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[
"the Ir in microscopic meteorites reachingEarth during the Cretaceous period would have been incorporated into Earth'score",
"the Ir in the boundary clay was depositedmuch more than a million years ago",
"the concentration of Ir in the boundaryclay is higher than in microscopic meteorites",
"the amount of Ir in the boundary clay istoo great to have come from microscopic meteorites during the time the boundaryclay was deposited"
] | Paragraph 5 implies that a specialexplanation of Ir in the boundary clay is needed because | Paleozoic Era 334 to 248 million years ago
Mesozoic Era 245 to 65 million years ago
-Triassic Period
-Jurassic Period
-Cretaceous Period
Cenozoic Era 65 million years ago to the present
Paleontologists have argued for a long time that the demise of the dinosaurs was caused by climatic alterations associated with slow changes in the positions of continents and seas resulting from plate tectonics. Off and on throughout the Cretaceous (the last period of the Mesozoic era, during which dinosaurs flourisheD., large shallow seas covered extensive areas of the continents. Data from diverse sources, including geochemical evidence preserved in seafloor sediments, indicate that the Late Cretaceous climate was milder than today's. The days were not too hot, nor the nights too cold. The summers were not too warm, nor the winters too frigid. The shallow seas on the continents probably buffered the temperature of the nearby air, keeping it relatively constant.
At the end of the Cretaceous, the geological record shows that these seaways retreated from the continents back into the major ocean basins. No one knows why. Over a period of about 100,000 years, while the seas pulled back, climates around the world became dramatically more extreme: warmer days, cooler nights; hotter summers, colder winters. Perhaps dinosaurs could not tolerate these extreme temperature changes and became extinct.
If true, though, why did cold-blooded animals such as snakes, lizards, turtles, and crocodiles survive the freezing winters and torrid summers? These animals are at the mercy of the climate to maintain a livable body temperature. It's hard to understand why they would not be affected, whereas dinosaurs were left too crippled to cope, especially if, as some scientists believe, dinosaurs were warm-blooded. Critics also point out that the shallow seaways had retreated from and advanced on the continents numerous times during the Mesozoic, so why did the dinosaurs survive the climatic changes associated with the earlier fluctuations but not with this one? Although initially appealing, the hypothesis of a simple climatic change related to sea levels is insufficient to explain all the data.
Dissatisfaction with conventional explanations for dinosaur extinctions led to a surprising observation that, in turn, has suggested a new hypothesis. Many plants and animals disappear abruptly from the fossil record as one moves from layers of rock documenting the end of the Cretaceous up into rocks representing the beginning of the Cenozoic (the era after the MesozoiC. Between the last layer of Cretaceous rock and the first layer of Cenozoic rock, there is often a thin layer of clay. Scientists felt that they could get an idea of how long the extinctions took by determining how long it took to deposit this one centimeter of clay and they thought they could determine the time it took to deposit the clay by determining the amount of the element iridium (Ir) it contained.
Ir has not been common at Earth's since the very beginning of the planet's history. Because it usually exists in a metallic state, it was preferentially incorporated in Earth's core as the planet cooled and consolidated. Ir is found in high concentrations in some meteorites, in which the solar system's original chemical composition is preserved. Even today, microscopic meteorites continually bombard Earth, falling on both land and sea. By measuring how many of these meteorites fall to Earth over a given period of time, scientists can estimate how long it might have taken to deposit the observed amount of Ir in the boundary clay. These calculations suggest that a period of about one million years would have been required. However, other reliable evidence suggests that the deposition of the boundary clay could not have taken one million years. So the unusually high concentration of Ir seems to require a special explanation.
In view of these facts, scientists hypothesized that a single large asteroid, about 10 to 15 kilometers across, collided with Earth, and the resulting fallout created the boundary clay. Their calculations show that the impact kicked up a dust cloud that cut off sunlight for several months, inhibiting photosynthesis in plants; decreased surface temperatures on continents to below freezing; caused extreme episodes of acid rain; and significantly raised long-term global temperatures through the greenhouse effect. This disruption of food chain and climate would have eradicated the dinosaurs and other organisms in less than fifty years. | 1048.txt | 3 |
[
"exhaustion",
"disturbance",
"modification",
"disappearance"
] | The word "disruption" in the passage(paragraph 6) is closest in meaning to | Paleozoic Era 334 to 248 million years ago
Mesozoic Era 245 to 65 million years ago
-Triassic Period
-Jurassic Period
-Cretaceous Period
Cenozoic Era 65 million years ago to the present
Paleontologists have argued for a long time that the demise of the dinosaurs was caused by climatic alterations associated with slow changes in the positions of continents and seas resulting from plate tectonics. Off and on throughout the Cretaceous (the last period of the Mesozoic era, during which dinosaurs flourisheD., large shallow seas covered extensive areas of the continents. Data from diverse sources, including geochemical evidence preserved in seafloor sediments, indicate that the Late Cretaceous climate was milder than today's. The days were not too hot, nor the nights too cold. The summers were not too warm, nor the winters too frigid. The shallow seas on the continents probably buffered the temperature of the nearby air, keeping it relatively constant.
At the end of the Cretaceous, the geological record shows that these seaways retreated from the continents back into the major ocean basins. No one knows why. Over a period of about 100,000 years, while the seas pulled back, climates around the world became dramatically more extreme: warmer days, cooler nights; hotter summers, colder winters. Perhaps dinosaurs could not tolerate these extreme temperature changes and became extinct.
If true, though, why did cold-blooded animals such as snakes, lizards, turtles, and crocodiles survive the freezing winters and torrid summers? These animals are at the mercy of the climate to maintain a livable body temperature. It's hard to understand why they would not be affected, whereas dinosaurs were left too crippled to cope, especially if, as some scientists believe, dinosaurs were warm-blooded. Critics also point out that the shallow seaways had retreated from and advanced on the continents numerous times during the Mesozoic, so why did the dinosaurs survive the climatic changes associated with the earlier fluctuations but not with this one? Although initially appealing, the hypothesis of a simple climatic change related to sea levels is insufficient to explain all the data.
Dissatisfaction with conventional explanations for dinosaur extinctions led to a surprising observation that, in turn, has suggested a new hypothesis. Many plants and animals disappear abruptly from the fossil record as one moves from layers of rock documenting the end of the Cretaceous up into rocks representing the beginning of the Cenozoic (the era after the MesozoiC. Between the last layer of Cretaceous rock and the first layer of Cenozoic rock, there is often a thin layer of clay. Scientists felt that they could get an idea of how long the extinctions took by determining how long it took to deposit this one centimeter of clay and they thought they could determine the time it took to deposit the clay by determining the amount of the element iridium (Ir) it contained.
Ir has not been common at Earth's since the very beginning of the planet's history. Because it usually exists in a metallic state, it was preferentially incorporated in Earth's core as the planet cooled and consolidated. Ir is found in high concentrations in some meteorites, in which the solar system's original chemical composition is preserved. Even today, microscopic meteorites continually bombard Earth, falling on both land and sea. By measuring how many of these meteorites fall to Earth over a given period of time, scientists can estimate how long it might have taken to deposit the observed amount of Ir in the boundary clay. These calculations suggest that a period of about one million years would have been required. However, other reliable evidence suggests that the deposition of the boundary clay could not have taken one million years. So the unusually high concentration of Ir seems to require a special explanation.
In view of these facts, scientists hypothesized that a single large asteroid, about 10 to 15 kilometers across, collided with Earth, and the resulting fallout created the boundary clay. Their calculations show that the impact kicked up a dust cloud that cut off sunlight for several months, inhibiting photosynthesis in plants; decreased surface temperatures on continents to below freezing; caused extreme episodes of acid rain; and significantly raised long-term global temperatures through the greenhouse effect. This disruption of food chain and climate would have eradicated the dinosaurs and other organisms in less than fifty years. | 1048.txt | 1 |
[
"a large dust cloud that blocked sunlight",
"an immediate drop in the surfacetemperatures of the continents",
"an extreme decrease in rainfall on thecontinents",
"a long-term increase in globaltemperatures"
] | Paragraph 6 mentions all of the following effects of the hypothesized asteroid collision EXCEPT | Paleozoic Era 334 to 248 million years ago
Mesozoic Era 245 to 65 million years ago
-Triassic Period
-Jurassic Period
-Cretaceous Period
Cenozoic Era 65 million years ago to the present
Paleontologists have argued for a long time that the demise of the dinosaurs was caused by climatic alterations associated with slow changes in the positions of continents and seas resulting from plate tectonics. Off and on throughout the Cretaceous (the last period of the Mesozoic era, during which dinosaurs flourisheD., large shallow seas covered extensive areas of the continents. Data from diverse sources, including geochemical evidence preserved in seafloor sediments, indicate that the Late Cretaceous climate was milder than today's. The days were not too hot, nor the nights too cold. The summers were not too warm, nor the winters too frigid. The shallow seas on the continents probably buffered the temperature of the nearby air, keeping it relatively constant.
At the end of the Cretaceous, the geological record shows that these seaways retreated from the continents back into the major ocean basins. No one knows why. Over a period of about 100,000 years, while the seas pulled back, climates around the world became dramatically more extreme: warmer days, cooler nights; hotter summers, colder winters. Perhaps dinosaurs could not tolerate these extreme temperature changes and became extinct.
If true, though, why did cold-blooded animals such as snakes, lizards, turtles, and crocodiles survive the freezing winters and torrid summers? These animals are at the mercy of the climate to maintain a livable body temperature. It's hard to understand why they would not be affected, whereas dinosaurs were left too crippled to cope, especially if, as some scientists believe, dinosaurs were warm-blooded. Critics also point out that the shallow seaways had retreated from and advanced on the continents numerous times during the Mesozoic, so why did the dinosaurs survive the climatic changes associated with the earlier fluctuations but not with this one? Although initially appealing, the hypothesis of a simple climatic change related to sea levels is insufficient to explain all the data.
Dissatisfaction with conventional explanations for dinosaur extinctions led to a surprising observation that, in turn, has suggested a new hypothesis. Many plants and animals disappear abruptly from the fossil record as one moves from layers of rock documenting the end of the Cretaceous up into rocks representing the beginning of the Cenozoic (the era after the MesozoiC. Between the last layer of Cretaceous rock and the first layer of Cenozoic rock, there is often a thin layer of clay. Scientists felt that they could get an idea of how long the extinctions took by determining how long it took to deposit this one centimeter of clay and they thought they could determine the time it took to deposit the clay by determining the amount of the element iridium (Ir) it contained.
Ir has not been common at Earth's since the very beginning of the planet's history. Because it usually exists in a metallic state, it was preferentially incorporated in Earth's core as the planet cooled and consolidated. Ir is found in high concentrations in some meteorites, in which the solar system's original chemical composition is preserved. Even today, microscopic meteorites continually bombard Earth, falling on both land and sea. By measuring how many of these meteorites fall to Earth over a given period of time, scientists can estimate how long it might have taken to deposit the observed amount of Ir in the boundary clay. These calculations suggest that a period of about one million years would have been required. However, other reliable evidence suggests that the deposition of the boundary clay could not have taken one million years. So the unusually high concentration of Ir seems to require a special explanation.
In view of these facts, scientists hypothesized that a single large asteroid, about 10 to 15 kilometers across, collided with Earth, and the resulting fallout created the boundary clay. Their calculations show that the impact kicked up a dust cloud that cut off sunlight for several months, inhibiting photosynthesis in plants; decreased surface temperatures on continents to below freezing; caused extreme episodes of acid rain; and significantly raised long-term global temperatures through the greenhouse effect. This disruption of food chain and climate would have eradicated the dinosaurs and other organisms in less than fifty years. | 1048.txt | 2 |
[
"To arouse the reader's concern",
"To introduce the theme of the whole passage",
"To summarize the whole passage",
"To sate the primary uses of TV"
] | What is the major function of paragraph 1? | Obviously television has both advantages and disadvantages.
In the first place, television is not only a convenient source of entertainment, but also a comparatively cheap one. With a TV set in the family people don't have to pay for expensive seats at the theatre, the cinema, or the opera .All they have to so is to push a button or turn a knob, and they can see plays, films, operas and shows of every kind. Some people, however, think that this is where the danger lies. The television viewers need do nothing. He does not even have to use his legs if the has a remote control. He makes no choice and exercises, no judgment. He is completely passive and has everything presented to him without any effort in his part.
Television, it is often said, keeps one informed about current events and the latest developments in science and politics. The most distant countries and the strangest customs are brought right into one's sitting room. It could be argued that the radio performs this service as well; but on television everything is much more living, much more real. Yet here again there is a danger. The television screen itself has a terrible, almost physical charm for us. We get so used to looking at the movements on it ,so dependent on its pictures, that it begins to control our lives. People are often heard to say that their television sets have broken down and that they have suddenly found that they have far more time to do things and the they have actually begin to talk to each other again. It makes one think, doesn't it?
There are many other arguments for and against television. We must realize that television itself is neither good nor bad. It is the uses that it is put to that determine its value to society. | 4127.txt | 1 |
[
"not very convenient",
"quite dangerous",
"very expensive",
"relatively cheap"
] | Television, as a source of entertainment, is _ . | Obviously television has both advantages and disadvantages.
In the first place, television is not only a convenient source of entertainment, but also a comparatively cheap one. With a TV set in the family people don't have to pay for expensive seats at the theatre, the cinema, or the opera .All they have to so is to push a button or turn a knob, and they can see plays, films, operas and shows of every kind. Some people, however, think that this is where the danger lies. The television viewers need do nothing. He does not even have to use his legs if the has a remote control. He makes no choice and exercises, no judgment. He is completely passive and has everything presented to him without any effort in his part.
Television, it is often said, keeps one informed about current events and the latest developments in science and politics. The most distant countries and the strangest customs are brought right into one's sitting room. It could be argued that the radio performs this service as well; but on television everything is much more living, much more real. Yet here again there is a danger. The television screen itself has a terrible, almost physical charm for us. We get so used to looking at the movements on it ,so dependent on its pictures, that it begins to control our lives. People are often heard to say that their television sets have broken down and that they have suddenly found that they have far more time to do things and the they have actually begin to talk to each other again. It makes one think, doesn't it?
There are many other arguments for and against television. We must realize that television itself is neither good nor bad. It is the uses that it is put to that determine its value to society. | 4127.txt | 3 |
[
"Because TV programs re not interesting",
"Because TV viewers are totally passive",
"Because TV prices are very high.",
"Because TV has both advantages and disadvantages"
] | Why are some people against TV? | Obviously television has both advantages and disadvantages.
In the first place, television is not only a convenient source of entertainment, but also a comparatively cheap one. With a TV set in the family people don't have to pay for expensive seats at the theatre, the cinema, or the opera .All they have to so is to push a button or turn a knob, and they can see plays, films, operas and shows of every kind. Some people, however, think that this is where the danger lies. The television viewers need do nothing. He does not even have to use his legs if the has a remote control. He makes no choice and exercises, no judgment. He is completely passive and has everything presented to him without any effort in his part.
Television, it is often said, keeps one informed about current events and the latest developments in science and politics. The most distant countries and the strangest customs are brought right into one's sitting room. It could be argued that the radio performs this service as well; but on television everything is much more living, much more real. Yet here again there is a danger. The television screen itself has a terrible, almost physical charm for us. We get so used to looking at the movements on it ,so dependent on its pictures, that it begins to control our lives. People are often heard to say that their television sets have broken down and that they have suddenly found that they have far more time to do things and the they have actually begin to talk to each other again. It makes one think, doesn't it?
There are many other arguments for and against television. We must realize that television itself is neither good nor bad. It is the uses that it is put to that determine its value to society. | 4127.txt | 1 |
[
"it keeps us informed",
"it is very cheap",
"it enables us to have a rest",
"it controls our lives"
] | One of the most obvious advantages of TV is that _ . | Obviously television has both advantages and disadvantages.
In the first place, television is not only a convenient source of entertainment, but also a comparatively cheap one. With a TV set in the family people don't have to pay for expensive seats at the theatre, the cinema, or the opera .All they have to so is to push a button or turn a knob, and they can see plays, films, operas and shows of every kind. Some people, however, think that this is where the danger lies. The television viewers need do nothing. He does not even have to use his legs if the has a remote control. He makes no choice and exercises, no judgment. He is completely passive and has everything presented to him without any effort in his part.
Television, it is often said, keeps one informed about current events and the latest developments in science and politics. The most distant countries and the strangest customs are brought right into one's sitting room. It could be argued that the radio performs this service as well; but on television everything is much more living, much more real. Yet here again there is a danger. The television screen itself has a terrible, almost physical charm for us. We get so used to looking at the movements on it ,so dependent on its pictures, that it begins to control our lives. People are often heard to say that their television sets have broken down and that they have suddenly found that they have far more time to do things and the they have actually begin to talk to each other again. It makes one think, doesn't it?
There are many other arguments for and against television. We must realize that television itself is neither good nor bad. It is the uses that it is put to that determine its value to society. | 4127.txt | 0 |
[
"its quality",
"how we use it",
"people 's attitude towards it",
"when we use it"
] | According to the passage, whether TV is good or not depends on _ . | Obviously television has both advantages and disadvantages.
In the first place, television is not only a convenient source of entertainment, but also a comparatively cheap one. With a TV set in the family people don't have to pay for expensive seats at the theatre, the cinema, or the opera .All they have to so is to push a button or turn a knob, and they can see plays, films, operas and shows of every kind. Some people, however, think that this is where the danger lies. The television viewers need do nothing. He does not even have to use his legs if the has a remote control. He makes no choice and exercises, no judgment. He is completely passive and has everything presented to him without any effort in his part.
Television, it is often said, keeps one informed about current events and the latest developments in science and politics. The most distant countries and the strangest customs are brought right into one's sitting room. It could be argued that the radio performs this service as well; but on television everything is much more living, much more real. Yet here again there is a danger. The television screen itself has a terrible, almost physical charm for us. We get so used to looking at the movements on it ,so dependent on its pictures, that it begins to control our lives. People are often heard to say that their television sets have broken down and that they have suddenly found that they have far more time to do things and the they have actually begin to talk to each other again. It makes one think, doesn't it?
There are many other arguments for and against television. We must realize that television itself is neither good nor bad. It is the uses that it is put to that determine its value to society. | 4127.txt | 2 |
[
"It was the first experiment to take place in themicrogravity environment of space.",
"It was the first experiment in which researchersin space were able to grow lysozyme proteincrystals greater in size than those grown onEarth",
"Its results have been superseded by subsequentresearch in the field of microgravity proteincrystal growth.",
"Its results are still considered by some to beevidence for the advantages of microgravityprotein crystal growth."
] | According to the passage, which of the followingis true about the Space Lab experiment conducted in 1983? | An experiment conducted aboard Space Lab in 1983 was the first attempt to grow protein crystals in the low-gravity environment of space.That experiment is still cited as evi- dence that growing crystals in microgravity can increase crystal size: the authors reported that they grew lysozyme protein crystals 1,000 times larger than crystals grown in the same device on Earth. Unfortunately, the authors did not point out that their crystals were no larger than the average crystal grown using other, more standard tech- niques in an Earth laboratory.
No research has yet produced results that could justify the enormous costs of producing crystals on a large scale in space. To get an unbiased view of the usefulness of micro- gravity crystal growth, crystals grown in space must be compared with the best crystals that have been grown with standard techniques on Earth. Given the great expense of conducting such experiments with proper controls, and the limited promise of experiments performed thus far, it is questionable whether further experiments in this area should even be conducted. | 1913.txt | 3 |
[
"The results of the Space Lab experiment could bereplicated in producing other kinds of crystals inaddition to lysozyme protein.",
"The device used in the experiment produced largercrystals on Earth than it did in space.",
"The size of the crystals produced in the experi- ment exceeded the size of crystals grown inEarth laboratories using standard techniques.",
"The cost of producing the crystals in spaceexceeded that of producing them using standardlaboratory techniques."
] | It can be inferred from the passage that the authorwould find the Space Lab experiment more impressiveif which of the following were true? | An experiment conducted aboard Space Lab in 1983 was the first attempt to grow protein crystals in the low-gravity environment of space.That experiment is still cited as evi- dence that growing crystals in microgravity can increase crystal size: the authors reported that they grew lysozyme protein crystals 1,000 times larger than crystals grown in the same device on Earth. Unfortunately, the authors did not point out that their crystals were no larger than the average crystal grown using other, more standard tech- niques in an Earth laboratory.
No research has yet produced results that could justify the enormous costs of producing crystals on a large scale in space. To get an unbiased view of the usefulness of micro- gravity crystal growth, crystals grown in space must be compared with the best crystals that have been grown with standard techniques on Earth. Given the great expense of conducting such experiments with proper controls, and the limited promise of experiments performed thus far, it is questionable whether further experiments in this area should even be conducted. | 1913.txt | 2 |
[
"The device is more expensive to manufacture thanare the devices used in standard techniques in an Earth laboratory.",
"The device has not been used to grow crystals inspace since the Space Lab experiment of 1983.",
"Crystals grown in the device on Earth tend to bemuch smaller than crystals grown in it in space.",
"Crystals grown in the device in space have beenexceeded in size by crystals grown in subsequentexperiments in space using other devices."
] | Which of the following can be inferred from the passage about the device used to grow crystals in the Space Lab experiment? | An experiment conducted aboard Space Lab in 1983 was the first attempt to grow protein crystals in the low-gravity environment of space.That experiment is still cited as evi- dence that growing crystals in microgravity can increase crystal size: the authors reported that they grew lysozyme protein crystals 1,000 times larger than crystals grown in the same device on Earth. Unfortunately, the authors did not point out that their crystals were no larger than the average crystal grown using other, more standard tech- niques in an Earth laboratory.
No research has yet produced results that could justify the enormous costs of producing crystals on a large scale in space. To get an unbiased view of the usefulness of micro- gravity crystal growth, crystals grown in space must be compared with the best crystals that have been grown with standard techniques on Earth. Given the great expense of conducting such experiments with proper controls, and the limited promise of experiments performed thus far, it is questionable whether further experiments in this area should even be conducted. | 1913.txt | 2 |
[
"Although the results of the experiment areimpressive, the experiment was too limited inscope to allow for definitive conclusions.",
"The results of the experiment are impressive onthe surface, but the report is misleading.",
"The results of the experiment convincinglyconfirm what researchers have long suspected.",
"Because of design flaws, the experiment did notyield any results relevant to the issue underinvestigation."
] | The passage suggests that the author would most prob- ably agree with which of the following assessments ofthe results of the Space Lab experiment? | An experiment conducted aboard Space Lab in 1983 was the first attempt to grow protein crystals in the low-gravity environment of space.That experiment is still cited as evi- dence that growing crystals in microgravity can increase crystal size: the authors reported that they grew lysozyme protein crystals 1,000 times larger than crystals grown in the same device on Earth. Unfortunately, the authors did not point out that their crystals were no larger than the average crystal grown using other, more standard tech- niques in an Earth laboratory.
No research has yet produced results that could justify the enormous costs of producing crystals on a large scale in space. To get an unbiased view of the usefulness of micro- gravity crystal growth, crystals grown in space must be compared with the best crystals that have been grown with standard techniques on Earth. Given the great expense of conducting such experiments with proper controls, and the limited promise of experiments performed thus far, it is questionable whether further experiments in this area should even be conducted. | 1913.txt | 0 |
[
"Web business is no longer in fashion.",
"Business-to-business sales are the trend.",
"Web business is prosperous in the consumer market.",
"Many companies still lack confidence in Web business."
] | What do we learn about the present Web business? | In the first year or so of Web business, most of the action has revolved around efforts to Lap the consumer market. More recently, as the Web proved to be more than a fashion. companies have started to buy and sell products and services with one another. Such business-to-business sales make sense because business people typically know what product they're looking for.
Nonetheless, many companies still hesitate to use the Web because of doubts about its reliability. "Businesses need to feel they can trust the pathway between them and the supplier," says senior analyst Blane Erwin of Forrester Research. Some companies are limiting the risk by conducting online transactions only with established business partners who are given access to the company's private intranet.
Another major shift in the model for Internet commerce concerns the technology available for marketing. Until recently, Internet marketing activities have focused on strategies to "pull" customers into sites. In the past year, however, software companies have developed tools chat allow companies to "push" information directly out to consumers, transmitting marketing messages directly to targeted customers, Most notably, the Pointcast Network uses a screen saver to deliver a continually updated stream of news and advertisements to subscribers' computer monitors. Subscribers can customize the information they want to receive and proceed directly to a company's Web site. Companies such as Virtual Vineyards are already starting to use similar technologies to push messages to customers about special sales, product offering, or other events.But push technology has earned the contempt of many Web users. Online culture thinks highly of the notion that the information flowing onto the screen comes there by specific request. Once commercial promotion begins to fill the screen uninvited, the distinction between the Web and television fades. Thar's a prospect that horrifies Net purists.
But it is hardly inevitable that companies on the Web will need to resort to push strategies to make money, The examples of Virtual Vineyards, Amazon.com and other pioneers show that a Web site selling the right. kind of products with the right mix of interactivity, hospitality, and security will attract online customers, And the cost of computing power continues to free fall, which is a good sign for any enterprise setting up shop m silicon. People looking back 5 or 10 years from now may well wonder why so few companies took the online plunge. | 198.txt | 3 |
[
"they are more creditable than others",
"they specify the products they want",
"they have access to the company's private intranet",
"they are capable of conducting online transactions"
] | Established business partners are preferred in Web business because _ . | In the first year or so of Web business, most of the action has revolved around efforts to Lap the consumer market. More recently, as the Web proved to be more than a fashion. companies have started to buy and sell products and services with one another. Such business-to-business sales make sense because business people typically know what product they're looking for.
Nonetheless, many companies still hesitate to use the Web because of doubts about its reliability. "Businesses need to feel they can trust the pathway between them and the supplier," says senior analyst Blane Erwin of Forrester Research. Some companies are limiting the risk by conducting online transactions only with established business partners who are given access to the company's private intranet.
Another major shift in the model for Internet commerce concerns the technology available for marketing. Until recently, Internet marketing activities have focused on strategies to "pull" customers into sites. In the past year, however, software companies have developed tools chat allow companies to "push" information directly out to consumers, transmitting marketing messages directly to targeted customers, Most notably, the Pointcast Network uses a screen saver to deliver a continually updated stream of news and advertisements to subscribers' computer monitors. Subscribers can customize the information they want to receive and proceed directly to a company's Web site. Companies such as Virtual Vineyards are already starting to use similar technologies to push messages to customers about special sales, product offering, or other events.But push technology has earned the contempt of many Web users. Online culture thinks highly of the notion that the information flowing onto the screen comes there by specific request. Once commercial promotion begins to fill the screen uninvited, the distinction between the Web and television fades. Thar's a prospect that horrifies Net purists.
But it is hardly inevitable that companies on the Web will need to resort to push strategies to make money, The examples of Virtual Vineyards, Amazon.com and other pioneers show that a Web site selling the right. kind of products with the right mix of interactivity, hospitality, and security will attract online customers, And the cost of computing power continues to free fall, which is a good sign for any enterprise setting up shop m silicon. People looking back 5 or 10 years from now may well wonder why so few companies took the online plunge. | 198.txt | 0 |
[
"a company that develops the latest push software",
"a tool that promotes a company's online marketing",
"the firs! company that used an online push software",
"the most popular software that helps a company push"
] | Pointcast Network is most probably _ . | In the first year or so of Web business, most of the action has revolved around efforts to Lap the consumer market. More recently, as the Web proved to be more than a fashion. companies have started to buy and sell products and services with one another. Such business-to-business sales make sense because business people typically know what product they're looking for.
Nonetheless, many companies still hesitate to use the Web because of doubts about its reliability. "Businesses need to feel they can trust the pathway between them and the supplier," says senior analyst Blane Erwin of Forrester Research. Some companies are limiting the risk by conducting online transactions only with established business partners who are given access to the company's private intranet.
Another major shift in the model for Internet commerce concerns the technology available for marketing. Until recently, Internet marketing activities have focused on strategies to "pull" customers into sites. In the past year, however, software companies have developed tools chat allow companies to "push" information directly out to consumers, transmitting marketing messages directly to targeted customers, Most notably, the Pointcast Network uses a screen saver to deliver a continually updated stream of news and advertisements to subscribers' computer monitors. Subscribers can customize the information they want to receive and proceed directly to a company's Web site. Companies such as Virtual Vineyards are already starting to use similar technologies to push messages to customers about special sales, product offering, or other events.But push technology has earned the contempt of many Web users. Online culture thinks highly of the notion that the information flowing onto the screen comes there by specific request. Once commercial promotion begins to fill the screen uninvited, the distinction between the Web and television fades. Thar's a prospect that horrifies Net purists.
But it is hardly inevitable that companies on the Web will need to resort to push strategies to make money, The examples of Virtual Vineyards, Amazon.com and other pioneers show that a Web site selling the right. kind of products with the right mix of interactivity, hospitality, and security will attract online customers, And the cost of computing power continues to free fall, which is a good sign for any enterprise setting up shop m silicon. People looking back 5 or 10 years from now may well wonder why so few companies took the online plunge. | 198.txt | 0 |
[
"only the requested information comes to the screen",
"the Net is filled with commercial promotion",
"the difference between the Web and TV will fade",
"push technology will dominate the screen of the computers"
] | Net purists arc most worried that _ . | In the first year or so of Web business, most of the action has revolved around efforts to Lap the consumer market. More recently, as the Web proved to be more than a fashion. companies have started to buy and sell products and services with one another. Such business-to-business sales make sense because business people typically know what product they're looking for.
Nonetheless, many companies still hesitate to use the Web because of doubts about its reliability. "Businesses need to feel they can trust the pathway between them and the supplier," says senior analyst Blane Erwin of Forrester Research. Some companies are limiting the risk by conducting online transactions only with established business partners who are given access to the company's private intranet.
Another major shift in the model for Internet commerce concerns the technology available for marketing. Until recently, Internet marketing activities have focused on strategies to "pull" customers into sites. In the past year, however, software companies have developed tools chat allow companies to "push" information directly out to consumers, transmitting marketing messages directly to targeted customers, Most notably, the Pointcast Network uses a screen saver to deliver a continually updated stream of news and advertisements to subscribers' computer monitors. Subscribers can customize the information they want to receive and proceed directly to a company's Web site. Companies such as Virtual Vineyards are already starting to use similar technologies to push messages to customers about special sales, product offering, or other events.But push technology has earned the contempt of many Web users. Online culture thinks highly of the notion that the information flowing onto the screen comes there by specific request. Once commercial promotion begins to fill the screen uninvited, the distinction between the Web and television fades. Thar's a prospect that horrifies Net purists.
But it is hardly inevitable that companies on the Web will need to resort to push strategies to make money, The examples of Virtual Vineyards, Amazon.com and other pioneers show that a Web site selling the right. kind of products with the right mix of interactivity, hospitality, and security will attract online customers, And the cost of computing power continues to free fall, which is a good sign for any enterprise setting up shop m silicon. People looking back 5 or 10 years from now may well wonder why so few companies took the online plunge. | 198.txt | 3 |
[
"Its success is attributed to push strategies.",
"It is prosperous without push strategies.",
"It is highly concerned about the cost of computing power.",
"It is a good example of the flourishing online business."
] | What does the author intend to express by mentioning Amazon.com'? | In the first year or so of Web business, most of the action has revolved around efforts to Lap the consumer market. More recently, as the Web proved to be more than a fashion. companies have started to buy and sell products and services with one another. Such business-to-business sales make sense because business people typically know what product they're looking for.
Nonetheless, many companies still hesitate to use the Web because of doubts about its reliability. "Businesses need to feel they can trust the pathway between them and the supplier," says senior analyst Blane Erwin of Forrester Research. Some companies are limiting the risk by conducting online transactions only with established business partners who are given access to the company's private intranet.
Another major shift in the model for Internet commerce concerns the technology available for marketing. Until recently, Internet marketing activities have focused on strategies to "pull" customers into sites. In the past year, however, software companies have developed tools chat allow companies to "push" information directly out to consumers, transmitting marketing messages directly to targeted customers, Most notably, the Pointcast Network uses a screen saver to deliver a continually updated stream of news and advertisements to subscribers' computer monitors. Subscribers can customize the information they want to receive and proceed directly to a company's Web site. Companies such as Virtual Vineyards are already starting to use similar technologies to push messages to customers about special sales, product offering, or other events.But push technology has earned the contempt of many Web users. Online culture thinks highly of the notion that the information flowing onto the screen comes there by specific request. Once commercial promotion begins to fill the screen uninvited, the distinction between the Web and television fades. Thar's a prospect that horrifies Net purists.
But it is hardly inevitable that companies on the Web will need to resort to push strategies to make money, The examples of Virtual Vineyards, Amazon.com and other pioneers show that a Web site selling the right. kind of products with the right mix of interactivity, hospitality, and security will attract online customers, And the cost of computing power continues to free fall, which is a good sign for any enterprise setting up shop m silicon. People looking back 5 or 10 years from now may well wonder why so few companies took the online plunge. | 198.txt | 1 |
[
"how to get along with a teenager",
"how to respect a teenager",
"how to understand a teenager",
"how to help a teenager grow up"
] | The main purpose of the text is to tell parents _ . | It's not easy being a teenager(1319)-nor is it easy being the parent of a teenager. You can make your child feel angry, hurt, or misunderstood by what you say without realizing it yourself. It is important to give your child the space he needs to grow while gently letting him know that you you'll still be there for him when he needs you.
Expect a lot from your child, just not everything. Except for health and safety problems, such as drug use or careless driving; consider everything else open to discussion. If your child is unwilling to discuss something, don't insist he tell you what's on his mind. The more you insist, the more likely that he'll clam up. Instead , let him attempt to solvethings by himself. At the same time, remind him that you're always there for him should he seek advice or help. Show respect for your teenager's privacy . Never read him his mail or listen in on personal conversions.
Teach your teenager that the family phone is for the whole family. If your child talks on the family's telephone for too long, tell him he can talk for15 minutes, but then he must stay off the phone for at least an equal period of time. This not only frees up the line so that other family members can make and receive calls, but teaches your teenager moderation. Or if you are open to the idea, allow your teenager his own phone that he pays for with his own pocket money or a part -time job | 3506.txt | 3 |
[
"become excited",
"show respect",
"refuse to talk",
"seek help"
] | What does the phrase "clam up" in Paragraph 2 probably mean? | It's not easy being a teenager(1319)-nor is it easy being the parent of a teenager. You can make your child feel angry, hurt, or misunderstood by what you say without realizing it yourself. It is important to give your child the space he needs to grow while gently letting him know that you you'll still be there for him when he needs you.
Expect a lot from your child, just not everything. Except for health and safety problems, such as drug use or careless driving; consider everything else open to discussion. If your child is unwilling to discuss something, don't insist he tell you what's on his mind. The more you insist, the more likely that he'll clam up. Instead , let him attempt to solvethings by himself. At the same time, remind him that you're always there for him should he seek advice or help. Show respect for your teenager's privacy . Never read him his mail or listen in on personal conversions.
Teach your teenager that the family phone is for the whole family. If your child talks on the family's telephone for too long, tell him he can talk for15 minutes, but then he must stay off the phone for at least an equal period of time. This not only frees up the line so that other family members can make and receive calls, but teaches your teenager moderation. Or if you are open to the idea, allow your teenager his own phone that he pays for with his own pocket money or a part -time job | 3506.txt | 2 |
[
"Nor allow him to learn driving or take drugs",
"Give him advice only when necessary",
"Let him have his own telephone",
"Not talk about personal things with him"
] | What should parents do in raising a teenager according to the text? | It's not easy being a teenager(1319)-nor is it easy being the parent of a teenager. You can make your child feel angry, hurt, or misunderstood by what you say without realizing it yourself. It is important to give your child the space he needs to grow while gently letting him know that you you'll still be there for him when he needs you.
Expect a lot from your child, just not everything. Except for health and safety problems, such as drug use or careless driving; consider everything else open to discussion. If your child is unwilling to discuss something, don't insist he tell you what's on his mind. The more you insist, the more likely that he'll clam up. Instead , let him attempt to solvethings by himself. At the same time, remind him that you're always there for him should he seek advice or help. Show respect for your teenager's privacy . Never read him his mail or listen in on personal conversions.
Teach your teenager that the family phone is for the whole family. If your child talks on the family's telephone for too long, tell him he can talk for15 minutes, but then he must stay off the phone for at least an equal period of time. This not only frees up the line so that other family members can make and receive calls, but teaches your teenager moderation. Or if you are open to the idea, allow your teenager his own phone that he pays for with his own pocket money or a part -time job | 3506.txt | 1 |
[
"the choice between spiritual encouragement and monetary rewards",
"the amount of monetary rewards for student' creativity",
"the study of relationship between actions and their consequences",
"the effects of external rewards on students' performance"
] | Psychologists are divided with regard to their attitudes toward _ . | Psychologists take opposing views of how external rewards, from warm praise to cold cash, affect motivation and creativity. Behaviorists, who study the relation between actions and their consequences, argue that rewards can improve performance at work and school. Cognitive researchers, who study various aspects of mental life, maintain that rewards often destroy creativity by encouraging dependence on approval and gifts from others.
The latter view has gained many supporters, especially among educators. But the careful use of small monetary rewards sparks creativity in grade-school children, suggesting that properly presented inducements indeed aid inventiveness, according to a study in the June Journal of Personality and Social Psychology.
"If kids know they're working for a reward and can focus on a relatively challenging task, they show the most creativity," says Robert Eisenberger of the University of Delaware in Newark. "But it's easy to kill creativity by giving rewards for poor performance or creating too much anticipation for rewards."
A teacher who continually draws attention to rewards or who hands out high grades for ordinary achievement ends up with uninspired students, Eisenberger holds. As an example of the latter point, he notes growing efforts at major universities to tighten grading standards and restore failing grades.
In earlier grades, the use of so-called token economies, in which students handle challenging problems and receive performance-based points toward valued rewards, shows promise in raising effort and creativity, the Delaware psychologist claims. | 3087.txt | 3 |
[
"They have no doubts about them.",
"They have doubts about them.",
"They approve of them.",
"They avoid talking about them."
] | What is the response of many educators to external rewards for their students? | Psychologists take opposing views of how external rewards, from warm praise to cold cash, affect motivation and creativity. Behaviorists, who study the relation between actions and their consequences, argue that rewards can improve performance at work and school. Cognitive researchers, who study various aspects of mental life, maintain that rewards often destroy creativity by encouraging dependence on approval and gifts from others.
The latter view has gained many supporters, especially among educators. But the careful use of small monetary rewards sparks creativity in grade-school children, suggesting that properly presented inducements indeed aid inventiveness, according to a study in the June Journal of Personality and Social Psychology.
"If kids know they're working for a reward and can focus on a relatively challenging task, they show the most creativity," says Robert Eisenberger of the University of Delaware in Newark. "But it's easy to kill creativity by giving rewards for poor performance or creating too much anticipation for rewards."
A teacher who continually draws attention to rewards or who hands out high grades for ordinary achievement ends up with uninspired students, Eisenberger holds. As an example of the latter point, he notes growing efforts at major universities to tighten grading standards and restore failing grades.
In earlier grades, the use of so-called token economies, in which students handle challenging problems and receive performance-based points toward valued rewards, shows promise in raising effort and creativity, the Delaware psychologist claims. | 3087.txt | 1 |
[
"Assigning them tasks they have not dealt with before.",
"Assigning them tasks which require inventiveness.",
"Giving them rewards they really deserve.",
"Giving them rewards they anticipate."
] | Which of the following can best raise students' creativity according to Robert Eisenberger? | Psychologists take opposing views of how external rewards, from warm praise to cold cash, affect motivation and creativity. Behaviorists, who study the relation between actions and their consequences, argue that rewards can improve performance at work and school. Cognitive researchers, who study various aspects of mental life, maintain that rewards often destroy creativity by encouraging dependence on approval and gifts from others.
The latter view has gained many supporters, especially among educators. But the careful use of small monetary rewards sparks creativity in grade-school children, suggesting that properly presented inducements indeed aid inventiveness, according to a study in the June Journal of Personality and Social Psychology.
"If kids know they're working for a reward and can focus on a relatively challenging task, they show the most creativity," says Robert Eisenberger of the University of Delaware in Newark. "But it's easy to kill creativity by giving rewards for poor performance or creating too much anticipation for rewards."
A teacher who continually draws attention to rewards or who hands out high grades for ordinary achievement ends up with uninspired students, Eisenberger holds. As an example of the latter point, he notes growing efforts at major universities to tighten grading standards and restore failing grades.
In earlier grades, the use of so-called token economies, in which students handle challenging problems and receive performance-based points toward valued rewards, shows promise in raising effort and creativity, the Delaware psychologist claims. | 3087.txt | 2 |
[
"rewarding poor performance may kill the creativity of students",
"punishment is more effective than rewarding",
"failing uninspired students helps improve their overall academic standards",
"discouraging the students' anticipation for easy rewards is a matter of urgency"
] | It can be inferred from the passage that major universities are trying to tighten their grading standards because they believe _ . | Psychologists take opposing views of how external rewards, from warm praise to cold cash, affect motivation and creativity. Behaviorists, who study the relation between actions and their consequences, argue that rewards can improve performance at work and school. Cognitive researchers, who study various aspects of mental life, maintain that rewards often destroy creativity by encouraging dependence on approval and gifts from others.
The latter view has gained many supporters, especially among educators. But the careful use of small monetary rewards sparks creativity in grade-school children, suggesting that properly presented inducements indeed aid inventiveness, according to a study in the June Journal of Personality and Social Psychology.
"If kids know they're working for a reward and can focus on a relatively challenging task, they show the most creativity," says Robert Eisenberger of the University of Delaware in Newark. "But it's easy to kill creativity by giving rewards for poor performance or creating too much anticipation for rewards."
A teacher who continually draws attention to rewards or who hands out high grades for ordinary achievement ends up with uninspired students, Eisenberger holds. As an example of the latter point, he notes growing efforts at major universities to tighten grading standards and restore failing grades.
In earlier grades, the use of so-called token economies, in which students handle challenging problems and receive performance-based points toward valued rewards, shows promise in raising effort and creativity, the Delaware psychologist claims. | 3087.txt | 0 |
[
"ways to develop economy",
"systems of rewarding students",
"approaches to solving problems",
"methods of improving performance"
] | The phrase "token economies" (Line 1, Para. 5) probably refers to _ . | Psychologists take opposing views of how external rewards, from warm praise to cold cash, affect motivation and creativity. Behaviorists, who study the relation between actions and their consequences, argue that rewards can improve performance at work and school. Cognitive researchers, who study various aspects of mental life, maintain that rewards often destroy creativity by encouraging dependence on approval and gifts from others.
The latter view has gained many supporters, especially among educators. But the careful use of small monetary rewards sparks creativity in grade-school children, suggesting that properly presented inducements indeed aid inventiveness, according to a study in the June Journal of Personality and Social Psychology.
"If kids know they're working for a reward and can focus on a relatively challenging task, they show the most creativity," says Robert Eisenberger of the University of Delaware in Newark. "But it's easy to kill creativity by giving rewards for poor performance or creating too much anticipation for rewards."
A teacher who continually draws attention to rewards or who hands out high grades for ordinary achievement ends up with uninspired students, Eisenberger holds. As an example of the latter point, he notes growing efforts at major universities to tighten grading standards and restore failing grades.
In earlier grades, the use of so-called token economies, in which students handle challenging problems and receive performance-based points toward valued rewards, shows promise in raising effort and creativity, the Delaware psychologist claims. | 3087.txt | 3 |
[
"During sleep the diaphragm requires increased movement of the rib cage.",
"The diaphragm helps with breathing as movements of the rib cage decrease during sleep.",
"The diaphragm requires a great amount of pressure to function properly.",
"The diaphragm contributes to the effective functioning of the rib cage."
] | According to paragraph 1, which of the following can be inferred about the diaphragm during sleep? | Of all the physiological differences in human sleep compared with wakefulness that have been discovered in the last decade, changes in respiratory control are most dramatic. Not only are there differences in the level of the functioning of respiratory systems, there are even changes in how they function. Movements of the rib cage for breathing are reduced during sleep, making the contractions of the diaphragm more important. Yet because of the physics of lying down, the stomach applies weight against the diaphragm and makes it more difficult for the diaphragm to do its job. However, there are many other changes that affect respiration when asleep.
During wakefulness, breathing is controlled by two interacting systems. The first is an automatic, metabolic system whose control is centered in the brain stem. It subconsciously adjusts breathing rate and depth in order to regulate the levels of carbon dioxide (CO2) and oxygen (O2), and the acid-base ratio in the blood. The second system is the voluntary, behavioral system. Its control center is based in the forebrain, and it regulates breathing for use in speech, singing, sighing, and so on. It is capable of ignoring or overriding the automatic, metabolic system and produces an irregular pattern of breathing.
During NREM (the phase of sleep in which there is no rapid eye movement) breathing becomes deeper and more regular, but there is also a decrease in the breathing rate, resulting in less air being exchanged overall. This occurs because during NREM sleep the automatic, metabolic system has exclusive control over breathing and the body uses less oxygen and produces less carbon dioxide. Also, during sleep the automatic metabolic system is less responsive to carbon dioxide levels and oxygen levels in the blood. Two things result from these changes in breathing control that occur during sleep. First, there may be a brief cessation or reduction of breathing when falling asleep as the sleeper waxes and wanes between sleep and wakefulness and their differing control mechanisms. Second, once sleep is fully obtained, there is an increase of carbon dioxide and a decrease of oxygen in the blood that persists during NREM.
But that is not all that changes. During all phases of sleep, several changes in the air passages have been observed. It takes twice as much effort to breathe during sleep because of greater resistance to airflow in the airways and changes in the efficiency of the muscles used for breathing. Some of the muscles that help keep the upper airway open when breathing tend to become more relaxed during sleep, especially during REM (the phase of sleep in which there is rapid eye movement). Without this muscular action,inhaling is like sucking air out of a balloon-the narrow passages tend to collapse. Also there is a regular cycle of change in resistance between the two sides of the nose. If something blocks the "good" side, such as congestion from allergies or a cold, then resistance increases dramatically. Coupled with these factors is the loss of the complex interactions among the muscles that can change the route of airflow from nose to mouth.
Other respiratory regulating mechanisms apparently cease functioning during sleep. For example, during wakefulness there is an immediate, automatic, adaptive increase in breathing effort when inhaling is made more difficult (such as breathing through a restrictive face mask). This reflexive adjustment is totally absent during NREM sleep. Only after several inadequate breaths under such conditions, resulting in the considerable elevation of carbon dioxide and reduction of oxygen in the blood, is breathing effort adjusted. Finally, the coughing reflex in reaction to irritants in the airway produces not a cough during sleep but a cessation of breathing. If the irritation is severe enough, a sleeping person will arouse, clear the airway, then resume breathing and likely return to sleep.
Additional breathing changes occur during REM sleep that are even more dramatic than the changes that occur during NREM. The amount of air exchanged is even lower in REM than NREM because, although breathing is more rapid in REM,it is also more irregular, with brief episodes of shallow breathing or absence of breathing. In addition, breathing during REM depends much more on the action of the diaphragm and much less on rib cage action. | 4182.txt | 1 |
[
"It has its control center in the brain stem.",
"It controls breathing for a number of activities during wakefulness.",
"It is able to bypass the automatic system.",
"It produces an irregular breathing pattern."
] | According to paragraph 2, all of the following are true of the voluntary breathing system EXCEPT: | Of all the physiological differences in human sleep compared with wakefulness that have been discovered in the last decade, changes in respiratory control are most dramatic. Not only are there differences in the level of the functioning of respiratory systems, there are even changes in how they function. Movements of the rib cage for breathing are reduced during sleep, making the contractions of the diaphragm more important. Yet because of the physics of lying down, the stomach applies weight against the diaphragm and makes it more difficult for the diaphragm to do its job. However, there are many other changes that affect respiration when asleep.
During wakefulness, breathing is controlled by two interacting systems. The first is an automatic, metabolic system whose control is centered in the brain stem. It subconsciously adjusts breathing rate and depth in order to regulate the levels of carbon dioxide (CO2) and oxygen (O2), and the acid-base ratio in the blood. The second system is the voluntary, behavioral system. Its control center is based in the forebrain, and it regulates breathing for use in speech, singing, sighing, and so on. It is capable of ignoring or overriding the automatic, metabolic system and produces an irregular pattern of breathing.
During NREM (the phase of sleep in which there is no rapid eye movement) breathing becomes deeper and more regular, but there is also a decrease in the breathing rate, resulting in less air being exchanged overall. This occurs because during NREM sleep the automatic, metabolic system has exclusive control over breathing and the body uses less oxygen and produces less carbon dioxide. Also, during sleep the automatic metabolic system is less responsive to carbon dioxide levels and oxygen levels in the blood. Two things result from these changes in breathing control that occur during sleep. First, there may be a brief cessation or reduction of breathing when falling asleep as the sleeper waxes and wanes between sleep and wakefulness and their differing control mechanisms. Second, once sleep is fully obtained, there is an increase of carbon dioxide and a decrease of oxygen in the blood that persists during NREM.
But that is not all that changes. During all phases of sleep, several changes in the air passages have been observed. It takes twice as much effort to breathe during sleep because of greater resistance to airflow in the airways and changes in the efficiency of the muscles used for breathing. Some of the muscles that help keep the upper airway open when breathing tend to become more relaxed during sleep, especially during REM (the phase of sleep in which there is rapid eye movement). Without this muscular action,inhaling is like sucking air out of a balloon-the narrow passages tend to collapse. Also there is a regular cycle of change in resistance between the two sides of the nose. If something blocks the "good" side, such as congestion from allergies or a cold, then resistance increases dramatically. Coupled with these factors is the loss of the complex interactions among the muscles that can change the route of airflow from nose to mouth.
Other respiratory regulating mechanisms apparently cease functioning during sleep. For example, during wakefulness there is an immediate, automatic, adaptive increase in breathing effort when inhaling is made more difficult (such as breathing through a restrictive face mask). This reflexive adjustment is totally absent during NREM sleep. Only after several inadequate breaths under such conditions, resulting in the considerable elevation of carbon dioxide and reduction of oxygen in the blood, is breathing effort adjusted. Finally, the coughing reflex in reaction to irritants in the airway produces not a cough during sleep but a cessation of breathing. If the irritation is severe enough, a sleeping person will arouse, clear the airway, then resume breathing and likely return to sleep.
Additional breathing changes occur during REM sleep that are even more dramatic than the changes that occur during NREM. The amount of air exchanged is even lower in REM than NREM because, although breathing is more rapid in REM,it is also more irregular, with brief episodes of shallow breathing or absence of breathing. In addition, breathing during REM depends much more on the action of the diaphragm and much less on rib cage action. | 4182.txt | 0 |
[
"consistent",
"perfect",
"partial",
"sole"
] | The word exclusive in the passage (paragraph 3) is closest in meaning to | Of all the physiological differences in human sleep compared with wakefulness that have been discovered in the last decade, changes in respiratory control are most dramatic. Not only are there differences in the level of the functioning of respiratory systems, there are even changes in how they function. Movements of the rib cage for breathing are reduced during sleep, making the contractions of the diaphragm more important. Yet because of the physics of lying down, the stomach applies weight against the diaphragm and makes it more difficult for the diaphragm to do its job. However, there are many other changes that affect respiration when asleep.
During wakefulness, breathing is controlled by two interacting systems. The first is an automatic, metabolic system whose control is centered in the brain stem. It subconsciously adjusts breathing rate and depth in order to regulate the levels of carbon dioxide (CO2) and oxygen (O2), and the acid-base ratio in the blood. The second system is the voluntary, behavioral system. Its control center is based in the forebrain, and it regulates breathing for use in speech, singing, sighing, and so on. It is capable of ignoring or overriding the automatic, metabolic system and produces an irregular pattern of breathing.
During NREM (the phase of sleep in which there is no rapid eye movement) breathing becomes deeper and more regular, but there is also a decrease in the breathing rate, resulting in less air being exchanged overall. This occurs because during NREM sleep the automatic, metabolic system has exclusive control over breathing and the body uses less oxygen and produces less carbon dioxide. Also, during sleep the automatic metabolic system is less responsive to carbon dioxide levels and oxygen levels in the blood. Two things result from these changes in breathing control that occur during sleep. First, there may be a brief cessation or reduction of breathing when falling asleep as the sleeper waxes and wanes between sleep and wakefulness and their differing control mechanisms. Second, once sleep is fully obtained, there is an increase of carbon dioxide and a decrease of oxygen in the blood that persists during NREM.
But that is not all that changes. During all phases of sleep, several changes in the air passages have been observed. It takes twice as much effort to breathe during sleep because of greater resistance to airflow in the airways and changes in the efficiency of the muscles used for breathing. Some of the muscles that help keep the upper airway open when breathing tend to become more relaxed during sleep, especially during REM (the phase of sleep in which there is rapid eye movement). Without this muscular action,inhaling is like sucking air out of a balloon-the narrow passages tend to collapse. Also there is a regular cycle of change in resistance between the two sides of the nose. If something blocks the "good" side, such as congestion from allergies or a cold, then resistance increases dramatically. Coupled with these factors is the loss of the complex interactions among the muscles that can change the route of airflow from nose to mouth.
Other respiratory regulating mechanisms apparently cease functioning during sleep. For example, during wakefulness there is an immediate, automatic, adaptive increase in breathing effort when inhaling is made more difficult (such as breathing through a restrictive face mask). This reflexive adjustment is totally absent during NREM sleep. Only after several inadequate breaths under such conditions, resulting in the considerable elevation of carbon dioxide and reduction of oxygen in the blood, is breathing effort adjusted. Finally, the coughing reflex in reaction to irritants in the airway produces not a cough during sleep but a cessation of breathing. If the irritation is severe enough, a sleeping person will arouse, clear the airway, then resume breathing and likely return to sleep.
Additional breathing changes occur during REM sleep that are even more dramatic than the changes that occur during NREM. The amount of air exchanged is even lower in REM than NREM because, although breathing is more rapid in REM,it is also more irregular, with brief episodes of shallow breathing or absence of breathing. In addition, breathing during REM depends much more on the action of the diaphragm and much less on rib cage action. | 4182.txt | 3 |
[
"The automatic, metabolic system may increase its dependence on air exchanges.",
"Breathing can stop for a short time as a person falls asleep.",
"An increase in the oxygen level in the blood can occur as sleep becomes fully obtained.",
"The level of carbon dioxide in the blood may drop suddenly."
] | According to paragraph 3, which of the following may occur just before NREM sleep begins? | Of all the physiological differences in human sleep compared with wakefulness that have been discovered in the last decade, changes in respiratory control are most dramatic. Not only are there differences in the level of the functioning of respiratory systems, there are even changes in how they function. Movements of the rib cage for breathing are reduced during sleep, making the contractions of the diaphragm more important. Yet because of the physics of lying down, the stomach applies weight against the diaphragm and makes it more difficult for the diaphragm to do its job. However, there are many other changes that affect respiration when asleep.
During wakefulness, breathing is controlled by two interacting systems. The first is an automatic, metabolic system whose control is centered in the brain stem. It subconsciously adjusts breathing rate and depth in order to regulate the levels of carbon dioxide (CO2) and oxygen (O2), and the acid-base ratio in the blood. The second system is the voluntary, behavioral system. Its control center is based in the forebrain, and it regulates breathing for use in speech, singing, sighing, and so on. It is capable of ignoring or overriding the automatic, metabolic system and produces an irregular pattern of breathing.
During NREM (the phase of sleep in which there is no rapid eye movement) breathing becomes deeper and more regular, but there is also a decrease in the breathing rate, resulting in less air being exchanged overall. This occurs because during NREM sleep the automatic, metabolic system has exclusive control over breathing and the body uses less oxygen and produces less carbon dioxide. Also, during sleep the automatic metabolic system is less responsive to carbon dioxide levels and oxygen levels in the blood. Two things result from these changes in breathing control that occur during sleep. First, there may be a brief cessation or reduction of breathing when falling asleep as the sleeper waxes and wanes between sleep and wakefulness and their differing control mechanisms. Second, once sleep is fully obtained, there is an increase of carbon dioxide and a decrease of oxygen in the blood that persists during NREM.
But that is not all that changes. During all phases of sleep, several changes in the air passages have been observed. It takes twice as much effort to breathe during sleep because of greater resistance to airflow in the airways and changes in the efficiency of the muscles used for breathing. Some of the muscles that help keep the upper airway open when breathing tend to become more relaxed during sleep, especially during REM (the phase of sleep in which there is rapid eye movement). Without this muscular action,inhaling is like sucking air out of a balloon-the narrow passages tend to collapse. Also there is a regular cycle of change in resistance between the two sides of the nose. If something blocks the "good" side, such as congestion from allergies or a cold, then resistance increases dramatically. Coupled with these factors is the loss of the complex interactions among the muscles that can change the route of airflow from nose to mouth.
Other respiratory regulating mechanisms apparently cease functioning during sleep. For example, during wakefulness there is an immediate, automatic, adaptive increase in breathing effort when inhaling is made more difficult (such as breathing through a restrictive face mask). This reflexive adjustment is totally absent during NREM sleep. Only after several inadequate breaths under such conditions, resulting in the considerable elevation of carbon dioxide and reduction of oxygen in the blood, is breathing effort adjusted. Finally, the coughing reflex in reaction to irritants in the airway produces not a cough during sleep but a cessation of breathing. If the irritation is severe enough, a sleeping person will arouse, clear the airway, then resume breathing and likely return to sleep.
Additional breathing changes occur during REM sleep that are even more dramatic than the changes that occur during NREM. The amount of air exchanged is even lower in REM than NREM because, although breathing is more rapid in REM,it is also more irregular, with brief episodes of shallow breathing or absence of breathing. In addition, breathing during REM depends much more on the action of the diaphragm and much less on rib cage action. | 4182.txt | 1 |
[
"To refute the argument that additional effort is necessary for breathing during sleep.",
"To argue that REM sleep is more important than NREM sleep.",
"To illustrate the difficulty of breathing during sleep.",
"To illustrate how blockage of narrow passages can be prevented during sleep."
] | What is the author's purpose in stating that inhaling is like sucking air out of a balloon?(in paragraph 4) | Of all the physiological differences in human sleep compared with wakefulness that have been discovered in the last decade, changes in respiratory control are most dramatic. Not only are there differences in the level of the functioning of respiratory systems, there are even changes in how they function. Movements of the rib cage for breathing are reduced during sleep, making the contractions of the diaphragm more important. Yet because of the physics of lying down, the stomach applies weight against the diaphragm and makes it more difficult for the diaphragm to do its job. However, there are many other changes that affect respiration when asleep.
During wakefulness, breathing is controlled by two interacting systems. The first is an automatic, metabolic system whose control is centered in the brain stem. It subconsciously adjusts breathing rate and depth in order to regulate the levels of carbon dioxide (CO2) and oxygen (O2), and the acid-base ratio in the blood. The second system is the voluntary, behavioral system. Its control center is based in the forebrain, and it regulates breathing for use in speech, singing, sighing, and so on. It is capable of ignoring or overriding the automatic, metabolic system and produces an irregular pattern of breathing.
During NREM (the phase of sleep in which there is no rapid eye movement) breathing becomes deeper and more regular, but there is also a decrease in the breathing rate, resulting in less air being exchanged overall. This occurs because during NREM sleep the automatic, metabolic system has exclusive control over breathing and the body uses less oxygen and produces less carbon dioxide. Also, during sleep the automatic metabolic system is less responsive to carbon dioxide levels and oxygen levels in the blood. Two things result from these changes in breathing control that occur during sleep. First, there may be a brief cessation or reduction of breathing when falling asleep as the sleeper waxes and wanes between sleep and wakefulness and their differing control mechanisms. Second, once sleep is fully obtained, there is an increase of carbon dioxide and a decrease of oxygen in the blood that persists during NREM.
But that is not all that changes. During all phases of sleep, several changes in the air passages have been observed. It takes twice as much effort to breathe during sleep because of greater resistance to airflow in the airways and changes in the efficiency of the muscles used for breathing. Some of the muscles that help keep the upper airway open when breathing tend to become more relaxed during sleep, especially during REM (the phase of sleep in which there is rapid eye movement). Without this muscular action,inhaling is like sucking air out of a balloon-the narrow passages tend to collapse. Also there is a regular cycle of change in resistance between the two sides of the nose. If something blocks the "good" side, such as congestion from allergies or a cold, then resistance increases dramatically. Coupled with these factors is the loss of the complex interactions among the muscles that can change the route of airflow from nose to mouth.
Other respiratory regulating mechanisms apparently cease functioning during sleep. For example, during wakefulness there is an immediate, automatic, adaptive increase in breathing effort when inhaling is made more difficult (such as breathing through a restrictive face mask). This reflexive adjustment is totally absent during NREM sleep. Only after several inadequate breaths under such conditions, resulting in the considerable elevation of carbon dioxide and reduction of oxygen in the blood, is breathing effort adjusted. Finally, the coughing reflex in reaction to irritants in the airway produces not a cough during sleep but a cessation of breathing. If the irritation is severe enough, a sleeping person will arouse, clear the airway, then resume breathing and likely return to sleep.
Additional breathing changes occur during REM sleep that are even more dramatic than the changes that occur during NREM. The amount of air exchanged is even lower in REM than NREM because, although breathing is more rapid in REM,it is also more irregular, with brief episodes of shallow breathing or absence of breathing. In addition, breathing during REM depends much more on the action of the diaphragm and much less on rib cage action. | 4182.txt | 2 |
[
"relaxation of the muscles involved in the respiratory system.",
"changes in resistance between the two sides of the nose.",
"easier airflow in the passages of the upper airway.",
"absence of certain complex muscle interactions."
] | All of the following are mentioned in paragraph 4 as being characteristic of breathing during sleep EXCEPT | Of all the physiological differences in human sleep compared with wakefulness that have been discovered in the last decade, changes in respiratory control are most dramatic. Not only are there differences in the level of the functioning of respiratory systems, there are even changes in how they function. Movements of the rib cage for breathing are reduced during sleep, making the contractions of the diaphragm more important. Yet because of the physics of lying down, the stomach applies weight against the diaphragm and makes it more difficult for the diaphragm to do its job. However, there are many other changes that affect respiration when asleep.
During wakefulness, breathing is controlled by two interacting systems. The first is an automatic, metabolic system whose control is centered in the brain stem. It subconsciously adjusts breathing rate and depth in order to regulate the levels of carbon dioxide (CO2) and oxygen (O2), and the acid-base ratio in the blood. The second system is the voluntary, behavioral system. Its control center is based in the forebrain, and it regulates breathing for use in speech, singing, sighing, and so on. It is capable of ignoring or overriding the automatic, metabolic system and produces an irregular pattern of breathing.
During NREM (the phase of sleep in which there is no rapid eye movement) breathing becomes deeper and more regular, but there is also a decrease in the breathing rate, resulting in less air being exchanged overall. This occurs because during NREM sleep the automatic, metabolic system has exclusive control over breathing and the body uses less oxygen and produces less carbon dioxide. Also, during sleep the automatic metabolic system is less responsive to carbon dioxide levels and oxygen levels in the blood. Two things result from these changes in breathing control that occur during sleep. First, there may be a brief cessation or reduction of breathing when falling asleep as the sleeper waxes and wanes between sleep and wakefulness and their differing control mechanisms. Second, once sleep is fully obtained, there is an increase of carbon dioxide and a decrease of oxygen in the blood that persists during NREM.
But that is not all that changes. During all phases of sleep, several changes in the air passages have been observed. It takes twice as much effort to breathe during sleep because of greater resistance to airflow in the airways and changes in the efficiency of the muscles used for breathing. Some of the muscles that help keep the upper airway open when breathing tend to become more relaxed during sleep, especially during REM (the phase of sleep in which there is rapid eye movement). Without this muscular action,inhaling is like sucking air out of a balloon-the narrow passages tend to collapse. Also there is a regular cycle of change in resistance between the two sides of the nose. If something blocks the "good" side, such as congestion from allergies or a cold, then resistance increases dramatically. Coupled with these factors is the loss of the complex interactions among the muscles that can change the route of airflow from nose to mouth.
Other respiratory regulating mechanisms apparently cease functioning during sleep. For example, during wakefulness there is an immediate, automatic, adaptive increase in breathing effort when inhaling is made more difficult (such as breathing through a restrictive face mask). This reflexive adjustment is totally absent during NREM sleep. Only after several inadequate breaths under such conditions, resulting in the considerable elevation of carbon dioxide and reduction of oxygen in the blood, is breathing effort adjusted. Finally, the coughing reflex in reaction to irritants in the airway produces not a cough during sleep but a cessation of breathing. If the irritation is severe enough, a sleeping person will arouse, clear the airway, then resume breathing and likely return to sleep.
Additional breathing changes occur during REM sleep that are even more dramatic than the changes that occur during NREM. The amount of air exchanged is even lower in REM than NREM because, although breathing is more rapid in REM,it is also more irregular, with brief episodes of shallow breathing or absence of breathing. In addition, breathing during REM depends much more on the action of the diaphragm and much less on rib cage action. | 4182.txt | 2 |
[
"There is an immediate, automatic, adaptive increase in breathing effort.",
"The sleeping person takes several inadequate breaths before the breathing effort is adjusted.",
"The coughing reflex causes the breathing effort to adjust.",
"The airways become cleared as the blood removes irritants."
] | According to paragraph 5, what happens during NREM sleep when inhaling is difficult? | Of all the physiological differences in human sleep compared with wakefulness that have been discovered in the last decade, changes in respiratory control are most dramatic. Not only are there differences in the level of the functioning of respiratory systems, there are even changes in how they function. Movements of the rib cage for breathing are reduced during sleep, making the contractions of the diaphragm more important. Yet because of the physics of lying down, the stomach applies weight against the diaphragm and makes it more difficult for the diaphragm to do its job. However, there are many other changes that affect respiration when asleep.
During wakefulness, breathing is controlled by two interacting systems. The first is an automatic, metabolic system whose control is centered in the brain stem. It subconsciously adjusts breathing rate and depth in order to regulate the levels of carbon dioxide (CO2) and oxygen (O2), and the acid-base ratio in the blood. The second system is the voluntary, behavioral system. Its control center is based in the forebrain, and it regulates breathing for use in speech, singing, sighing, and so on. It is capable of ignoring or overriding the automatic, metabolic system and produces an irregular pattern of breathing.
During NREM (the phase of sleep in which there is no rapid eye movement) breathing becomes deeper and more regular, but there is also a decrease in the breathing rate, resulting in less air being exchanged overall. This occurs because during NREM sleep the automatic, metabolic system has exclusive control over breathing and the body uses less oxygen and produces less carbon dioxide. Also, during sleep the automatic metabolic system is less responsive to carbon dioxide levels and oxygen levels in the blood. Two things result from these changes in breathing control that occur during sleep. First, there may be a brief cessation or reduction of breathing when falling asleep as the sleeper waxes and wanes between sleep and wakefulness and their differing control mechanisms. Second, once sleep is fully obtained, there is an increase of carbon dioxide and a decrease of oxygen in the blood that persists during NREM.
But that is not all that changes. During all phases of sleep, several changes in the air passages have been observed. It takes twice as much effort to breathe during sleep because of greater resistance to airflow in the airways and changes in the efficiency of the muscles used for breathing. Some of the muscles that help keep the upper airway open when breathing tend to become more relaxed during sleep, especially during REM (the phase of sleep in which there is rapid eye movement). Without this muscular action,inhaling is like sucking air out of a balloon-the narrow passages tend to collapse. Also there is a regular cycle of change in resistance between the two sides of the nose. If something blocks the "good" side, such as congestion from allergies or a cold, then resistance increases dramatically. Coupled with these factors is the loss of the complex interactions among the muscles that can change the route of airflow from nose to mouth.
Other respiratory regulating mechanisms apparently cease functioning during sleep. For example, during wakefulness there is an immediate, automatic, adaptive increase in breathing effort when inhaling is made more difficult (such as breathing through a restrictive face mask). This reflexive adjustment is totally absent during NREM sleep. Only after several inadequate breaths under such conditions, resulting in the considerable elevation of carbon dioxide and reduction of oxygen in the blood, is breathing effort adjusted. Finally, the coughing reflex in reaction to irritants in the airway produces not a cough during sleep but a cessation of breathing. If the irritation is severe enough, a sleeping person will arouse, clear the airway, then resume breathing and likely return to sleep.
Additional breathing changes occur during REM sleep that are even more dramatic than the changes that occur during NREM. The amount of air exchanged is even lower in REM than NREM because, although breathing is more rapid in REM,it is also more irregular, with brief episodes of shallow breathing or absence of breathing. In addition, breathing during REM depends much more on the action of the diaphragm and much less on rib cage action. | 4182.txt | 1 |
[
"increase the breathing effort.",
"wake up and remove the source of irritation.",
"cough while still sleeping.",
"stop breathing temporarily while still sleeping."
] | It can be inferred from paragraph 5 that a very mild irritation during sleep will likely cause the sleeping person to | Of all the physiological differences in human sleep compared with wakefulness that have been discovered in the last decade, changes in respiratory control are most dramatic. Not only are there differences in the level of the functioning of respiratory systems, there are even changes in how they function. Movements of the rib cage for breathing are reduced during sleep, making the contractions of the diaphragm more important. Yet because of the physics of lying down, the stomach applies weight against the diaphragm and makes it more difficult for the diaphragm to do its job. However, there are many other changes that affect respiration when asleep.
During wakefulness, breathing is controlled by two interacting systems. The first is an automatic, metabolic system whose control is centered in the brain stem. It subconsciously adjusts breathing rate and depth in order to regulate the levels of carbon dioxide (CO2) and oxygen (O2), and the acid-base ratio in the blood. The second system is the voluntary, behavioral system. Its control center is based in the forebrain, and it regulates breathing for use in speech, singing, sighing, and so on. It is capable of ignoring or overriding the automatic, metabolic system and produces an irregular pattern of breathing.
During NREM (the phase of sleep in which there is no rapid eye movement) breathing becomes deeper and more regular, but there is also a decrease in the breathing rate, resulting in less air being exchanged overall. This occurs because during NREM sleep the automatic, metabolic system has exclusive control over breathing and the body uses less oxygen and produces less carbon dioxide. Also, during sleep the automatic metabolic system is less responsive to carbon dioxide levels and oxygen levels in the blood. Two things result from these changes in breathing control that occur during sleep. First, there may be a brief cessation or reduction of breathing when falling asleep as the sleeper waxes and wanes between sleep and wakefulness and their differing control mechanisms. Second, once sleep is fully obtained, there is an increase of carbon dioxide and a decrease of oxygen in the blood that persists during NREM.
But that is not all that changes. During all phases of sleep, several changes in the air passages have been observed. It takes twice as much effort to breathe during sleep because of greater resistance to airflow in the airways and changes in the efficiency of the muscles used for breathing. Some of the muscles that help keep the upper airway open when breathing tend to become more relaxed during sleep, especially during REM (the phase of sleep in which there is rapid eye movement). Without this muscular action,inhaling is like sucking air out of a balloon-the narrow passages tend to collapse. Also there is a regular cycle of change in resistance between the two sides of the nose. If something blocks the "good" side, such as congestion from allergies or a cold, then resistance increases dramatically. Coupled with these factors is the loss of the complex interactions among the muscles that can change the route of airflow from nose to mouth.
Other respiratory regulating mechanisms apparently cease functioning during sleep. For example, during wakefulness there is an immediate, automatic, adaptive increase in breathing effort when inhaling is made more difficult (such as breathing through a restrictive face mask). This reflexive adjustment is totally absent during NREM sleep. Only after several inadequate breaths under such conditions, resulting in the considerable elevation of carbon dioxide and reduction of oxygen in the blood, is breathing effort adjusted. Finally, the coughing reflex in reaction to irritants in the airway produces not a cough during sleep but a cessation of breathing. If the irritation is severe enough, a sleeping person will arouse, clear the airway, then resume breathing and likely return to sleep.
Additional breathing changes occur during REM sleep that are even more dramatic than the changes that occur during NREM. The amount of air exchanged is even lower in REM than NREM because, although breathing is more rapid in REM,it is also more irregular, with brief episodes of shallow breathing or absence of breathing. In addition, breathing during REM depends much more on the action of the diaphragm and much less on rib cage action. | 4182.txt | 3 |
[
"significant.",
"Steady.",
"Usual.",
"necessary."
] | The word considerable (paragraph 5)meaning to | Of all the physiological differences in human sleep compared with wakefulness that have been discovered in the last decade, changes in respiratory control are most dramatic. Not only are there differences in the level of the functioning of respiratory systems, there are even changes in how they function. Movements of the rib cage for breathing are reduced during sleep, making the contractions of the diaphragm more important. Yet because of the physics of lying down, the stomach applies weight against the diaphragm and makes it more difficult for the diaphragm to do its job. However, there are many other changes that affect respiration when asleep.
During wakefulness, breathing is controlled by two interacting systems. The first is an automatic, metabolic system whose control is centered in the brain stem. It subconsciously adjusts breathing rate and depth in order to regulate the levels of carbon dioxide (CO2) and oxygen (O2), and the acid-base ratio in the blood. The second system is the voluntary, behavioral system. Its control center is based in the forebrain, and it regulates breathing for use in speech, singing, sighing, and so on. It is capable of ignoring or overriding the automatic, metabolic system and produces an irregular pattern of breathing.
During NREM (the phase of sleep in which there is no rapid eye movement) breathing becomes deeper and more regular, but there is also a decrease in the breathing rate, resulting in less air being exchanged overall. This occurs because during NREM sleep the automatic, metabolic system has exclusive control over breathing and the body uses less oxygen and produces less carbon dioxide. Also, during sleep the automatic metabolic system is less responsive to carbon dioxide levels and oxygen levels in the blood. Two things result from these changes in breathing control that occur during sleep. First, there may be a brief cessation or reduction of breathing when falling asleep as the sleeper waxes and wanes between sleep and wakefulness and their differing control mechanisms. Second, once sleep is fully obtained, there is an increase of carbon dioxide and a decrease of oxygen in the blood that persists during NREM.
But that is not all that changes. During all phases of sleep, several changes in the air passages have been observed. It takes twice as much effort to breathe during sleep because of greater resistance to airflow in the airways and changes in the efficiency of the muscles used for breathing. Some of the muscles that help keep the upper airway open when breathing tend to become more relaxed during sleep, especially during REM (the phase of sleep in which there is rapid eye movement). Without this muscular action,inhaling is like sucking air out of a balloon-the narrow passages tend to collapse. Also there is a regular cycle of change in resistance between the two sides of the nose. If something blocks the "good" side, such as congestion from allergies or a cold, then resistance increases dramatically. Coupled with these factors is the loss of the complex interactions among the muscles that can change the route of airflow from nose to mouth.
Other respiratory regulating mechanisms apparently cease functioning during sleep. For example, during wakefulness there is an immediate, automatic, adaptive increase in breathing effort when inhaling is made more difficult (such as breathing through a restrictive face mask). This reflexive adjustment is totally absent during NREM sleep. Only after several inadequate breaths under such conditions, resulting in the considerable elevation of carbon dioxide and reduction of oxygen in the blood, is breathing effort adjusted. Finally, the coughing reflex in reaction to irritants in the airway produces not a cough during sleep but a cessation of breathing. If the irritation is severe enough, a sleeping person will arouse, clear the airway, then resume breathing and likely return to sleep.
Additional breathing changes occur during REM sleep that are even more dramatic than the changes that occur during NREM. The amount of air exchanged is even lower in REM than NREM because, although breathing is more rapid in REM,it is also more irregular, with brief episodes of shallow breathing or absence of breathing. In addition, breathing during REM depends much more on the action of the diaphragm and much less on rib cage action. | 4182.txt | 0 |
[
"reduce.",
"stop.",
"readjust.",
"restart."
] | The word resume in the passage (paragraph 5) is closest in meaning to | Of all the physiological differences in human sleep compared with wakefulness that have been discovered in the last decade, changes in respiratory control are most dramatic. Not only are there differences in the level of the functioning of respiratory systems, there are even changes in how they function. Movements of the rib cage for breathing are reduced during sleep, making the contractions of the diaphragm more important. Yet because of the physics of lying down, the stomach applies weight against the diaphragm and makes it more difficult for the diaphragm to do its job. However, there are many other changes that affect respiration when asleep.
During wakefulness, breathing is controlled by two interacting systems. The first is an automatic, metabolic system whose control is centered in the brain stem. It subconsciously adjusts breathing rate and depth in order to regulate the levels of carbon dioxide (CO2) and oxygen (O2), and the acid-base ratio in the blood. The second system is the voluntary, behavioral system. Its control center is based in the forebrain, and it regulates breathing for use in speech, singing, sighing, and so on. It is capable of ignoring or overriding the automatic, metabolic system and produces an irregular pattern of breathing.
During NREM (the phase of sleep in which there is no rapid eye movement) breathing becomes deeper and more regular, but there is also a decrease in the breathing rate, resulting in less air being exchanged overall. This occurs because during NREM sleep the automatic, metabolic system has exclusive control over breathing and the body uses less oxygen and produces less carbon dioxide. Also, during sleep the automatic metabolic system is less responsive to carbon dioxide levels and oxygen levels in the blood. Two things result from these changes in breathing control that occur during sleep. First, there may be a brief cessation or reduction of breathing when falling asleep as the sleeper waxes and wanes between sleep and wakefulness and their differing control mechanisms. Second, once sleep is fully obtained, there is an increase of carbon dioxide and a decrease of oxygen in the blood that persists during NREM.
But that is not all that changes. During all phases of sleep, several changes in the air passages have been observed. It takes twice as much effort to breathe during sleep because of greater resistance to airflow in the airways and changes in the efficiency of the muscles used for breathing. Some of the muscles that help keep the upper airway open when breathing tend to become more relaxed during sleep, especially during REM (the phase of sleep in which there is rapid eye movement). Without this muscular action,inhaling is like sucking air out of a balloon-the narrow passages tend to collapse. Also there is a regular cycle of change in resistance between the two sides of the nose. If something blocks the "good" side, such as congestion from allergies or a cold, then resistance increases dramatically. Coupled with these factors is the loss of the complex interactions among the muscles that can change the route of airflow from nose to mouth.
Other respiratory regulating mechanisms apparently cease functioning during sleep. For example, during wakefulness there is an immediate, automatic, adaptive increase in breathing effort when inhaling is made more difficult (such as breathing through a restrictive face mask). This reflexive adjustment is totally absent during NREM sleep. Only after several inadequate breaths under such conditions, resulting in the considerable elevation of carbon dioxide and reduction of oxygen in the blood, is breathing effort adjusted. Finally, the coughing reflex in reaction to irritants in the airway produces not a cough during sleep but a cessation of breathing. If the irritation is severe enough, a sleeping person will arouse, clear the airway, then resume breathing and likely return to sleep.
Additional breathing changes occur during REM sleep that are even more dramatic than the changes that occur during NREM. The amount of air exchanged is even lower in REM than NREM because, although breathing is more rapid in REM,it is also more irregular, with brief episodes of shallow breathing or absence of breathing. In addition, breathing during REM depends much more on the action of the diaphragm and much less on rib cage action. | 4182.txt | 3 |
[
"tourism contributes nothing to increasing understanding between nations.",
"Tourism is tiresome.",
"Conducted tour is dull.",
"tourism really does something to one's country."
] | The best title for this passage is _ . | The tourist trade is booming. With all this comingand going, you'd expect greater understanding todevelop between the nations of the world. Not a bitof it! Superb systems of communication by air, seaand land make it possible for us to visit each other'scountries at a moderate cost. What was once the'grand tour', reserved for only the very rich, is nowwithin everybody's grasp? The package tour andchartered flights are not to be sneered at. Moderntravelers enjoy a level of comfort which the lordsand ladies on grand tours in the old days couldn'thave dreamed of. But what's the sense of this mass exchange of populations if the nations ofthe world remain basically ignorant of each other?
Many tourist organizations are directly responsible for this state of affairs. Theydeliberately set out to protect their clients from too much contact with the local population.The modern tourist leads a cosseted, sheltered life. He lives at international hotels, where heeats his international food and sips his international drink while he gazes at the natives from adistance. Conducted tours to places of interest are carefully censored. The tourist is allowed tosee only what the organizers want him to see and no more. A strict schedule makes itimpossible for the tourist to wander off on his own; and anyway, language is always abarrier, so he is only too happy to be protected in this way. At its very worst, this leads to anew and hideous kind of colonization. The summer quarters of the inhabitants of the citeuniversitaire: are temporarily reestablished on the island of Corfu. Blackpool is recreated atTorremolinos where the traveler goes not to eat paella, but fish and chips.
The sad thing about this situation is that it leads to the persistence of nationalstereotypes. We don't see the people of other nations as they really are, but as we have beenbrought up to believe they are. You can test this for yourself. Take five nationalities, say,French, German, English, American and Italian. Now in your mind, match them with these fiveadjectives: musical, amorous, cold, pedantic, native. Far from providing us with any insightinto the national characteristics of the peoples just mentioned, these adjectives actually act asbarriers. So when you set out on your travels, the only characteristics you notice are thosewhich confirm your preconceptions. You come away with the highly unoriginal and inaccurateimpression that, say, 'Anglo-Saxons are hypocrites' of that 'Latin peoples shout a lot'. You onlyhave to make a few foreign friends to understand how absurd and harmful nationalstereotypes are. But how can you make foreign friends when the tourist trade does its best toprevent you?
Carried to an extreme, stereotypes can be positively dangerous. Wild generalizations stirup racial hatred and blind us to the basic fact-how trite it sounds! - That all people arehuman. We are all similar to each other and at the same time all unique. | 4147.txt | 0 |
[
"apprehensive.",
"negative.",
"critical.",
"appreciative."
] | What is the author's attitude toward tourism? | The tourist trade is booming. With all this comingand going, you'd expect greater understanding todevelop between the nations of the world. Not a bitof it! Superb systems of communication by air, seaand land make it possible for us to visit each other'scountries at a moderate cost. What was once the'grand tour', reserved for only the very rich, is nowwithin everybody's grasp? The package tour andchartered flights are not to be sneered at. Moderntravelers enjoy a level of comfort which the lordsand ladies on grand tours in the old days couldn'thave dreamed of. But what's the sense of this mass exchange of populations if the nations ofthe world remain basically ignorant of each other?
Many tourist organizations are directly responsible for this state of affairs. Theydeliberately set out to protect their clients from too much contact with the local population.The modern tourist leads a cosseted, sheltered life. He lives at international hotels, where heeats his international food and sips his international drink while he gazes at the natives from adistance. Conducted tours to places of interest are carefully censored. The tourist is allowed tosee only what the organizers want him to see and no more. A strict schedule makes itimpossible for the tourist to wander off on his own; and anyway, language is always abarrier, so he is only too happy to be protected in this way. At its very worst, this leads to anew and hideous kind of colonization. The summer quarters of the inhabitants of the citeuniversitaire: are temporarily reestablished on the island of Corfu. Blackpool is recreated atTorremolinos where the traveler goes not to eat paella, but fish and chips.
The sad thing about this situation is that it leads to the persistence of nationalstereotypes. We don't see the people of other nations as they really are, but as we have beenbrought up to believe they are. You can test this for yourself. Take five nationalities, say,French, German, English, American and Italian. Now in your mind, match them with these fiveadjectives: musical, amorous, cold, pedantic, native. Far from providing us with any insightinto the national characteristics of the peoples just mentioned, these adjectives actually act asbarriers. So when you set out on your travels, the only characteristics you notice are thosewhich confirm your preconceptions. You come away with the highly unoriginal and inaccurateimpression that, say, 'Anglo-Saxons are hypocrites' of that 'Latin peoples shout a lot'. You onlyhave to make a few foreign friends to understand how absurd and harmful nationalstereotypes are. But how can you make foreign friends when the tourist trade does its best toprevent you?
Carried to an extreme, stereotypes can be positively dangerous. Wild generalizations stirup racial hatred and blind us to the basic fact-how trite it sounds! - That all people arehuman. We are all similar to each other and at the same time all unique. | 4147.txt | 2 |
[
"silent.",
"noisy.",
"lively.",
"active."
] | Which word in the following is the best to summarize Latin people shout a lot? | The tourist trade is booming. With all this comingand going, you'd expect greater understanding todevelop between the nations of the world. Not a bitof it! Superb systems of communication by air, seaand land make it possible for us to visit each other'scountries at a moderate cost. What was once the'grand tour', reserved for only the very rich, is nowwithin everybody's grasp? The package tour andchartered flights are not to be sneered at. Moderntravelers enjoy a level of comfort which the lordsand ladies on grand tours in the old days couldn'thave dreamed of. But what's the sense of this mass exchange of populations if the nations ofthe world remain basically ignorant of each other?
Many tourist organizations are directly responsible for this state of affairs. Theydeliberately set out to protect their clients from too much contact with the local population.The modern tourist leads a cosseted, sheltered life. He lives at international hotels, where heeats his international food and sips his international drink while he gazes at the natives from adistance. Conducted tours to places of interest are carefully censored. The tourist is allowed tosee only what the organizers want him to see and no more. A strict schedule makes itimpossible for the tourist to wander off on his own; and anyway, language is always abarrier, so he is only too happy to be protected in this way. At its very worst, this leads to anew and hideous kind of colonization. The summer quarters of the inhabitants of the citeuniversitaire: are temporarily reestablished on the island of Corfu. Blackpool is recreated atTorremolinos where the traveler goes not to eat paella, but fish and chips.
The sad thing about this situation is that it leads to the persistence of nationalstereotypes. We don't see the people of other nations as they really are, but as we have beenbrought up to believe they are. You can test this for yourself. Take five nationalities, say,French, German, English, American and Italian. Now in your mind, match them with these fiveadjectives: musical, amorous, cold, pedantic, native. Far from providing us with any insightinto the national characteristics of the peoples just mentioned, these adjectives actually act asbarriers. So when you set out on your travels, the only characteristics you notice are thosewhich confirm your preconceptions. You come away with the highly unoriginal and inaccurateimpression that, say, 'Anglo-Saxons are hypocrites' of that 'Latin peoples shout a lot'. You onlyhave to make a few foreign friends to understand how absurd and harmful nationalstereotypes are. But how can you make foreign friends when the tourist trade does its best toprevent you?
Carried to an extreme, stereotypes can be positively dangerous. Wild generalizations stirup racial hatred and blind us to the basic fact-how trite it sounds! - That all people arehuman. We are all similar to each other and at the same time all unique. | 4147.txt | 1 |
[
"conducted tour is disappointing.",
"the way of touring should be changed.",
"when traveling, you notice characteristics which confirm preconception.",
"national stereotypes should be changed."
] | The purpose of the author's criticism is to point out | The tourist trade is booming. With all this comingand going, you'd expect greater understanding todevelop between the nations of the world. Not a bitof it! Superb systems of communication by air, seaand land make it possible for us to visit each other'scountries at a moderate cost. What was once the'grand tour', reserved for only the very rich, is nowwithin everybody's grasp? The package tour andchartered flights are not to be sneered at. Moderntravelers enjoy a level of comfort which the lordsand ladies on grand tours in the old days couldn'thave dreamed of. But what's the sense of this mass exchange of populations if the nations ofthe world remain basically ignorant of each other?
Many tourist organizations are directly responsible for this state of affairs. Theydeliberately set out to protect their clients from too much contact with the local population.The modern tourist leads a cosseted, sheltered life. He lives at international hotels, where heeats his international food and sips his international drink while he gazes at the natives from adistance. Conducted tours to places of interest are carefully censored. The tourist is allowed tosee only what the organizers want him to see and no more. A strict schedule makes itimpossible for the tourist to wander off on his own; and anyway, language is always abarrier, so he is only too happy to be protected in this way. At its very worst, this leads to anew and hideous kind of colonization. The summer quarters of the inhabitants of the citeuniversitaire: are temporarily reestablished on the island of Corfu. Blackpool is recreated atTorremolinos where the traveler goes not to eat paella, but fish and chips.
The sad thing about this situation is that it leads to the persistence of nationalstereotypes. We don't see the people of other nations as they really are, but as we have beenbrought up to believe they are. You can test this for yourself. Take five nationalities, say,French, German, English, American and Italian. Now in your mind, match them with these fiveadjectives: musical, amorous, cold, pedantic, native. Far from providing us with any insightinto the national characteristics of the peoples just mentioned, these adjectives actually act asbarriers. So when you set out on your travels, the only characteristics you notice are thosewhich confirm your preconceptions. You come away with the highly unoriginal and inaccurateimpression that, say, 'Anglo-Saxons are hypocrites' of that 'Latin peoples shout a lot'. You onlyhave to make a few foreign friends to understand how absurd and harmful nationalstereotypes are. But how can you make foreign friends when the tourist trade does its best toprevent you?
Carried to an extreme, stereotypes can be positively dangerous. Wild generalizations stirup racial hatred and blind us to the basic fact-how trite it sounds! - That all people arehuman. We are all similar to each other and at the same time all unique. | 4147.txt | 1 |
[
"moderate cost.",
"local sight-seeing is investigated by the tourist organization.",
"people enjoy the first-rate comforts.",
"everybody can enjoy the ‘grand tour'."
] | What is ‘grand tour' now? | The tourist trade is booming. With all this comingand going, you'd expect greater understanding todevelop between the nations of the world. Not a bitof it! Superb systems of communication by air, seaand land make it possible for us to visit each other'scountries at a moderate cost. What was once the'grand tour', reserved for only the very rich, is nowwithin everybody's grasp? The package tour andchartered flights are not to be sneered at. Moderntravelers enjoy a level of comfort which the lordsand ladies on grand tours in the old days couldn'thave dreamed of. But what's the sense of this mass exchange of populations if the nations ofthe world remain basically ignorant of each other?
Many tourist organizations are directly responsible for this state of affairs. Theydeliberately set out to protect their clients from too much contact with the local population.The modern tourist leads a cosseted, sheltered life. He lives at international hotels, where heeats his international food and sips his international drink while he gazes at the natives from adistance. Conducted tours to places of interest are carefully censored. The tourist is allowed tosee only what the organizers want him to see and no more. A strict schedule makes itimpossible for the tourist to wander off on his own; and anyway, language is always abarrier, so he is only too happy to be protected in this way. At its very worst, this leads to anew and hideous kind of colonization. The summer quarters of the inhabitants of the citeuniversitaire: are temporarily reestablished on the island of Corfu. Blackpool is recreated atTorremolinos where the traveler goes not to eat paella, but fish and chips.
The sad thing about this situation is that it leads to the persistence of nationalstereotypes. We don't see the people of other nations as they really are, but as we have beenbrought up to believe they are. You can test this for yourself. Take five nationalities, say,French, German, English, American and Italian. Now in your mind, match them with these fiveadjectives: musical, amorous, cold, pedantic, native. Far from providing us with any insightinto the national characteristics of the peoples just mentioned, these adjectives actually act asbarriers. So when you set out on your travels, the only characteristics you notice are thosewhich confirm your preconceptions. You come away with the highly unoriginal and inaccurateimpression that, say, 'Anglo-Saxons are hypocrites' of that 'Latin peoples shout a lot'. You onlyhave to make a few foreign friends to understand how absurd and harmful nationalstereotypes are. But how can you make foreign friends when the tourist trade does its best toprevent you?
Carried to an extreme, stereotypes can be positively dangerous. Wild generalizations stirup racial hatred and blind us to the basic fact-how trite it sounds! - That all people arehuman. We are all similar to each other and at the same time all unique. | 4147.txt | 3 |
[
"show the relationship between parents and children",
"teach parents ways to keep order at the dinner table",
"report on the findings of a study",
"give information about family problems"
] | The writer's purpose in writing the text is to _ . | As any homemaker who has tried to keep order at the dinner table knows, there is far more to
a family meal than food. Sociologist Michael Lewis has been studying 50 families to find out
just how much more.
Lewis and his co-workers carried out their study by videotaping the families while
they ate ordinary meals in their own homes. They found that parents with small families talk actively with each othes Ner and their children. But as the number of children gets larger, conversation gives way to the parents' efforts to control the loud noise they make. That can have an important effect on the children. "In general the more question-asking the parents do, the higher the children's IQ scores," Lewis says. "And the more children there are, the less question-asking there is. "
The study also provides an explanation for why middle children often seem to have a harder time in life than their siblings. Lewis found that in families with three or four children, dinner conversation is likely to center on the oldest child, who has the most to talk about, and the youngest, who needs the most attention. "Middle children are invisible," says Lewis. "When you see someone get up from the table and walk around during dinner, chances are it's the middle child. " There is, however, one thing that stops all conversation and prevents anyone from having attention: "When the TV is on," Lewis says, "dinner is a non-event. " | 3264.txt | 2 |
[
"they are busy serving food to their children",
"they are busy keeping order at the dinner table",
"they have to pay more attention to younger children",
"they are tired out having prepared food for the whole family"
] | Parents with large families ask fewer questions at dinner because _ . | As any homemaker who has tried to keep order at the dinner table knows, there is far more to
a family meal than food. Sociologist Michael Lewis has been studying 50 families to find out
just how much more.
Lewis and his co-workers carried out their study by videotaping the families while
they ate ordinary meals in their own homes. They found that parents with small families talk actively with each othes Ner and their children. But as the number of children gets larger, conversation gives way to the parents' efforts to control the loud noise they make. That can have an important effect on the children. "In general the more question-asking the parents do, the higher the children's IQ scores," Lewis says. "And the more children there are, the less question-asking there is. "
The study also provides an explanation for why middle children often seem to have a harder time in life than their siblings. Lewis found that in families with three or four children, dinner conversation is likely to center on the oldest child, who has the most to talk about, and the youngest, who needs the most attention. "Middle children are invisible," says Lewis. "When you see someone get up from the table and walk around during dinner, chances are it's the middle child. " There is, however, one thing that stops all conversation and prevents anyone from having attention: "When the TV is on," Lewis says, "dinner is a non-event. " | 3264.txt | 1 |
[
"have to help their parents to serve dinner",
"get the least attention from the family",
"are often kept away from the dinner table",
"find it hard to keep up with other children"
] | By saying "Middle children are invisible" in paragraph 3, Lewis means that middle children _ . | As any homemaker who has tried to keep order at the dinner table knows, there is far more to
a family meal than food. Sociologist Michael Lewis has been studying 50 families to find out
just how much more.
Lewis and his co-workers carried out their study by videotaping the families while
they ate ordinary meals in their own homes. They found that parents with small families talk actively with each othes Ner and their children. But as the number of children gets larger, conversation gives way to the parents' efforts to control the loud noise they make. That can have an important effect on the children. "In general the more question-asking the parents do, the higher the children's IQ scores," Lewis says. "And the more children there are, the less question-asking there is. "
The study also provides an explanation for why middle children often seem to have a harder time in life than their siblings. Lewis found that in families with three or four children, dinner conversation is likely to center on the oldest child, who has the most to talk about, and the youngest, who needs the most attention. "Middle children are invisible," says Lewis. "When you see someone get up from the table and walk around during dinner, chances are it's the middle child. " There is, however, one thing that stops all conversation and prevents anyone from having attention: "When the TV is on," Lewis says, "dinner is a non-event. " | 3264.txt | 1 |
[
"why TV is important in family life",
"why parents should keep good order",
"why children in small families seem to be quieter",
"why middle children seem to have more difficulties in life"
] | Lewis' research provides an answer to the question _ . | As any homemaker who has tried to keep order at the dinner table knows, there is far more to
a family meal than food. Sociologist Michael Lewis has been studying 50 families to find out
just how much more.
Lewis and his co-workers carried out their study by videotaping the families while
they ate ordinary meals in their own homes. They found that parents with small families talk actively with each othes Ner and their children. But as the number of children gets larger, conversation gives way to the parents' efforts to control the loud noise they make. That can have an important effect on the children. "In general the more question-asking the parents do, the higher the children's IQ scores," Lewis says. "And the more children there are, the less question-asking there is. "
The study also provides an explanation for why middle children often seem to have a harder time in life than their siblings. Lewis found that in families with three or four children, dinner conversation is likely to center on the oldest child, who has the most to talk about, and the youngest, who needs the most attention. "Middle children are invisible," says Lewis. "When you see someone get up from the table and walk around during dinner, chances are it's the middle child. " There is, however, one thing that stops all conversation and prevents anyone from having attention: "When the TV is on," Lewis says, "dinner is a non-event. " | 3264.txt | 3 |
[
"It is important to have the right food for children.",
"It is a good idea to have the TV on during dinner.",
"Parents should talk to each of their children frequently.",
"Elder children should help the younger ones at dinner"
] | Which of the following statements would the writer agree to? | As any homemaker who has tried to keep order at the dinner table knows, there is far more to
a family meal than food. Sociologist Michael Lewis has been studying 50 families to find out
just how much more.
Lewis and his co-workers carried out their study by videotaping the families while
they ate ordinary meals in their own homes. They found that parents with small families talk actively with each othes Ner and their children. But as the number of children gets larger, conversation gives way to the parents' efforts to control the loud noise they make. That can have an important effect on the children. "In general the more question-asking the parents do, the higher the children's IQ scores," Lewis says. "And the more children there are, the less question-asking there is. "
The study also provides an explanation for why middle children often seem to have a harder time in life than their siblings. Lewis found that in families with three or four children, dinner conversation is likely to center on the oldest child, who has the most to talk about, and the youngest, who needs the most attention. "Middle children are invisible," says Lewis. "When you see someone get up from the table and walk around during dinner, chances are it's the middle child. " There is, however, one thing that stops all conversation and prevents anyone from having attention: "When the TV is on," Lewis says, "dinner is a non-event. " | 3264.txt | 2 |
[
"the development of Einstein's intellect",
"the wide recognition of Einstein as a genius",
"conventional ideas concerning genius",
"an insight to the complexity of human intelligence"
] | This passage is about ________. | Albert Einstein recalled his learning problems philosophically: "My intellectual development was slow, as a result of which I began to wonder about space and time only when I had already grown up. Naturally, I could go deeper into the problem than a child." And so, 11 years after dismissal from school, young Albert Einstein published the theory of relativity that changed our understanding of the universe.
No one in this century has been more widely recognized as a genius than Einstein. Yet his problems with early intellectual development and his peculiar gifts cast great doubt on all our conventional ideas about genius, intelligence or "I.Q." . On the one hand, Einstein showed early defects in abilities that our mental tests value; on the other hand, his special intellectual faculties went far beyond most definitions of intelligence. Moreover, their growth appears peculiarly gradual, contradicting the popular conception of intelligence as something inborn and fixed. His resolute persistence and his skills in playing games with ideas were apparently as decisive to his genius as any cutting edge of intellect .
These powerful aspects of intelligence that conventional definitions overlook are getting close attention in a new wave of research. This comes after years of earlier studies which exposed the narrowness of our usual measures of mental ability. Intelligence, it turns out, is multifaceted and marvelous; it includes personal characteristics, creativity skills and intellectual capabilities that show up on no test. What is most exciting is that some of these iii-defined abilities are possessed by many people. Just knowing about such neglected skills will help us discover and develop untapped potential-in ourselves and in our children. | 3481.txt | 3 |
[
"fell behind other pupils",
"was fond of studying philosophical problems",
"was proud of his own diligence",
"thought more deeply about the problems of space and time than his classmates"
] | According to the passage, when Einstein was at school, he ________. | Albert Einstein recalled his learning problems philosophically: "My intellectual development was slow, as a result of which I began to wonder about space and time only when I had already grown up. Naturally, I could go deeper into the problem than a child." And so, 11 years after dismissal from school, young Albert Einstein published the theory of relativity that changed our understanding of the universe.
No one in this century has been more widely recognized as a genius than Einstein. Yet his problems with early intellectual development and his peculiar gifts cast great doubt on all our conventional ideas about genius, intelligence or "I.Q." . On the one hand, Einstein showed early defects in abilities that our mental tests value; on the other hand, his special intellectual faculties went far beyond most definitions of intelligence. Moreover, their growth appears peculiarly gradual, contradicting the popular conception of intelligence as something inborn and fixed. His resolute persistence and his skills in playing games with ideas were apparently as decisive to his genius as any cutting edge of intellect .
These powerful aspects of intelligence that conventional definitions overlook are getting close attention in a new wave of research. This comes after years of earlier studies which exposed the narrowness of our usual measures of mental ability. Intelligence, it turns out, is multifaceted and marvelous; it includes personal characteristics, creativity skills and intellectual capabilities that show up on no test. What is most exciting is that some of these iii-defined abilities are possessed by many people. Just knowing about such neglected skills will help us discover and develop untapped potential-in ourselves and in our children. | 3481.txt | 1 |
[
"His good skills in game-playing.",
"His diligence and powerful mind.",
"His unusual insight into the conception of intelligence.",
"His decisiveness in taking actions."
] | Which of the following led to Einstein's success? | Albert Einstein recalled his learning problems philosophically: "My intellectual development was slow, as a result of which I began to wonder about space and time only when I had already grown up. Naturally, I could go deeper into the problem than a child." And so, 11 years after dismissal from school, young Albert Einstein published the theory of relativity that changed our understanding of the universe.
No one in this century has been more widely recognized as a genius than Einstein. Yet his problems with early intellectual development and his peculiar gifts cast great doubt on all our conventional ideas about genius, intelligence or "I.Q." . On the one hand, Einstein showed early defects in abilities that our mental tests value; on the other hand, his special intellectual faculties went far beyond most definitions of intelligence. Moreover, their growth appears peculiarly gradual, contradicting the popular conception of intelligence as something inborn and fixed. His resolute persistence and his skills in playing games with ideas were apparently as decisive to his genius as any cutting edge of intellect .
These powerful aspects of intelligence that conventional definitions overlook are getting close attention in a new wave of research. This comes after years of earlier studies which exposed the narrowness of our usual measures of mental ability. Intelligence, it turns out, is multifaceted and marvelous; it includes personal characteristics, creativity skills and intellectual capabilities that show up on no test. What is most exciting is that some of these iii-defined abilities are possessed by many people. Just knowing about such neglected skills will help us discover and develop untapped potential-in ourselves and in our children. | 3481.txt | 2 |
[
"having many aspects",
"having many abilities",
"having many skills",
"having many uses"
] | "Multifaceted" (Para. 3, Line 6) probably means ________. | Albert Einstein recalled his learning problems philosophically: "My intellectual development was slow, as a result of which I began to wonder about space and time only when I had already grown up. Naturally, I could go deeper into the problem than a child." And so, 11 years after dismissal from school, young Albert Einstein published the theory of relativity that changed our understanding of the universe.
No one in this century has been more widely recognized as a genius than Einstein. Yet his problems with early intellectual development and his peculiar gifts cast great doubt on all our conventional ideas about genius, intelligence or "I.Q." . On the one hand, Einstein showed early defects in abilities that our mental tests value; on the other hand, his special intellectual faculties went far beyond most definitions of intelligence. Moreover, their growth appears peculiarly gradual, contradicting the popular conception of intelligence as something inborn and fixed. His resolute persistence and his skills in playing games with ideas were apparently as decisive to his genius as any cutting edge of intellect .
These powerful aspects of intelligence that conventional definitions overlook are getting close attention in a new wave of research. This comes after years of earlier studies which exposed the narrowness of our usual measures of mental ability. Intelligence, it turns out, is multifaceted and marvelous; it includes personal characteristics, creativity skills and intellectual capabilities that show up on no test. What is most exciting is that some of these iii-defined abilities are possessed by many people. Just knowing about such neglected skills will help us discover and develop untapped potential-in ourselves and in our children. | 3481.txt | 0 |
[
"Conventional intelligence tests are not reliable.",
"For ordinary people intelligence is something inborn and fixed.",
"Einstein was apparently a genius in playing games as well as in scientific research.",
"Einstein's early defects in abilities contributed to his later mental development."
] | According to the passage which of the following statements is TRUE'? | Albert Einstein recalled his learning problems philosophically: "My intellectual development was slow, as a result of which I began to wonder about space and time only when I had already grown up. Naturally, I could go deeper into the problem than a child." And so, 11 years after dismissal from school, young Albert Einstein published the theory of relativity that changed our understanding of the universe.
No one in this century has been more widely recognized as a genius than Einstein. Yet his problems with early intellectual development and his peculiar gifts cast great doubt on all our conventional ideas about genius, intelligence or "I.Q." . On the one hand, Einstein showed early defects in abilities that our mental tests value; on the other hand, his special intellectual faculties went far beyond most definitions of intelligence. Moreover, their growth appears peculiarly gradual, contradicting the popular conception of intelligence as something inborn and fixed. His resolute persistence and his skills in playing games with ideas were apparently as decisive to his genius as any cutting edge of intellect .
These powerful aspects of intelligence that conventional definitions overlook are getting close attention in a new wave of research. This comes after years of earlier studies which exposed the narrowness of our usual measures of mental ability. Intelligence, it turns out, is multifaceted and marvelous; it includes personal characteristics, creativity skills and intellectual capabilities that show up on no test. What is most exciting is that some of these iii-defined abilities are possessed by many people. Just knowing about such neglected skills will help us discover and develop untapped potential-in ourselves and in our children. | 3481.txt | 0 |
[
"Bush's victory in presidential election bore a political taint.",
"The process of the American presidential election.",
"The Supreme Court plays a very important part in the presidential election.",
"Gore is distressed."
] | The main idea of this passage is | On the 36th day after they had voted, Americans finally learned Wednesday who would be their next president: Governor George W. Bush of Texas.
Vice President Al Gore, his last realistic avenue for legal challenge closed by a U. S. Supreme Court decision late Tuesday, planned to end the contest formally in a televised evening speech of perhaps 10 minutes, advisers said.
They said that Senator Joseph Lieberman, his vice presidential running mate, would first make brief comments. The men would speak from a ceremonial chamber of the Old Executive office Building, to the west of the White House.
The dozens of political workers and lawyers who had helped lead Mr. Gore's unprecedented fight to claw a come-from-behind electoral victory in the pivotal state of Florida were thanked Wednesday and asked to stand down.
"The vice president has directed the recount committee to suspend activities," William Daley, the Gore campaign chairman, said in a written statement.
Mr. Gore authorized that statement after meeting with his wife, Tipper, and with top advisers including Mr. Daley.
He was expected to telephone Mr. Bush during the day. The Bush campaign kept a low profile and moved gingerly, as if to leave space for Mr. Gore to contemplate his next steps.
Yet, at the end of a trying and tumultuous process that had focused world attention on sleepless vote counters across Florida, and on courtrooms form Miami to Tallahassee to Atlanta to Washington the Texas governor was set to become the 43d U. S. president.
The news of Mr. Gore's plans followed the longest and most rancorous dispute over a U. S. presidential election in more than a century, one certain to leave scars in a badly divided country.
It was a bitter ending for Mr. Gore, who had outpolled Mr. Bush nationwide by some 300000 votes, but, without Florida, fell short in the Electoral College by 271votes to 267-the narrowest Electoral College victory since the turbulent election of 1876.
Mr. Gore was said to be distressed by what he and many Democratic activists felt was a partisan decision from the nation's highest court.
The 5-to -4 decision of the Supreme Court held, in essence, that while a vote recount in Florida could be conducted in legal and constitutional fashion, as Mr. Gore had sought, this could not be done by the Dec. 12 deadline for states to select their presidential electors.
James Baker 3rd, the former secretary of state who represented Mr. Bush in the Florida dispute, issued a short statement after the U. S. high court ruling, saying that the governor was "very pleased and gratified."
Mr. Bush was planning a nationwide speech aimed at trying to begin to heal the country's deep, aching and varied divisions. He then was expected to meet with congressional leaders, including Democrats. Dick Cheney, Mr. Bush's ruing mate, was meeting with congressmen Wednesday in Washington.
When Mr. Bush, who is 54, is sworn into office on Jan.20, he will be only the second son of a president to follow his father to the White House, after John Adams and John Quincy Adams in the early 19th century.
Mr. Gore, in his speech, was expected to thank his supporters, defend his hive-week battle as an effort to ensure, as a matter of principle, that every vote be counted, and call for the nation to join behind the new president. He was described by an aide as "resolved and resigned."
While some constitutional experts had said they believed states could present electors as late as Dec. 18, the U. S. high court made clear that it saw no such leeway.
The U.S. high court sent back "for revision" to the Florida court its order allowing recounts but made clear that for all practical purposes the election was over.
In its unsigned main opinion, the court declared, "The recount process, in its features here described, is inconsistent with the minimum procedures necessary to protect the fundamental right of each voter."
That decision, by a court fractured along philosophical lines, left one liberal justice charging that the high court's proceedings bore a political taint.
Justice John Paul Stevens wrote in an angry dissent:" Although we may never know with complete certainty the identity of the winner of this year's presidential election, the identity of the loser is perfectly clear. It is the nation's confidence in the judge as an impartial guardian of the law."
But at the end of five seemingly endless weeks, during which the physical, legal and constitutional machines of the U. S. election were pressed and sorely tested in ways unseen in more than a century, the system finally produced a result, and one most Americans appeared to be willing at lease provisionally to support.
The Bush team welcomed the news with an outward show of restraint and aplomb. The governor's hopes had risen and fallen so many times since Election night, and the legal warriors of each side suffered through so many dramatic reversals, that there was little energy left for celebration. | 277.txt | 0 |
[
"Bush hopes Gore to join his administration.",
"Bush hopes Gore to concede defeat and to support him.",
"Bush hopes Gore to congraduate him.",
"Bush hopes Gore go on fighting with him."
] | What does the sentence "as if to leave space for Mr. Gore to contemplate his next step" mean | On the 36th day after they had voted, Americans finally learned Wednesday who would be their next president: Governor George W. Bush of Texas.
Vice President Al Gore, his last realistic avenue for legal challenge closed by a U. S. Supreme Court decision late Tuesday, planned to end the contest formally in a televised evening speech of perhaps 10 minutes, advisers said.
They said that Senator Joseph Lieberman, his vice presidential running mate, would first make brief comments. The men would speak from a ceremonial chamber of the Old Executive office Building, to the west of the White House.
The dozens of political workers and lawyers who had helped lead Mr. Gore's unprecedented fight to claw a come-from-behind electoral victory in the pivotal state of Florida were thanked Wednesday and asked to stand down.
"The vice president has directed the recount committee to suspend activities," William Daley, the Gore campaign chairman, said in a written statement.
Mr. Gore authorized that statement after meeting with his wife, Tipper, and with top advisers including Mr. Daley.
He was expected to telephone Mr. Bush during the day. The Bush campaign kept a low profile and moved gingerly, as if to leave space for Mr. Gore to contemplate his next steps.
Yet, at the end of a trying and tumultuous process that had focused world attention on sleepless vote counters across Florida, and on courtrooms form Miami to Tallahassee to Atlanta to Washington the Texas governor was set to become the 43d U. S. president.
The news of Mr. Gore's plans followed the longest and most rancorous dispute over a U. S. presidential election in more than a century, one certain to leave scars in a badly divided country.
It was a bitter ending for Mr. Gore, who had outpolled Mr. Bush nationwide by some 300000 votes, but, without Florida, fell short in the Electoral College by 271votes to 267-the narrowest Electoral College victory since the turbulent election of 1876.
Mr. Gore was said to be distressed by what he and many Democratic activists felt was a partisan decision from the nation's highest court.
The 5-to -4 decision of the Supreme Court held, in essence, that while a vote recount in Florida could be conducted in legal and constitutional fashion, as Mr. Gore had sought, this could not be done by the Dec. 12 deadline for states to select their presidential electors.
James Baker 3rd, the former secretary of state who represented Mr. Bush in the Florida dispute, issued a short statement after the U. S. high court ruling, saying that the governor was "very pleased and gratified."
Mr. Bush was planning a nationwide speech aimed at trying to begin to heal the country's deep, aching and varied divisions. He then was expected to meet with congressional leaders, including Democrats. Dick Cheney, Mr. Bush's ruing mate, was meeting with congressmen Wednesday in Washington.
When Mr. Bush, who is 54, is sworn into office on Jan.20, he will be only the second son of a president to follow his father to the White House, after John Adams and John Quincy Adams in the early 19th century.
Mr. Gore, in his speech, was expected to thank his supporters, defend his hive-week battle as an effort to ensure, as a matter of principle, that every vote be counted, and call for the nation to join behind the new president. He was described by an aide as "resolved and resigned."
While some constitutional experts had said they believed states could present electors as late as Dec. 18, the U. S. high court made clear that it saw no such leeway.
The U.S. high court sent back "for revision" to the Florida court its order allowing recounts but made clear that for all practical purposes the election was over.
In its unsigned main opinion, the court declared, "The recount process, in its features here described, is inconsistent with the minimum procedures necessary to protect the fundamental right of each voter."
That decision, by a court fractured along philosophical lines, left one liberal justice charging that the high court's proceedings bore a political taint.
Justice John Paul Stevens wrote in an angry dissent:" Although we may never know with complete certainty the identity of the winner of this year's presidential election, the identity of the loser is perfectly clear. It is the nation's confidence in the judge as an impartial guardian of the law."
But at the end of five seemingly endless weeks, during which the physical, legal and constitutional machines of the U. S. election were pressed and sorely tested in ways unseen in more than a century, the system finally produced a result, and one most Americans appeared to be willing at lease provisionally to support.
The Bush team welcomed the news with an outward show of restraint and aplomb. The governor's hopes had risen and fallen so many times since Election night, and the legal warriors of each side suffered through so many dramatic reversals, that there was little energy left for celebration. | 277.txt | 1 |
[
"the American president is decided by the supreme court's decision.",
"people can't directly elect their president.",
"the American president is elected by a slate of presidential electors.",
"the people of each state support Mr. Bush."
] | Why couldn't Mr. Gore win the presidential election after he outpolled Mr. Bush in the popular vote? Because | On the 36th day after they had voted, Americans finally learned Wednesday who would be their next president: Governor George W. Bush of Texas.
Vice President Al Gore, his last realistic avenue for legal challenge closed by a U. S. Supreme Court decision late Tuesday, planned to end the contest formally in a televised evening speech of perhaps 10 minutes, advisers said.
They said that Senator Joseph Lieberman, his vice presidential running mate, would first make brief comments. The men would speak from a ceremonial chamber of the Old Executive office Building, to the west of the White House.
The dozens of political workers and lawyers who had helped lead Mr. Gore's unprecedented fight to claw a come-from-behind electoral victory in the pivotal state of Florida were thanked Wednesday and asked to stand down.
"The vice president has directed the recount committee to suspend activities," William Daley, the Gore campaign chairman, said in a written statement.
Mr. Gore authorized that statement after meeting with his wife, Tipper, and with top advisers including Mr. Daley.
He was expected to telephone Mr. Bush during the day. The Bush campaign kept a low profile and moved gingerly, as if to leave space for Mr. Gore to contemplate his next steps.
Yet, at the end of a trying and tumultuous process that had focused world attention on sleepless vote counters across Florida, and on courtrooms form Miami to Tallahassee to Atlanta to Washington the Texas governor was set to become the 43d U. S. president.
The news of Mr. Gore's plans followed the longest and most rancorous dispute over a U. S. presidential election in more than a century, one certain to leave scars in a badly divided country.
It was a bitter ending for Mr. Gore, who had outpolled Mr. Bush nationwide by some 300000 votes, but, without Florida, fell short in the Electoral College by 271votes to 267-the narrowest Electoral College victory since the turbulent election of 1876.
Mr. Gore was said to be distressed by what he and many Democratic activists felt was a partisan decision from the nation's highest court.
The 5-to -4 decision of the Supreme Court held, in essence, that while a vote recount in Florida could be conducted in legal and constitutional fashion, as Mr. Gore had sought, this could not be done by the Dec. 12 deadline for states to select their presidential electors.
James Baker 3rd, the former secretary of state who represented Mr. Bush in the Florida dispute, issued a short statement after the U. S. high court ruling, saying that the governor was "very pleased and gratified."
Mr. Bush was planning a nationwide speech aimed at trying to begin to heal the country's deep, aching and varied divisions. He then was expected to meet with congressional leaders, including Democrats. Dick Cheney, Mr. Bush's ruing mate, was meeting with congressmen Wednesday in Washington.
When Mr. Bush, who is 54, is sworn into office on Jan.20, he will be only the second son of a president to follow his father to the White House, after John Adams and John Quincy Adams in the early 19th century.
Mr. Gore, in his speech, was expected to thank his supporters, defend his hive-week battle as an effort to ensure, as a matter of principle, that every vote be counted, and call for the nation to join behind the new president. He was described by an aide as "resolved and resigned."
While some constitutional experts had said they believed states could present electors as late as Dec. 18, the U. S. high court made clear that it saw no such leeway.
The U.S. high court sent back "for revision" to the Florida court its order allowing recounts but made clear that for all practical purposes the election was over.
In its unsigned main opinion, the court declared, "The recount process, in its features here described, is inconsistent with the minimum procedures necessary to protect the fundamental right of each voter."
That decision, by a court fractured along philosophical lines, left one liberal justice charging that the high court's proceedings bore a political taint.
Justice John Paul Stevens wrote in an angry dissent:" Although we may never know with complete certainty the identity of the winner of this year's presidential election, the identity of the loser is perfectly clear. It is the nation's confidence in the judge as an impartial guardian of the law."
But at the end of five seemingly endless weeks, during which the physical, legal and constitutional machines of the U. S. election were pressed and sorely tested in ways unseen in more than a century, the system finally produced a result, and one most Americans appeared to be willing at lease provisionally to support.
The Bush team welcomed the news with an outward show of restraint and aplomb. The governor's hopes had risen and fallen so many times since Election night, and the legal warriors of each side suffered through so many dramatic reversals, that there was little energy left for celebration. | 277.txt | 2 |
[
"It was in fact for the vote recount.",
"It had nothing to do with the presidential election.",
"It decided the fate of the winner.",
"It was in essence against the vote recount."
] | What was the result of the 5-4 decision of the supreme court? | On the 36th day after they had voted, Americans finally learned Wednesday who would be their next president: Governor George W. Bush of Texas.
Vice President Al Gore, his last realistic avenue for legal challenge closed by a U. S. Supreme Court decision late Tuesday, planned to end the contest formally in a televised evening speech of perhaps 10 minutes, advisers said.
They said that Senator Joseph Lieberman, his vice presidential running mate, would first make brief comments. The men would speak from a ceremonial chamber of the Old Executive office Building, to the west of the White House.
The dozens of political workers and lawyers who had helped lead Mr. Gore's unprecedented fight to claw a come-from-behind electoral victory in the pivotal state of Florida were thanked Wednesday and asked to stand down.
"The vice president has directed the recount committee to suspend activities," William Daley, the Gore campaign chairman, said in a written statement.
Mr. Gore authorized that statement after meeting with his wife, Tipper, and with top advisers including Mr. Daley.
He was expected to telephone Mr. Bush during the day. The Bush campaign kept a low profile and moved gingerly, as if to leave space for Mr. Gore to contemplate his next steps.
Yet, at the end of a trying and tumultuous process that had focused world attention on sleepless vote counters across Florida, and on courtrooms form Miami to Tallahassee to Atlanta to Washington the Texas governor was set to become the 43d U. S. president.
The news of Mr. Gore's plans followed the longest and most rancorous dispute over a U. S. presidential election in more than a century, one certain to leave scars in a badly divided country.
It was a bitter ending for Mr. Gore, who had outpolled Mr. Bush nationwide by some 300000 votes, but, without Florida, fell short in the Electoral College by 271votes to 267-the narrowest Electoral College victory since the turbulent election of 1876.
Mr. Gore was said to be distressed by what he and many Democratic activists felt was a partisan decision from the nation's highest court.
The 5-to -4 decision of the Supreme Court held, in essence, that while a vote recount in Florida could be conducted in legal and constitutional fashion, as Mr. Gore had sought, this could not be done by the Dec. 12 deadline for states to select their presidential electors.
James Baker 3rd, the former secretary of state who represented Mr. Bush in the Florida dispute, issued a short statement after the U. S. high court ruling, saying that the governor was "very pleased and gratified."
Mr. Bush was planning a nationwide speech aimed at trying to begin to heal the country's deep, aching and varied divisions. He then was expected to meet with congressional leaders, including Democrats. Dick Cheney, Mr. Bush's ruing mate, was meeting with congressmen Wednesday in Washington.
When Mr. Bush, who is 54, is sworn into office on Jan.20, he will be only the second son of a president to follow his father to the White House, after John Adams and John Quincy Adams in the early 19th century.
Mr. Gore, in his speech, was expected to thank his supporters, defend his hive-week battle as an effort to ensure, as a matter of principle, that every vote be counted, and call for the nation to join behind the new president. He was described by an aide as "resolved and resigned."
While some constitutional experts had said they believed states could present electors as late as Dec. 18, the U. S. high court made clear that it saw no such leeway.
The U.S. high court sent back "for revision" to the Florida court its order allowing recounts but made clear that for all practical purposes the election was over.
In its unsigned main opinion, the court declared, "The recount process, in its features here described, is inconsistent with the minimum procedures necessary to protect the fundamental right of each voter."
That decision, by a court fractured along philosophical lines, left one liberal justice charging that the high court's proceedings bore a political taint.
Justice John Paul Stevens wrote in an angry dissent:" Although we may never know with complete certainty the identity of the winner of this year's presidential election, the identity of the loser is perfectly clear. It is the nation's confidence in the judge as an impartial guardian of the law."
But at the end of five seemingly endless weeks, during which the physical, legal and constitutional machines of the U. S. election were pressed and sorely tested in ways unseen in more than a century, the system finally produced a result, and one most Americans appeared to be willing at lease provisionally to support.
The Bush team welcomed the news with an outward show of restraint and aplomb. The governor's hopes had risen and fallen so many times since Election night, and the legal warriors of each side suffered through so many dramatic reversals, that there was little energy left for celebration. | 277.txt | 3 |
[
"The process of presidential election of 2000 was the same as that.",
"There were great similarities between the two presidential elections (2000 and 1876).",
"It was compared to presidential election of 2000.",
"It was given an example."
] | What did the "turbulent election of 1876" imply? | On the 36th day after they had voted, Americans finally learned Wednesday who would be their next president: Governor George W. Bush of Texas.
Vice President Al Gore, his last realistic avenue for legal challenge closed by a U. S. Supreme Court decision late Tuesday, planned to end the contest formally in a televised evening speech of perhaps 10 minutes, advisers said.
They said that Senator Joseph Lieberman, his vice presidential running mate, would first make brief comments. The men would speak from a ceremonial chamber of the Old Executive office Building, to the west of the White House.
The dozens of political workers and lawyers who had helped lead Mr. Gore's unprecedented fight to claw a come-from-behind electoral victory in the pivotal state of Florida were thanked Wednesday and asked to stand down.
"The vice president has directed the recount committee to suspend activities," William Daley, the Gore campaign chairman, said in a written statement.
Mr. Gore authorized that statement after meeting with his wife, Tipper, and with top advisers including Mr. Daley.
He was expected to telephone Mr. Bush during the day. The Bush campaign kept a low profile and moved gingerly, as if to leave space for Mr. Gore to contemplate his next steps.
Yet, at the end of a trying and tumultuous process that had focused world attention on sleepless vote counters across Florida, and on courtrooms form Miami to Tallahassee to Atlanta to Washington the Texas governor was set to become the 43d U. S. president.
The news of Mr. Gore's plans followed the longest and most rancorous dispute over a U. S. presidential election in more than a century, one certain to leave scars in a badly divided country.
It was a bitter ending for Mr. Gore, who had outpolled Mr. Bush nationwide by some 300000 votes, but, without Florida, fell short in the Electoral College by 271votes to 267-the narrowest Electoral College victory since the turbulent election of 1876.
Mr. Gore was said to be distressed by what he and many Democratic activists felt was a partisan decision from the nation's highest court.
The 5-to -4 decision of the Supreme Court held, in essence, that while a vote recount in Florida could be conducted in legal and constitutional fashion, as Mr. Gore had sought, this could not be done by the Dec. 12 deadline for states to select their presidential electors.
James Baker 3rd, the former secretary of state who represented Mr. Bush in the Florida dispute, issued a short statement after the U. S. high court ruling, saying that the governor was "very pleased and gratified."
Mr. Bush was planning a nationwide speech aimed at trying to begin to heal the country's deep, aching and varied divisions. He then was expected to meet with congressional leaders, including Democrats. Dick Cheney, Mr. Bush's ruing mate, was meeting with congressmen Wednesday in Washington.
When Mr. Bush, who is 54, is sworn into office on Jan.20, he will be only the second son of a president to follow his father to the White House, after John Adams and John Quincy Adams in the early 19th century.
Mr. Gore, in his speech, was expected to thank his supporters, defend his hive-week battle as an effort to ensure, as a matter of principle, that every vote be counted, and call for the nation to join behind the new president. He was described by an aide as "resolved and resigned."
While some constitutional experts had said they believed states could present electors as late as Dec. 18, the U. S. high court made clear that it saw no such leeway.
The U.S. high court sent back "for revision" to the Florida court its order allowing recounts but made clear that for all practical purposes the election was over.
In its unsigned main opinion, the court declared, "The recount process, in its features here described, is inconsistent with the minimum procedures necessary to protect the fundamental right of each voter."
That decision, by a court fractured along philosophical lines, left one liberal justice charging that the high court's proceedings bore a political taint.
Justice John Paul Stevens wrote in an angry dissent:" Although we may never know with complete certainty the identity of the winner of this year's presidential election, the identity of the loser is perfectly clear. It is the nation's confidence in the judge as an impartial guardian of the law."
But at the end of five seemingly endless weeks, during which the physical, legal and constitutional machines of the U. S. election were pressed and sorely tested in ways unseen in more than a century, the system finally produced a result, and one most Americans appeared to be willing at lease provisionally to support.
The Bush team welcomed the news with an outward show of restraint and aplomb. The governor's hopes had risen and fallen so many times since Election night, and the legal warriors of each side suffered through so many dramatic reversals, that there was little energy left for celebration. | 277.txt | 1 |
[
"he had the situations of the Bancroft family conflicts at his fingertips.",
"his $5 billion offer far exceeded other bidders and was difficult to be refused.",
"he promised that the editors would be entitled to a large degree of freedom.",
"he would not interfere with the internal issues as he pleases."
] | Mr Murdoch could successfully purchased Dow Jones at his offer because of the following reasons except _ | News reports suggested that the result was in doubt right up to the end, but Rupert Murdoch's admirers were certain that he would prevail. So when Mr Murdoch's News Corporation offered in April to buy Dow Jones, the owner of the Wall Street Journal, he was already pretty sure that the reply, which eventually came in the early hours of August 1st, would be yes-and it was.
Mr Murdoch has played a difficult hand brilliantly. He read the internal politics of the sprawling Bancroft clan, which owns a controlling stake in Dow Jones, perfectly-perhaps better than he reads his own family. His $5 billion offer was just high enough to swing the intergenerational politics of the Bancrofts his way, by enticing enough of the younger members of the clan to put money before the continuation of the family's long stewardship of the company. And when some members of the family tried to get Mr Murdoch to raise his offer, his refusal to do so and his threat to walk away were convincing enough to get them to agree to his original offer. He also agreed to various measures to safeguard the Wall Street Journal's editorial independence that were just sufficient to salve enough Bancroft consciences, without meaningfully inhibiting his ability to do as he pleases.
The timing of the offer was equally astute, coming after the family had realised that the company faced huge strategic problems, but before the new chief executive they appointed last year had had time to show he could solve them, and so enable Dow Jones to prosper as an independent business. Arguably, Mr Murdoch's eventual triumph was guaranteed from the moment Dow Jones's board admitted that a merger might be the best strategy for the firm, and started to negotiate.
The biggest risk to Mr Murdoch was that another buyer, more acceptable to the family, would appear. But his generous offer scared off potential private-equity bidders. Mr Murdoch's only real worry was that there might be a serious counterbid from the two firms with most to lose from his acquisition of Dow Jones: Pearson, which owns the Financial Times, and General Electric (GE), which owns CNBC, a business-news channel. With Mr Murdoch's backing the Wall Street Journal will surely prove a much tougher rival to the Financial Times, and Dow Jones's resources might enable News Corporation's new business-TV channel, due to be launched in October, to do serious damage to CNBC. Yet despite rumours of a joint Pearson-GE bid, no such offer materialised.
Mr Murdoch has, however, paid a high price for Dow Jones-at least $1 billion, and perhaps $2 billion, more than appears justified by the fundamentals of the business-so News Corporation's shareholders may come to regard his victory as pyrrhic. No doubt Mr Murdoch's tougher management will squeeze out some cost savings. But his plans to generate strong growth, by expanding the Wall Street Journal and linking it with his other online and broadcast properties, do not seem terribly convincing. Which is why some News Corporation shareholders suspect that they are just excuses, and that Mr Murdoch has put his long-standing desire to own one of the world's great newspapers before any serious consideration of value for money. | 3579.txt | 3 |
[
"giving full swing to.",
"reducing.",
"restraining.",
"depriving."
] | The word "inhibiting" (Line 11, Paragraph 2) most probably means _ | News reports suggested that the result was in doubt right up to the end, but Rupert Murdoch's admirers were certain that he would prevail. So when Mr Murdoch's News Corporation offered in April to buy Dow Jones, the owner of the Wall Street Journal, he was already pretty sure that the reply, which eventually came in the early hours of August 1st, would be yes-and it was.
Mr Murdoch has played a difficult hand brilliantly. He read the internal politics of the sprawling Bancroft clan, which owns a controlling stake in Dow Jones, perfectly-perhaps better than he reads his own family. His $5 billion offer was just high enough to swing the intergenerational politics of the Bancrofts his way, by enticing enough of the younger members of the clan to put money before the continuation of the family's long stewardship of the company. And when some members of the family tried to get Mr Murdoch to raise his offer, his refusal to do so and his threat to walk away were convincing enough to get them to agree to his original offer. He also agreed to various measures to safeguard the Wall Street Journal's editorial independence that were just sufficient to salve enough Bancroft consciences, without meaningfully inhibiting his ability to do as he pleases.
The timing of the offer was equally astute, coming after the family had realised that the company faced huge strategic problems, but before the new chief executive they appointed last year had had time to show he could solve them, and so enable Dow Jones to prosper as an independent business. Arguably, Mr Murdoch's eventual triumph was guaranteed from the moment Dow Jones's board admitted that a merger might be the best strategy for the firm, and started to negotiate.
The biggest risk to Mr Murdoch was that another buyer, more acceptable to the family, would appear. But his generous offer scared off potential private-equity bidders. Mr Murdoch's only real worry was that there might be a serious counterbid from the two firms with most to lose from his acquisition of Dow Jones: Pearson, which owns the Financial Times, and General Electric (GE), which owns CNBC, a business-news channel. With Mr Murdoch's backing the Wall Street Journal will surely prove a much tougher rival to the Financial Times, and Dow Jones's resources might enable News Corporation's new business-TV channel, due to be launched in October, to do serious damage to CNBC. Yet despite rumours of a joint Pearson-GE bid, no such offer materialised.
Mr Murdoch has, however, paid a high price for Dow Jones-at least $1 billion, and perhaps $2 billion, more than appears justified by the fundamentals of the business-so News Corporation's shareholders may come to regard his victory as pyrrhic. No doubt Mr Murdoch's tougher management will squeeze out some cost savings. But his plans to generate strong growth, by expanding the Wall Street Journal and linking it with his other online and broadcast properties, do not seem terribly convincing. Which is why some News Corporation shareholders suspect that they are just excuses, and that Mr Murdoch has put his long-standing desire to own one of the world's great newspapers before any serious consideration of value for money. | 3579.txt | 2 |
[
"there was divergence between different generations of the Bancrosft family.",
"the board had some difficulties in making strategic decisions.",
"the new chief executive was not allowed sufficient time to demonstrate his capability of managing the company.",
"the Bancroft came to the awareness that the company was already trapped into severe problems."
] | The problems Dow Jones were facing when Mr Murdoch decided to buy it were the following ones except _ | News reports suggested that the result was in doubt right up to the end, but Rupert Murdoch's admirers were certain that he would prevail. So when Mr Murdoch's News Corporation offered in April to buy Dow Jones, the owner of the Wall Street Journal, he was already pretty sure that the reply, which eventually came in the early hours of August 1st, would be yes-and it was.
Mr Murdoch has played a difficult hand brilliantly. He read the internal politics of the sprawling Bancroft clan, which owns a controlling stake in Dow Jones, perfectly-perhaps better than he reads his own family. His $5 billion offer was just high enough to swing the intergenerational politics of the Bancrofts his way, by enticing enough of the younger members of the clan to put money before the continuation of the family's long stewardship of the company. And when some members of the family tried to get Mr Murdoch to raise his offer, his refusal to do so and his threat to walk away were convincing enough to get them to agree to his original offer. He also agreed to various measures to safeguard the Wall Street Journal's editorial independence that were just sufficient to salve enough Bancroft consciences, without meaningfully inhibiting his ability to do as he pleases.
The timing of the offer was equally astute, coming after the family had realised that the company faced huge strategic problems, but before the new chief executive they appointed last year had had time to show he could solve them, and so enable Dow Jones to prosper as an independent business. Arguably, Mr Murdoch's eventual triumph was guaranteed from the moment Dow Jones's board admitted that a merger might be the best strategy for the firm, and started to negotiate.
The biggest risk to Mr Murdoch was that another buyer, more acceptable to the family, would appear. But his generous offer scared off potential private-equity bidders. Mr Murdoch's only real worry was that there might be a serious counterbid from the two firms with most to lose from his acquisition of Dow Jones: Pearson, which owns the Financial Times, and General Electric (GE), which owns CNBC, a business-news channel. With Mr Murdoch's backing the Wall Street Journal will surely prove a much tougher rival to the Financial Times, and Dow Jones's resources might enable News Corporation's new business-TV channel, due to be launched in October, to do serious damage to CNBC. Yet despite rumours of a joint Pearson-GE bid, no such offer materialised.
Mr Murdoch has, however, paid a high price for Dow Jones-at least $1 billion, and perhaps $2 billion, more than appears justified by the fundamentals of the business-so News Corporation's shareholders may come to regard his victory as pyrrhic. No doubt Mr Murdoch's tougher management will squeeze out some cost savings. But his plans to generate strong growth, by expanding the Wall Street Journal and linking it with his other online and broadcast properties, do not seem terribly convincing. Which is why some News Corporation shareholders suspect that they are just excuses, and that Mr Murdoch has put his long-standing desire to own one of the world's great newspapers before any serious consideration of value for money. | 3579.txt | 1 |
[
"acquisition of Dow Jones would bring any bidder great profit in the future.",
"Dow Jones would be more competitive after the purchase to threat their business.",
"their joint bid would turn out to be more acceptable to the Banroft family than Mr. Murdoch.",
"they were the most powerful rivals of Mr. Murdoch's media corporation."
] | Pearson and General Electric will probably impede Mr Murdoch's purchase of Dow Jones because _ | News reports suggested that the result was in doubt right up to the end, but Rupert Murdoch's admirers were certain that he would prevail. So when Mr Murdoch's News Corporation offered in April to buy Dow Jones, the owner of the Wall Street Journal, he was already pretty sure that the reply, which eventually came in the early hours of August 1st, would be yes-and it was.
Mr Murdoch has played a difficult hand brilliantly. He read the internal politics of the sprawling Bancroft clan, which owns a controlling stake in Dow Jones, perfectly-perhaps better than he reads his own family. His $5 billion offer was just high enough to swing the intergenerational politics of the Bancrofts his way, by enticing enough of the younger members of the clan to put money before the continuation of the family's long stewardship of the company. And when some members of the family tried to get Mr Murdoch to raise his offer, his refusal to do so and his threat to walk away were convincing enough to get them to agree to his original offer. He also agreed to various measures to safeguard the Wall Street Journal's editorial independence that were just sufficient to salve enough Bancroft consciences, without meaningfully inhibiting his ability to do as he pleases.
The timing of the offer was equally astute, coming after the family had realised that the company faced huge strategic problems, but before the new chief executive they appointed last year had had time to show he could solve them, and so enable Dow Jones to prosper as an independent business. Arguably, Mr Murdoch's eventual triumph was guaranteed from the moment Dow Jones's board admitted that a merger might be the best strategy for the firm, and started to negotiate.
The biggest risk to Mr Murdoch was that another buyer, more acceptable to the family, would appear. But his generous offer scared off potential private-equity bidders. Mr Murdoch's only real worry was that there might be a serious counterbid from the two firms with most to lose from his acquisition of Dow Jones: Pearson, which owns the Financial Times, and General Electric (GE), which owns CNBC, a business-news channel. With Mr Murdoch's backing the Wall Street Journal will surely prove a much tougher rival to the Financial Times, and Dow Jones's resources might enable News Corporation's new business-TV channel, due to be launched in October, to do serious damage to CNBC. Yet despite rumours of a joint Pearson-GE bid, no such offer materialised.
Mr Murdoch has, however, paid a high price for Dow Jones-at least $1 billion, and perhaps $2 billion, more than appears justified by the fundamentals of the business-so News Corporation's shareholders may come to regard his victory as pyrrhic. No doubt Mr Murdoch's tougher management will squeeze out some cost savings. But his plans to generate strong growth, by expanding the Wall Street Journal and linking it with his other online and broadcast properties, do not seem terribly convincing. Which is why some News Corporation shareholders suspect that they are just excuses, and that Mr Murdoch has put his long-standing desire to own one of the world's great newspapers before any serious consideration of value for money. | 3579.txt | 1 |
[
"News Corporation's shareholders think Mr Murdoch's offer was not so reasonable.",
"News Corporation's shareholders suspect that his offer was only a start of a ambitious plan.",
"Mr Murdoch will make up his loss in the offer by reducing the cost of running Dow Jones.",
"Mr Murdoch's offer was higher than what the business had expected."
] | Which one of the following statements is NOT true of Mr Murdoch's offer for Dow Jones? | News reports suggested that the result was in doubt right up to the end, but Rupert Murdoch's admirers were certain that he would prevail. So when Mr Murdoch's News Corporation offered in April to buy Dow Jones, the owner of the Wall Street Journal, he was already pretty sure that the reply, which eventually came in the early hours of August 1st, would be yes-and it was.
Mr Murdoch has played a difficult hand brilliantly. He read the internal politics of the sprawling Bancroft clan, which owns a controlling stake in Dow Jones, perfectly-perhaps better than he reads his own family. His $5 billion offer was just high enough to swing the intergenerational politics of the Bancrofts his way, by enticing enough of the younger members of the clan to put money before the continuation of the family's long stewardship of the company. And when some members of the family tried to get Mr Murdoch to raise his offer, his refusal to do so and his threat to walk away were convincing enough to get them to agree to his original offer. He also agreed to various measures to safeguard the Wall Street Journal's editorial independence that were just sufficient to salve enough Bancroft consciences, without meaningfully inhibiting his ability to do as he pleases.
The timing of the offer was equally astute, coming after the family had realised that the company faced huge strategic problems, but before the new chief executive they appointed last year had had time to show he could solve them, and so enable Dow Jones to prosper as an independent business. Arguably, Mr Murdoch's eventual triumph was guaranteed from the moment Dow Jones's board admitted that a merger might be the best strategy for the firm, and started to negotiate.
The biggest risk to Mr Murdoch was that another buyer, more acceptable to the family, would appear. But his generous offer scared off potential private-equity bidders. Mr Murdoch's only real worry was that there might be a serious counterbid from the two firms with most to lose from his acquisition of Dow Jones: Pearson, which owns the Financial Times, and General Electric (GE), which owns CNBC, a business-news channel. With Mr Murdoch's backing the Wall Street Journal will surely prove a much tougher rival to the Financial Times, and Dow Jones's resources might enable News Corporation's new business-TV channel, due to be launched in October, to do serious damage to CNBC. Yet despite rumours of a joint Pearson-GE bid, no such offer materialised.
Mr Murdoch has, however, paid a high price for Dow Jones-at least $1 billion, and perhaps $2 billion, more than appears justified by the fundamentals of the business-so News Corporation's shareholders may come to regard his victory as pyrrhic. No doubt Mr Murdoch's tougher management will squeeze out some cost savings. But his plans to generate strong growth, by expanding the Wall Street Journal and linking it with his other online and broadcast properties, do not seem terribly convincing. Which is why some News Corporation shareholders suspect that they are just excuses, and that Mr Murdoch has put his long-standing desire to own one of the world's great newspapers before any serious consideration of value for money. | 3579.txt | 0 |
[
"the development of fast food services",
"how McDonald's became a billion-dollar business",
"the business careers of Mac and Dick McDonald",
"Ray Kroc's business talent"
] | This passage mainly talks about. | In 1939 two brothers, Mac and Dick McDonald, started a drive-in restaurant in San Bernadino, California. They carefully chose a busy corner for their location. They had run their own businesses for years, first a theater, then a barbecue(¿¾Èâ)restaurant, and then another drive-in. But in their new operation, they offered a new, shortened menu: French fries, hamburgers, and sodas. To this small selection they added one new concept: quick service, no waiters or waitresses, and no tips.
Their hamburgers sold for fifteen cents. Cheese was another four cents. Their French fries and hamburgers had a remarkable uniformity, for the brothers had developed a strict routine for the preparation of their food, and they insisted on their cooks' sticking to their routine. Their new drive-in became incredibly popular, particularly for lunch. People drove up by the hundreds during the busy noontime. The self-service restaurant was so popular that the brothers had allowed ten copies of their restaurant to be opened. They were content with this modest success untilthey met Ray Kroc.
Kroc was a salesman who met the McDonald brothers in 1954, when he was selling milk shake-mixing machines. He quickly saw the unique appeal of the brothers' fast-food restaurants and bought the right to franchise(ÌØÐí¾Óª)other copies of their restaurants. The agreement struck included the right to duplicate the menu. The equipment, even their red and white buildings with the golden arches(¹°ÃÅ).
Today McDonald's is really a household name. Its names for its sandwiches have come to mean hamburger in the decades since the day Ray Kroc watched people rush up to order fifteen-cent hamburgers. In 1976, McDonald's had over $ 1 billion in total sales. Its first twenty-two years is one of the most incredible success stories in modern American business history. | 1147.txt | 2 |
[
"a drive-in",
"a cinema",
"a theater",
"a barbecue restaurant"
] | Mac and Dick managed all of the following businesses except. | In 1939 two brothers, Mac and Dick McDonald, started a drive-in restaurant in San Bernadino, California. They carefully chose a busy corner for their location. They had run their own businesses for years, first a theater, then a barbecue(¿¾Èâ)restaurant, and then another drive-in. But in their new operation, they offered a new, shortened menu: French fries, hamburgers, and sodas. To this small selection they added one new concept: quick service, no waiters or waitresses, and no tips.
Their hamburgers sold for fifteen cents. Cheese was another four cents. Their French fries and hamburgers had a remarkable uniformity, for the brothers had developed a strict routine for the preparation of their food, and they insisted on their cooks' sticking to their routine. Their new drive-in became incredibly popular, particularly for lunch. People drove up by the hundreds during the busy noontime. The self-service restaurant was so popular that the brothers had allowed ten copies of their restaurant to be opened. They were content with this modest success untilthey met Ray Kroc.
Kroc was a salesman who met the McDonald brothers in 1954, when he was selling milk shake-mixing machines. He quickly saw the unique appeal of the brothers' fast-food restaurants and bought the right to franchise(ÌØÐí¾Óª)other copies of their restaurants. The agreement struck included the right to duplicate the menu. The equipment, even their red and white buildings with the golden arches(¹°ÃÅ).
Today McDonald's is really a household name. Its names for its sandwiches have come to mean hamburger in the decades since the day Ray Kroc watched people rush up to order fifteen-cent hamburgers. In 1976, McDonald's had over $ 1 billion in total sales. Its first twenty-two years is one of the most incredible success stories in modern American business history. | 1147.txt | 1 |
[
"Mac and Dick McDonald never became wealthy for they sold their idea to Kroc",
"The location the McDonalds chose was the only source of the great popularity of their drive-in",
"Forty years ago there were numerous fast-food restaurants",
"Ray Kroc was a good businessman"
] | We may infer from this passage that. | In 1939 two brothers, Mac and Dick McDonald, started a drive-in restaurant in San Bernadino, California. They carefully chose a busy corner for their location. They had run their own businesses for years, first a theater, then a barbecue(¿¾Èâ)restaurant, and then another drive-in. But in their new operation, they offered a new, shortened menu: French fries, hamburgers, and sodas. To this small selection they added one new concept: quick service, no waiters or waitresses, and no tips.
Their hamburgers sold for fifteen cents. Cheese was another four cents. Their French fries and hamburgers had a remarkable uniformity, for the brothers had developed a strict routine for the preparation of their food, and they insisted on their cooks' sticking to their routine. Their new drive-in became incredibly popular, particularly for lunch. People drove up by the hundreds during the busy noontime. The self-service restaurant was so popular that the brothers had allowed ten copies of their restaurant to be opened. They were content with this modest success untilthey met Ray Kroc.
Kroc was a salesman who met the McDonald brothers in 1954, when he was selling milk shake-mixing machines. He quickly saw the unique appeal of the brothers' fast-food restaurants and bought the right to franchise(ÌØÐí¾Óª)other copies of their restaurants. The agreement struck included the right to duplicate the menu. The equipment, even their red and white buildings with the golden arches(¹°ÃÅ).
Today McDonald's is really a household name. Its names for its sandwiches have come to mean hamburger in the decades since the day Ray Kroc watched people rush up to order fifteen-cent hamburgers. In 1976, McDonald's had over $ 1 billion in total sales. Its first twenty-two years is one of the most incredible success stories in modern American business history. | 1147.txt | 3 |
[
"creativity is an important element of business success",
"Ray Kroc was the close partner of the McDonald brothers",
"Mac and Dick McDonald became broken after they sold their ideas to Ray Kroc",
"California is the best place to go into business"
] | The passage suggests that. | In 1939 two brothers, Mac and Dick McDonald, started a drive-in restaurant in San Bernadino, California. They carefully chose a busy corner for their location. They had run their own businesses for years, first a theater, then a barbecue(¿¾Èâ)restaurant, and then another drive-in. But in their new operation, they offered a new, shortened menu: French fries, hamburgers, and sodas. To this small selection they added one new concept: quick service, no waiters or waitresses, and no tips.
Their hamburgers sold for fifteen cents. Cheese was another four cents. Their French fries and hamburgers had a remarkable uniformity, for the brothers had developed a strict routine for the preparation of their food, and they insisted on their cooks' sticking to their routine. Their new drive-in became incredibly popular, particularly for lunch. People drove up by the hundreds during the busy noontime. The self-service restaurant was so popular that the brothers had allowed ten copies of their restaurant to be opened. They were content with this modest success untilthey met Ray Kroc.
Kroc was a salesman who met the McDonald brothers in 1954, when he was selling milk shake-mixing machines. He quickly saw the unique appeal of the brothers' fast-food restaurants and bought the right to franchise(ÌØÐí¾Óª)other copies of their restaurants. The agreement struck included the right to duplicate the menu. The equipment, even their red and white buildings with the golden arches(¹°ÃÅ).
Today McDonald's is really a household name. Its names for its sandwiches have come to mean hamburger in the decades since the day Ray Kroc watched people rush up to order fifteen-cent hamburgers. In 1976, McDonald's had over $ 1 billion in total sales. Its first twenty-two years is one of the most incredible success stories in modern American business history. | 1147.txt | 0 |
[
"special",
"financial",
"attractive",
"peculiar"
] | As used in the second sentence of the third paragraph, the worduniquemeans. | In 1939 two brothers, Mac and Dick McDonald, started a drive-in restaurant in San Bernadino, California. They carefully chose a busy corner for their location. They had run their own businesses for years, first a theater, then a barbecue(¿¾Èâ)restaurant, and then another drive-in. But in their new operation, they offered a new, shortened menu: French fries, hamburgers, and sodas. To this small selection they added one new concept: quick service, no waiters or waitresses, and no tips.
Their hamburgers sold for fifteen cents. Cheese was another four cents. Their French fries and hamburgers had a remarkable uniformity, for the brothers had developed a strict routine for the preparation of their food, and they insisted on their cooks' sticking to their routine. Their new drive-in became incredibly popular, particularly for lunch. People drove up by the hundreds during the busy noontime. The self-service restaurant was so popular that the brothers had allowed ten copies of their restaurant to be opened. They were content with this modest success untilthey met Ray Kroc.
Kroc was a salesman who met the McDonald brothers in 1954, when he was selling milk shake-mixing machines. He quickly saw the unique appeal of the brothers' fast-food restaurants and bought the right to franchise(ÌØÐí¾Óª)other copies of their restaurants. The agreement struck included the right to duplicate the menu. The equipment, even their red and white buildings with the golden arches(¹°ÃÅ).
Today McDonald's is really a household name. Its names for its sandwiches have come to mean hamburger in the decades since the day Ray Kroc watched people rush up to order fifteen-cent hamburgers. In 1976, McDonald's had over $ 1 billion in total sales. Its first twenty-two years is one of the most incredible success stories in modern American business history. | 1147.txt | 3 |
[
"understanding.",
"honesty.",
"reliability.",
"a sense of humor."
] | Which of the following qualities the writer thinks is the most important in choosing a friend? | In choosing a friend, one should be very careful. A good friend can help you study. You can have fun together and make each other happy. Sometimes you will meet fairweather friends. They will be with you as long as you have money or luck, but when you are down, they will run away. How do I know when I have found a good friend? I look for certain qualities of character, especially understanding, honesty and reliability.
Above all else, I look for understanding in a friend. A good friend tries to understand how another person is feeling. He is not quick to judge. Instead, he tries to learn from others. He puts himself in the other person's place, and he tries to think of ways to be helpful. He is also a good listener.
At the same time, however, a good friend is honest. He does not look for faults in others. He notices their good points. In short, a friend will try to understand me and accept me.
Another quality of a friend is reliability. I can always depend on a good friend. If he tells me he will meet me somewhere at a certain time, I can be sure that he will be there. If I need a favor, he will do his best to help me. If I am in trouble, he will not run away from me.
There is a fourth quality that makes a friend special. A special friend is someone with whom we can have fun. We should enjoy our lives, and we would enjoy our friendship. That is why I especially like friends who are fun to be with. A good friend likes the same things I like. We share experience and learn from each other. A good friend has a good sense of humor, too. He likes to laugh with me. That is how we share in the joy of being friends. And I know that he is looking for the same quality in me.
When I meet someone who is reliable, honest, and understanding, I know I've found a friend! | 677.txt | 0 |
[
"they will give you all that they have when you need help",
"you will be refused when you get into trouble",
"you will become rich",
"you can be sure that you get real friends"
] | If you have fairweather friends, _ . | In choosing a friend, one should be very careful. A good friend can help you study. You can have fun together and make each other happy. Sometimes you will meet fairweather friends. They will be with you as long as you have money or luck, but when you are down, they will run away. How do I know when I have found a good friend? I look for certain qualities of character, especially understanding, honesty and reliability.
Above all else, I look for understanding in a friend. A good friend tries to understand how another person is feeling. He is not quick to judge. Instead, he tries to learn from others. He puts himself in the other person's place, and he tries to think of ways to be helpful. He is also a good listener.
At the same time, however, a good friend is honest. He does not look for faults in others. He notices their good points. In short, a friend will try to understand me and accept me.
Another quality of a friend is reliability. I can always depend on a good friend. If he tells me he will meet me somewhere at a certain time, I can be sure that he will be there. If I need a favor, he will do his best to help me. If I am in trouble, he will not run away from me.
There is a fourth quality that makes a friend special. A special friend is someone with whom we can have fun. We should enjoy our lives, and we would enjoy our friendship. That is why I especially like friends who are fun to be with. A good friend likes the same things I like. We share experience and learn from each other. A good friend has a good sense of humor, too. He likes to laugh with me. That is how we share in the joy of being friends. And I know that he is looking for the same quality in me.
When I meet someone who is reliable, honest, and understanding, I know I've found a friend! | 677.txt | 1 |
[
"always point out each other's mistakes",
"be helped with money",
"understand each other's feelings",
"have money or luck"
] | Good friends need to _ . | In choosing a friend, one should be very careful. A good friend can help you study. You can have fun together and make each other happy. Sometimes you will meet fairweather friends. They will be with you as long as you have money or luck, but when you are down, they will run away. How do I know when I have found a good friend? I look for certain qualities of character, especially understanding, honesty and reliability.
Above all else, I look for understanding in a friend. A good friend tries to understand how another person is feeling. He is not quick to judge. Instead, he tries to learn from others. He puts himself in the other person's place, and he tries to think of ways to be helpful. He is also a good listener.
At the same time, however, a good friend is honest. He does not look for faults in others. He notices their good points. In short, a friend will try to understand me and accept me.
Another quality of a friend is reliability. I can always depend on a good friend. If he tells me he will meet me somewhere at a certain time, I can be sure that he will be there. If I need a favor, he will do his best to help me. If I am in trouble, he will not run away from me.
There is a fourth quality that makes a friend special. A special friend is someone with whom we can have fun. We should enjoy our lives, and we would enjoy our friendship. That is why I especially like friends who are fun to be with. A good friend likes the same things I like. We share experience and learn from each other. A good friend has a good sense of humor, too. He likes to laugh with me. That is how we share in the joy of being friends. And I know that he is looking for the same quality in me.
When I meet someone who is reliable, honest, and understanding, I know I've found a friend! | 677.txt | 2 |
[
"the qualities of a friend",
"where to choose friends",
"how to get along with friends",
"the importance of having a friend"
] | This passage mainly discuss _ . | In choosing a friend, one should be very careful. A good friend can help you study. You can have fun together and make each other happy. Sometimes you will meet fairweather friends. They will be with you as long as you have money or luck, but when you are down, they will run away. How do I know when I have found a good friend? I look for certain qualities of character, especially understanding, honesty and reliability.
Above all else, I look for understanding in a friend. A good friend tries to understand how another person is feeling. He is not quick to judge. Instead, he tries to learn from others. He puts himself in the other person's place, and he tries to think of ways to be helpful. He is also a good listener.
At the same time, however, a good friend is honest. He does not look for faults in others. He notices their good points. In short, a friend will try to understand me and accept me.
Another quality of a friend is reliability. I can always depend on a good friend. If he tells me he will meet me somewhere at a certain time, I can be sure that he will be there. If I need a favor, he will do his best to help me. If I am in trouble, he will not run away from me.
There is a fourth quality that makes a friend special. A special friend is someone with whom we can have fun. We should enjoy our lives, and we would enjoy our friendship. That is why I especially like friends who are fun to be with. A good friend likes the same things I like. We share experience and learn from each other. A good friend has a good sense of humor, too. He likes to laugh with me. That is how we share in the joy of being friends. And I know that he is looking for the same quality in me.
When I meet someone who is reliable, honest, and understanding, I know I've found a friend! | 677.txt | 0 |
[
"Ozzy & Drix is a cartoon about a good guy fighting a bad guy.",
"the target audience of Ozzy & Drix are children",
"smartoon is a new type of cartoon",
"the purpose of Ozzy & Drix is to help children fight against diseases"
] | From the first three paragraphs, we learn that _ . | Sal Monella is a poisonous gangster hell bent on infection, and a pimple is a power-mad oil gland. That's life-and a quirky twist on salmonella and acne-in the animated world of Ozzy & Drix, part of the WB network's Saturday-morning lineup. This was the first season for what might be called a" smartoon." It was in the top programs among kids ages 2 to 11. And it's coming back this fall.
Instead of battling mystical monsters, Ozzy & Drix cleverly personifies body parts-a muscle cell is a police chief-to teach kids about their bodies. Rather than lecture kids about smoking, Ozzy & Drix turns nicotine into Nick O'Teen, a smarmy villain with long claws that hook into brains and cause addictions. Bad guys like Nick are taken down by the title stars: Osmosis" Ozzy" Jones, a street-smart white blood cell, and Drix, an uptight but intelligent cold pill with a chest full of medicine. White blood cells help fight infection, and Drix is a medicine chest. Get it?
Ozzy & Drix makes a point of tackling" issues that are very real to the day-to-day lives of kids," says David Foster, a Harvard University internist who helps develop story lines for the show. " We hope they take an interest in what is going on inside them." That's why all the action occurs within 13-year-old Hector, who contracts diseases, encounters peer pressure, and even drinks spoiled milk. " This poor kid has been through a lot," says Producer Alan Burnett.
Pun fun. The slap-your-knee, ba-dum-dum humor takes many forms. Ozzy and Drix set up a detective firm behind Hector's cornea-they're" private eyes" -to ensure him a safe adolescence. Blood cells race like cars through Hector's arteries and past a" roadside" billboard reading" Peace for the Middle Ear." There's a rock concert at the Diaphragm Club featuring the band Metabolica. Ozzy and Drix drive a Cel Camino.
" This is a very interesting direction for broadcasters to take," says Sandra Calvert, a psychologist and director of the Children's Digital Media Center at Georgetown University. " We rarely see someone go after the health area." Kids go for the slapstick and drama while adults are drawn to the puns and parodies, and the dual enjoyment sparks questions and conversation, she says.
Consider an upcoming episode in which Hector eats bad sausage containing parasitic worms. A spoof of jaws begins as his stomach becomes a sea of acid dotted with boats. On one, Ozzy teams up with grizzled Captain Quinine-recalling movie shark hunter Quint and the fact that quinine was once used to treat parasites. Ozzy and the Cap'n blow up the monsters with bicarbonate of soda. A soothing end, not for the worms, but for Hector's upset stomach. | 548.txt | 1 |
[
"Ozzy in the cartoon lacks experiences.",
"Hector's friends show sympathy to him when he contracts disease.",
"A new season of Ozzy & Drix will be on show this fall.",
"Ozzy & Drix mainly deals with battling frightening creatures."
] | Which of the following statements is TRUE according to the text? | Sal Monella is a poisonous gangster hell bent on infection, and a pimple is a power-mad oil gland. That's life-and a quirky twist on salmonella and acne-in the animated world of Ozzy & Drix, part of the WB network's Saturday-morning lineup. This was the first season for what might be called a" smartoon." It was in the top programs among kids ages 2 to 11. And it's coming back this fall.
Instead of battling mystical monsters, Ozzy & Drix cleverly personifies body parts-a muscle cell is a police chief-to teach kids about their bodies. Rather than lecture kids about smoking, Ozzy & Drix turns nicotine into Nick O'Teen, a smarmy villain with long claws that hook into brains and cause addictions. Bad guys like Nick are taken down by the title stars: Osmosis" Ozzy" Jones, a street-smart white blood cell, and Drix, an uptight but intelligent cold pill with a chest full of medicine. White blood cells help fight infection, and Drix is a medicine chest. Get it?
Ozzy & Drix makes a point of tackling" issues that are very real to the day-to-day lives of kids," says David Foster, a Harvard University internist who helps develop story lines for the show. " We hope they take an interest in what is going on inside them." That's why all the action occurs within 13-year-old Hector, who contracts diseases, encounters peer pressure, and even drinks spoiled milk. " This poor kid has been through a lot," says Producer Alan Burnett.
Pun fun. The slap-your-knee, ba-dum-dum humor takes many forms. Ozzy and Drix set up a detective firm behind Hector's cornea-they're" private eyes" -to ensure him a safe adolescence. Blood cells race like cars through Hector's arteries and past a" roadside" billboard reading" Peace for the Middle Ear." There's a rock concert at the Diaphragm Club featuring the band Metabolica. Ozzy and Drix drive a Cel Camino.
" This is a very interesting direction for broadcasters to take," says Sandra Calvert, a psychologist and director of the Children's Digital Media Center at Georgetown University. " We rarely see someone go after the health area." Kids go for the slapstick and drama while adults are drawn to the puns and parodies, and the dual enjoyment sparks questions and conversation, she says.
Consider an upcoming episode in which Hector eats bad sausage containing parasitic worms. A spoof of jaws begins as his stomach becomes a sea of acid dotted with boats. On one, Ozzy teams up with grizzled Captain Quinine-recalling movie shark hunter Quint and the fact that quinine was once used to treat parasites. Ozzy and the Cap'n blow up the monsters with bicarbonate of soda. A soothing end, not for the worms, but for Hector's upset stomach. | 548.txt | 2 |
[
"how to create humorous effect",
"that health area is worth exploring",
"that dual enjoyment of both kids and adults is the key to Ozzy & Drix's success",
"that kids and adults alike take great fun in Ozzy & Drix"
] | According to Sandra Calvert, broadcasters may learn from Ozzy & Drix _ . | Sal Monella is a poisonous gangster hell bent on infection, and a pimple is a power-mad oil gland. That's life-and a quirky twist on salmonella and acne-in the animated world of Ozzy & Drix, part of the WB network's Saturday-morning lineup. This was the first season for what might be called a" smartoon." It was in the top programs among kids ages 2 to 11. And it's coming back this fall.
Instead of battling mystical monsters, Ozzy & Drix cleverly personifies body parts-a muscle cell is a police chief-to teach kids about their bodies. Rather than lecture kids about smoking, Ozzy & Drix turns nicotine into Nick O'Teen, a smarmy villain with long claws that hook into brains and cause addictions. Bad guys like Nick are taken down by the title stars: Osmosis" Ozzy" Jones, a street-smart white blood cell, and Drix, an uptight but intelligent cold pill with a chest full of medicine. White blood cells help fight infection, and Drix is a medicine chest. Get it?
Ozzy & Drix makes a point of tackling" issues that are very real to the day-to-day lives of kids," says David Foster, a Harvard University internist who helps develop story lines for the show. " We hope they take an interest in what is going on inside them." That's why all the action occurs within 13-year-old Hector, who contracts diseases, encounters peer pressure, and even drinks spoiled milk. " This poor kid has been through a lot," says Producer Alan Burnett.
Pun fun. The slap-your-knee, ba-dum-dum humor takes many forms. Ozzy and Drix set up a detective firm behind Hector's cornea-they're" private eyes" -to ensure him a safe adolescence. Blood cells race like cars through Hector's arteries and past a" roadside" billboard reading" Peace for the Middle Ear." There's a rock concert at the Diaphragm Club featuring the band Metabolica. Ozzy and Drix drive a Cel Camino.
" This is a very interesting direction for broadcasters to take," says Sandra Calvert, a psychologist and director of the Children's Digital Media Center at Georgetown University. " We rarely see someone go after the health area." Kids go for the slapstick and drama while adults are drawn to the puns and parodies, and the dual enjoyment sparks questions and conversation, she says.
Consider an upcoming episode in which Hector eats bad sausage containing parasitic worms. A spoof of jaws begins as his stomach becomes a sea of acid dotted with boats. On one, Ozzy teams up with grizzled Captain Quinine-recalling movie shark hunter Quint and the fact that quinine was once used to treat parasites. Ozzy and the Cap'n blow up the monsters with bicarbonate of soda. A soothing end, not for the worms, but for Hector's upset stomach. | 548.txt | 1 |
[
"Humorous acting.",
"Serious theme.",
"Interesting plot.",
"Instructive stories."
] | Which of the following best defines the word" slapstick" （Line 3, Paragraph 5）? | Sal Monella is a poisonous gangster hell bent on infection, and a pimple is a power-mad oil gland. That's life-and a quirky twist on salmonella and acne-in the animated world of Ozzy & Drix, part of the WB network's Saturday-morning lineup. This was the first season for what might be called a" smartoon." It was in the top programs among kids ages 2 to 11. And it's coming back this fall.
Instead of battling mystical monsters, Ozzy & Drix cleverly personifies body parts-a muscle cell is a police chief-to teach kids about their bodies. Rather than lecture kids about smoking, Ozzy & Drix turns nicotine into Nick O'Teen, a smarmy villain with long claws that hook into brains and cause addictions. Bad guys like Nick are taken down by the title stars: Osmosis" Ozzy" Jones, a street-smart white blood cell, and Drix, an uptight but intelligent cold pill with a chest full of medicine. White blood cells help fight infection, and Drix is a medicine chest. Get it?
Ozzy & Drix makes a point of tackling" issues that are very real to the day-to-day lives of kids," says David Foster, a Harvard University internist who helps develop story lines for the show. " We hope they take an interest in what is going on inside them." That's why all the action occurs within 13-year-old Hector, who contracts diseases, encounters peer pressure, and even drinks spoiled milk. " This poor kid has been through a lot," says Producer Alan Burnett.
Pun fun. The slap-your-knee, ba-dum-dum humor takes many forms. Ozzy and Drix set up a detective firm behind Hector's cornea-they're" private eyes" -to ensure him a safe adolescence. Blood cells race like cars through Hector's arteries and past a" roadside" billboard reading" Peace for the Middle Ear." There's a rock concert at the Diaphragm Club featuring the band Metabolica. Ozzy and Drix drive a Cel Camino.
" This is a very interesting direction for broadcasters to take," says Sandra Calvert, a psychologist and director of the Children's Digital Media Center at Georgetown University. " We rarely see someone go after the health area." Kids go for the slapstick and drama while adults are drawn to the puns and parodies, and the dual enjoyment sparks questions and conversation, she says.
Consider an upcoming episode in which Hector eats bad sausage containing parasitic worms. A spoof of jaws begins as his stomach becomes a sea of acid dotted with boats. On one, Ozzy teams up with grizzled Captain Quinine-recalling movie shark hunter Quint and the fact that quinine was once used to treat parasites. Ozzy and the Cap'n blow up the monsters with bicarbonate of soda. A soothing end, not for the worms, but for Hector's upset stomach. | 548.txt | 0 |
[
"how the cartoon is plotted",
"how children feel when they fall ill",
"the pun and humor in the cartoon",
"the way children can be educated"
] | The author uses the episode in which Hector eats bad sausage containing parasitic worms to show _ . | Sal Monella is a poisonous gangster hell bent on infection, and a pimple is a power-mad oil gland. That's life-and a quirky twist on salmonella and acne-in the animated world of Ozzy & Drix, part of the WB network's Saturday-morning lineup. This was the first season for what might be called a" smartoon." It was in the top programs among kids ages 2 to 11. And it's coming back this fall.
Instead of battling mystical monsters, Ozzy & Drix cleverly personifies body parts-a muscle cell is a police chief-to teach kids about their bodies. Rather than lecture kids about smoking, Ozzy & Drix turns nicotine into Nick O'Teen, a smarmy villain with long claws that hook into brains and cause addictions. Bad guys like Nick are taken down by the title stars: Osmosis" Ozzy" Jones, a street-smart white blood cell, and Drix, an uptight but intelligent cold pill with a chest full of medicine. White blood cells help fight infection, and Drix is a medicine chest. Get it?
Ozzy & Drix makes a point of tackling" issues that are very real to the day-to-day lives of kids," says David Foster, a Harvard University internist who helps develop story lines for the show. " We hope they take an interest in what is going on inside them." That's why all the action occurs within 13-year-old Hector, who contracts diseases, encounters peer pressure, and even drinks spoiled milk. " This poor kid has been through a lot," says Producer Alan Burnett.
Pun fun. The slap-your-knee, ba-dum-dum humor takes many forms. Ozzy and Drix set up a detective firm behind Hector's cornea-they're" private eyes" -to ensure him a safe adolescence. Blood cells race like cars through Hector's arteries and past a" roadside" billboard reading" Peace for the Middle Ear." There's a rock concert at the Diaphragm Club featuring the band Metabolica. Ozzy and Drix drive a Cel Camino.
" This is a very interesting direction for broadcasters to take," says Sandra Calvert, a psychologist and director of the Children's Digital Media Center at Georgetown University. " We rarely see someone go after the health area." Kids go for the slapstick and drama while adults are drawn to the puns and parodies, and the dual enjoyment sparks questions and conversation, she says.
Consider an upcoming episode in which Hector eats bad sausage containing parasitic worms. A spoof of jaws begins as his stomach becomes a sea of acid dotted with boats. On one, Ozzy teams up with grizzled Captain Quinine-recalling movie shark hunter Quint and the fact that quinine was once used to treat parasites. Ozzy and the Cap'n blow up the monsters with bicarbonate of soda. A soothing end, not for the worms, but for Hector's upset stomach. | 548.txt | 2 |
[
"They made some improvements on the traditional Parisian design.",
"They formulated a dress code with distinctive American features.",
"They came up with a brand new set of design procedures.",
"They made originality a top priority in their fashion design."
] | What contribution did the women designers make to American fashion? | We live today indebted to McCardell, Cashin, Hawes, Wilkins, and Maxwell, and other women who liberated American fashion from the confines of Parisian design. Independence came in tying, wrapping, storing, harmonizing, and rationalizing that wardrobe. These designers established the modem dress code, letting playsuits and other active wear outfits suffice for casual clothing, allowing pants to enter the wardrobe, and prizing rationalism and versatility in dress, in contradiction to dressing for an occasion or allotment of the day. Fashion in America was logical and answerable to the will of the women who wore it. Implicitly or explicitly, American fashion addressed a democracy, whereas traditional Paris-based fashion was prescriptive and imposed on women, willing or not.
In an earlier time, American fashion had also followed the dictates of Paris, or even copied and pirated specific French designs. Designer sportswear was not modeled on that of Europe, as "modem art" would later be; it was genuinely invented and developed in America. Its designers were not high-end with supplementary lines. The design objective and the business commitment were to sportswear, and the distinctive traits were problem-solving ingenuity and realistic lifestyle applications. Ease of care was most important: summer dresses and outfits, in particular, were chiefly cotton, readily capable of being washed and pressed at home. Closings were simple, practical, and accessible, as the modem woman depended on no personal maid to dress her. American designers prized resourcefulness and the freedom of women who wore the clothing.
Many have argued that the women designers of this time were able to project their own clothing values into a new style. Of course, much of this argument in the 1930s-40s was advanced because there was little or no experience in justifying apparel on the basis of utility. If Paris was cast aside, the tradition of beauty was also to some degree slighted. Designer sportswear would have to be verified by a standard other than that of pure beauty; the emulation of a designer's life in designer sportswear was a crude version of this relationship. The consumer was ultimately to be mentioned as well, especially by the likes of Dorothy Shaver, who could point to the sales figures at Lord & Taylor.
Could utility alone justify the new ideas of the American designers? Fashion is often regarded as a pursuit of beauty, and some cherished fashion's trivial relationship to the fine arts. What the designers of the American sportswear proved was that fashion is a genuine design art, answering to the demanding needs of service. Of course these practical, insightful designers have determined the course of late twentieth-century fashion. They were the pioneers of gender equity, in their useful, adaptable clothing, which was both made for the masses and capable of self-expression. | 1905.txt | 1 |
[
"It imitated the European model.",
"It laid emphasis on women's beauty.",
"It represented genuine American art.",
"It was a completely new invention."
] | What do we learn about American designer sportswear? | We live today indebted to McCardell, Cashin, Hawes, Wilkins, and Maxwell, and other women who liberated American fashion from the confines of Parisian design. Independence came in tying, wrapping, storing, harmonizing, and rationalizing that wardrobe. These designers established the modem dress code, letting playsuits and other active wear outfits suffice for casual clothing, allowing pants to enter the wardrobe, and prizing rationalism and versatility in dress, in contradiction to dressing for an occasion or allotment of the day. Fashion in America was logical and answerable to the will of the women who wore it. Implicitly or explicitly, American fashion addressed a democracy, whereas traditional Paris-based fashion was prescriptive and imposed on women, willing or not.
In an earlier time, American fashion had also followed the dictates of Paris, or even copied and pirated specific French designs. Designer sportswear was not modeled on that of Europe, as "modem art" would later be; it was genuinely invented and developed in America. Its designers were not high-end with supplementary lines. The design objective and the business commitment were to sportswear, and the distinctive traits were problem-solving ingenuity and realistic lifestyle applications. Ease of care was most important: summer dresses and outfits, in particular, were chiefly cotton, readily capable of being washed and pressed at home. Closings were simple, practical, and accessible, as the modem woman depended on no personal maid to dress her. American designers prized resourcefulness and the freedom of women who wore the clothing.
Many have argued that the women designers of this time were able to project their own clothing values into a new style. Of course, much of this argument in the 1930s-40s was advanced because there was little or no experience in justifying apparel on the basis of utility. If Paris was cast aside, the tradition of beauty was also to some degree slighted. Designer sportswear would have to be verified by a standard other than that of pure beauty; the emulation of a designer's life in designer sportswear was a crude version of this relationship. The consumer was ultimately to be mentioned as well, especially by the likes of Dorothy Shaver, who could point to the sales figures at Lord & Taylor.
Could utility alone justify the new ideas of the American designers? Fashion is often regarded as a pursuit of beauty, and some cherished fashion's trivial relationship to the fine arts. What the designers of the American sportswear proved was that fashion is a genuine design art, answering to the demanding needs of service. Of course these practical, insightful designers have determined the course of late twentieth-century fashion. They were the pioneers of gender equity, in their useful, adaptable clothing, which was both made for the masses and capable of self-expression. | 1905.txt | 3 |
[
"Pursuit of beauty.",
"Decorative closings.",
"Ease of care.",
"Fabric quality."
] | What characterized American designer sportswear? | We live today indebted to McCardell, Cashin, Hawes, Wilkins, and Maxwell, and other women who liberated American fashion from the confines of Parisian design. Independence came in tying, wrapping, storing, harmonizing, and rationalizing that wardrobe. These designers established the modem dress code, letting playsuits and other active wear outfits suffice for casual clothing, allowing pants to enter the wardrobe, and prizing rationalism and versatility in dress, in contradiction to dressing for an occasion or allotment of the day. Fashion in America was logical and answerable to the will of the women who wore it. Implicitly or explicitly, American fashion addressed a democracy, whereas traditional Paris-based fashion was prescriptive and imposed on women, willing or not.
In an earlier time, American fashion had also followed the dictates of Paris, or even copied and pirated specific French designs. Designer sportswear was not modeled on that of Europe, as "modem art" would later be; it was genuinely invented and developed in America. Its designers were not high-end with supplementary lines. The design objective and the business commitment were to sportswear, and the distinctive traits were problem-solving ingenuity and realistic lifestyle applications. Ease of care was most important: summer dresses and outfits, in particular, were chiefly cotton, readily capable of being washed and pressed at home. Closings were simple, practical, and accessible, as the modem woman depended on no personal maid to dress her. American designers prized resourcefulness and the freedom of women who wore the clothing.
Many have argued that the women designers of this time were able to project their own clothing values into a new style. Of course, much of this argument in the 1930s-40s was advanced because there was little or no experience in justifying apparel on the basis of utility. If Paris was cast aside, the tradition of beauty was also to some degree slighted. Designer sportswear would have to be verified by a standard other than that of pure beauty; the emulation of a designer's life in designer sportswear was a crude version of this relationship. The consumer was ultimately to be mentioned as well, especially by the likes of Dorothy Shaver, who could point to the sales figures at Lord & Taylor.
Could utility alone justify the new ideas of the American designers? Fashion is often regarded as a pursuit of beauty, and some cherished fashion's trivial relationship to the fine arts. What the designers of the American sportswear proved was that fashion is a genuine design art, answering to the demanding needs of service. Of course these practical, insightful designers have determined the course of late twentieth-century fashion. They were the pioneers of gender equity, in their useful, adaptable clothing, which was both made for the masses and capable of self-expression. | 1905.txt | 2 |
[
"A shift of emphasis from beauty to utility.",
"The emulation of traditional Parisian design.",
"A search for balance between tradition and novelty.",
"The involvement of more women in fashion design."
] | What occurred in the design of women's apparel in America during the 1930s-40s? | We live today indebted to McCardell, Cashin, Hawes, Wilkins, and Maxwell, and other women who liberated American fashion from the confines of Parisian design. Independence came in tying, wrapping, storing, harmonizing, and rationalizing that wardrobe. These designers established the modem dress code, letting playsuits and other active wear outfits suffice for casual clothing, allowing pants to enter the wardrobe, and prizing rationalism and versatility in dress, in contradiction to dressing for an occasion or allotment of the day. Fashion in America was logical and answerable to the will of the women who wore it. Implicitly or explicitly, American fashion addressed a democracy, whereas traditional Paris-based fashion was prescriptive and imposed on women, willing or not.
In an earlier time, American fashion had also followed the dictates of Paris, or even copied and pirated specific French designs. Designer sportswear was not modeled on that of Europe, as "modem art" would later be; it was genuinely invented and developed in America. Its designers were not high-end with supplementary lines. The design objective and the business commitment were to sportswear, and the distinctive traits were problem-solving ingenuity and realistic lifestyle applications. Ease of care was most important: summer dresses and outfits, in particular, were chiefly cotton, readily capable of being washed and pressed at home. Closings were simple, practical, and accessible, as the modem woman depended on no personal maid to dress her. American designers prized resourcefulness and the freedom of women who wore the clothing.
Many have argued that the women designers of this time were able to project their own clothing values into a new style. Of course, much of this argument in the 1930s-40s was advanced because there was little or no experience in justifying apparel on the basis of utility. If Paris was cast aside, the tradition of beauty was also to some degree slighted. Designer sportswear would have to be verified by a standard other than that of pure beauty; the emulation of a designer's life in designer sportswear was a crude version of this relationship. The consumer was ultimately to be mentioned as well, especially by the likes of Dorothy Shaver, who could point to the sales figures at Lord & Taylor.
Could utility alone justify the new ideas of the American designers? Fashion is often regarded as a pursuit of beauty, and some cherished fashion's trivial relationship to the fine arts. What the designers of the American sportswear proved was that fashion is a genuine design art, answering to the demanding needs of service. Of course these practical, insightful designers have determined the course of late twentieth-century fashion. They were the pioneers of gender equity, in their useful, adaptable clothing, which was both made for the masses and capable of self-expression. | 1905.txt | 0 |
[
"They catered to the taste of the younger generation.",
"They radically changed people's concept of beauty.",
"They advocated equity between men and women.",
"They became rivals of their Parisian counterparts."
] | What do we learn about designers of American sportswear? | We live today indebted to McCardell, Cashin, Hawes, Wilkins, and Maxwell, and other women who liberated American fashion from the confines of Parisian design. Independence came in tying, wrapping, storing, harmonizing, and rationalizing that wardrobe. These designers established the modem dress code, letting playsuits and other active wear outfits suffice for casual clothing, allowing pants to enter the wardrobe, and prizing rationalism and versatility in dress, in contradiction to dressing for an occasion or allotment of the day. Fashion in America was logical and answerable to the will of the women who wore it. Implicitly or explicitly, American fashion addressed a democracy, whereas traditional Paris-based fashion was prescriptive and imposed on women, willing or not.
In an earlier time, American fashion had also followed the dictates of Paris, or even copied and pirated specific French designs. Designer sportswear was not modeled on that of Europe, as "modem art" would later be; it was genuinely invented and developed in America. Its designers were not high-end with supplementary lines. The design objective and the business commitment were to sportswear, and the distinctive traits were problem-solving ingenuity and realistic lifestyle applications. Ease of care was most important: summer dresses and outfits, in particular, were chiefly cotton, readily capable of being washed and pressed at home. Closings were simple, practical, and accessible, as the modem woman depended on no personal maid to dress her. American designers prized resourcefulness and the freedom of women who wore the clothing.
Many have argued that the women designers of this time were able to project their own clothing values into a new style. Of course, much of this argument in the 1930s-40s was advanced because there was little or no experience in justifying apparel on the basis of utility. If Paris was cast aside, the tradition of beauty was also to some degree slighted. Designer sportswear would have to be verified by a standard other than that of pure beauty; the emulation of a designer's life in designer sportswear was a crude version of this relationship. The consumer was ultimately to be mentioned as well, especially by the likes of Dorothy Shaver, who could point to the sales figures at Lord & Taylor.
Could utility alone justify the new ideas of the American designers? Fashion is often regarded as a pursuit of beauty, and some cherished fashion's trivial relationship to the fine arts. What the designers of the American sportswear proved was that fashion is a genuine design art, answering to the demanding needs of service. Of course these practical, insightful designers have determined the course of late twentieth-century fashion. They were the pioneers of gender equity, in their useful, adaptable clothing, which was both made for the masses and capable of self-expression. | 1905.txt | 2 |
[
"Improve their work efficiency.",
"Add to their sustained happiness.",
"Help them build a positive attitude towards life.",
"Lessen their concerns about material well-being."
] | According to one study, what do green spaces do to people? | Living in an urban area with green spaces has a long-lasting positive impact on people's mental well-being, a study has suggested. UK researchers found moving to a green space had a sustained positive effect, unlike pay rises or promotions, which only provided a short-term boost. Co-author Mathew White, from the University of Exeter, UK, explained that the study showed people living in greener urban areas were displaying fewer signs of depression or anxiety. "There could be a number of reasons," he said, "for example, people do many things to make themselves happier: they strive for promotion or pay rises, or they get married. But the trouble with those things is that within six months to a year, people are back to their original baseline levels of well-being. So, these things are not sustainable; they don't make us happy in the long term. We found that for some lottery winners who had won more than ￡500,000 the positive effect was definitely there, but after six months to a year, they were back to the baseline."
Dr. White said his team wanted to see whether living in greener urban areas had a lasting positive effect on people's sense of well-being or whether the effect also disappeared after a period of time. To do this, the team used data from the British Household Panel Survey compiled by the University of Essex.
Explaining what the data revealed, he said: "What you see is that even after three years, mental health is still better, which is unlike many other things that we think will make us happy." He observed that people living in green spaces were less stressed, and less stressed people made more sensible decisions and communicated better.
With a growing body of evidence establishing a link between urban green spaces and a positive impact on human well-being, Dr. White said, "There's growing interest among public policy officials, but the trouble is who funds it. What we really need at a policy level is to decide where the money will come from to help support good quality local green spaces." | 2387.txt | 1 |
[
"Earn more money.",
"Settle in an urban area.",
"Gain fame and popularity.",
"Live in a green environment."
] | What does Dr. White say people usually do to make themselves happier? | Living in an urban area with green spaces has a long-lasting positive impact on people's mental well-being, a study has suggested. UK researchers found moving to a green space had a sustained positive effect, unlike pay rises or promotions, which only provided a short-term boost. Co-author Mathew White, from the University of Exeter, UK, explained that the study showed people living in greener urban areas were displaying fewer signs of depression or anxiety. "There could be a number of reasons," he said, "for example, people do many things to make themselves happier: they strive for promotion or pay rises, or they get married. But the trouble with those things is that within six months to a year, people are back to their original baseline levels of well-being. So, these things are not sustainable; they don't make us happy in the long term. We found that for some lottery winners who had won more than ￡500,000 the positive effect was definitely there, but after six months to a year, they were back to the baseline."
Dr. White said his team wanted to see whether living in greener urban areas had a lasting positive effect on people's sense of well-being or whether the effect also disappeared after a period of time. To do this, the team used data from the British Household Panel Survey compiled by the University of Essex.
Explaining what the data revealed, he said: "What you see is that even after three years, mental health is still better, which is unlike many other things that we think will make us happy." He observed that people living in green spaces were less stressed, and less stressed people made more sensible decisions and communicated better.
With a growing body of evidence establishing a link between urban green spaces and a positive impact on human well-being, Dr. White said, "There's growing interest among public policy officials, but the trouble is who funds it. What we really need at a policy level is to decide where the money will come from to help support good quality local green spaces." | 2387.txt | 0 |
[
"How it affects different people.",
"How strong its positive effect is.",
"How long its positive effect lasts.",
"How it benefits people physically."
] | What does Dr. White try to find out about living in a greener urban area? | Living in an urban area with green spaces has a long-lasting positive impact on people's mental well-being, a study has suggested. UK researchers found moving to a green space had a sustained positive effect, unlike pay rises or promotions, which only provided a short-term boost. Co-author Mathew White, from the University of Exeter, UK, explained that the study showed people living in greener urban areas were displaying fewer signs of depression or anxiety. "There could be a number of reasons," he said, "for example, people do many things to make themselves happier: they strive for promotion or pay rises, or they get married. But the trouble with those things is that within six months to a year, people are back to their original baseline levels of well-being. So, these things are not sustainable; they don't make us happy in the long term. We found that for some lottery winners who had won more than ￡500,000 the positive effect was definitely there, but after six months to a year, they were back to the baseline."
Dr. White said his team wanted to see whether living in greener urban areas had a lasting positive effect on people's sense of well-being or whether the effect also disappeared after a period of time. To do this, the team used data from the British Household Panel Survey compiled by the University of Essex.
Explaining what the data revealed, he said: "What you see is that even after three years, mental health is still better, which is unlike many other things that we think will make us happy." He observed that people living in green spaces were less stressed, and less stressed people made more sensible decisions and communicated better.
With a growing body of evidence establishing a link between urban green spaces and a positive impact on human well-being, Dr. White said, "There's growing interest among public policy officials, but the trouble is who funds it. What we really need at a policy level is to decide where the money will come from to help support good quality local green spaces." | 2387.txt | 2 |
[
"Their stress was more apparent than real.",
"Their decisions required less deliberation.",
"Their memories were greatly strengthened.",
"Their communication with others improved."
] | What did Dr. White's research reveal about people living in a green environment? | Living in an urban area with green spaces has a long-lasting positive impact on people's mental well-being, a study has suggested. UK researchers found moving to a green space had a sustained positive effect, unlike pay rises or promotions, which only provided a short-term boost. Co-author Mathew White, from the University of Exeter, UK, explained that the study showed people living in greener urban areas were displaying fewer signs of depression or anxiety. "There could be a number of reasons," he said, "for example, people do many things to make themselves happier: they strive for promotion or pay rises, or they get married. But the trouble with those things is that within six months to a year, people are back to their original baseline levels of well-being. So, these things are not sustainable; they don't make us happy in the long term. We found that for some lottery winners who had won more than ￡500,000 the positive effect was definitely there, but after six months to a year, they were back to the baseline."
Dr. White said his team wanted to see whether living in greener urban areas had a lasting positive effect on people's sense of well-being or whether the effect also disappeared after a period of time. To do this, the team used data from the British Household Panel Survey compiled by the University of Essex.
Explaining what the data revealed, he said: "What you see is that even after three years, mental health is still better, which is unlike many other things that we think will make us happy." He observed that people living in green spaces were less stressed, and less stressed people made more sensible decisions and communicated better.
With a growing body of evidence establishing a link between urban green spaces and a positive impact on human well-being, Dr. White said, "There's growing interest among public policy officials, but the trouble is who funds it. What we really need at a policy level is to decide where the money will come from to help support good quality local green spaces." | 2387.txt | 3 |
[
"Find financial support.",
"Improve urban planning.",
"Involve local residents in the effort.",
"Raise public awareness of the issue."
] | According to Dr. White, what should the government do to build more green spaces in cities? | Living in an urban area with green spaces has a long-lasting positive impact on people's mental well-being, a study has suggested. UK researchers found moving to a green space had a sustained positive effect, unlike pay rises or promotions, which only provided a short-term boost. Co-author Mathew White, from the University of Exeter, UK, explained that the study showed people living in greener urban areas were displaying fewer signs of depression or anxiety. "There could be a number of reasons," he said, "for example, people do many things to make themselves happier: they strive for promotion or pay rises, or they get married. But the trouble with those things is that within six months to a year, people are back to their original baseline levels of well-being. So, these things are not sustainable; they don't make us happy in the long term. We found that for some lottery winners who had won more than ￡500,000 the positive effect was definitely there, but after six months to a year, they were back to the baseline."
Dr. White said his team wanted to see whether living in greener urban areas had a lasting positive effect on people's sense of well-being or whether the effect also disappeared after a period of time. To do this, the team used data from the British Household Panel Survey compiled by the University of Essex.
Explaining what the data revealed, he said: "What you see is that even after three years, mental health is still better, which is unlike many other things that we think will make us happy." He observed that people living in green spaces were less stressed, and less stressed people made more sensible decisions and communicated better.
With a growing body of evidence establishing a link between urban green spaces and a positive impact on human well-being, Dr. White said, "There's growing interest among public policy officials, but the trouble is who funds it. What we really need at a policy level is to decide where the money will come from to help support good quality local green spaces." | 2387.txt | 0 |
[
"interest.",
"status.",
"demand.",
"profit."
] | The word "prestige" in the passage(Paragraph 1) is closest in meaning to | Pastoralism is a lifestyle in which economic activity is based primarily on livestock. Archaeological evidence suggests that by 3000 B.C., and perhaps even earlier, there had emerged on the steppes of Inner Eurasia the distinctive types of pastoralism that were to dominate the region's history for several millennia. Here, the horse was already becoming the animal of prestige in many regions, though sheep, goats, and cattle could also play a vital role. It is the use of horses for transportation and warfare that explains why Inner Eurasian pastoralism proved the most mobile and the most militaristic of all major forms of pastoralism. The emergence and spread of pastoralism had a profound impact on the history of Inner Eurasia, and also, indirectly, on the parts of Asia and Europe just outside this area. In particular, pastoralism favors a mobile lifestyle, and this mobility helps to explain the impact of pastoralist societies on this part of the world.
The mobility of pastoralist societies reflects their dependence on animal-based foods. While agriculturalists rely on domesticated plants, pastoralists rely on domesticated animals. As a result, pastoralists, like carnivores in general, occupy a higher position on the food chain. All else being equal, this means they must exploit larger areas of land than do agriculturalists to secure the same amount of food, clothing, and other necessities. So pastoralism is a more extensive lifeway than farming is. However, the larger the terrain used to support a group, the harder it is to exploit that terrain while remaining in one place. So, basic ecological principles imply a strong tendency within pastoralist lifeways toward nomadism (a mobile lifestyle). As the archaeologist Roger Cribb puts it, "The greater the degree of pastoralism, the stronger the tendency toward nomadism." A modern Turkic nomad interviewed by Cribb commented: "The more animals you have, the farther you have to move."
Nomadism has further consequences. It means that pastoralist societies occupy and can influence very large territories. This is particularly true of the horse pastoralism that emerged in the Inner Eurasian steppes, for this was the most mobile of all major forms of pastoralism. So, it is no accident that with the appearance of pastoralist societies there appear large areas that share similar cultural, ecological, and even linguistic features. By the late fourth millennium B.C., there is already evidence of large culture zones reaching from Eastern Europe to the western borders of Mongolia. Perhaps the most striking sign of mobility is the fact that by the third millennium B.C., most pastoralists in this huge region spoke related languages ancestral to the modern Indo-European languages. The remarkable mobility and range of pastoral societies explain, in part, why so many linguists have argued that the Indo-European languages began their astonishing expansionist career not among farmers in Anatolia (present-day Turkey), but among early pastoralists from Inner Eurasia. Such theories imply that the Indo-European languages evolved not in Neolithic (10,000 to 3,000 B.C.) Anatolia, but among the foraging communities of the cultures in the region of the Don and Dnieper rivers, which took up stock breeding and began to exploit the neighboring steppes.
Nomadism also subjects pastoralist communities to strict rules of portability. If you are constantly on the move, you cannot afford to accumulate large material surpluses. Such rules limit variations in accumulated material goods between pastoralist households (though they may also encourage a taste for portable goods of high value such as silks or jewelry). So, by and large, nomadism implies a high degree of self-sufficiency and inhibits the appearance of an extensive division of labor. Inequalities of wealth and rank certainly exist, and have probably existed in most pastoralist societies, but except in periods of military conquest, they are normally too slight to generate the stable, hereditary hierarchies that are usually implied by the use of the term class. Inequalities of gender have also existed in pastoralist societies, but they seem to have been softened by the absence of steep hierarchies of wealth in most communities, and also by the requirement that women acquire most of the skills of men, including, often, their military skills. | 771.txt | 1 |
[
"It involved the domestication of several types of animals.",
"It was based primarily on horses rather than on other animals.",
"It borrowed and improved upon European ideas for mobility and warfare.",
"It could be adapted to a wide variety of environments."
] | According to paragraph 1, what made it possible for Inner Eurasian pastoralism to become the most mobile and militaristic form of pastoralism? | Pastoralism is a lifestyle in which economic activity is based primarily on livestock. Archaeological evidence suggests that by 3000 B.C., and perhaps even earlier, there had emerged on the steppes of Inner Eurasia the distinctive types of pastoralism that were to dominate the region's history for several millennia. Here, the horse was already becoming the animal of prestige in many regions, though sheep, goats, and cattle could also play a vital role. It is the use of horses for transportation and warfare that explains why Inner Eurasian pastoralism proved the most mobile and the most militaristic of all major forms of pastoralism. The emergence and spread of pastoralism had a profound impact on the history of Inner Eurasia, and also, indirectly, on the parts of Asia and Europe just outside this area. In particular, pastoralism favors a mobile lifestyle, and this mobility helps to explain the impact of pastoralist societies on this part of the world.
The mobility of pastoralist societies reflects their dependence on animal-based foods. While agriculturalists rely on domesticated plants, pastoralists rely on domesticated animals. As a result, pastoralists, like carnivores in general, occupy a higher position on the food chain. All else being equal, this means they must exploit larger areas of land than do agriculturalists to secure the same amount of food, clothing, and other necessities. So pastoralism is a more extensive lifeway than farming is. However, the larger the terrain used to support a group, the harder it is to exploit that terrain while remaining in one place. So, basic ecological principles imply a strong tendency within pastoralist lifeways toward nomadism (a mobile lifestyle). As the archaeologist Roger Cribb puts it, "The greater the degree of pastoralism, the stronger the tendency toward nomadism." A modern Turkic nomad interviewed by Cribb commented: "The more animals you have, the farther you have to move."
Nomadism has further consequences. It means that pastoralist societies occupy and can influence very large territories. This is particularly true of the horse pastoralism that emerged in the Inner Eurasian steppes, for this was the most mobile of all major forms of pastoralism. So, it is no accident that with the appearance of pastoralist societies there appear large areas that share similar cultural, ecological, and even linguistic features. By the late fourth millennium B.C., there is already evidence of large culture zones reaching from Eastern Europe to the western borders of Mongolia. Perhaps the most striking sign of mobility is the fact that by the third millennium B.C., most pastoralists in this huge region spoke related languages ancestral to the modern Indo-European languages. The remarkable mobility and range of pastoral societies explain, in part, why so many linguists have argued that the Indo-European languages began their astonishing expansionist career not among farmers in Anatolia (present-day Turkey), but among early pastoralists from Inner Eurasia. Such theories imply that the Indo-European languages evolved not in Neolithic (10,000 to 3,000 B.C.) Anatolia, but among the foraging communities of the cultures in the region of the Don and Dnieper rivers, which took up stock breeding and began to exploit the neighboring steppes.
Nomadism also subjects pastoralist communities to strict rules of portability. If you are constantly on the move, you cannot afford to accumulate large material surpluses. Such rules limit variations in accumulated material goods between pastoralist households (though they may also encourage a taste for portable goods of high value such as silks or jewelry). So, by and large, nomadism implies a high degree of self-sufficiency and inhibits the appearance of an extensive division of labor. Inequalities of wealth and rank certainly exist, and have probably existed in most pastoralist societies, but except in periods of military conquest, they are normally too slight to generate the stable, hereditary hierarchies that are usually implied by the use of the term class. Inequalities of gender have also existed in pastoralist societies, but they seem to have been softened by the absence of steep hierarchies of wealth in most communities, and also by the requirement that women acquire most of the skills of men, including, often, their military skills. | 771.txt | 1 |
[
"strange.",
"positive.",
"direct.",
"far-reaching."
] | The word "profound"in the passage(Paragraph 1)is closest in meaning to | Pastoralism is a lifestyle in which economic activity is based primarily on livestock. Archaeological evidence suggests that by 3000 B.C., and perhaps even earlier, there had emerged on the steppes of Inner Eurasia the distinctive types of pastoralism that were to dominate the region's history for several millennia. Here, the horse was already becoming the animal of prestige in many regions, though sheep, goats, and cattle could also play a vital role. It is the use of horses for transportation and warfare that explains why Inner Eurasian pastoralism proved the most mobile and the most militaristic of all major forms of pastoralism. The emergence and spread of pastoralism had a profound impact on the history of Inner Eurasia, and also, indirectly, on the parts of Asia and Europe just outside this area. In particular, pastoralism favors a mobile lifestyle, and this mobility helps to explain the impact of pastoralist societies on this part of the world.
The mobility of pastoralist societies reflects their dependence on animal-based foods. While agriculturalists rely on domesticated plants, pastoralists rely on domesticated animals. As a result, pastoralists, like carnivores in general, occupy a higher position on the food chain. All else being equal, this means they must exploit larger areas of land than do agriculturalists to secure the same amount of food, clothing, and other necessities. So pastoralism is a more extensive lifeway than farming is. However, the larger the terrain used to support a group, the harder it is to exploit that terrain while remaining in one place. So, basic ecological principles imply a strong tendency within pastoralist lifeways toward nomadism (a mobile lifestyle). As the archaeologist Roger Cribb puts it, "The greater the degree of pastoralism, the stronger the tendency toward nomadism." A modern Turkic nomad interviewed by Cribb commented: "The more animals you have, the farther you have to move."
Nomadism has further consequences. It means that pastoralist societies occupy and can influence very large territories. This is particularly true of the horse pastoralism that emerged in the Inner Eurasian steppes, for this was the most mobile of all major forms of pastoralism. So, it is no accident that with the appearance of pastoralist societies there appear large areas that share similar cultural, ecological, and even linguistic features. By the late fourth millennium B.C., there is already evidence of large culture zones reaching from Eastern Europe to the western borders of Mongolia. Perhaps the most striking sign of mobility is the fact that by the third millennium B.C., most pastoralists in this huge region spoke related languages ancestral to the modern Indo-European languages. The remarkable mobility and range of pastoral societies explain, in part, why so many linguists have argued that the Indo-European languages began their astonishing expansionist career not among farmers in Anatolia (present-day Turkey), but among early pastoralists from Inner Eurasia. Such theories imply that the Indo-European languages evolved not in Neolithic (10,000 to 3,000 B.C.) Anatolia, but among the foraging communities of the cultures in the region of the Don and Dnieper rivers, which took up stock breeding and began to exploit the neighboring steppes.
Nomadism also subjects pastoralist communities to strict rules of portability. If you are constantly on the move, you cannot afford to accumulate large material surpluses. Such rules limit variations in accumulated material goods between pastoralist households (though they may also encourage a taste for portable goods of high value such as silks or jewelry). So, by and large, nomadism implies a high degree of self-sufficiency and inhibits the appearance of an extensive division of labor. Inequalities of wealth and rank certainly exist, and have probably existed in most pastoralist societies, but except in periods of military conquest, they are normally too slight to generate the stable, hereditary hierarchies that are usually implied by the use of the term class. Inequalities of gender have also existed in pastoralist societies, but they seem to have been softened by the absence of steep hierarchies of wealth in most communities, and also by the requirement that women acquire most of the skills of men, including, often, their military skills. | 771.txt | 3 |
[
"To explain why pastoralism requires more land than agriculturalism to support basic needs.",
"To identify some advantages that mobile societies have over immobile societies.",
"To demonstrate that ecological principles that apply to pastoralism do not apply to agriculturalism.",
"To argue that agriculturalism eventually developed out of pastoralism."
] | In paragraph 2, why does the author contrast pastoralists with agriculturalists? | Pastoralism is a lifestyle in which economic activity is based primarily on livestock. Archaeological evidence suggests that by 3000 B.C., and perhaps even earlier, there had emerged on the steppes of Inner Eurasia the distinctive types of pastoralism that were to dominate the region's history for several millennia. Here, the horse was already becoming the animal of prestige in many regions, though sheep, goats, and cattle could also play a vital role. It is the use of horses for transportation and warfare that explains why Inner Eurasian pastoralism proved the most mobile and the most militaristic of all major forms of pastoralism. The emergence and spread of pastoralism had a profound impact on the history of Inner Eurasia, and also, indirectly, on the parts of Asia and Europe just outside this area. In particular, pastoralism favors a mobile lifestyle, and this mobility helps to explain the impact of pastoralist societies on this part of the world.
The mobility of pastoralist societies reflects their dependence on animal-based foods. While agriculturalists rely on domesticated plants, pastoralists rely on domesticated animals. As a result, pastoralists, like carnivores in general, occupy a higher position on the food chain. All else being equal, this means they must exploit larger areas of land than do agriculturalists to secure the same amount of food, clothing, and other necessities. So pastoralism is a more extensive lifeway than farming is. However, the larger the terrain used to support a group, the harder it is to exploit that terrain while remaining in one place. So, basic ecological principles imply a strong tendency within pastoralist lifeways toward nomadism (a mobile lifestyle). As the archaeologist Roger Cribb puts it, "The greater the degree of pastoralism, the stronger the tendency toward nomadism." A modern Turkic nomad interviewed by Cribb commented: "The more animals you have, the farther you have to move."
Nomadism has further consequences. It means that pastoralist societies occupy and can influence very large territories. This is particularly true of the horse pastoralism that emerged in the Inner Eurasian steppes, for this was the most mobile of all major forms of pastoralism. So, it is no accident that with the appearance of pastoralist societies there appear large areas that share similar cultural, ecological, and even linguistic features. By the late fourth millennium B.C., there is already evidence of large culture zones reaching from Eastern Europe to the western borders of Mongolia. Perhaps the most striking sign of mobility is the fact that by the third millennium B.C., most pastoralists in this huge region spoke related languages ancestral to the modern Indo-European languages. The remarkable mobility and range of pastoral societies explain, in part, why so many linguists have argued that the Indo-European languages began their astonishing expansionist career not among farmers in Anatolia (present-day Turkey), but among early pastoralists from Inner Eurasia. Such theories imply that the Indo-European languages evolved not in Neolithic (10,000 to 3,000 B.C.) Anatolia, but among the foraging communities of the cultures in the region of the Don and Dnieper rivers, which took up stock breeding and began to exploit the neighboring steppes.
Nomadism also subjects pastoralist communities to strict rules of portability. If you are constantly on the move, you cannot afford to accumulate large material surpluses. Such rules limit variations in accumulated material goods between pastoralist households (though they may also encourage a taste for portable goods of high value such as silks or jewelry). So, by and large, nomadism implies a high degree of self-sufficiency and inhibits the appearance of an extensive division of labor. Inequalities of wealth and rank certainly exist, and have probably existed in most pastoralist societies, but except in periods of military conquest, they are normally too slight to generate the stable, hereditary hierarchies that are usually implied by the use of the term class. Inequalities of gender have also existed in pastoralist societies, but they seem to have been softened by the absence of steep hierarchies of wealth in most communities, and also by the requirement that women acquire most of the skills of men, including, often, their military skills. | 771.txt | 0 |
[
"prefer grazing their animals on agricultural lands.",
"consume comparatively large amounts of food and clothing.",
"avoid eating plant foods.",
"move from place to place frequently."
] | According to paragraph 2, pastoralists tend to | Pastoralism is a lifestyle in which economic activity is based primarily on livestock. Archaeological evidence suggests that by 3000 B.C., and perhaps even earlier, there had emerged on the steppes of Inner Eurasia the distinctive types of pastoralism that were to dominate the region's history for several millennia. Here, the horse was already becoming the animal of prestige in many regions, though sheep, goats, and cattle could also play a vital role. It is the use of horses for transportation and warfare that explains why Inner Eurasian pastoralism proved the most mobile and the most militaristic of all major forms of pastoralism. The emergence and spread of pastoralism had a profound impact on the history of Inner Eurasia, and also, indirectly, on the parts of Asia and Europe just outside this area. In particular, pastoralism favors a mobile lifestyle, and this mobility helps to explain the impact of pastoralist societies on this part of the world.
The mobility of pastoralist societies reflects their dependence on animal-based foods. While agriculturalists rely on domesticated plants, pastoralists rely on domesticated animals. As a result, pastoralists, like carnivores in general, occupy a higher position on the food chain. All else being equal, this means they must exploit larger areas of land than do agriculturalists to secure the same amount of food, clothing, and other necessities. So pastoralism is a more extensive lifeway than farming is. However, the larger the terrain used to support a group, the harder it is to exploit that terrain while remaining in one place. So, basic ecological principles imply a strong tendency within pastoralist lifeways toward nomadism (a mobile lifestyle). As the archaeologist Roger Cribb puts it, "The greater the degree of pastoralism, the stronger the tendency toward nomadism." A modern Turkic nomad interviewed by Cribb commented: "The more animals you have, the farther you have to move."
Nomadism has further consequences. It means that pastoralist societies occupy and can influence very large territories. This is particularly true of the horse pastoralism that emerged in the Inner Eurasian steppes, for this was the most mobile of all major forms of pastoralism. So, it is no accident that with the appearance of pastoralist societies there appear large areas that share similar cultural, ecological, and even linguistic features. By the late fourth millennium B.C., there is already evidence of large culture zones reaching from Eastern Europe to the western borders of Mongolia. Perhaps the most striking sign of mobility is the fact that by the third millennium B.C., most pastoralists in this huge region spoke related languages ancestral to the modern Indo-European languages. The remarkable mobility and range of pastoral societies explain, in part, why so many linguists have argued that the Indo-European languages began their astonishing expansionist career not among farmers in Anatolia (present-day Turkey), but among early pastoralists from Inner Eurasia. Such theories imply that the Indo-European languages evolved not in Neolithic (10,000 to 3,000 B.C.) Anatolia, but among the foraging communities of the cultures in the region of the Don and Dnieper rivers, which took up stock breeding and began to exploit the neighboring steppes.
Nomadism also subjects pastoralist communities to strict rules of portability. If you are constantly on the move, you cannot afford to accumulate large material surpluses. Such rules limit variations in accumulated material goods between pastoralist households (though they may also encourage a taste for portable goods of high value such as silks or jewelry). So, by and large, nomadism implies a high degree of self-sufficiency and inhibits the appearance of an extensive division of labor. Inequalities of wealth and rank certainly exist, and have probably existed in most pastoralist societies, but except in periods of military conquest, they are normally too slight to generate the stable, hereditary hierarchies that are usually implied by the use of the term class. Inequalities of gender have also existed in pastoralist societies, but they seem to have been softened by the absence of steep hierarchies of wealth in most communities, and also by the requirement that women acquire most of the skills of men, including, often, their military skills. | 771.txt | 3 |
[
"To emphasize the frequency with which Indo-European languages changed as a result of the mobile nature of pastoralism.",
"To indicate one method linguists use to determine that inhabitants of the Don and Dnieper river area had taken up stock breeding.",
"To provide evidence that Indo-European languages have their roots in what is now Turkey.",
"To provide evidence that pastoralist societies can exercise cultural influence over a large area."
] | In paragraph3, why does the author discuss languages spoken in the region spanning from Eastern Europe to the western borders of Mongolia? | Pastoralism is a lifestyle in which economic activity is based primarily on livestock. Archaeological evidence suggests that by 3000 B.C., and perhaps even earlier, there had emerged on the steppes of Inner Eurasia the distinctive types of pastoralism that were to dominate the region's history for several millennia. Here, the horse was already becoming the animal of prestige in many regions, though sheep, goats, and cattle could also play a vital role. It is the use of horses for transportation and warfare that explains why Inner Eurasian pastoralism proved the most mobile and the most militaristic of all major forms of pastoralism. The emergence and spread of pastoralism had a profound impact on the history of Inner Eurasia, and also, indirectly, on the parts of Asia and Europe just outside this area. In particular, pastoralism favors a mobile lifestyle, and this mobility helps to explain the impact of pastoralist societies on this part of the world.
The mobility of pastoralist societies reflects their dependence on animal-based foods. While agriculturalists rely on domesticated plants, pastoralists rely on domesticated animals. As a result, pastoralists, like carnivores in general, occupy a higher position on the food chain. All else being equal, this means they must exploit larger areas of land than do agriculturalists to secure the same amount of food, clothing, and other necessities. So pastoralism is a more extensive lifeway than farming is. However, the larger the terrain used to support a group, the harder it is to exploit that terrain while remaining in one place. So, basic ecological principles imply a strong tendency within pastoralist lifeways toward nomadism (a mobile lifestyle). As the archaeologist Roger Cribb puts it, "The greater the degree of pastoralism, the stronger the tendency toward nomadism." A modern Turkic nomad interviewed by Cribb commented: "The more animals you have, the farther you have to move."
Nomadism has further consequences. It means that pastoralist societies occupy and can influence very large territories. This is particularly true of the horse pastoralism that emerged in the Inner Eurasian steppes, for this was the most mobile of all major forms of pastoralism. So, it is no accident that with the appearance of pastoralist societies there appear large areas that share similar cultural, ecological, and even linguistic features. By the late fourth millennium B.C., there is already evidence of large culture zones reaching from Eastern Europe to the western borders of Mongolia. Perhaps the most striking sign of mobility is the fact that by the third millennium B.C., most pastoralists in this huge region spoke related languages ancestral to the modern Indo-European languages. The remarkable mobility and range of pastoral societies explain, in part, why so many linguists have argued that the Indo-European languages began their astonishing expansionist career not among farmers in Anatolia (present-day Turkey), but among early pastoralists from Inner Eurasia. Such theories imply that the Indo-European languages evolved not in Neolithic (10,000 to 3,000 B.C.) Anatolia, but among the foraging communities of the cultures in the region of the Don and Dnieper rivers, which took up stock breeding and began to exploit the neighboring steppes.
Nomadism also subjects pastoralist communities to strict rules of portability. If you are constantly on the move, you cannot afford to accumulate large material surpluses. Such rules limit variations in accumulated material goods between pastoralist households (though they may also encourage a taste for portable goods of high value such as silks or jewelry). So, by and large, nomadism implies a high degree of self-sufficiency and inhibits the appearance of an extensive division of labor. Inequalities of wealth and rank certainly exist, and have probably existed in most pastoralist societies, but except in periods of military conquest, they are normally too slight to generate the stable, hereditary hierarchies that are usually implied by the use of the term class. Inequalities of gender have also existed in pastoralist societies, but they seem to have been softened by the absence of steep hierarchies of wealth in most communities, and also by the requirement that women acquire most of the skills of men, including, often, their military skills. | 771.txt | 3 |
[
"reliable.",
"noticeable.",
"convincing.",
"violent."
] | The word "striking" in the passage(paragraph 3)is closest in meaning to | Pastoralism is a lifestyle in which economic activity is based primarily on livestock. Archaeological evidence suggests that by 3000 B.C., and perhaps even earlier, there had emerged on the steppes of Inner Eurasia the distinctive types of pastoralism that were to dominate the region's history for several millennia. Here, the horse was already becoming the animal of prestige in many regions, though sheep, goats, and cattle could also play a vital role. It is the use of horses for transportation and warfare that explains why Inner Eurasian pastoralism proved the most mobile and the most militaristic of all major forms of pastoralism. The emergence and spread of pastoralism had a profound impact on the history of Inner Eurasia, and also, indirectly, on the parts of Asia and Europe just outside this area. In particular, pastoralism favors a mobile lifestyle, and this mobility helps to explain the impact of pastoralist societies on this part of the world.
The mobility of pastoralist societies reflects their dependence on animal-based foods. While agriculturalists rely on domesticated plants, pastoralists rely on domesticated animals. As a result, pastoralists, like carnivores in general, occupy a higher position on the food chain. All else being equal, this means they must exploit larger areas of land than do agriculturalists to secure the same amount of food, clothing, and other necessities. So pastoralism is a more extensive lifeway than farming is. However, the larger the terrain used to support a group, the harder it is to exploit that terrain while remaining in one place. So, basic ecological principles imply a strong tendency within pastoralist lifeways toward nomadism (a mobile lifestyle). As the archaeologist Roger Cribb puts it, "The greater the degree of pastoralism, the stronger the tendency toward nomadism." A modern Turkic nomad interviewed by Cribb commented: "The more animals you have, the farther you have to move."
Nomadism has further consequences. It means that pastoralist societies occupy and can influence very large territories. This is particularly true of the horse pastoralism that emerged in the Inner Eurasian steppes, for this was the most mobile of all major forms of pastoralism. So, it is no accident that with the appearance of pastoralist societies there appear large areas that share similar cultural, ecological, and even linguistic features. By the late fourth millennium B.C., there is already evidence of large culture zones reaching from Eastern Europe to the western borders of Mongolia. Perhaps the most striking sign of mobility is the fact that by the third millennium B.C., most pastoralists in this huge region spoke related languages ancestral to the modern Indo-European languages. The remarkable mobility and range of pastoral societies explain, in part, why so many linguists have argued that the Indo-European languages began their astonishing expansionist career not among farmers in Anatolia (present-day Turkey), but among early pastoralists from Inner Eurasia. Such theories imply that the Indo-European languages evolved not in Neolithic (10,000 to 3,000 B.C.) Anatolia, but among the foraging communities of the cultures in the region of the Don and Dnieper rivers, which took up stock breeding and began to exploit the neighboring steppes.
Nomadism also subjects pastoralist communities to strict rules of portability. If you are constantly on the move, you cannot afford to accumulate large material surpluses. Such rules limit variations in accumulated material goods between pastoralist households (though they may also encourage a taste for portable goods of high value such as silks or jewelry). So, by and large, nomadism implies a high degree of self-sufficiency and inhibits the appearance of an extensive division of labor. Inequalities of wealth and rank certainly exist, and have probably existed in most pastoralist societies, but except in periods of military conquest, they are normally too slight to generate the stable, hereditary hierarchies that are usually implied by the use of the term class. Inequalities of gender have also existed in pastoralist societies, but they seem to have been softened by the absence of steep hierarchies of wealth in most communities, and also by the requirement that women acquire most of the skills of men, including, often, their military skills. | 771.txt | 1 |
[
"use to advantage.",
"depart from.",
"pay attention to.",
"travel across."
] | The word "exploit" in the passage(paragraph 3)is closest in meaning to | Pastoralism is a lifestyle in which economic activity is based primarily on livestock. Archaeological evidence suggests that by 3000 B.C., and perhaps even earlier, there had emerged on the steppes of Inner Eurasia the distinctive types of pastoralism that were to dominate the region's history for several millennia. Here, the horse was already becoming the animal of prestige in many regions, though sheep, goats, and cattle could also play a vital role. It is the use of horses for transportation and warfare that explains why Inner Eurasian pastoralism proved the most mobile and the most militaristic of all major forms of pastoralism. The emergence and spread of pastoralism had a profound impact on the history of Inner Eurasia, and also, indirectly, on the parts of Asia and Europe just outside this area. In particular, pastoralism favors a mobile lifestyle, and this mobility helps to explain the impact of pastoralist societies on this part of the world.
The mobility of pastoralist societies reflects their dependence on animal-based foods. While agriculturalists rely on domesticated plants, pastoralists rely on domesticated animals. As a result, pastoralists, like carnivores in general, occupy a higher position on the food chain. All else being equal, this means they must exploit larger areas of land than do agriculturalists to secure the same amount of food, clothing, and other necessities. So pastoralism is a more extensive lifeway than farming is. However, the larger the terrain used to support a group, the harder it is to exploit that terrain while remaining in one place. So, basic ecological principles imply a strong tendency within pastoralist lifeways toward nomadism (a mobile lifestyle). As the archaeologist Roger Cribb puts it, "The greater the degree of pastoralism, the stronger the tendency toward nomadism." A modern Turkic nomad interviewed by Cribb commented: "The more animals you have, the farther you have to move."
Nomadism has further consequences. It means that pastoralist societies occupy and can influence very large territories. This is particularly true of the horse pastoralism that emerged in the Inner Eurasian steppes, for this was the most mobile of all major forms of pastoralism. So, it is no accident that with the appearance of pastoralist societies there appear large areas that share similar cultural, ecological, and even linguistic features. By the late fourth millennium B.C., there is already evidence of large culture zones reaching from Eastern Europe to the western borders of Mongolia. Perhaps the most striking sign of mobility is the fact that by the third millennium B.C., most pastoralists in this huge region spoke related languages ancestral to the modern Indo-European languages. The remarkable mobility and range of pastoral societies explain, in part, why so many linguists have argued that the Indo-European languages began their astonishing expansionist career not among farmers in Anatolia (present-day Turkey), but among early pastoralists from Inner Eurasia. Such theories imply that the Indo-European languages evolved not in Neolithic (10,000 to 3,000 B.C.) Anatolia, but among the foraging communities of the cultures in the region of the Don and Dnieper rivers, which took up stock breeding and began to exploit the neighboring steppes.
Nomadism also subjects pastoralist communities to strict rules of portability. If you are constantly on the move, you cannot afford to accumulate large material surpluses. Such rules limit variations in accumulated material goods between pastoralist households (though they may also encourage a taste for portable goods of high value such as silks or jewelry). So, by and large, nomadism implies a high degree of self-sufficiency and inhibits the appearance of an extensive division of labor. Inequalities of wealth and rank certainly exist, and have probably existed in most pastoralist societies, but except in periods of military conquest, they are normally too slight to generate the stable, hereditary hierarchies that are usually implied by the use of the term class. Inequalities of gender have also existed in pastoralist societies, but they seem to have been softened by the absence of steep hierarchies of wealth in most communities, and also by the requirement that women acquire most of the skills of men, including, often, their military skills. | 771.txt | 0 |
[
"relocate less frequently than they would otherwise.",
"have households that are more or less equal in wealth.",
"become self-sufficient in the manufacture of silk and jewelry.",
"share large material surpluses with neighboring communities."
] | According to paragraph 4, the fact that pastoralist communities are subject to "strict rules of portability"(paragraph 4)encourages such communities to | Pastoralism is a lifestyle in which economic activity is based primarily on livestock. Archaeological evidence suggests that by 3000 B.C., and perhaps even earlier, there had emerged on the steppes of Inner Eurasia the distinctive types of pastoralism that were to dominate the region's history for several millennia. Here, the horse was already becoming the animal of prestige in many regions, though sheep, goats, and cattle could also play a vital role. It is the use of horses for transportation and warfare that explains why Inner Eurasian pastoralism proved the most mobile and the most militaristic of all major forms of pastoralism. The emergence and spread of pastoralism had a profound impact on the history of Inner Eurasia, and also, indirectly, on the parts of Asia and Europe just outside this area. In particular, pastoralism favors a mobile lifestyle, and this mobility helps to explain the impact of pastoralist societies on this part of the world.
The mobility of pastoralist societies reflects their dependence on animal-based foods. While agriculturalists rely on domesticated plants, pastoralists rely on domesticated animals. As a result, pastoralists, like carnivores in general, occupy a higher position on the food chain. All else being equal, this means they must exploit larger areas of land than do agriculturalists to secure the same amount of food, clothing, and other necessities. So pastoralism is a more extensive lifeway than farming is. However, the larger the terrain used to support a group, the harder it is to exploit that terrain while remaining in one place. So, basic ecological principles imply a strong tendency within pastoralist lifeways toward nomadism (a mobile lifestyle). As the archaeologist Roger Cribb puts it, "The greater the degree of pastoralism, the stronger the tendency toward nomadism." A modern Turkic nomad interviewed by Cribb commented: "The more animals you have, the farther you have to move."
Nomadism has further consequences. It means that pastoralist societies occupy and can influence very large territories. This is particularly true of the horse pastoralism that emerged in the Inner Eurasian steppes, for this was the most mobile of all major forms of pastoralism. So, it is no accident that with the appearance of pastoralist societies there appear large areas that share similar cultural, ecological, and even linguistic features. By the late fourth millennium B.C., there is already evidence of large culture zones reaching from Eastern Europe to the western borders of Mongolia. Perhaps the most striking sign of mobility is the fact that by the third millennium B.C., most pastoralists in this huge region spoke related languages ancestral to the modern Indo-European languages. The remarkable mobility and range of pastoral societies explain, in part, why so many linguists have argued that the Indo-European languages began their astonishing expansionist career not among farmers in Anatolia (present-day Turkey), but among early pastoralists from Inner Eurasia. Such theories imply that the Indo-European languages evolved not in Neolithic (10,000 to 3,000 B.C.) Anatolia, but among the foraging communities of the cultures in the region of the Don and Dnieper rivers, which took up stock breeding and began to exploit the neighboring steppes.
Nomadism also subjects pastoralist communities to strict rules of portability. If you are constantly on the move, you cannot afford to accumulate large material surpluses. Such rules limit variations in accumulated material goods between pastoralist households (though they may also encourage a taste for portable goods of high value such as silks or jewelry). So, by and large, nomadism implies a high degree of self-sufficiency and inhibits the appearance of an extensive division of labor. Inequalities of wealth and rank certainly exist, and have probably existed in most pastoralist societies, but except in periods of military conquest, they are normally too slight to generate the stable, hereditary hierarchies that are usually implied by the use of the term class. Inequalities of gender have also existed in pastoralist societies, but they seem to have been softened by the absence of steep hierarchies of wealth in most communities, and also by the requirement that women acquire most of the skills of men, including, often, their military skills. | 771.txt | 1 |
[
"It exists and has existed to some degree in most pastoral societies.",
"It is most marked during periods of military conquest.",
"It is expressed in the form of a rigid hierarchy based largely on heredity.",
"It is usually too insignificant to be discussed in terms of class differences."
] | According to paragraph 4, all of the following are true of social inequality in pastoralist societies EXCEPT: | Pastoralism is a lifestyle in which economic activity is based primarily on livestock. Archaeological evidence suggests that by 3000 B.C., and perhaps even earlier, there had emerged on the steppes of Inner Eurasia the distinctive types of pastoralism that were to dominate the region's history for several millennia. Here, the horse was already becoming the animal of prestige in many regions, though sheep, goats, and cattle could also play a vital role. It is the use of horses for transportation and warfare that explains why Inner Eurasian pastoralism proved the most mobile and the most militaristic of all major forms of pastoralism. The emergence and spread of pastoralism had a profound impact on the history of Inner Eurasia, and also, indirectly, on the parts of Asia and Europe just outside this area. In particular, pastoralism favors a mobile lifestyle, and this mobility helps to explain the impact of pastoralist societies on this part of the world.
The mobility of pastoralist societies reflects their dependence on animal-based foods. While agriculturalists rely on domesticated plants, pastoralists rely on domesticated animals. As a result, pastoralists, like carnivores in general, occupy a higher position on the food chain. All else being equal, this means they must exploit larger areas of land than do agriculturalists to secure the same amount of food, clothing, and other necessities. So pastoralism is a more extensive lifeway than farming is. However, the larger the terrain used to support a group, the harder it is to exploit that terrain while remaining in one place. So, basic ecological principles imply a strong tendency within pastoralist lifeways toward nomadism (a mobile lifestyle). As the archaeologist Roger Cribb puts it, "The greater the degree of pastoralism, the stronger the tendency toward nomadism." A modern Turkic nomad interviewed by Cribb commented: "The more animals you have, the farther you have to move."
Nomadism has further consequences. It means that pastoralist societies occupy and can influence very large territories. This is particularly true of the horse pastoralism that emerged in the Inner Eurasian steppes, for this was the most mobile of all major forms of pastoralism. So, it is no accident that with the appearance of pastoralist societies there appear large areas that share similar cultural, ecological, and even linguistic features. By the late fourth millennium B.C., there is already evidence of large culture zones reaching from Eastern Europe to the western borders of Mongolia. Perhaps the most striking sign of mobility is the fact that by the third millennium B.C., most pastoralists in this huge region spoke related languages ancestral to the modern Indo-European languages. The remarkable mobility and range of pastoral societies explain, in part, why so many linguists have argued that the Indo-European languages began their astonishing expansionist career not among farmers in Anatolia (present-day Turkey), but among early pastoralists from Inner Eurasia. Such theories imply that the Indo-European languages evolved not in Neolithic (10,000 to 3,000 B.C.) Anatolia, but among the foraging communities of the cultures in the region of the Don and Dnieper rivers, which took up stock breeding and began to exploit the neighboring steppes.
Nomadism also subjects pastoralist communities to strict rules of portability. If you are constantly on the move, you cannot afford to accumulate large material surpluses. Such rules limit variations in accumulated material goods between pastoralist households (though they may also encourage a taste for portable goods of high value such as silks or jewelry). So, by and large, nomadism implies a high degree of self-sufficiency and inhibits the appearance of an extensive division of labor. Inequalities of wealth and rank certainly exist, and have probably existed in most pastoralist societies, but except in periods of military conquest, they are normally too slight to generate the stable, hereditary hierarchies that are usually implied by the use of the term class. Inequalities of gender have also existed in pastoralist societies, but they seem to have been softened by the absence of steep hierarchies of wealth in most communities, and also by the requirement that women acquire most of the skills of men, including, often, their military skills. | 771.txt | 2 |
[
"More companies will decide to move to other countries for business.",
"The government bodies will lose their popular trust.",
"More companies will be involved in legal acitons.",
"American companies will be lost most of its competitiveness."
] | What will probably happen if the final decision is in favor of investors? | It is, by general consent, the most important securities-litigation clash for a generation. A case now before the Supreme Court, Stoneridge v Scientific-Atlanta, is shaping up to be a key test of attitudes towards shareholder class actions. A decision in favour of aggrieved investors would greatly increase the number of companies on which trial lawyers could train their sights. A ruling the other way would be a crushing defeat for the plaintiff's bar. Adding to the suspense, the government bodies with an interest in the case cannot agree on a common position.
The case involves a cable company, Charter Communications, which used a transaction with two suppliers of set-top boxes to inflate its revenues. Shareholders sued not only the company but the vendors too, claiming that they participated in the fraud, even though they may not have been aware of the misreporting. Led by the legendary Bill Lerach, plaintiff lawyers have lobbied ferociously for the principle of going after third parties, known as "scheme liability".
The Securities and Exchange Commission (SEC. is backing Mr Lerach's lot, thanks to a change of heart by its Republican chairman, Christopher Cox, traditionally no friend of the plaintiff's bar. Mr Cox urged the Department of Justice to fall in behind it, but this week it declined to do so. It has a month to decide whether to support the defendants or offer no opinion.
The Treasury is at odds with the SEC, too, fearing that a ruling in favour of investors would further damage American competitiveness. Many foreign firms that choose to list their shares elsewhere point to America's "litigation lottery" as the principal reason. Although filings of securities class actions have been falling since 2005, the overall value of settlements has continued to rise.
Bankers and accountants are watching just as closely as cable-box makers. In a similar case, Mr Lerach's firm sued Enron's financial advisers on behalf of shareholders, claiming that they facilitated the book-keeping shenanigans at the now-defunct energy trader. He lost-though not before collecting billions from banks that settled early. He has lodged an appeal with the Supreme Court and wants the case joined with Stoneridge. Business is encouraged by its track record: a steady pruning of plaintiffs' rights since the 1970s. A number of its justices are thought to sympathise with the view that scheme liability is best left to the SEC, which has the power to pursue aiders and abettors under its Rule 10b-5.
Some lawyers in Washington even suggest that Mr Cox only sided with investors because he was convinced that they had almost no chance of support from the Supreme Court. But with numerous fine legal points at issue, the outcome is uncertain. An unfavourable ruling would send a chill through boardrooms, and not only in America.
If suppliers and advisers can be dragged into class actions, it would no longer even be necessary to issue shares in the United States to incur securities liability, points out Peter Wallison of the American Enterprise Institute, a think-tank. Any firm, anywhere, doing business with American companies would have to live with the risk that the transaction could later be portrayed as fraudulent or deceptive. And painting such pictures is what trial lawyers do best. | 3687.txt | 2 |
[
"The Department of Justice will decide whether to implement this principle in this case in a month.",
"The principle is raised by the plainstiff's bar to settle the case.",
"The principle has damaged the trust of foreign companies.",
"The SEC was originally against using this principle in this case."
] | Which one of the following statements is NOT true of "scheme liability"? | It is, by general consent, the most important securities-litigation clash for a generation. A case now before the Supreme Court, Stoneridge v Scientific-Atlanta, is shaping up to be a key test of attitudes towards shareholder class actions. A decision in favour of aggrieved investors would greatly increase the number of companies on which trial lawyers could train their sights. A ruling the other way would be a crushing defeat for the plaintiff's bar. Adding to the suspense, the government bodies with an interest in the case cannot agree on a common position.
The case involves a cable company, Charter Communications, which used a transaction with two suppliers of set-top boxes to inflate its revenues. Shareholders sued not only the company but the vendors too, claiming that they participated in the fraud, even though they may not have been aware of the misreporting. Led by the legendary Bill Lerach, plaintiff lawyers have lobbied ferociously for the principle of going after third parties, known as "scheme liability".
The Securities and Exchange Commission (SEC. is backing Mr Lerach's lot, thanks to a change of heart by its Republican chairman, Christopher Cox, traditionally no friend of the plaintiff's bar. Mr Cox urged the Department of Justice to fall in behind it, but this week it declined to do so. It has a month to decide whether to support the defendants or offer no opinion.
The Treasury is at odds with the SEC, too, fearing that a ruling in favour of investors would further damage American competitiveness. Many foreign firms that choose to list their shares elsewhere point to America's "litigation lottery" as the principal reason. Although filings of securities class actions have been falling since 2005, the overall value of settlements has continued to rise.
Bankers and accountants are watching just as closely as cable-box makers. In a similar case, Mr Lerach's firm sued Enron's financial advisers on behalf of shareholders, claiming that they facilitated the book-keeping shenanigans at the now-defunct energy trader. He lost-though not before collecting billions from banks that settled early. He has lodged an appeal with the Supreme Court and wants the case joined with Stoneridge. Business is encouraged by its track record: a steady pruning of plaintiffs' rights since the 1970s. A number of its justices are thought to sympathise with the view that scheme liability is best left to the SEC, which has the power to pursue aiders and abettors under its Rule 10b-5.
Some lawyers in Washington even suggest that Mr Cox only sided with investors because he was convinced that they had almost no chance of support from the Supreme Court. But with numerous fine legal points at issue, the outcome is uncertain. An unfavourable ruling would send a chill through boardrooms, and not only in America.
If suppliers and advisers can be dragged into class actions, it would no longer even be necessary to issue shares in the United States to incur securities liability, points out Peter Wallison of the American Enterprise Institute, a think-tank. Any firm, anywhere, doing business with American companies would have to live with the risk that the transaction could later be portrayed as fraudulent or deceptive. And painting such pictures is what trial lawyers do best. | 3687.txt | 0 |
[
"The attitude of the Department of Justice is unclear.",
"It is afraid that this proposal may arouse securities class actions.",
"It holds the view that the scheme liability is unreasonable.",
"It thinks this propasal will further discourage foreign firms from listing shares in America."
] | The Treasury is against the SEC's proposal because _ | It is, by general consent, the most important securities-litigation clash for a generation. A case now before the Supreme Court, Stoneridge v Scientific-Atlanta, is shaping up to be a key test of attitudes towards shareholder class actions. A decision in favour of aggrieved investors would greatly increase the number of companies on which trial lawyers could train their sights. A ruling the other way would be a crushing defeat for the plaintiff's bar. Adding to the suspense, the government bodies with an interest in the case cannot agree on a common position.
The case involves a cable company, Charter Communications, which used a transaction with two suppliers of set-top boxes to inflate its revenues. Shareholders sued not only the company but the vendors too, claiming that they participated in the fraud, even though they may not have been aware of the misreporting. Led by the legendary Bill Lerach, plaintiff lawyers have lobbied ferociously for the principle of going after third parties, known as "scheme liability".
The Securities and Exchange Commission (SEC. is backing Mr Lerach's lot, thanks to a change of heart by its Republican chairman, Christopher Cox, traditionally no friend of the plaintiff's bar. Mr Cox urged the Department of Justice to fall in behind it, but this week it declined to do so. It has a month to decide whether to support the defendants or offer no opinion.
The Treasury is at odds with the SEC, too, fearing that a ruling in favour of investors would further damage American competitiveness. Many foreign firms that choose to list their shares elsewhere point to America's "litigation lottery" as the principal reason. Although filings of securities class actions have been falling since 2005, the overall value of settlements has continued to rise.
Bankers and accountants are watching just as closely as cable-box makers. In a similar case, Mr Lerach's firm sued Enron's financial advisers on behalf of shareholders, claiming that they facilitated the book-keeping shenanigans at the now-defunct energy trader. He lost-though not before collecting billions from banks that settled early. He has lodged an appeal with the Supreme Court and wants the case joined with Stoneridge. Business is encouraged by its track record: a steady pruning of plaintiffs' rights since the 1970s. A number of its justices are thought to sympathise with the view that scheme liability is best left to the SEC, which has the power to pursue aiders and abettors under its Rule 10b-5.
Some lawyers in Washington even suggest that Mr Cox only sided with investors because he was convinced that they had almost no chance of support from the Supreme Court. But with numerous fine legal points at issue, the outcome is uncertain. An unfavourable ruling would send a chill through boardrooms, and not only in America.
If suppliers and advisers can be dragged into class actions, it would no longer even be necessary to issue shares in the United States to incur securities liability, points out Peter Wallison of the American Enterprise Institute, a think-tank. Any firm, anywhere, doing business with American companies would have to live with the risk that the transaction could later be portrayed as fraudulent or deceptive. And painting such pictures is what trial lawyers do best. | 3687.txt | 3 |
[
"He is bribed by the investors to work in favor of them.",
"He sympathezes with the sharesholders.",
"He disagrees with the supreme court's principles and attitudes",
"He dedicated himself to the defense of American investors' right."
] | Mr. Cox changed his mind finally because _ | It is, by general consent, the most important securities-litigation clash for a generation. A case now before the Supreme Court, Stoneridge v Scientific-Atlanta, is shaping up to be a key test of attitudes towards shareholder class actions. A decision in favour of aggrieved investors would greatly increase the number of companies on which trial lawyers could train their sights. A ruling the other way would be a crushing defeat for the plaintiff's bar. Adding to the suspense, the government bodies with an interest in the case cannot agree on a common position.
The case involves a cable company, Charter Communications, which used a transaction with two suppliers of set-top boxes to inflate its revenues. Shareholders sued not only the company but the vendors too, claiming that they participated in the fraud, even though they may not have been aware of the misreporting. Led by the legendary Bill Lerach, plaintiff lawyers have lobbied ferociously for the principle of going after third parties, known as "scheme liability".
The Securities and Exchange Commission (SEC. is backing Mr Lerach's lot, thanks to a change of heart by its Republican chairman, Christopher Cox, traditionally no friend of the plaintiff's bar. Mr Cox urged the Department of Justice to fall in behind it, but this week it declined to do so. It has a month to decide whether to support the defendants or offer no opinion.
The Treasury is at odds with the SEC, too, fearing that a ruling in favour of investors would further damage American competitiveness. Many foreign firms that choose to list their shares elsewhere point to America's "litigation lottery" as the principal reason. Although filings of securities class actions have been falling since 2005, the overall value of settlements has continued to rise.
Bankers and accountants are watching just as closely as cable-box makers. In a similar case, Mr Lerach's firm sued Enron's financial advisers on behalf of shareholders, claiming that they facilitated the book-keeping shenanigans at the now-defunct energy trader. He lost-though not before collecting billions from banks that settled early. He has lodged an appeal with the Supreme Court and wants the case joined with Stoneridge. Business is encouraged by its track record: a steady pruning of plaintiffs' rights since the 1970s. A number of its justices are thought to sympathise with the view that scheme liability is best left to the SEC, which has the power to pursue aiders and abettors under its Rule 10b-5.
Some lawyers in Washington even suggest that Mr Cox only sided with investors because he was convinced that they had almost no chance of support from the Supreme Court. But with numerous fine legal points at issue, the outcome is uncertain. An unfavourable ruling would send a chill through boardrooms, and not only in America.
If suppliers and advisers can be dragged into class actions, it would no longer even be necessary to issue shares in the United States to incur securities liability, points out Peter Wallison of the American Enterprise Institute, a think-tank. Any firm, anywhere, doing business with American companies would have to live with the risk that the transaction could later be portrayed as fraudulent or deceptive. And painting such pictures is what trial lawyers do best. | 3687.txt | 1 |
[
"negative.",
"positive.",
"indifferent.",
"biased."
] | Towards the actions of plainstiff's lawyers, the author's attitude can be said to be _ | It is, by general consent, the most important securities-litigation clash for a generation. A case now before the Supreme Court, Stoneridge v Scientific-Atlanta, is shaping up to be a key test of attitudes towards shareholder class actions. A decision in favour of aggrieved investors would greatly increase the number of companies on which trial lawyers could train their sights. A ruling the other way would be a crushing defeat for the plaintiff's bar. Adding to the suspense, the government bodies with an interest in the case cannot agree on a common position.
The case involves a cable company, Charter Communications, which used a transaction with two suppliers of set-top boxes to inflate its revenues. Shareholders sued not only the company but the vendors too, claiming that they participated in the fraud, even though they may not have been aware of the misreporting. Led by the legendary Bill Lerach, plaintiff lawyers have lobbied ferociously for the principle of going after third parties, known as "scheme liability".
The Securities and Exchange Commission (SEC. is backing Mr Lerach's lot, thanks to a change of heart by its Republican chairman, Christopher Cox, traditionally no friend of the plaintiff's bar. Mr Cox urged the Department of Justice to fall in behind it, but this week it declined to do so. It has a month to decide whether to support the defendants or offer no opinion.
The Treasury is at odds with the SEC, too, fearing that a ruling in favour of investors would further damage American competitiveness. Many foreign firms that choose to list their shares elsewhere point to America's "litigation lottery" as the principal reason. Although filings of securities class actions have been falling since 2005, the overall value of settlements has continued to rise.
Bankers and accountants are watching just as closely as cable-box makers. In a similar case, Mr Lerach's firm sued Enron's financial advisers on behalf of shareholders, claiming that they facilitated the book-keeping shenanigans at the now-defunct energy trader. He lost-though not before collecting billions from banks that settled early. He has lodged an appeal with the Supreme Court and wants the case joined with Stoneridge. Business is encouraged by its track record: a steady pruning of plaintiffs' rights since the 1970s. A number of its justices are thought to sympathise with the view that scheme liability is best left to the SEC, which has the power to pursue aiders and abettors under its Rule 10b-5.
Some lawyers in Washington even suggest that Mr Cox only sided with investors because he was convinced that they had almost no chance of support from the Supreme Court. But with numerous fine legal points at issue, the outcome is uncertain. An unfavourable ruling would send a chill through boardrooms, and not only in America.
If suppliers and advisers can be dragged into class actions, it would no longer even be necessary to issue shares in the United States to incur securities liability, points out Peter Wallison of the American Enterprise Institute, a think-tank. Any firm, anywhere, doing business with American companies would have to live with the risk that the transaction could later be portrayed as fraudulent or deceptive. And painting such pictures is what trial lawyers do best. | 3687.txt | 0 |
[
"Follow the Lead.",
"Top Crowd.",
"Being Yourself.",
"Bright Red."
] | Which is the best title for this passage? | In every school there is a "top" crowd that sets the pace, while the others follow their lead. Let's say the top crowd decides that it is smart to wear bright red sweaters. Pretty soon everybody is wearing a bright red sweater.
There is nothing wrong with that, except the fact that on some people bright red sweater is extremely unbecoming. The situation can even become dangerous, if the top crowd decides that it is smart to drink or to drive cars at seventy miles an hour. Then the people who follow the lead are endangering their lives. They are like the sheep being led to the butcher.
Now, chances are that you have come across situations like these more than once in your life; chances are that one time or another you probably did something you knew to be wrong. You may have excused yourself by saying, "Gee, the crowd does it." Well, let the crowd do it, but don't do it yourself. Learn to say, "No."
Develop your own standards and your own judgment. If you know the crowd is planning something you disagree to, have the courage to bow out mannerly. You'll have the satisfaction of standing on your own two feet. | 2897.txt | 2 |
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