred years for large ones; Lake Tahoe, in California, has a residence time of 700 years. The residence times for the Great Lakes of North America, namely, Lakes Superior, Michigan, Huron, Erie, and Ontario, are, respectively, 190,100,22,2.5, and 6 years. Lake Erie's is the lowest: although its area is larger than Lake Ontario' s, its volume is less than one-third as great because it is so shallow-less than 20 meters on average.
A given lake's residence time is by no means a fixed quantity. It depends on the rate at which water enters the lake, and that depends on the rainfall and the evaporation rate. Climatic change (the result of global warming?) is dramatically affecting the residence times of some lakes in northwestern Ontario, Canada. In the period 1970 to 1986, rainfall in the area decreased from 1,000 millimeters to 650 millimeters per annum, while above-average temperatures speeded up the evapotranspiration rate (the rate at which water is lost to the atmosphere through evaporation and the processes of plant life).
The result has been that the residence time of one of the lakes increased from 5 to 18 years during the study period. The slowing down of water renewal leads to a chain of further consequences; it causes dissolved chemicals to become increasingly concentrated, and this, in turn, has a marked effect on all living things in the lake. | 4167.txt | 0 |
[
"A lake that is fed by streams but still has fluctuating water levels.",
"A lake with a constant water level that has no streams or rivers as inputs.",
"A lake with a stream flowing into it and a stream flowing out of it.",
"A lake that has surface and underground inputs but loses water during dry seasons."
] | According to paragraph 3, which of the following best describes a seepage-dominated lake? | Where does the water in a lake come from, and how does water leave it? Water enters a lake from inflowing rivers, from underwater seeps and springs, from overland flow off the surrounding land, and from rain falling directly on the lake surface. Water leaves a lake via outflowing rivers, by soaking into the bed of the lake, and by evaporation. So much is obvious.
The questions become more complicated when actual volumes of water are considered: how much water enters and leaves by each route? Discovering the inputs and outputs of rivers is a matter of measuring the discharges of every inflowing and outflowing stream and river. Then exchanges with the atmosphere are calculated by finding the difference between the gains from rain, as measured (rather roughly) by rain gauges, and the losses by evaporation, measured with models that correct for the other sources of water loss. For the majority of lakes, certainly those surrounded by forests, input from overland flow is too small to have a noticeable effect. Changes in lake level not explained by river flows plus exchanges with the atmosphere must be due to the net difference between what seeps into the lake from the groundwater and what leaks into the groundwater. Note the word "net": measuring the actual amounts of groundwater seepage into the lake and out of the lake is a much more complicated matter than merely inferring their difference.
Once all this information has been gathered, it becomes possible to judge whether a lake's flow is mainly due to its surface inputs and outputs or to its underground inputs and outputs. If the former are greater, the lake is a surface-water-dominated lake; if the latter, it is a seepage-dominated lake. Occasionally, common sense tells you which of these two possibilities applies. For example, a pond in hilly country that maintains a steady water level all through a dry summer in spite of having no streams flowing into it must obviously be seepage dominated. Conversely, a pond with a stream flowing in one end and out the other, which dries up when the stream dries up, is clearly surface water dominated.
By whatever means, a lake is constantly gaining water and losing water: its water does not just sit there, or, anyway, not for long. This raises the matter of a lake's residence time. The residence time is the average length of time that any particular molecule of water remains in the lake, and it is calculated by dividing the volume of water in the lake by the rate at which water leaves the lake. The residence time is an average; the time spent in the lake by a given molecule (if we could follow its fate) would depend on the route it took: it might flow through as part of the fastest, most direct current, or it might circle in a backwater for an indefinitely long time.
Residence times vary enormously. They range from a few days for small lakes up to several hundred years for large ones; Lake Tahoe, in California, has a residence time of 700 years. The residence times for the Great Lakes of North America, namely, Lakes Superior, Michigan, Huron, Erie, and Ontario, are, respectively, 190,100,22,2.5, and 6 years. Lake Erie's is the lowest: although its area is larger than Lake Ontario' s, its volume is less than one-third as great because it is so shallow-less than 20 meters on average.
A given lake's residence time is by no means a fixed quantity. It depends on the rate at which water enters the lake, and that depends on the rainfall and the evaporation rate. Climatic change (the result of global warming?) is dramatically affecting the residence times of some lakes in northwestern Ontario, Canada. In the period 1970 to 1986, rainfall in the area decreased from 1,000 millimeters to 650 millimeters per annum, while above-average temperatures speeded up the evapotranspiration rate (the rate at which water is lost to the atmosphere through evaporation and the processes of plant life).
The result has been that the residence time of one of the lakes increased from 5 to 18 years during the study period. The slowing down of water renewal leads to a chain of further consequences; it causes dissolved chemicals to become increasingly concentrated, and this, in turn, has a marked effect on all living things in the lake. | 4167.txt | 1 |
[
"depends entirely upon the average speed of a lake' s currents.",
"can be measured by the volume of the lake alone.",
"can be greater or lesser than the residence time.",
"is similar to the length of time all other molecules remain in that lake."
] | It can be inferred from paragraph 4 that the length of time a given molecule of water remains in a lake | Where does the water in a lake come from, and how does water leave it? Water enters a lake from inflowing rivers, from underwater seeps and springs, from overland flow off the surrounding land, and from rain falling directly on the lake surface. Water leaves a lake via outflowing rivers, by soaking into the bed of the lake, and by evaporation. So much is obvious.
The questions become more complicated when actual volumes of water are considered: how much water enters and leaves by each route? Discovering the inputs and outputs of rivers is a matter of measuring the discharges of every inflowing and outflowing stream and river. Then exchanges with the atmosphere are calculated by finding the difference between the gains from rain, as measured (rather roughly) by rain gauges, and the losses by evaporation, measured with models that correct for the other sources of water loss. For the majority of lakes, certainly those surrounded by forests, input from overland flow is too small to have a noticeable effect. Changes in lake level not explained by river flows plus exchanges with the atmosphere must be due to the net difference between what seeps into the lake from the groundwater and what leaks into the groundwater. Note the word "net": measuring the actual amounts of groundwater seepage into the lake and out of the lake is a much more complicated matter than merely inferring their difference.
Once all this information has been gathered, it becomes possible to judge whether a lake's flow is mainly due to its surface inputs and outputs or to its underground inputs and outputs. If the former are greater, the lake is a surface-water-dominated lake; if the latter, it is a seepage-dominated lake. Occasionally, common sense tells you which of these two possibilities applies. For example, a pond in hilly country that maintains a steady water level all through a dry summer in spite of having no streams flowing into it must obviously be seepage dominated. Conversely, a pond with a stream flowing in one end and out the other, which dries up when the stream dries up, is clearly surface water dominated.
By whatever means, a lake is constantly gaining water and losing water: its water does not just sit there, or, anyway, not for long. This raises the matter of a lake's residence time. The residence time is the average length of time that any particular molecule of water remains in the lake, and it is calculated by dividing the volume of water in the lake by the rate at which water leaves the lake. The residence time is an average; the time spent in the lake by a given molecule (if we could follow its fate) would depend on the route it took: it might flow through as part of the fastest, most direct current, or it might circle in a backwater for an indefinitely long time.
Residence times vary enormously. They range from a few days for small lakes up to several hundred years for large ones; Lake Tahoe, in California, has a residence time of 700 years. The residence times for the Great Lakes of North America, namely, Lakes Superior, Michigan, Huron, Erie, and Ontario, are, respectively, 190,100,22,2.5, and 6 years. Lake Erie's is the lowest: although its area is larger than Lake Ontario' s, its volume is less than one-third as great because it is so shallow-less than 20 meters on average.
A given lake's residence time is by no means a fixed quantity. It depends on the rate at which water enters the lake, and that depends on the rainfall and the evaporation rate. Climatic change (the result of global warming?) is dramatically affecting the residence times of some lakes in northwestern Ontario, Canada. In the period 1970 to 1986, rainfall in the area decreased from 1,000 millimeters to 650 millimeters per annum, while above-average temperatures speeded up the evapotranspiration rate (the rate at which water is lost to the atmosphere through evaporation and the processes of plant life).
The result has been that the residence time of one of the lakes increased from 5 to 18 years during the study period. The slowing down of water renewal leads to a chain of further consequences; it causes dissolved chemicals to become increasingly concentrated, and this, in turn, has a marked effect on all living things in the lake. | 4167.txt | 2 |
[
"Lake Erie has a larger area than Lake Ontario.",
"Lake Ontario is shallower than Lake Erie.",
"Lake Ontario has a greater volume than Lake Erie.",
"Lake Erie receives less rainfall than Lake Ontario."
] | According to paragraph 5, Lake Erie's residence time is lower than Lake Ontario's for which of the following reasons? | Where does the water in a lake come from, and how does water leave it? Water enters a lake from inflowing rivers, from underwater seeps and springs, from overland flow off the surrounding land, and from rain falling directly on the lake surface. Water leaves a lake via outflowing rivers, by soaking into the bed of the lake, and by evaporation. So much is obvious.
The questions become more complicated when actual volumes of water are considered: how much water enters and leaves by each route? Discovering the inputs and outputs of rivers is a matter of measuring the discharges of every inflowing and outflowing stream and river. Then exchanges with the atmosphere are calculated by finding the difference between the gains from rain, as measured (rather roughly) by rain gauges, and the losses by evaporation, measured with models that correct for the other sources of water loss. For the majority of lakes, certainly those surrounded by forests, input from overland flow is too small to have a noticeable effect. Changes in lake level not explained by river flows plus exchanges with the atmosphere must be due to the net difference between what seeps into the lake from the groundwater and what leaks into the groundwater. Note the word "net": measuring the actual amounts of groundwater seepage into the lake and out of the lake is a much more complicated matter than merely inferring their difference.
Once all this information has been gathered, it becomes possible to judge whether a lake's flow is mainly due to its surface inputs and outputs or to its underground inputs and outputs. If the former are greater, the lake is a surface-water-dominated lake; if the latter, it is a seepage-dominated lake. Occasionally, common sense tells you which of these two possibilities applies. For example, a pond in hilly country that maintains a steady water level all through a dry summer in spite of having no streams flowing into it must obviously be seepage dominated. Conversely, a pond with a stream flowing in one end and out the other, which dries up when the stream dries up, is clearly surface water dominated.
By whatever means, a lake is constantly gaining water and losing water: its water does not just sit there, or, anyway, not for long. This raises the matter of a lake's residence time. The residence time is the average length of time that any particular molecule of water remains in the lake, and it is calculated by dividing the volume of water in the lake by the rate at which water leaves the lake. The residence time is an average; the time spent in the lake by a given molecule (if we could follow its fate) would depend on the route it took: it might flow through as part of the fastest, most direct current, or it might circle in a backwater for an indefinitely long time.
Residence times vary enormously. They range from a few days for small lakes up to several hundred years for large ones; Lake Tahoe, in California, has a residence time of 700 years. The residence times for the Great Lakes of North America, namely, Lakes Superior, Michigan, Huron, Erie, and Ontario, are, respectively, 190,100,22,2.5, and 6 years. Lake Erie's is the lowest: although its area is larger than Lake Ontario' s, its volume is less than one-third as great because it is so shallow-less than 20 meters on average.
A given lake's residence time is by no means a fixed quantity. It depends on the rate at which water enters the lake, and that depends on the rainfall and the evaporation rate. Climatic change (the result of global warming?) is dramatically affecting the residence times of some lakes in northwestern Ontario, Canada. In the period 1970 to 1986, rainfall in the area decreased from 1,000 millimeters to 650 millimeters per annum, while above-average temperatures speeded up the evapotranspiration rate (the rate at which water is lost to the atmosphere through evaporation and the processes of plant life).
The result has been that the residence time of one of the lakes increased from 5 to 18 years during the study period. The slowing down of water renewal leads to a chain of further consequences; it causes dissolved chemicals to become increasingly concentrated, and this, in turn, has a marked effect on all living things in the lake. | 4167.txt | 2 |
[
"To demonstrate the extent to which residence times vary from lake to lake.",
"To illustrate how residence times are calculated for specific lakes.",
"To argue that the residence time of a lake increases with area.",
"To emphasize that Lake Tahoe' s residence time is unusually long."
] | Why does the author discuss the Great Lakes in paragraph 5? | Where does the water in a lake come from, and how does water leave it? Water enters a lake from inflowing rivers, from underwater seeps and springs, from overland flow off the surrounding land, and from rain falling directly on the lake surface. Water leaves a lake via outflowing rivers, by soaking into the bed of the lake, and by evaporation. So much is obvious.
The questions become more complicated when actual volumes of water are considered: how much water enters and leaves by each route? Discovering the inputs and outputs of rivers is a matter of measuring the discharges of every inflowing and outflowing stream and river. Then exchanges with the atmosphere are calculated by finding the difference between the gains from rain, as measured (rather roughly) by rain gauges, and the losses by evaporation, measured with models that correct for the other sources of water loss. For the majority of lakes, certainly those surrounded by forests, input from overland flow is too small to have a noticeable effect. Changes in lake level not explained by river flows plus exchanges with the atmosphere must be due to the net difference between what seeps into the lake from the groundwater and what leaks into the groundwater. Note the word "net": measuring the actual amounts of groundwater seepage into the lake and out of the lake is a much more complicated matter than merely inferring their difference.
Once all this information has been gathered, it becomes possible to judge whether a lake's flow is mainly due to its surface inputs and outputs or to its underground inputs and outputs. If the former are greater, the lake is a surface-water-dominated lake; if the latter, it is a seepage-dominated lake. Occasionally, common sense tells you which of these two possibilities applies. For example, a pond in hilly country that maintains a steady water level all through a dry summer in spite of having no streams flowing into it must obviously be seepage dominated. Conversely, a pond with a stream flowing in one end and out the other, which dries up when the stream dries up, is clearly surface water dominated.
By whatever means, a lake is constantly gaining water and losing water: its water does not just sit there, or, anyway, not for long. This raises the matter of a lake's residence time. The residence time is the average length of time that any particular molecule of water remains in the lake, and it is calculated by dividing the volume of water in the lake by the rate at which water leaves the lake. The residence time is an average; the time spent in the lake by a given molecule (if we could follow its fate) would depend on the route it took: it might flow through as part of the fastest, most direct current, or it might circle in a backwater for an indefinitely long time.
Residence times vary enormously. They range from a few days for small lakes up to several hundred years for large ones; Lake Tahoe, in California, has a residence time of 700 years. The residence times for the Great Lakes of North America, namely, Lakes Superior, Michigan, Huron, Erie, and Ontario, are, respectively, 190,100,22,2.5, and 6 years. Lake Erie's is the lowest: although its area is larger than Lake Ontario' s, its volume is less than one-third as great because it is so shallow-less than 20 meters on average.
A given lake's residence time is by no means a fixed quantity. It depends on the rate at which water enters the lake, and that depends on the rainfall and the evaporation rate. Climatic change (the result of global warming?) is dramatically affecting the residence times of some lakes in northwestern Ontario, Canada. In the period 1970 to 1986, rainfall in the area decreased from 1,000 millimeters to 650 millimeters per annum, while above-average temperatures speeded up the evapotranspiration rate (the rate at which water is lost to the atmosphere through evaporation and the processes of plant life).
The result has been that the residence time of one of the lakes increased from 5 to 18 years during the study period. The slowing down of water renewal leads to a chain of further consequences; it causes dissolved chemicals to become increasingly concentrated, and this, in turn, has a marked effect on all living things in the lake. | 4167.txt | 0 |
[
"expected.",
"additional.",
"serious.",
"unfortunate."
] | The word further in the passage (paragrapg 6)is closest in meaning to | Where does the water in a lake come from, and how does water leave it? Water enters a lake from inflowing rivers, from underwater seeps and springs, from overland flow off the surrounding land, and from rain falling directly on the lake surface. Water leaves a lake via outflowing rivers, by soaking into the bed of the lake, and by evaporation. So much is obvious.
The questions become more complicated when actual volumes of water are considered: how much water enters and leaves by each route? Discovering the inputs and outputs of rivers is a matter of measuring the discharges of every inflowing and outflowing stream and river. Then exchanges with the atmosphere are calculated by finding the difference between the gains from rain, as measured (rather roughly) by rain gauges, and the losses by evaporation, measured with models that correct for the other sources of water loss. For the majority of lakes, certainly those surrounded by forests, input from overland flow is too small to have a noticeable effect. Changes in lake level not explained by river flows plus exchanges with the atmosphere must be due to the net difference between what seeps into the lake from the groundwater and what leaks into the groundwater. Note the word "net": measuring the actual amounts of groundwater seepage into the lake and out of the lake is a much more complicated matter than merely inferring their difference.
Once all this information has been gathered, it becomes possible to judge whether a lake's flow is mainly due to its surface inputs and outputs or to its underground inputs and outputs. If the former are greater, the lake is a surface-water-dominated lake; if the latter, it is a seepage-dominated lake. Occasionally, common sense tells you which of these two possibilities applies. For example, a pond in hilly country that maintains a steady water level all through a dry summer in spite of having no streams flowing into it must obviously be seepage dominated. Conversely, a pond with a stream flowing in one end and out the other, which dries up when the stream dries up, is clearly surface water dominated.
By whatever means, a lake is constantly gaining water and losing water: its water does not just sit there, or, anyway, not for long. This raises the matter of a lake's residence time. The residence time is the average length of time that any particular molecule of water remains in the lake, and it is calculated by dividing the volume of water in the lake by the rate at which water leaves the lake. The residence time is an average; the time spent in the lake by a given molecule (if we could follow its fate) would depend on the route it took: it might flow through as part of the fastest, most direct current, or it might circle in a backwater for an indefinitely long time.
Residence times vary enormously. They range from a few days for small lakes up to several hundred years for large ones; Lake Tahoe, in California, has a residence time of 700 years. The residence times for the Great Lakes of North America, namely, Lakes Superior, Michigan, Huron, Erie, and Ontario, are, respectively, 190,100,22,2.5, and 6 years. Lake Erie's is the lowest: although its area is larger than Lake Ontario' s, its volume is less than one-third as great because it is so shallow-less than 20 meters on average.
A given lake's residence time is by no means a fixed quantity. It depends on the rate at which water enters the lake, and that depends on the rainfall and the evaporation rate. Climatic change (the result of global warming?) is dramatically affecting the residence times of some lakes in northwestern Ontario, Canada. In the period 1970 to 1986, rainfall in the area decreased from 1,000 millimeters to 650 millimeters per annum, while above-average temperatures speeded up the evapotranspiration rate (the rate at which water is lost to the atmosphere through evaporation and the processes of plant life).
The result has been that the residence time of one of the lakes increased from 5 to 18 years during the study period. The slowing down of water renewal leads to a chain of further consequences; it causes dissolved chemicals to become increasingly concentrated, and this, in turn, has a marked effect on all living things in the lake. | 4167.txt | 1 |
[
"The amount of water flowing into the lakes has increased.",
"The rate of evaporation has decreased more sharply than the amount of rainfall.",
"The renewal of the lakes' water has slowed due to changes in climate.",
"Plants have required less water from the lakes."
] | According to paragraph 6, which of the following explains the increase in residence time of some lakes of northwestern Ontario? | Where does the water in a lake come from, and how does water leave it? Water enters a lake from inflowing rivers, from underwater seeps and springs, from overland flow off the surrounding land, and from rain falling directly on the lake surface. Water leaves a lake via outflowing rivers, by soaking into the bed of the lake, and by evaporation. So much is obvious.
The questions become more complicated when actual volumes of water are considered: how much water enters and leaves by each route? Discovering the inputs and outputs of rivers is a matter of measuring the discharges of every inflowing and outflowing stream and river. Then exchanges with the atmosphere are calculated by finding the difference between the gains from rain, as measured (rather roughly) by rain gauges, and the losses by evaporation, measured with models that correct for the other sources of water loss. For the majority of lakes, certainly those surrounded by forests, input from overland flow is too small to have a noticeable effect. Changes in lake level not explained by river flows plus exchanges with the atmosphere must be due to the net difference between what seeps into the lake from the groundwater and what leaks into the groundwater. Note the word "net": measuring the actual amounts of groundwater seepage into the lake and out of the lake is a much more complicated matter than merely inferring their difference.
Once all this information has been gathered, it becomes possible to judge whether a lake's flow is mainly due to its surface inputs and outputs or to its underground inputs and outputs. If the former are greater, the lake is a surface-water-dominated lake; if the latter, it is a seepage-dominated lake. Occasionally, common sense tells you which of these two possibilities applies. For example, a pond in hilly country that maintains a steady water level all through a dry summer in spite of having no streams flowing into it must obviously be seepage dominated. Conversely, a pond with a stream flowing in one end and out the other, which dries up when the stream dries up, is clearly surface water dominated.
By whatever means, a lake is constantly gaining water and losing water: its water does not just sit there, or, anyway, not for long. This raises the matter of a lake's residence time. The residence time is the average length of time that any particular molecule of water remains in the lake, and it is calculated by dividing the volume of water in the lake by the rate at which water leaves the lake. The residence time is an average; the time spent in the lake by a given molecule (if we could follow its fate) would depend on the route it took: it might flow through as part of the fastest, most direct current, or it might circle in a backwater for an indefinitely long time.
Residence times vary enormously. They range from a few days for small lakes up to several hundred years for large ones; Lake Tahoe, in California, has a residence time of 700 years. The residence times for the Great Lakes of North America, namely, Lakes Superior, Michigan, Huron, Erie, and Ontario, are, respectively, 190,100,22,2.5, and 6 years. Lake Erie's is the lowest: although its area is larger than Lake Ontario' s, its volume is less than one-third as great because it is so shallow-less than 20 meters on average.
A given lake's residence time is by no means a fixed quantity. It depends on the rate at which water enters the lake, and that depends on the rainfall and the evaporation rate. Climatic change (the result of global warming?) is dramatically affecting the residence times of some lakes in northwestern Ontario, Canada. In the period 1970 to 1986, rainfall in the area decreased from 1,000 millimeters to 650 millimeters per annum, while above-average temperatures speeded up the evapotranspiration rate (the rate at which water is lost to the atmosphere through evaporation and the processes of plant life).
The result has been that the residence time of one of the lakes increased from 5 to 18 years during the study period. The slowing down of water renewal leads to a chain of further consequences; it causes dissolved chemicals to become increasingly concentrated, and this, in turn, has a marked effect on all living things in the lake. | 4167.txt | 2 |
[
"amount of rainfall.",
"rate of evaporation.",
"temperature of surrounding air.",
"concentration of chemicals in lake water."
] | According to paragraph 6, residence time is affected by all of the following EXCEPT | Where does the water in a lake come from, and how does water leave it? Water enters a lake from inflowing rivers, from underwater seeps and springs, from overland flow off the surrounding land, and from rain falling directly on the lake surface. Water leaves a lake via outflowing rivers, by soaking into the bed of the lake, and by evaporation. So much is obvious.
The questions become more complicated when actual volumes of water are considered: how much water enters and leaves by each route? Discovering the inputs and outputs of rivers is a matter of measuring the discharges of every inflowing and outflowing stream and river. Then exchanges with the atmosphere are calculated by finding the difference between the gains from rain, as measured (rather roughly) by rain gauges, and the losses by evaporation, measured with models that correct for the other sources of water loss. For the majority of lakes, certainly those surrounded by forests, input from overland flow is too small to have a noticeable effect. Changes in lake level not explained by river flows plus exchanges with the atmosphere must be due to the net difference between what seeps into the lake from the groundwater and what leaks into the groundwater. Note the word "net": measuring the actual amounts of groundwater seepage into the lake and out of the lake is a much more complicated matter than merely inferring their difference.
Once all this information has been gathered, it becomes possible to judge whether a lake's flow is mainly due to its surface inputs and outputs or to its underground inputs and outputs. If the former are greater, the lake is a surface-water-dominated lake; if the latter, it is a seepage-dominated lake. Occasionally, common sense tells you which of these two possibilities applies. For example, a pond in hilly country that maintains a steady water level all through a dry summer in spite of having no streams flowing into it must obviously be seepage dominated. Conversely, a pond with a stream flowing in one end and out the other, which dries up when the stream dries up, is clearly surface water dominated.
By whatever means, a lake is constantly gaining water and losing water: its water does not just sit there, or, anyway, not for long. This raises the matter of a lake's residence time. The residence time is the average length of time that any particular molecule of water remains in the lake, and it is calculated by dividing the volume of water in the lake by the rate at which water leaves the lake. The residence time is an average; the time spent in the lake by a given molecule (if we could follow its fate) would depend on the route it took: it might flow through as part of the fastest, most direct current, or it might circle in a backwater for an indefinitely long time.
Residence times vary enormously. They range from a few days for small lakes up to several hundred years for large ones; Lake Tahoe, in California, has a residence time of 700 years. The residence times for the Great Lakes of North America, namely, Lakes Superior, Michigan, Huron, Erie, and Ontario, are, respectively, 190,100,22,2.5, and 6 years. Lake Erie's is the lowest: although its area is larger than Lake Ontario' s, its volume is less than one-third as great because it is so shallow-less than 20 meters on average.
A given lake's residence time is by no means a fixed quantity. It depends on the rate at which water enters the lake, and that depends on the rainfall and the evaporation rate. Climatic change (the result of global warming?) is dramatically affecting the residence times of some lakes in northwestern Ontario, Canada. In the period 1970 to 1986, rainfall in the area decreased from 1,000 millimeters to 650 millimeters per annum, while above-average temperatures speeded up the evapotranspiration rate (the rate at which water is lost to the atmosphere through evaporation and the processes of plant life).
The result has been that the residence time of one of the lakes increased from 5 to 18 years during the study period. The slowing down of water renewal leads to a chain of further consequences; it causes dissolved chemicals to become increasingly concentrated, and this, in turn, has a marked effect on all living things in the lake. | 4167.txt | 3 |
[
"persuade somebody to change his mind",
"answer showing disagreement",
"talk and go back",
"fight bravely"
] | As used the first line, the phrasetalk backmeans . | Have you ever been afraid to talk back when you were treated unfairly? Have you ever bought something just because the salesman talked you into it? Are you afraid to ask someone for a date?
Many people are afraid to assert themselves. Dr.Alberti, author of Stand Up, Speak Out, and Talk Back, thinks it's because their self-respect is low.Our whole set up is designed to make people distrust themselves,says Alberti.There's always'superior'around-a parent, a teacher, a boss-who'knows better'. There superiors often gain when they chip away at your self-image.
But Alberti and other scientists are doing something to help people assert themselves. They offerassertiveness trainingcourses-AT for short. In the AT courses people learn that they have a right to be themselves. They learn to speak out and feel good about doing so. They learn to be more active without hurting other people.
In one way, learning to speak out is to overcome fear. A group taking an At course will help the timid person to lose his fear. But At uses an even stronger motive-the need to share. The timid person speaks out in the group because he wants to tell how the feels.
Whether or not you speak up for yourself depends on your self-image. If someone you face is moreimportantthan you, you may feel less of a person. You start to doubt your own good sense.
You go by the other person's demand. But, why should you? AT says you can get to feel good about yourself. And once you do, you can learn to speak out. | 1818.txt | 1 |
[
"people are easily cheated when they buy something",
"people are afraid to speak for themselves",
"some people think too low of the themselves",
"some people are afraid of superiors"
] | The passage mainly discusses the problem that . | Have you ever been afraid to talk back when you were treated unfairly? Have you ever bought something just because the salesman talked you into it? Are you afraid to ask someone for a date?
Many people are afraid to assert themselves. Dr.Alberti, author of Stand Up, Speak Out, and Talk Back, thinks it's because their self-respect is low.Our whole set up is designed to make people distrust themselves,says Alberti.There's always'superior'around-a parent, a teacher, a boss-who'knows better'. There superiors often gain when they chip away at your self-image.
But Alberti and other scientists are doing something to help people assert themselves. They offerassertiveness trainingcourses-AT for short. In the AT courses people learn that they have a right to be themselves. They learn to speak out and feel good about doing so. They learn to be more active without hurting other people.
In one way, learning to speak out is to overcome fear. A group taking an At course will help the timid person to lose his fear. But At uses an even stronger motive-the need to share. The timid person speaks out in the group because he wants to tell how the feels.
Whether or not you speak up for yourself depends on your self-image. If someone you face is moreimportantthan you, you may feel less of a person. You start to doubt your own good sense.
You go by the other person's demand. But, why should you? AT says you can get to feel good about yourself. And once you do, you can learn to speak out. | 1818.txt | 2 |
[
"positive",
"negative",
"hostile",
"appreciative"
] | We may infer from the passage that the author's attitude towards the whole set up is . | Have you ever been afraid to talk back when you were treated unfairly? Have you ever bought something just because the salesman talked you into it? Are you afraid to ask someone for a date?
Many people are afraid to assert themselves. Dr.Alberti, author of Stand Up, Speak Out, and Talk Back, thinks it's because their self-respect is low.Our whole set up is designed to make people distrust themselves,says Alberti.There's always'superior'around-a parent, a teacher, a boss-who'knows better'. There superiors often gain when they chip away at your self-image.
But Alberti and other scientists are doing something to help people assert themselves. They offerassertiveness trainingcourses-AT for short. In the AT courses people learn that they have a right to be themselves. They learn to speak out and feel good about doing so. They learn to be more active without hurting other people.
In one way, learning to speak out is to overcome fear. A group taking an At course will help the timid person to lose his fear. But At uses an even stronger motive-the need to share. The timid person speaks out in the group because he wants to tell how the feels.
Whether or not you speak up for yourself depends on your self-image. If someone you face is moreimportantthan you, you may feel less of a person. You start to doubt your own good sense.
You go by the other person's demand. But, why should you? AT says you can get to feel good about yourself. And once you do, you can learn to speak out. | 1818.txt | 1 |
[
"help people overcome fear",
"show people they have a right to be themselves",
"help people to assert themselves even if others suffer",
"help people to feel good about themselves"
] | One thing thatAssertiveness Trainingdoes not do is . | Have you ever been afraid to talk back when you were treated unfairly? Have you ever bought something just because the salesman talked you into it? Are you afraid to ask someone for a date?
Many people are afraid to assert themselves. Dr.Alberti, author of Stand Up, Speak Out, and Talk Back, thinks it's because their self-respect is low.Our whole set up is designed to make people distrust themselves,says Alberti.There's always'superior'around-a parent, a teacher, a boss-who'knows better'. There superiors often gain when they chip away at your self-image.
But Alberti and other scientists are doing something to help people assert themselves. They offerassertiveness trainingcourses-AT for short. In the AT courses people learn that they have a right to be themselves. They learn to speak out and feel good about doing so. They learn to be more active without hurting other people.
In one way, learning to speak out is to overcome fear. A group taking an At course will help the timid person to lose his fear. But At uses an even stronger motive-the need to share. The timid person speaks out in the group because he wants to tell how the feels.
Whether or not you speak up for yourself depends on your self-image. If someone you face is moreimportantthan you, you may feel less of a person. You start to doubt your own good sense.
You go by the other person's demand. But, why should you? AT says you can get to feel good about yourself. And once you do, you can learn to speak out. | 1818.txt | 2 |
[
"Assertiveness Training",
"Development of Self-respect",
"The Importance of Self-image",
"How to Feel Good About Yourself"
] | A best title for this passage is . | Have you ever been afraid to talk back when you were treated unfairly? Have you ever bought something just because the salesman talked you into it? Are you afraid to ask someone for a date?
Many people are afraid to assert themselves. Dr.Alberti, author of Stand Up, Speak Out, and Talk Back, thinks it's because their self-respect is low.Our whole set up is designed to make people distrust themselves,says Alberti.There's always'superior'around-a parent, a teacher, a boss-who'knows better'. There superiors often gain when they chip away at your self-image.
But Alberti and other scientists are doing something to help people assert themselves. They offerassertiveness trainingcourses-AT for short. In the AT courses people learn that they have a right to be themselves. They learn to speak out and feel good about doing so. They learn to be more active without hurting other people.
In one way, learning to speak out is to overcome fear. A group taking an At course will help the timid person to lose his fear. But At uses an even stronger motive-the need to share. The timid person speaks out in the group because he wants to tell how the feels.
Whether or not you speak up for yourself depends on your self-image. If someone you face is moreimportantthan you, you may feel less of a person. You start to doubt your own good sense.
You go by the other person's demand. But, why should you? AT says you can get to feel good about yourself. And once you do, you can learn to speak out. | 1818.txt | 0 |
[
"It is a symbol of the inflammation.",
"It is a symbol of cardiovascular.",
"It relates directly to diabetes.",
"It is a symbol of physiological effects caused by bullying."
] | What do you know about CRP? | They say that sticks and stones may break your bones，but words will never hurt you.Yet childhood bullying really can damage your long-term health.
Gone are the days when bullying was considered an inevitable and ultimately harmless part of growing up-iust last month we learned that childhood bullying can lead to poorer mental health even into middle age.
Now William Copeland at Duke University in Durham，North Carolina，and his colleagues have shown that it can have lingering physiological effects too.They tracked 1420 9-year-olds right through their teens.Each child was seen up to nine times during the study and quizzed about bullying.The team then measured levels of C-reactive protein in their blood.CRP is a marker of inflammationlinked to higher risk of cardiovascular disease and problems like diabetes.
"Because we were collecting biological samples throughout，we were able to look at CRP levels in subjects prior to their bullying involvement."says Copeland."This really gives us an idea of the changes bullying brings about."
Although CRP levels naturally rise in everyone during adolescence，levels were highest in children who reported being tormented by bullies.Even at the ages of 1 9 and 2 1，children who had once been bullied had CRP levels about 1.4 times higher than peers who were neither perpetrators nor victims.In a cruel twist，the bullies had the lowest levels of all.suggesting they didn't suffer the same health risks. They may even see a benefit from their behavior,though Copeland stresses it doesn't vindicatetheir actions."The goal would instead be to find other ways to produce this protective effect without it being at someone else's expense，"he says.
Andrea Danese at King's College London has previously shown that maltreatment during childhood can lead to higll levels of inflammation in adult life."This new study is a helpful addition in showing that these effects extend to another important childhood stressor,"he says.He suggests that care workers could monitor levels of CRP in children having psychotherapy to see if it is helping to soothe the stress of being bullied. | 1372.txt | 1 |
[
"Before the children bullied others.",
"Before the children were bullied.",
"In preference to the children's bullying behavior.",
"In preference to the children's being bullied."
] | What does Copeland mean by saying"prior to their bullying involvement"(Line 2，Para.4)? | They say that sticks and stones may break your bones，but words will never hurt you.Yet childhood bullying really can damage your long-term health.
Gone are the days when bullying was considered an inevitable and ultimately harmless part of growing up-iust last month we learned that childhood bullying can lead to poorer mental health even into middle age.
Now William Copeland at Duke University in Durham，North Carolina，and his colleagues have shown that it can have lingering physiological effects too.They tracked 1420 9-year-olds right through their teens.Each child was seen up to nine times during the study and quizzed about bullying.The team then measured levels of C-reactive protein in their blood.CRP is a marker of inflammationlinked to higher risk of cardiovascular disease and problems like diabetes.
"Because we were collecting biological samples throughout，we were able to look at CRP levels in subjects prior to their bullying involvement."says Copeland."This really gives us an idea of the changes bullying brings about."
Although CRP levels naturally rise in everyone during adolescence，levels were highest in children who reported being tormented by bullies.Even at the ages of 1 9 and 2 1，children who had once been bullied had CRP levels about 1.4 times higher than peers who were neither perpetrators nor victims.In a cruel twist，the bullies had the lowest levels of all.suggesting they didn't suffer the same health risks. They may even see a benefit from their behavior,though Copeland stresses it doesn't vindicatetheir actions."The goal would instead be to find other ways to produce this protective effect without it being at someone else's expense，"he says.
Andrea Danese at King's College London has previously shown that maltreatment during childhood can lead to higll levels of inflammation in adult life."This new study is a helpful addition in showing that these effects extend to another important childhood stressor,"he says.He suggests that care workers could monitor levels of CRP in children having psychotherapy to see if it is helping to soothe the stress of being bullied. | 1372.txt | 0 |
[
"The levels of CRP of the children being bullied are much higher than their peers.",
"CRP levels naturally rise along with the increase of age.",
"The bullies are not blamed for the health risks of the bullied.",
"Copeland intends to defend the benefit of the bullies'actions."
] | What can be learned from paragraph 5? | They say that sticks and stones may break your bones，but words will never hurt you.Yet childhood bullying really can damage your long-term health.
Gone are the days when bullying was considered an inevitable and ultimately harmless part of growing up-iust last month we learned that childhood bullying can lead to poorer mental health even into middle age.
Now William Copeland at Duke University in Durham，North Carolina，and his colleagues have shown that it can have lingering physiological effects too.They tracked 1420 9-year-olds right through their teens.Each child was seen up to nine times during the study and quizzed about bullying.The team then measured levels of C-reactive protein in their blood.CRP is a marker of inflammationlinked to higher risk of cardiovascular disease and problems like diabetes.
"Because we were collecting biological samples throughout，we were able to look at CRP levels in subjects prior to their bullying involvement."says Copeland."This really gives us an idea of the changes bullying brings about."
Although CRP levels naturally rise in everyone during adolescence，levels were highest in children who reported being tormented by bullies.Even at the ages of 1 9 and 2 1，children who had once been bullied had CRP levels about 1.4 times higher than peers who were neither perpetrators nor victims.In a cruel twist，the bullies had the lowest levels of all.suggesting they didn't suffer the same health risks. They may even see a benefit from their behavior,though Copeland stresses it doesn't vindicatetheir actions."The goal would instead be to find other ways to produce this protective effect without it being at someone else's expense，"he says.
Andrea Danese at King's College London has previously shown that maltreatment during childhood can lead to higll levels of inflammation in adult life."This new study is a helpful addition in showing that these effects extend to another important childhood stressor,"he says.He suggests that care workers could monitor levels of CRP in children having psychotherapy to see if it is helping to soothe the stress of being bullied. | 1372.txt | 0 |
[
"It has nothing to do with inflammation in adult life.",
"Copeland's study shows nothing related to it.",
"CRP is the marker of childhood abuse.",
"It has an influence on Children's CRP levels."
] | What does Andrea Danese suggest about childhood maltreatment? | They say that sticks and stones may break your bones，but words will never hurt you.Yet childhood bullying really can damage your long-term health.
Gone are the days when bullying was considered an inevitable and ultimately harmless part of growing up-iust last month we learned that childhood bullying can lead to poorer mental health even into middle age.
Now William Copeland at Duke University in Durham，North Carolina，and his colleagues have shown that it can have lingering physiological effects too.They tracked 1420 9-year-olds right through their teens.Each child was seen up to nine times during the study and quizzed about bullying.The team then measured levels of C-reactive protein in their blood.CRP is a marker of inflammationlinked to higher risk of cardiovascular disease and problems like diabetes.
"Because we were collecting biological samples throughout，we were able to look at CRP levels in subjects prior to their bullying involvement."says Copeland."This really gives us an idea of the changes bullying brings about."
Although CRP levels naturally rise in everyone during adolescence，levels were highest in children who reported being tormented by bullies.Even at the ages of 1 9 and 2 1，children who had once been bullied had CRP levels about 1.4 times higher than peers who were neither perpetrators nor victims.In a cruel twist，the bullies had the lowest levels of all.suggesting they didn't suffer the same health risks. They may even see a benefit from their behavior,though Copeland stresses it doesn't vindicatetheir actions."The goal would instead be to find other ways to produce this protective effect without it being at someone else's expense，"he says.
Andrea Danese at King's College London has previously shown that maltreatment during childhood can lead to higll levels of inflammation in adult life."This new study is a helpful addition in showing that these effects extend to another important childhood stressor,"he says.He suggests that care workers could monitor levels of CRP in children having psychotherapy to see if it is helping to soothe the stress of being bullied. | 1372.txt | 3 |
[
"Bullying is harmless to children's growth.",
"CRP levels reflect the risks of poorer health.",
"Bullying does harm to a person all through his life.",
"Children once bullied have higher CRP levels than peers who are not."
] | What is the main idea of this passage? | They say that sticks and stones may break your bones，but words will never hurt you.Yet childhood bullying really can damage your long-term health.
Gone are the days when bullying was considered an inevitable and ultimately harmless part of growing up-iust last month we learned that childhood bullying can lead to poorer mental health even into middle age.
Now William Copeland at Duke University in Durham，North Carolina，and his colleagues have shown that it can have lingering physiological effects too.They tracked 1420 9-year-olds right through their teens.Each child was seen up to nine times during the study and quizzed about bullying.The team then measured levels of C-reactive protein in their blood.CRP is a marker of inflammationlinked to higher risk of cardiovascular disease and problems like diabetes.
"Because we were collecting biological samples throughout，we were able to look at CRP levels in subjects prior to their bullying involvement."says Copeland."This really gives us an idea of the changes bullying brings about."
Although CRP levels naturally rise in everyone during adolescence，levels were highest in children who reported being tormented by bullies.Even at the ages of 1 9 and 2 1，children who had once been bullied had CRP levels about 1.4 times higher than peers who were neither perpetrators nor victims.In a cruel twist，the bullies had the lowest levels of all.suggesting they didn't suffer the same health risks. They may even see a benefit from their behavior,though Copeland stresses it doesn't vindicatetheir actions."The goal would instead be to find other ways to produce this protective effect without it being at someone else's expense，"he says.
Andrea Danese at King's College London has previously shown that maltreatment during childhood can lead to higll levels of inflammation in adult life."This new study is a helpful addition in showing that these effects extend to another important childhood stressor,"he says.He suggests that care workers could monitor levels of CRP in children having psychotherapy to see if it is helping to soothe the stress of being bullied. | 1372.txt | 2 |
[
"frightening",
"astonishing",
"surprising",
"destroying"
] | In the first paragraph, ―devastating‖ means _ . | AIQILE Bolivia--more than 80 people died and at least 100 were proved injured in the devastating earthquake last Friday, said Bolivia‘s national Civil Defense Service director Luis Montero.
The earthquake, which measured 6.6 degree, hit this distant area of eastern Bolivia early Friday morning.
The small towns of Aiquile and Totora, some 620 kilometres and 645 kilometres east of La Paz separately had a bad effect. Both have been declared disaster areas.
Scores of people are missing, and as many as 15 000 were left homeless. At least 950 homes in the area have been damaged, and as many as 600 destroyed, Montero said. | 2536.txt | 3 |
[
"Aiquile and La Paz",
"Aiquile and Totora",
"La Paz and Totora",
"Bolivia and La Paz"
] | The centre of the earthquake is _ . | AIQILE Bolivia--more than 80 people died and at least 100 were proved injured in the devastating earthquake last Friday, said Bolivia‘s national Civil Defense Service director Luis Montero.
The earthquake, which measured 6.6 degree, hit this distant area of eastern Bolivia early Friday morning.
The small towns of Aiquile and Totora, some 620 kilometres and 645 kilometres east of La Paz separately had a bad effect. Both have been declared disaster areas.
Scores of people are missing, and as many as 15 000 were left homeless. At least 950 homes in the area have been damaged, and as many as 600 destroyed, Montero said. | 2536.txt | 1 |
[
"about 180",
"a lot more than 15000",
"only 80",
"more than 1000"
] | How many people suffered the disaster? | AIQILE Bolivia--more than 80 people died and at least 100 were proved injured in the devastating earthquake last Friday, said Bolivia‘s national Civil Defense Service director Luis Montero.
The earthquake, which measured 6.6 degree, hit this distant area of eastern Bolivia early Friday morning.
The small towns of Aiquile and Totora, some 620 kilometres and 645 kilometres east of La Paz separately had a bad effect. Both have been declared disaster areas.
Scores of people are missing, and as many as 15 000 were left homeless. At least 950 homes in the area have been damaged, and as many as 600 destroyed, Montero said. | 2536.txt | 1 |
[
"The Biggest Earthquake",
"The Earthquake Hit Eastern Bolivia",
"More than 80 People Died",
"950 Homes Damaged, 600 Homes Destroyed"
] | The title of the article is probably _ . | AIQILE Bolivia--more than 80 people died and at least 100 were proved injured in the devastating earthquake last Friday, said Bolivia‘s national Civil Defense Service director Luis Montero.
The earthquake, which measured 6.6 degree, hit this distant area of eastern Bolivia early Friday morning.
The small towns of Aiquile and Totora, some 620 kilometres and 645 kilometres east of La Paz separately had a bad effect. Both have been declared disaster areas.
Scores of people are missing, and as many as 15 000 were left homeless. At least 950 homes in the area have been damaged, and as many as 600 destroyed, Montero said. | 2536.txt | 1 |
[
"vexation",
"irritability",
"discouragement",
"neutrality"
] | Up until 1950, efforts to establish that brain processes and mental experience are related wouldmost likely have been met with | The Relationship between Brain Process with Mental Experience
By 1950, the results of attempts to relate brain processesto mental experience appeared rather discouraging. Suchvariations in size, shape, chemistry, conduction speed, excitationthreshold, and the like as had been demonstrated in nerve cellsremained negligible in significance for any possible correlationwith the manifold dimensions of mental experience.
Near the turn of the century, it had been suggested by Hering that different modes of sensation,such as pain, taste and color, might be correlated with the discharge of specific kinds of nervousenergy, However, subsequently developed methods of recording and analyzing nerve potentialsfailed to reveal any such qualitative diversity. It was possible to demonstrate by other methodsrefined structural differences among neuron types; however, proof was lacking that the quality ofthe impulse or its conduction was influenced by these differences, which seemed instead toinfluence the developmental patterning of the neural circuits. Although qualitative variance amongnerve rigidly disproved, the doctrine was generally abandoned in favor of the opposing view,namely, that nerve impulses are essentially homogeneous in quality and are transmitted as"common currency" throughout the nervous system. According to this theory, it is not the qualityof the sensory nerve impulses that determines the diverse conscious sensations they produce,but, rather, the different areas of the brain into which they discharge, and there is some evidencefor this view. In one experiment, when an electric stimulus was applied to a given sensory field ofthe cerebral cortex of a conscious human subject, it produced a sensation of the appropriatemodality for that particular locus, that is, a visual sensation from the visual cortex, an auditorysensation from the auditory cortex, and so on. Other experiments revealed slight variations in thesize, number, arrangement, and interconnection of the nerve cells, but as for as psychoneuralcorrelations were concerned, the obvious similarities of these sensory fields to each other seemedmuch more remarkable than any of the minute differences.
However, cortical as diverse as those of red, black, green and white, or touch, cold, warmth,movement, pain, posture and pressure apparently may arise through activation of the samecortical areas. What seemed to remain was some kind of differential patterning effects in the brainexcitation: it is the difference in the central distribution of impulses that counts. In short, Braintheory suggested a correlation between mental experience and the activity of relativelyhomogenous nerve-cell units conducting essentially homogeneous impulses throughhomogeneous cerebral tissue. To match the multiple dimensions of mental experiencepsychologists could only point to a limitless variation in the spatiotemporal patterning of nerveimpulses. | 315.txt | 2 |
[
"lack of differentiation among nerve impulses in human beings.",
"similarities in the views of the scientists.",
"similarity of sensations of human beings.",
"continuous passage of nerve impulses through the nervous system."
] | The author mentions "common currency" primarily in order to emphasize the | The Relationship between Brain Process with Mental Experience
By 1950, the results of attempts to relate brain processesto mental experience appeared rather discouraging. Suchvariations in size, shape, chemistry, conduction speed, excitationthreshold, and the like as had been demonstrated in nerve cellsremained negligible in significance for any possible correlationwith the manifold dimensions of mental experience.
Near the turn of the century, it had been suggested by Hering that different modes of sensation,such as pain, taste and color, might be correlated with the discharge of specific kinds of nervousenergy, However, subsequently developed methods of recording and analyzing nerve potentialsfailed to reveal any such qualitative diversity. It was possible to demonstrate by other methodsrefined structural differences among neuron types; however, proof was lacking that the quality ofthe impulse or its conduction was influenced by these differences, which seemed instead toinfluence the developmental patterning of the neural circuits. Although qualitative variance amongnerve rigidly disproved, the doctrine was generally abandoned in favor of the opposing view,namely, that nerve impulses are essentially homogeneous in quality and are transmitted as"common currency" throughout the nervous system. According to this theory, it is not the qualityof the sensory nerve impulses that determines the diverse conscious sensations they produce,but, rather, the different areas of the brain into which they discharge, and there is some evidencefor this view. In one experiment, when an electric stimulus was applied to a given sensory field ofthe cerebral cortex of a conscious human subject, it produced a sensation of the appropriatemodality for that particular locus, that is, a visual sensation from the visual cortex, an auditorysensation from the auditory cortex, and so on. Other experiments revealed slight variations in thesize, number, arrangement, and interconnection of the nerve cells, but as for as psychoneuralcorrelations were concerned, the obvious similarities of these sensory fields to each other seemedmuch more remarkable than any of the minute differences.
However, cortical as diverse as those of red, black, green and white, or touch, cold, warmth,movement, pain, posture and pressure apparently may arise through activation of the samecortical areas. What seemed to remain was some kind of differential patterning effects in the brainexcitation: it is the difference in the central distribution of impulses that counts. In short, Braintheory suggested a correlation between mental experience and the activity of relativelyhomogenous nerve-cell units conducting essentially homogeneous impulses throughhomogeneous cerebral tissue. To match the multiple dimensions of mental experiencepsychologists could only point to a limitless variation in the spatiotemporal patterning of nerveimpulses. | 315.txt | 0 |
[
"Cognitive experience manifested by sensory nerve impulses are influenced by the area of thebrain stimulated.",
"Qualitative diversity in nerve potentials can now be studied more accurately.",
"Sensory stimuli are heterogeneous and are greatly influenced by the nerve sensors theyproduce.",
"Differentiation in neural modalities influences the length of nerve transmissions."
] | Which of the following theories is reinforced by the depiction of the experiment in lines 16-19? | The Relationship between Brain Process with Mental Experience
By 1950, the results of attempts to relate brain processesto mental experience appeared rather discouraging. Suchvariations in size, shape, chemistry, conduction speed, excitationthreshold, and the like as had been demonstrated in nerve cellsremained negligible in significance for any possible correlationwith the manifold dimensions of mental experience.
Near the turn of the century, it had been suggested by Hering that different modes of sensation,such as pain, taste and color, might be correlated with the discharge of specific kinds of nervousenergy, However, subsequently developed methods of recording and analyzing nerve potentialsfailed to reveal any such qualitative diversity. It was possible to demonstrate by other methodsrefined structural differences among neuron types; however, proof was lacking that the quality ofthe impulse or its conduction was influenced by these differences, which seemed instead toinfluence the developmental patterning of the neural circuits. Although qualitative variance amongnerve rigidly disproved, the doctrine was generally abandoned in favor of the opposing view,namely, that nerve impulses are essentially homogeneous in quality and are transmitted as"common currency" throughout the nervous system. According to this theory, it is not the qualityof the sensory nerve impulses that determines the diverse conscious sensations they produce,but, rather, the different areas of the brain into which they discharge, and there is some evidencefor this view. In one experiment, when an electric stimulus was applied to a given sensory field ofthe cerebral cortex of a conscious human subject, it produced a sensation of the appropriatemodality for that particular locus, that is, a visual sensation from the visual cortex, an auditorysensation from the auditory cortex, and so on. Other experiments revealed slight variations in thesize, number, arrangement, and interconnection of the nerve cells, but as for as psychoneuralcorrelations were concerned, the obvious similarities of these sensory fields to each other seemedmuch more remarkable than any of the minute differences.
However, cortical as diverse as those of red, black, green and white, or touch, cold, warmth,movement, pain, posture and pressure apparently may arise through activation of the samecortical areas. What seemed to remain was some kind of differential patterning effects in the brainexcitation: it is the difference in the central distribution of impulses that counts. In short, Braintheory suggested a correlation between mental experience and the activity of relativelyhomogenous nerve-cell units conducting essentially homogeneous impulses throughhomogeneous cerebral tissue. To match the multiple dimensions of mental experiencepsychologists could only point to a limitless variation in the spatiotemporal patterning of nerveimpulses. | 315.txt | 0 |
[
"Nerve cells.",
"Nerve impulses.",
"Cortical areas.",
"Spatial patterns of nerve impulses."
] | It can be inferred from the passage that which of the following exhibit the LEAST qualitativevariation? | The Relationship between Brain Process with Mental Experience
By 1950, the results of attempts to relate brain processesto mental experience appeared rather discouraging. Suchvariations in size, shape, chemistry, conduction speed, excitationthreshold, and the like as had been demonstrated in nerve cellsremained negligible in significance for any possible correlationwith the manifold dimensions of mental experience.
Near the turn of the century, it had been suggested by Hering that different modes of sensation,such as pain, taste and color, might be correlated with the discharge of specific kinds of nervousenergy, However, subsequently developed methods of recording and analyzing nerve potentialsfailed to reveal any such qualitative diversity. It was possible to demonstrate by other methodsrefined structural differences among neuron types; however, proof was lacking that the quality ofthe impulse or its conduction was influenced by these differences, which seemed instead toinfluence the developmental patterning of the neural circuits. Although qualitative variance amongnerve rigidly disproved, the doctrine was generally abandoned in favor of the opposing view,namely, that nerve impulses are essentially homogeneous in quality and are transmitted as"common currency" throughout the nervous system. According to this theory, it is not the qualityof the sensory nerve impulses that determines the diverse conscious sensations they produce,but, rather, the different areas of the brain into which they discharge, and there is some evidencefor this view. In one experiment, when an electric stimulus was applied to a given sensory field ofthe cerebral cortex of a conscious human subject, it produced a sensation of the appropriatemodality for that particular locus, that is, a visual sensation from the visual cortex, an auditorysensation from the auditory cortex, and so on. Other experiments revealed slight variations in thesize, number, arrangement, and interconnection of the nerve cells, but as for as psychoneuralcorrelations were concerned, the obvious similarities of these sensory fields to each other seemedmuch more remarkable than any of the minute differences.
However, cortical as diverse as those of red, black, green and white, or touch, cold, warmth,movement, pain, posture and pressure apparently may arise through activation of the samecortical areas. What seemed to remain was some kind of differential patterning effects in the brainexcitation: it is the difference in the central distribution of impulses that counts. In short, Braintheory suggested a correlation between mental experience and the activity of relativelyhomogenous nerve-cell units conducting essentially homogeneous impulses throughhomogeneous cerebral tissue. To match the multiple dimensions of mental experiencepsychologists could only point to a limitless variation in the spatiotemporal patterning of nerveimpulses. | 315.txt | 1 |
[
"an effort to protect an endangered marine species",
"the civilian use of a military detection system",
"the exposure of a U.S. Navy top-secret weapon",
"a new way to look into the behavior of blue whales"
] | The passage is chiefly about _ . | It is hard to track the blue whale, the ocean's largest creature, which has almost been killed off by commercial whaling and is now listed as an endangered species. Attaching radio devices to it is difficult, and visual sightings are too unreliable to give real insight into its behavior.
So biologists were delighted early this year when, with the help of the Navy, they were able to track a particular blue whale for 43 days, monitoring its sounds. This was possible because of the Navy's formerly top-secret system of underwater listening devices spanning the oceans.
Tracking whales is but one example of an exciting new world just opening to civilian scientists after the cold war as the Navy starts to share and partly uncover its global network of underwater listening system built over the decades to track the ships of potential enemies.
Earth scientists announced at a news conference recently that they had used the system for closely monitoring a deep-sea volcanic eruption for the first time and that they plan similar studies.
Other scientists have proposed to use the network for tracking ocean currents and measuring changes in ocean and global temperatures.
The speed of sound in water is roughly one mile a second - slower than through land but faster than through air. What is most important, different layers of ocean water can act as channels for sounds, focusing them in the same way a stethoscope does when it carries faint noises from a patient's chest to a doctor's ear. This focusing is the main reason that even relatively weak sounds in the ocean, especially low-frequency ones, can often travel thousands of miles. | 1087.txt | 1 |
[
"to trace and locate enemy vessels",
"to monitor deep-sea volcanic eruptions",
"to study the movement of ocean currents",
"to replace the global radio communications network"
] | The underwater listening system was originally designed _ . | It is hard to track the blue whale, the ocean's largest creature, which has almost been killed off by commercial whaling and is now listed as an endangered species. Attaching radio devices to it is difficult, and visual sightings are too unreliable to give real insight into its behavior.
So biologists were delighted early this year when, with the help of the Navy, they were able to track a particular blue whale for 43 days, monitoring its sounds. This was possible because of the Navy's formerly top-secret system of underwater listening devices spanning the oceans.
Tracking whales is but one example of an exciting new world just opening to civilian scientists after the cold war as the Navy starts to share and partly uncover its global network of underwater listening system built over the decades to track the ships of potential enemies.
Earth scientists announced at a news conference recently that they had used the system for closely monitoring a deep-sea volcanic eruption for the first time and that they plan similar studies.
Other scientists have proposed to use the network for tracking ocean currents and measuring changes in ocean and global temperatures.
The speed of sound in water is roughly one mile a second - slower than through land but faster than through air. What is most important, different layers of ocean water can act as channels for sounds, focusing them in the same way a stethoscope does when it carries faint noises from a patient's chest to a doctor's ear. This focusing is the main reason that even relatively weak sounds in the ocean, especially low-frequency ones, can often travel thousands of miles. | 1087.txt | 0 |
[
"the sophisticated technology of focusing sounds under water",
"the capability of sound to travel at high speed",
"the unique property of layers of ocean water in transmitting sound",
"low-frequency sounds traveling across different layers of water"
] | The deep-sea listening system makes use of _ . | It is hard to track the blue whale, the ocean's largest creature, which has almost been killed off by commercial whaling and is now listed as an endangered species. Attaching radio devices to it is difficult, and visual sightings are too unreliable to give real insight into its behavior.
So biologists were delighted early this year when, with the help of the Navy, they were able to track a particular blue whale for 43 days, monitoring its sounds. This was possible because of the Navy's formerly top-secret system of underwater listening devices spanning the oceans.
Tracking whales is but one example of an exciting new world just opening to civilian scientists after the cold war as the Navy starts to share and partly uncover its global network of underwater listening system built over the decades to track the ships of potential enemies.
Earth scientists announced at a news conference recently that they had used the system for closely monitoring a deep-sea volcanic eruption for the first time and that they plan similar studies.
Other scientists have proposed to use the network for tracking ocean currents and measuring changes in ocean and global temperatures.
The speed of sound in water is roughly one mile a second - slower than through land but faster than through air. What is most important, different layers of ocean water can act as channels for sounds, focusing them in the same way a stethoscope does when it carries faint noises from a patient's chest to a doctor's ear. This focusing is the main reason that even relatively weak sounds in the ocean, especially low-frequency ones, can often travel thousands of miles. | 1087.txt | 2 |
[
"new radio devices should be developed for tracking the endangered blue whales",
"blue whales are no longer endangered with the use of the new listening system",
"opinions differ as to whether civilian scientists should be allowed to use military technology",
"military technology has great potential in civilian use"
] | It can be inferred from the passage that _ . | It is hard to track the blue whale, the ocean's largest creature, which has almost been killed off by commercial whaling and is now listed as an endangered species. Attaching radio devices to it is difficult, and visual sightings are too unreliable to give real insight into its behavior.
So biologists were delighted early this year when, with the help of the Navy, they were able to track a particular blue whale for 43 days, monitoring its sounds. This was possible because of the Navy's formerly top-secret system of underwater listening devices spanning the oceans.
Tracking whales is but one example of an exciting new world just opening to civilian scientists after the cold war as the Navy starts to share and partly uncover its global network of underwater listening system built over the decades to track the ships of potential enemies.
Earth scientists announced at a news conference recently that they had used the system for closely monitoring a deep-sea volcanic eruption for the first time and that they plan similar studies.
Other scientists have proposed to use the network for tracking ocean currents and measuring changes in ocean and global temperatures.
The speed of sound in water is roughly one mile a second - slower than through land but faster than through air. What is most important, different layers of ocean water can act as channels for sounds, focusing them in the same way a stethoscope does when it carries faint noises from a patient's chest to a doctor's ear. This focusing is the main reason that even relatively weak sounds in the ocean, especially low-frequency ones, can often travel thousands of miles. | 1087.txt | 3 |
[
"It is now partly accessible to civilian scientists.",
"It has been replaced by a more advanced system.",
"It became useless to the military after the cold war.",
"It is indispensable in protecting endangered species."
] | Which of the following is true about the U.S. Navy underwater listening network? | It is hard to track the blue whale, the ocean's largest creature, which has almost been killed off by commercial whaling and is now listed as an endangered species. Attaching radio devices to it is difficult, and visual sightings are too unreliable to give real insight into its behavior.
So biologists were delighted early this year when, with the help of the Navy, they were able to track a particular blue whale for 43 days, monitoring its sounds. This was possible because of the Navy's formerly top-secret system of underwater listening devices spanning the oceans.
Tracking whales is but one example of an exciting new world just opening to civilian scientists after the cold war as the Navy starts to share and partly uncover its global network of underwater listening system built over the decades to track the ships of potential enemies.
Earth scientists announced at a news conference recently that they had used the system for closely monitoring a deep-sea volcanic eruption for the first time and that they plan similar studies.
Other scientists have proposed to use the network for tracking ocean currents and measuring changes in ocean and global temperatures.
The speed of sound in water is roughly one mile a second - slower than through land but faster than through air. What is most important, different layers of ocean water can act as channels for sounds, focusing them in the same way a stethoscope does when it carries faint noises from a patient's chest to a doctor's ear. This focusing is the main reason that even relatively weak sounds in the ocean, especially low-frequency ones, can often travel thousands of miles. | 1087.txt | 0 |
[
"was glad that he could share them with his friend",
"was angry because they might damage his beloved plants",
"was excited about being able to give his friend a surprise",
"was depressed because it was hard to catch them all"
] | We can infer from Paragraph 3 that when collecting the snails, the author _ . | People become quite illogical when they try to decide what can be eaten and what cannot be eaten. If you lived in the Mediterranean, for instance, you would consider octopus a great delicacy. You would not be able to understand why some people find it repulsive. On the other hand, your stomach would turn at the idea of frying potatoes in animal fat -- the normally accepted practice in many northern countries. The sad truth is that most of us have been brought up to eat certain foods and we stick to them all our lives.
No creature has received more praise and abuse than the common garden snail. Cooked in wine, snails are a great luxury in various parts of the world. There are countless people who, ever since their early years, have learned to associate snails with food. My friend, Robert, lives in a country where snails are despised. As his flat is in a large town, he has no garden of his own. For years he has been asking me to collectsnails from my garden and take them to him. The idea never appealed to me very much, but one day, after heavy shower, I happened to be walking in my garden when I noticed a huge number of snails taking a stroll on some of my prize plants. Acting on a sudden impulse, I collected several dozen, put them in a paper bag,and took them to Robert. Robert was delighted to see me and equally pleased with my little gift. I left the bag in the hall and Robert and I went into the living room where we talked for a couple of hours. I had forgotten all about the snails when Robert suddenly said that I must stay to dinner. Snails would, of course, be the main dish. I did not fancy the idea and I reluctantly followed Robert out of the room. To our dismay, we saw that there were snails everywhere: they had escaped from the paper bag and had taken complete possession of the hall! I have never been able to look at a snail since then. | 835.txt | 1 |
[
"are as delicious as octopus",
"are disliked in his hometown",
"are the most controversial food",
"are as popular as fried potatoes"
] | The author finds that snails _ . | People become quite illogical when they try to decide what can be eaten and what cannot be eaten. If you lived in the Mediterranean, for instance, you would consider octopus a great delicacy. You would not be able to understand why some people find it repulsive. On the other hand, your stomach would turn at the idea of frying potatoes in animal fat -- the normally accepted practice in many northern countries. The sad truth is that most of us have been brought up to eat certain foods and we stick to them all our lives.
No creature has received more praise and abuse than the common garden snail. Cooked in wine, snails are a great luxury in various parts of the world. There are countless people who, ever since their early years, have learned to associate snails with food. My friend, Robert, lives in a country where snails are despised. As his flat is in a large town, he has no garden of his own. For years he has been asking me to collectsnails from my garden and take them to him. The idea never appealed to me very much, but one day, after heavy shower, I happened to be walking in my garden when I noticed a huge number of snails taking a stroll on some of my prize plants. Acting on a sudden impulse, I collected several dozen, put them in a paper bag,and took them to Robert. Robert was delighted to see me and equally pleased with my little gift. I left the bag in the hall and Robert and I went into the living room where we talked for a couple of hours. I had forgotten all about the snails when Robert suddenly said that I must stay to dinner. Snails would, of course, be the main dish. I did not fancy the idea and I reluctantly followed Robert out of the room. To our dismay, we saw that there were snails everywhere: they had escaped from the paper bag and had taken complete possession of the hall! I have never been able to look at a snail since then. | 835.txt | 2 |
[
"One Man's Meat is Another Man's Poison",
"Foods and Cultures",
"Snail and Octopus",
"People Are Illogical in Front of Delicacies"
] | The best title for the passage might be " _ " ? | People become quite illogical when they try to decide what can be eaten and what cannot be eaten. If you lived in the Mediterranean, for instance, you would consider octopus a great delicacy. You would not be able to understand why some people find it repulsive. On the other hand, your stomach would turn at the idea of frying potatoes in animal fat -- the normally accepted practice in many northern countries. The sad truth is that most of us have been brought up to eat certain foods and we stick to them all our lives.
No creature has received more praise and abuse than the common garden snail. Cooked in wine, snails are a great luxury in various parts of the world. There are countless people who, ever since their early years, have learned to associate snails with food. My friend, Robert, lives in a country where snails are despised. As his flat is in a large town, he has no garden of his own. For years he has been asking me to collectsnails from my garden and take them to him. The idea never appealed to me very much, but one day, after heavy shower, I happened to be walking in my garden when I noticed a huge number of snails taking a stroll on some of my prize plants. Acting on a sudden impulse, I collected several dozen, put them in a paper bag,and took them to Robert. Robert was delighted to see me and equally pleased with my little gift. I left the bag in the hall and Robert and I went into the living room where we talked for a couple of hours. I had forgotten all about the snails when Robert suddenly said that I must stay to dinner. Snails would, of course, be the main dish. I did not fancy the idea and I reluctantly followed Robert out of the room. To our dismay, we saw that there were snails everywhere: they had escaped from the paper bag and had taken complete possession of the hall! I have never been able to look at a snail since then. | 835.txt | 0 |
[
"they live in different places.",
"they learn to eat certain foods in their families",
"they have different understanding of delicacy",
"they are too illogical to explain"
] | As indicated in the passage,people love different foods mainly because _ | People become quite illogical when they try to decide what can be eaten and what cannot be eaten. If you lived in the Mediterranean, for instance, you would consider octopus a great delicacy. You would not be able to understand why some people find it repulsive. On the other hand, your stomach would turn at the idea of frying potatoes in animal fat -- the normally accepted practice in many northern countries. The sad truth is that most of us have been brought up to eat certain foods and we stick to them all our lives.
No creature has received more praise and abuse than the common garden snail. Cooked in wine, snails are a great luxury in various parts of the world. There are countless people who, ever since their early years, have learned to associate snails with food. My friend, Robert, lives in a country where snails are despised. As his flat is in a large town, he has no garden of his own. For years he has been asking me to collectsnails from my garden and take them to him. The idea never appealed to me very much, but one day, after heavy shower, I happened to be walking in my garden when I noticed a huge number of snails taking a stroll on some of my prize plants. Acting on a sudden impulse, I collected several dozen, put them in a paper bag,and took them to Robert. Robert was delighted to see me and equally pleased with my little gift. I left the bag in the hall and Robert and I went into the living room where we talked for a couple of hours. I had forgotten all about the snails when Robert suddenly said that I must stay to dinner. Snails would, of course, be the main dish. I did not fancy the idea and I reluctantly followed Robert out of the room. To our dismay, we saw that there were snails everywhere: they had escaped from the paper bag and had taken complete possession of the hall! I have never been able to look at a snail since then. | 835.txt | 1 |
[
"try to lay a solid foundation in computer science",
"be aware of how the things that they use do what they do",
"learn to use a computer by acquiring a certain set of skills",
"understand that programming a computer is more essential than repairing a car"
] | To be the competent citizens of tomorrow, people should _ . | There is no denying that students should learn something about how computers work, just as we expect them at least to understand that the internal-combustion enginehas something to do with burning fuel, expanding gases and pistons being driven. For people should have some basic idea of how the things that they use do what they do. Further, students might be helped by a course that considers the computer's impact on society. But that is not what is meant by computer literacy. For computer literacy is not a formof literacy ;it is a trade skill that should not be taught as a liberal art.
Learning how to use a computer and learning how to program one are two distinct activities. A case might be made that the competent citizens of tomorrow should free themselves from their fear of computers. But this is quite different from saying that all ought to know how to program one. Leave that to people who havechosen programming as a career. While programming can be lots of fun, and while our society needs some people who are experts at it, the same is true of auto repair and violin-making.
Learning how to use a computer is not that difficult, and it gets easier all the time as programs become more "user-friendly". Let us assume that in the future everyone is going to have to know how to use a computer to be a competent citizen. What does the phrase learning to use a computer mean? It sounds like "learning to drive a car", that is, it sounds as if there is some set of definite skills that, once acquired,enable one to use a computer.
In fact, "learning to use a computer" is much more like "learning to play a game",but learning the rulesof one game may not help you play a second game, whose rules may not be the same. There is no such a thingas teaching someone how to use a computer. One can only teach people to use this or that program and generally that is easily accomplished. | 2121.txt | 2 |
[
"programming a computer is as interesting as making a violin",
"our society needs experts in different fields",
"violin making requires as much skill as computer programming",
"people who can use a computer don't necessarily have to know computer programming"
] | In the second paragraph"auto repair"and"violin-making"are mentioned to show that _ . | There is no denying that students should learn something about how computers work, just as we expect them at least to understand that the internal-combustion enginehas something to do with burning fuel, expanding gases and pistons being driven. For people should have some basic idea of how the things that they use do what they do. Further, students might be helped by a course that considers the computer's impact on society. But that is not what is meant by computer literacy. For computer literacy is not a formof literacy ;it is a trade skill that should not be taught as a liberal art.
Learning how to use a computer and learning how to program one are two distinct activities. A case might be made that the competent citizens of tomorrow should free themselves from their fear of computers. But this is quite different from saying that all ought to know how to program one. Leave that to people who havechosen programming as a career. While programming can be lots of fun, and while our society needs some people who are experts at it, the same is true of auto repair and violin-making.
Learning how to use a computer is not that difficult, and it gets easier all the time as programs become more "user-friendly". Let us assume that in the future everyone is going to have to know how to use a computer to be a competent citizen. What does the phrase learning to use a computer mean? It sounds like "learning to drive a car", that is, it sounds as if there is some set of definite skills that, once acquired,enable one to use a computer.
In fact, "learning to use a computer" is much more like "learning to play a game",but learning the rulesof one game may not help you play a second game, whose rules may not be the same. There is no such a thingas teaching someone how to use a computer. One can only teach people to use this or that program and generally that is easily accomplished. | 2121.txt | 3 |
[
"programs are becoming less complicated",
"programs are designed to be convenient to users",
"programming is becoming easier and easier",
"programs are becoming readily available to computer users"
] | Learning to use a computer is getting easier all the time because _ . | There is no denying that students should learn something about how computers work, just as we expect them at least to understand that the internal-combustion enginehas something to do with burning fuel, expanding gases and pistons being driven. For people should have some basic idea of how the things that they use do what they do. Further, students might be helped by a course that considers the computer's impact on society. But that is not what is meant by computer literacy. For computer literacy is not a formof literacy ;it is a trade skill that should not be taught as a liberal art.
Learning how to use a computer and learning how to program one are two distinct activities. A case might be made that the competent citizens of tomorrow should free themselves from their fear of computers. But this is quite different from saying that all ought to know how to program one. Leave that to people who havechosen programming as a career. While programming can be lots of fun, and while our society needs some people who are experts at it, the same is true of auto repair and violin-making.
Learning how to use a computer is not that difficult, and it gets easier all the time as programs become more "user-friendly". Let us assume that in the future everyone is going to have to know how to use a computer to be a competent citizen. What does the phrase learning to use a computer mean? It sounds like "learning to drive a car", that is, it sounds as if there is some set of definite skills that, once acquired,enable one to use a computer.
In fact, "learning to use a computer" is much more like "learning to play a game",but learning the rulesof one game may not help you play a second game, whose rules may not be the same. There is no such a thingas teaching someone how to use a computer. One can only teach people to use this or that program and generally that is easily accomplished. | 2121.txt | 1 |
[
"a set of rules",
"the fundamentals of computer science",
"specific programs",
"general principles of programming"
] | According to the author,the phrase"learning to use a computer"(Lines3,4,Para.3) means learning _ . | There is no denying that students should learn something about how computers work, just as we expect them at least to understand that the internal-combustion enginehas something to do with burning fuel, expanding gases and pistons being driven. For people should have some basic idea of how the things that they use do what they do. Further, students might be helped by a course that considers the computer's impact on society. But that is not what is meant by computer literacy. For computer literacy is not a formof literacy ;it is a trade skill that should not be taught as a liberal art.
Learning how to use a computer and learning how to program one are two distinct activities. A case might be made that the competent citizens of tomorrow should free themselves from their fear of computers. But this is quite different from saying that all ought to know how to program one. Leave that to people who havechosen programming as a career. While programming can be lots of fun, and while our society needs some people who are experts at it, the same is true of auto repair and violin-making.
Learning how to use a computer is not that difficult, and it gets easier all the time as programs become more "user-friendly". Let us assume that in the future everyone is going to have to know how to use a computer to be a competent citizen. What does the phrase learning to use a computer mean? It sounds like "learning to drive a car", that is, it sounds as if there is some set of definite skills that, once acquired,enable one to use a computer.
In fact, "learning to use a computer" is much more like "learning to play a game",but learning the rulesof one game may not help you play a second game, whose rules may not be the same. There is no such a thingas teaching someone how to use a computer. One can only teach people to use this or that program and generally that is easily accomplished. | 2121.txt | 2 |
[
"to stress the impact of the computer on society",
"to explain the concept of computer literacy",
"to illustrate the requirements for being competent citizens of tomorrow",
"to emphasize that computer programming is an interesting and challenging job"
] | The author's purpose in writing this passage is _ . | There is no denying that students should learn something about how computers work, just as we expect them at least to understand that the internal-combustion enginehas something to do with burning fuel, expanding gases and pistons being driven. For people should have some basic idea of how the things that they use do what they do. Further, students might be helped by a course that considers the computer's impact on society. But that is not what is meant by computer literacy. For computer literacy is not a formof literacy ;it is a trade skill that should not be taught as a liberal art.
Learning how to use a computer and learning how to program one are two distinct activities. A case might be made that the competent citizens of tomorrow should free themselves from their fear of computers. But this is quite different from saying that all ought to know how to program one. Leave that to people who havechosen programming as a career. While programming can be lots of fun, and while our society needs some people who are experts at it, the same is true of auto repair and violin-making.
Learning how to use a computer is not that difficult, and it gets easier all the time as programs become more "user-friendly". Let us assume that in the future everyone is going to have to know how to use a computer to be a competent citizen. What does the phrase learning to use a computer mean? It sounds like "learning to drive a car", that is, it sounds as if there is some set of definite skills that, once acquired,enable one to use a computer.
In fact, "learning to use a computer" is much more like "learning to play a game",but learning the rulesof one game may not help you play a second game, whose rules may not be the same. There is no such a thingas teaching someone how to use a computer. One can only teach people to use this or that program and generally that is easily accomplished. | 2121.txt | 1 |
[
"the original name of the town.",
"the name of its first owner.",
"the name of its discoverer.",
"the name of the town's first colonist."
] | The Cullinan mine was named after _ | Richard Burton probably knew nothing of the small South African town of Cullinan when he bought yet another chunky diamond for Elizabeth Taylor in 1969. Now the Cullinan mine itself, like so many of the diamonds unearthed there, is about to change hands. On November 22nd De Beers, the diamond giant that has owned the mine since 1930, said it was selling it to a consortium led by Petra Diamonds, one of South Africa's emerging diamond producers, for 1 billion rand in cash. Provided regulators approve the deal, the transfer should take place by the middle of next year.
De Beers is selling because the mine is no longer profitable, despite attempts to turn it around. But Petra reckons the mine still has another 20 years of production in it and plans to extract at least 1m carats a year. The unexploited "Centenary Cut" deposit, which lies under the existing mine, could yield a lot more. This is good news for the mine's 1,000 or so employees and for the town, which has depended on the diamond business since Sir Thomas Cullinan discovered a prospect there in 1898 that contained kimberlite, a rock that can be rich in diamonds. The mine, established in 1903, is one of 30 or so kimberlite diamond mines in the world, and is believed to be still the world's second-most-valuable diamond resource
Petra is a relatively small outfit, listed on London's Alternative Investment Market, that specialises in buying mines that bigger companies see as marginal. Its trick is to extract better returns by rationalising production and processing, and keeping operating costs and overheads down. Petra has already bought two of De Beers's loss-making South African mines-both of which are now profitable-and is finalising the 78.5m rand acquisition of the group's underground operation in Kimberley, which stopped working in 2005.
It already operates four mines in South Africa and has promising exploration in Angola (a joint-venture with BHP Billiton), Sierra Leone and Botswana. Petra expects to produce over 1m carats by 2010-quite a jump from 180,474 carats in the year to June. The company has yet to make a profit, but expects to be making money by the middle of next year.
In the 1990s De Beers decided that it was no longer a good idea to try to monopolise the diamond market. It started focusing on higher returns rather than market share, and has been revamping its mine portfolio, selling off mines that are no longer profitable and investing in more enticing operations, such as its mine off the west coast of South Africa, its Voorspoed operation in the Free State province, and two new mines in Canada.
This has opened the way for a new class of diamond firm that operates in the vast middle ground between the world's handful of large producers and a multitude of much smaller exploration firms. The Cullinan deal should entrench Petra in this middle tier, alongside firms such as Kimberley Diamond and Trans Hex. But even if it does reach its target of 1m carats a year, Petra will still not be able to match the sparkle of the giants. Last year De Beers produced 51m carats from its mines in Botswana, Namibia, South Africa and Tanzania, which amounted to 40% of the world's diamonds by value. | 3519.txt | 2 |
[
"The mine is the only business of the town which employs most of the local residents.",
"It can be mined for another 20 years given Petra's advanced technology.",
"It is the world's second largest diamond mine with a yearly capacity of 1m carats.",
"Whether the mine will maintain its profitability is yet to know."
] | Which one of the following statements is TRUE of the Cullinan mine? | Richard Burton probably knew nothing of the small South African town of Cullinan when he bought yet another chunky diamond for Elizabeth Taylor in 1969. Now the Cullinan mine itself, like so many of the diamonds unearthed there, is about to change hands. On November 22nd De Beers, the diamond giant that has owned the mine since 1930, said it was selling it to a consortium led by Petra Diamonds, one of South Africa's emerging diamond producers, for 1 billion rand in cash. Provided regulators approve the deal, the transfer should take place by the middle of next year.
De Beers is selling because the mine is no longer profitable, despite attempts to turn it around. But Petra reckons the mine still has another 20 years of production in it and plans to extract at least 1m carats a year. The unexploited "Centenary Cut" deposit, which lies under the existing mine, could yield a lot more. This is good news for the mine's 1,000 or so employees and for the town, which has depended on the diamond business since Sir Thomas Cullinan discovered a prospect there in 1898 that contained kimberlite, a rock that can be rich in diamonds. The mine, established in 1903, is one of 30 or so kimberlite diamond mines in the world, and is believed to be still the world's second-most-valuable diamond resource
Petra is a relatively small outfit, listed on London's Alternative Investment Market, that specialises in buying mines that bigger companies see as marginal. Its trick is to extract better returns by rationalising production and processing, and keeping operating costs and overheads down. Petra has already bought two of De Beers's loss-making South African mines-both of which are now profitable-and is finalising the 78.5m rand acquisition of the group's underground operation in Kimberley, which stopped working in 2005.
It already operates four mines in South Africa and has promising exploration in Angola (a joint-venture with BHP Billiton), Sierra Leone and Botswana. Petra expects to produce over 1m carats by 2010-quite a jump from 180,474 carats in the year to June. The company has yet to make a profit, but expects to be making money by the middle of next year.
In the 1990s De Beers decided that it was no longer a good idea to try to monopolise the diamond market. It started focusing on higher returns rather than market share, and has been revamping its mine portfolio, selling off mines that are no longer profitable and investing in more enticing operations, such as its mine off the west coast of South Africa, its Voorspoed operation in the Free State province, and two new mines in Canada.
This has opened the way for a new class of diamond firm that operates in the vast middle ground between the world's handful of large producers and a multitude of much smaller exploration firms. The Cullinan deal should entrench Petra in this middle tier, alongside firms such as Kimberley Diamond and Trans Hex. But even if it does reach its target of 1m carats a year, Petra will still not be able to match the sparkle of the giants. Last year De Beers produced 51m carats from its mines in Botswana, Namibia, South Africa and Tanzania, which amounted to 40% of the world's diamonds by value. | 3519.txt | 3 |
[
"to make profits by reducing the costs.",
"to exploit the surrounding areas of an existing mine.",
"to integrate the resources of all the money-losing small mines.",
"to restructure the mine portfolio and to optimize the process management."
] | Petra's operating philosophy can be said as _ . | Richard Burton probably knew nothing of the small South African town of Cullinan when he bought yet another chunky diamond for Elizabeth Taylor in 1969. Now the Cullinan mine itself, like so many of the diamonds unearthed there, is about to change hands. On November 22nd De Beers, the diamond giant that has owned the mine since 1930, said it was selling it to a consortium led by Petra Diamonds, one of South Africa's emerging diamond producers, for 1 billion rand in cash. Provided regulators approve the deal, the transfer should take place by the middle of next year.
De Beers is selling because the mine is no longer profitable, despite attempts to turn it around. But Petra reckons the mine still has another 20 years of production in it and plans to extract at least 1m carats a year. The unexploited "Centenary Cut" deposit, which lies under the existing mine, could yield a lot more. This is good news for the mine's 1,000 or so employees and for the town, which has depended on the diamond business since Sir Thomas Cullinan discovered a prospect there in 1898 that contained kimberlite, a rock that can be rich in diamonds. The mine, established in 1903, is one of 30 or so kimberlite diamond mines in the world, and is believed to be still the world's second-most-valuable diamond resource
Petra is a relatively small outfit, listed on London's Alternative Investment Market, that specialises in buying mines that bigger companies see as marginal. Its trick is to extract better returns by rationalising production and processing, and keeping operating costs and overheads down. Petra has already bought two of De Beers's loss-making South African mines-both of which are now profitable-and is finalising the 78.5m rand acquisition of the group's underground operation in Kimberley, which stopped working in 2005.
It already operates four mines in South Africa and has promising exploration in Angola (a joint-venture with BHP Billiton), Sierra Leone and Botswana. Petra expects to produce over 1m carats by 2010-quite a jump from 180,474 carats in the year to June. The company has yet to make a profit, but expects to be making money by the middle of next year.
In the 1990s De Beers decided that it was no longer a good idea to try to monopolise the diamond market. It started focusing on higher returns rather than market share, and has been revamping its mine portfolio, selling off mines that are no longer profitable and investing in more enticing operations, such as its mine off the west coast of South Africa, its Voorspoed operation in the Free State province, and two new mines in Canada.
This has opened the way for a new class of diamond firm that operates in the vast middle ground between the world's handful of large producers and a multitude of much smaller exploration firms. The Cullinan deal should entrench Petra in this middle tier, alongside firms such as Kimberley Diamond and Trans Hex. But even if it does reach its target of 1m carats a year, Petra will still not be able to match the sparkle of the giants. Last year De Beers produced 51m carats from its mines in Botswana, Namibia, South Africa and Tanzania, which amounted to 40% of the world's diamonds by value. | 3519.txt | 0 |
[
"it plans to shrink its market share and ends its long-term monopoly.",
"it wants to open the way for the middle tier of diamond market.",
"it switches its attention to making larger profits.",
"it wants to turn around the loss-making mines by cooperating with companies of smaller size."
] | De Beers has made changes on its development stratege because _ | Richard Burton probably knew nothing of the small South African town of Cullinan when he bought yet another chunky diamond for Elizabeth Taylor in 1969. Now the Cullinan mine itself, like so many of the diamonds unearthed there, is about to change hands. On November 22nd De Beers, the diamond giant that has owned the mine since 1930, said it was selling it to a consortium led by Petra Diamonds, one of South Africa's emerging diamond producers, for 1 billion rand in cash. Provided regulators approve the deal, the transfer should take place by the middle of next year.
De Beers is selling because the mine is no longer profitable, despite attempts to turn it around. But Petra reckons the mine still has another 20 years of production in it and plans to extract at least 1m carats a year. The unexploited "Centenary Cut" deposit, which lies under the existing mine, could yield a lot more. This is good news for the mine's 1,000 or so employees and for the town, which has depended on the diamond business since Sir Thomas Cullinan discovered a prospect there in 1898 that contained kimberlite, a rock that can be rich in diamonds. The mine, established in 1903, is one of 30 or so kimberlite diamond mines in the world, and is believed to be still the world's second-most-valuable diamond resource
Petra is a relatively small outfit, listed on London's Alternative Investment Market, that specialises in buying mines that bigger companies see as marginal. Its trick is to extract better returns by rationalising production and processing, and keeping operating costs and overheads down. Petra has already bought two of De Beers's loss-making South African mines-both of which are now profitable-and is finalising the 78.5m rand acquisition of the group's underground operation in Kimberley, which stopped working in 2005.
It already operates four mines in South Africa and has promising exploration in Angola (a joint-venture with BHP Billiton), Sierra Leone and Botswana. Petra expects to produce over 1m carats by 2010-quite a jump from 180,474 carats in the year to June. The company has yet to make a profit, but expects to be making money by the middle of next year.
In the 1990s De Beers decided that it was no longer a good idea to try to monopolise the diamond market. It started focusing on higher returns rather than market share, and has been revamping its mine portfolio, selling off mines that are no longer profitable and investing in more enticing operations, such as its mine off the west coast of South Africa, its Voorspoed operation in the Free State province, and two new mines in Canada.
This has opened the way for a new class of diamond firm that operates in the vast middle ground between the world's handful of large producers and a multitude of much smaller exploration firms. The Cullinan deal should entrench Petra in this middle tier, alongside firms such as Kimberley Diamond and Trans Hex. But even if it does reach its target of 1m carats a year, Petra will still not be able to match the sparkle of the giants. Last year De Beers produced 51m carats from its mines in Botswana, Namibia, South Africa and Tanzania, which amounted to 40% of the world's diamonds by value. | 3519.txt | 2 |
[
"promising.",
"dim.",
"unknown.",
"frustrating."
] | The future of the new class of diamond firm is _ | Richard Burton probably knew nothing of the small South African town of Cullinan when he bought yet another chunky diamond for Elizabeth Taylor in 1969. Now the Cullinan mine itself, like so many of the diamonds unearthed there, is about to change hands. On November 22nd De Beers, the diamond giant that has owned the mine since 1930, said it was selling it to a consortium led by Petra Diamonds, one of South Africa's emerging diamond producers, for 1 billion rand in cash. Provided regulators approve the deal, the transfer should take place by the middle of next year.
De Beers is selling because the mine is no longer profitable, despite attempts to turn it around. But Petra reckons the mine still has another 20 years of production in it and plans to extract at least 1m carats a year. The unexploited "Centenary Cut" deposit, which lies under the existing mine, could yield a lot more. This is good news for the mine's 1,000 or so employees and for the town, which has depended on the diamond business since Sir Thomas Cullinan discovered a prospect there in 1898 that contained kimberlite, a rock that can be rich in diamonds. The mine, established in 1903, is one of 30 or so kimberlite diamond mines in the world, and is believed to be still the world's second-most-valuable diamond resource
Petra is a relatively small outfit, listed on London's Alternative Investment Market, that specialises in buying mines that bigger companies see as marginal. Its trick is to extract better returns by rationalising production and processing, and keeping operating costs and overheads down. Petra has already bought two of De Beers's loss-making South African mines-both of which are now profitable-and is finalising the 78.5m rand acquisition of the group's underground operation in Kimberley, which stopped working in 2005.
It already operates four mines in South Africa and has promising exploration in Angola (a joint-venture with BHP Billiton), Sierra Leone and Botswana. Petra expects to produce over 1m carats by 2010-quite a jump from 180,474 carats in the year to June. The company has yet to make a profit, but expects to be making money by the middle of next year.
In the 1990s De Beers decided that it was no longer a good idea to try to monopolise the diamond market. It started focusing on higher returns rather than market share, and has been revamping its mine portfolio, selling off mines that are no longer profitable and investing in more enticing operations, such as its mine off the west coast of South Africa, its Voorspoed operation in the Free State province, and two new mines in Canada.
This has opened the way for a new class of diamond firm that operates in the vast middle ground between the world's handful of large producers and a multitude of much smaller exploration firms. The Cullinan deal should entrench Petra in this middle tier, alongside firms such as Kimberley Diamond and Trans Hex. But even if it does reach its target of 1m carats a year, Petra will still not be able to match the sparkle of the giants. Last year De Beers produced 51m carats from its mines in Botswana, Namibia, South Africa and Tanzania, which amounted to 40% of the world's diamonds by value. | 3519.txt | 2 |
[
"To show how technology influenced basic science",
"To describe the scientific base of nineteenth-century American industries",
"To correct misunderstandings about the connections between science, technology, and industry",
"To argue that basic science has no practical application"
] | What is the author's main purpose in the passage ? | The interrelationship of science, technology, and industry is taken for granted today - summed up, not altogether accurately, as "research and development." Yet historically this widespread faith in the economic virtues of science is a relatively recent phenomenon, dating back in the United States about 150 years, and in the Western world as a whole not over 300 years at most. Even in this current era of large scale, intensive research and development, the interrelationships involved in this process are frequently misunderstood. Until the coming of the Industrial Revolution, science and technology evolved for the most part independently of each other. Then as industrialization became increasingly complicated, the craft techniques of preindustrial society gradually gave way to a technology based on the systematic application of scientific knowledge and scientific methods. This changeover started slowly and progressed unevenly. Until late in the nineteenth century, only a few industries could use scientific techniques or cared about using them. The list expanded noticeably after 1870, but even then much of what passed for the application of science was "engineering science" rather than basic science.
Nevertheless, by the middle of the nineteenth century, the rapid expansion of scientific knowledge and of public awareness - if not understanding - of it had created a belief that the advance of science would in some unspecified manner automatically generate economic benefits. The widespread and usually uncritical acceptance of this thesis led in turn to the assumption that the application of science to industrial purposes was a linear process, starting with fundamental science, then proceeding to applied science or technology, and through them to industrial use. This is probably the most common pattern, but it is not invariable. New areas of science have been opened up and fundamental discoveries made as a result of attempts to solve a specific technical or economic problem. Conversely, scientists who mainly do basic research also serve as consultants on projects that apply research in practical ways.
In sum, the science-technology-industry relationship may flow in several different ways, and the particular channel it will follow depends on the individual situation. It may at times even be multidirectional. | 373.txt | 2 |
[
"completely",
"realistically",
"individually",
"understandably"
] | The word "altogether" in line 2 is closest in meaning to | The interrelationship of science, technology, and industry is taken for granted today - summed up, not altogether accurately, as "research and development." Yet historically this widespread faith in the economic virtues of science is a relatively recent phenomenon, dating back in the United States about 150 years, and in the Western world as a whole not over 300 years at most. Even in this current era of large scale, intensive research and development, the interrelationships involved in this process are frequently misunderstood. Until the coming of the Industrial Revolution, science and technology evolved for the most part independently of each other. Then as industrialization became increasingly complicated, the craft techniques of preindustrial society gradually gave way to a technology based on the systematic application of scientific knowledge and scientific methods. This changeover started slowly and progressed unevenly. Until late in the nineteenth century, only a few industries could use scientific techniques or cared about using them. The list expanded noticeably after 1870, but even then much of what passed for the application of science was "engineering science" rather than basic science.
Nevertheless, by the middle of the nineteenth century, the rapid expansion of scientific knowledge and of public awareness - if not understanding - of it had created a belief that the advance of science would in some unspecified manner automatically generate economic benefits. The widespread and usually uncritical acceptance of this thesis led in turn to the assumption that the application of science to industrial purposes was a linear process, starting with fundamental science, then proceeding to applied science or technology, and through them to industrial use. This is probably the most common pattern, but it is not invariable. New areas of science have been opened up and fundamental discoveries made as a result of attempts to solve a specific technical or economic problem. Conversely, scientists who mainly do basic research also serve as consultants on projects that apply research in practical ways.
In sum, the science-technology-industry relationship may flow in several different ways, and the particular channel it will follow depends on the individual situation. It may at times even be multidirectional. | 373.txt | 0 |
[
"decreased",
"concentrated",
"creative",
"advanced"
] | The word "intensive" in line 5 is closest in meaning to | The interrelationship of science, technology, and industry is taken for granted today - summed up, not altogether accurately, as "research and development." Yet historically this widespread faith in the economic virtues of science is a relatively recent phenomenon, dating back in the United States about 150 years, and in the Western world as a whole not over 300 years at most. Even in this current era of large scale, intensive research and development, the interrelationships involved in this process are frequently misunderstood. Until the coming of the Industrial Revolution, science and technology evolved for the most part independently of each other. Then as industrialization became increasingly complicated, the craft techniques of preindustrial society gradually gave way to a technology based on the systematic application of scientific knowledge and scientific methods. This changeover started slowly and progressed unevenly. Until late in the nineteenth century, only a few industries could use scientific techniques or cared about using them. The list expanded noticeably after 1870, but even then much of what passed for the application of science was "engineering science" rather than basic science.
Nevertheless, by the middle of the nineteenth century, the rapid expansion of scientific knowledge and of public awareness - if not understanding - of it had created a belief that the advance of science would in some unspecified manner automatically generate economic benefits. The widespread and usually uncritical acceptance of this thesis led in turn to the assumption that the application of science to industrial purposes was a linear process, starting with fundamental science, then proceeding to applied science or technology, and through them to industrial use. This is probably the most common pattern, but it is not invariable. New areas of science have been opened up and fundamental discoveries made as a result of attempts to solve a specific technical or economic problem. Conversely, scientists who mainly do basic research also serve as consultants on projects that apply research in practical ways.
In sum, the science-technology-industry relationship may flow in several different ways, and the particular channel it will follow depends on the individual situation. It may at times even be multidirectional. | 373.txt | 1 |
[
"types of scientific knowledge",
"changes brought by technology",
"industries that used scientific techniques",
"applications of engineering science"
] | The "list" mentioned in line 13 refers to | The interrelationship of science, technology, and industry is taken for granted today - summed up, not altogether accurately, as "research and development." Yet historically this widespread faith in the economic virtues of science is a relatively recent phenomenon, dating back in the United States about 150 years, and in the Western world as a whole not over 300 years at most. Even in this current era of large scale, intensive research and development, the interrelationships involved in this process are frequently misunderstood. Until the coming of the Industrial Revolution, science and technology evolved for the most part independently of each other. Then as industrialization became increasingly complicated, the craft techniques of preindustrial society gradually gave way to a technology based on the systematic application of scientific knowledge and scientific methods. This changeover started slowly and progressed unevenly. Until late in the nineteenth century, only a few industries could use scientific techniques or cared about using them. The list expanded noticeably after 1870, but even then much of what passed for the application of science was "engineering science" rather than basic science.
Nevertheless, by the middle of the nineteenth century, the rapid expansion of scientific knowledge and of public awareness - if not understanding - of it had created a belief that the advance of science would in some unspecified manner automatically generate economic benefits. The widespread and usually uncritical acceptance of this thesis led in turn to the assumption that the application of science to industrial purposes was a linear process, starting with fundamental science, then proceeding to applied science or technology, and through them to industrial use. This is probably the most common pattern, but it is not invariable. New areas of science have been opened up and fundamental discoveries made as a result of attempts to solve a specific technical or economic problem. Conversely, scientists who mainly do basic research also serve as consultants on projects that apply research in practical ways.
In sum, the science-technology-industry relationship may flow in several different ways, and the particular channel it will follow depends on the individual situation. It may at times even be multidirectional. | 373.txt | 2 |
[
"Engineering science is not very important.",
"Fundamental science naturally leads to economic benefits.",
"The relationship between research and development should be criticized.",
"Industrial needs should determine what areas fundamental science focuses on."
] | The understanding of research and development in the late nineteenth century is based on which of the following? | The interrelationship of science, technology, and industry is taken for granted today - summed up, not altogether accurately, as "research and development." Yet historically this widespread faith in the economic virtues of science is a relatively recent phenomenon, dating back in the United States about 150 years, and in the Western world as a whole not over 300 years at most. Even in this current era of large scale, intensive research and development, the interrelationships involved in this process are frequently misunderstood. Until the coming of the Industrial Revolution, science and technology evolved for the most part independently of each other. Then as industrialization became increasingly complicated, the craft techniques of preindustrial society gradually gave way to a technology based on the systematic application of scientific knowledge and scientific methods. This changeover started slowly and progressed unevenly. Until late in the nineteenth century, only a few industries could use scientific techniques or cared about using them. The list expanded noticeably after 1870, but even then much of what passed for the application of science was "engineering science" rather than basic science.
Nevertheless, by the middle of the nineteenth century, the rapid expansion of scientific knowledge and of public awareness - if not understanding - of it had created a belief that the advance of science would in some unspecified manner automatically generate economic benefits. The widespread and usually uncritical acceptance of this thesis led in turn to the assumption that the application of science to industrial purposes was a linear process, starting with fundamental science, then proceeding to applied science or technology, and through them to industrial use. This is probably the most common pattern, but it is not invariable. New areas of science have been opened up and fundamental discoveries made as a result of attempts to solve a specific technical or economic problem. Conversely, scientists who mainly do basic research also serve as consultants on projects that apply research in practical ways.
In sum, the science-technology-industry relationship may flow in several different ways, and the particular channel it will follow depends on the individual situation. It may at times even be multidirectional. | 373.txt | 1 |
[
"understanding",
"public awareness",
"scientific knowledge",
"expansion"
] | The word "it" in line 16 refers to | The interrelationship of science, technology, and industry is taken for granted today - summed up, not altogether accurately, as "research and development." Yet historically this widespread faith in the economic virtues of science is a relatively recent phenomenon, dating back in the United States about 150 years, and in the Western world as a whole not over 300 years at most. Even in this current era of large scale, intensive research and development, the interrelationships involved in this process are frequently misunderstood. Until the coming of the Industrial Revolution, science and technology evolved for the most part independently of each other. Then as industrialization became increasingly complicated, the craft techniques of preindustrial society gradually gave way to a technology based on the systematic application of scientific knowledge and scientific methods. This changeover started slowly and progressed unevenly. Until late in the nineteenth century, only a few industries could use scientific techniques or cared about using them. The list expanded noticeably after 1870, but even then much of what passed for the application of science was "engineering science" rather than basic science.
Nevertheless, by the middle of the nineteenth century, the rapid expansion of scientific knowledge and of public awareness - if not understanding - of it had created a belief that the advance of science would in some unspecified manner automatically generate economic benefits. The widespread and usually uncritical acceptance of this thesis led in turn to the assumption that the application of science to industrial purposes was a linear process, starting with fundamental science, then proceeding to applied science or technology, and through them to industrial use. This is probably the most common pattern, but it is not invariable. New areas of science have been opened up and fundamental discoveries made as a result of attempts to solve a specific technical or economic problem. Conversely, scientists who mainly do basic research also serve as consultants on projects that apply research in practical ways.
In sum, the science-technology-industry relationship may flow in several different ways, and the particular channel it will follow depends on the individual situation. It may at times even be multidirectional. | 373.txt | 2 |
[
"regulation",
"belief",
"contract",
"confusion"
] | The word "assumption" in line 19 is closest in meaning to | The interrelationship of science, technology, and industry is taken for granted today - summed up, not altogether accurately, as "research and development." Yet historically this widespread faith in the economic virtues of science is a relatively recent phenomenon, dating back in the United States about 150 years, and in the Western world as a whole not over 300 years at most. Even in this current era of large scale, intensive research and development, the interrelationships involved in this process are frequently misunderstood. Until the coming of the Industrial Revolution, science and technology evolved for the most part independently of each other. Then as industrialization became increasingly complicated, the craft techniques of preindustrial society gradually gave way to a technology based on the systematic application of scientific knowledge and scientific methods. This changeover started slowly and progressed unevenly. Until late in the nineteenth century, only a few industries could use scientific techniques or cared about using them. The list expanded noticeably after 1870, but even then much of what passed for the application of science was "engineering science" rather than basic science.
Nevertheless, by the middle of the nineteenth century, the rapid expansion of scientific knowledge and of public awareness - if not understanding - of it had created a belief that the advance of science would in some unspecified manner automatically generate economic benefits. The widespread and usually uncritical acceptance of this thesis led in turn to the assumption that the application of science to industrial purposes was a linear process, starting with fundamental science, then proceeding to applied science or technology, and through them to industrial use. This is probably the most common pattern, but it is not invariable. New areas of science have been opened up and fundamental discoveries made as a result of attempts to solve a specific technical or economic problem. Conversely, scientists who mainly do basic research also serve as consultants on projects that apply research in practical ways.
In sum, the science-technology-industry relationship may flow in several different ways, and the particular channel it will follow depends on the individual situation. It may at times even be multidirectional. | 373.txt | 1 |
[
"To show how new areas of science have given rise to new professions",
"To distinguish between scientists who work in industry and those who do not",
"To explain the ways in which scientists find financial support for their work",
"To show how scientists who work in basic research contribute to applied science"
] | Why does the author mention "consultants" in line 25? | The interrelationship of science, technology, and industry is taken for granted today - summed up, not altogether accurately, as "research and development." Yet historically this widespread faith in the economic virtues of science is a relatively recent phenomenon, dating back in the United States about 150 years, and in the Western world as a whole not over 300 years at most. Even in this current era of large scale, intensive research and development, the interrelationships involved in this process are frequently misunderstood. Until the coming of the Industrial Revolution, science and technology evolved for the most part independently of each other. Then as industrialization became increasingly complicated, the craft techniques of preindustrial society gradually gave way to a technology based on the systematic application of scientific knowledge and scientific methods. This changeover started slowly and progressed unevenly. Until late in the nineteenth century, only a few industries could use scientific techniques or cared about using them. The list expanded noticeably after 1870, but even then much of what passed for the application of science was "engineering science" rather than basic science.
Nevertheless, by the middle of the nineteenth century, the rapid expansion of scientific knowledge and of public awareness - if not understanding - of it had created a belief that the advance of science would in some unspecified manner automatically generate economic benefits. The widespread and usually uncritical acceptance of this thesis led in turn to the assumption that the application of science to industrial purposes was a linear process, starting with fundamental science, then proceeding to applied science or technology, and through them to industrial use. This is probably the most common pattern, but it is not invariable. New areas of science have been opened up and fundamental discoveries made as a result of attempts to solve a specific technical or economic problem. Conversely, scientists who mainly do basic research also serve as consultants on projects that apply research in practical ways.
In sum, the science-technology-industry relationship may flow in several different ways, and the particular channel it will follow depends on the individual situation. It may at times even be multidirectional. | 373.txt | 3 |
[
"The development of science and of industry is now interdependent.",
"Basic scientific research cannot generate practical applications.",
"Industries should spend less money on research and development.",
"Science and technology are becoming more separate."
] | Which of the following statements does the passage support? | The interrelationship of science, technology, and industry is taken for granted today - summed up, not altogether accurately, as "research and development." Yet historically this widespread faith in the economic virtues of science is a relatively recent phenomenon, dating back in the United States about 150 years, and in the Western world as a whole not over 300 years at most. Even in this current era of large scale, intensive research and development, the interrelationships involved in this process are frequently misunderstood. Until the coming of the Industrial Revolution, science and technology evolved for the most part independently of each other. Then as industrialization became increasingly complicated, the craft techniques of preindustrial society gradually gave way to a technology based on the systematic application of scientific knowledge and scientific methods. This changeover started slowly and progressed unevenly. Until late in the nineteenth century, only a few industries could use scientific techniques or cared about using them. The list expanded noticeably after 1870, but even then much of what passed for the application of science was "engineering science" rather than basic science.
Nevertheless, by the middle of the nineteenth century, the rapid expansion of scientific knowledge and of public awareness - if not understanding - of it had created a belief that the advance of science would in some unspecified manner automatically generate economic benefits. The widespread and usually uncritical acceptance of this thesis led in turn to the assumption that the application of science to industrial purposes was a linear process, starting with fundamental science, then proceeding to applied science or technology, and through them to industrial use. This is probably the most common pattern, but it is not invariable. New areas of science have been opened up and fundamental discoveries made as a result of attempts to solve a specific technical or economic problem. Conversely, scientists who mainly do basic research also serve as consultants on projects that apply research in practical ways.
In sum, the science-technology-industry relationship may flow in several different ways, and the particular channel it will follow depends on the individual situation. It may at times even be multidirectional. | 373.txt | 0 |
[
"since 1982",
"since the 1970s but only for large bottles",
"since the 1960s but not for liquids with gas in them",
"since companies like Coca Cola first tried them"
] | Plastics of various kinds have been used for making bottles _ . | Polyester is now being used for bottles. ICI, the chemicals and plastics company, believes that it is now beginning to break the grip of glass on the bottle business and thus take advantage of this huge market.
All the plastics manufacturers have been experiencing hard times as their traditional products have been doing badly world-wide for the last few years. Between 1982 and 1984 the Plastics Division of ICI had lost a hundred and twenty million dollars, and they felt that the. most hopeful new market was in packaging, bottles and cans.
Since 1982 it has opened three new factories producing "Melinar", the raw material from which high quality polyester bottles are made.
The polyester bottle was born in the 1970s, when soft drinks companies like Coca Cola started selling their drinks in giant two-liter containers. Because of the build-up of the pressure of gas in these large containers, glass was unsuitable. Nor was PVC, the plastic which had been used for bottles since the 1960s, suitable for drinks with gas in them. A new plastic had to be made.
Glass is still cheaper for the smaller bottles, and will continue to be so unless oil and plastic become much cheaper, but plastic does well for the larger sizes.
Polyester bottles are virtually unbreakable. The manufacturers claim they are also lighter, less noisy when being handled, and can be reused. Shopkeepers and other business people are unlikely to object to a change from glass to polyester, since these bottles mean few breakages, which are costly and time-consuming. The public, though, have been more difficult to persuade. ICI's commercial department is developing different bottles with interesting shapes, to try and make them visually more attractive to the public.
The next step could be to develop a plastic which could replace tins for food. The problem here is the high temperatures necessary for cooking the food in the container. | 747.txt | 2 |
[
"The other things they make are not selling well.",
"Glass manufacturers cannot make enough new bottles.",
"They have factories which could be adapted to make it.",
"The price of oil keeps changing."
] | Why is ICI's Plastics Division interested in polyester for bottles? | Polyester is now being used for bottles. ICI, the chemicals and plastics company, believes that it is now beginning to break the grip of glass on the bottle business and thus take advantage of this huge market.
All the plastics manufacturers have been experiencing hard times as their traditional products have been doing badly world-wide for the last few years. Between 1982 and 1984 the Plastics Division of ICI had lost a hundred and twenty million dollars, and they felt that the. most hopeful new market was in packaging, bottles and cans.
Since 1982 it has opened three new factories producing "Melinar", the raw material from which high quality polyester bottles are made.
The polyester bottle was born in the 1970s, when soft drinks companies like Coca Cola started selling their drinks in giant two-liter containers. Because of the build-up of the pressure of gas in these large containers, glass was unsuitable. Nor was PVC, the plastic which had been used for bottles since the 1960s, suitable for drinks with gas in them. A new plastic had to be made.
Glass is still cheaper for the smaller bottles, and will continue to be so unless oil and plastic become much cheaper, but plastic does well for the larger sizes.
Polyester bottles are virtually unbreakable. The manufacturers claim they are also lighter, less noisy when being handled, and can be reused. Shopkeepers and other business people are unlikely to object to a change from glass to polyester, since these bottles mean few breakages, which are costly and time-consuming. The public, though, have been more difficult to persuade. ICI's commercial department is developing different bottles with interesting shapes, to try and make them visually more attractive to the public.
The next step could be to develop a plastic which could replace tins for food. The problem here is the high temperatures necessary for cooking the food in the container. | 747.txt | 0 |
[
"The price of oil and plastic has risen.",
"It is not suitable for containing gassy drinks.",
"The public like traditional glass bottles.",
"Shop-keepers dislike reusable bottles."
] | Why aren't all bottles now made of polyester? | Polyester is now being used for bottles. ICI, the chemicals and plastics company, believes that it is now beginning to break the grip of glass on the bottle business and thus take advantage of this huge market.
All the plastics manufacturers have been experiencing hard times as their traditional products have been doing badly world-wide for the last few years. Between 1982 and 1984 the Plastics Division of ICI had lost a hundred and twenty million dollars, and they felt that the. most hopeful new market was in packaging, bottles and cans.
Since 1982 it has opened three new factories producing "Melinar", the raw material from which high quality polyester bottles are made.
The polyester bottle was born in the 1970s, when soft drinks companies like Coca Cola started selling their drinks in giant two-liter containers. Because of the build-up of the pressure of gas in these large containers, glass was unsuitable. Nor was PVC, the plastic which had been used for bottles since the 1960s, suitable for drinks with gas in them. A new plastic had to be made.
Glass is still cheaper for the smaller bottles, and will continue to be so unless oil and plastic become much cheaper, but plastic does well for the larger sizes.
Polyester bottles are virtually unbreakable. The manufacturers claim they are also lighter, less noisy when being handled, and can be reused. Shopkeepers and other business people are unlikely to object to a change from glass to polyester, since these bottles mean few breakages, which are costly and time-consuming. The public, though, have been more difficult to persuade. ICI's commercial department is developing different bottles with interesting shapes, to try and make them visually more attractive to the public.
The next step could be to develop a plastic which could replace tins for food. The problem here is the high temperatures necessary for cooking the food in the container. | 747.txt | 2 |
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