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[
"tell him the truth",
"tell him a white lie",
"ask him for pity",
"ask others to help you"
] | If you can't remember someone's name, you may _ . | Remembering names is an important social skill. Here are some ways to master it.
Recite and repeat in conversation.
When you hear a person's name，repeat it. Immediately say it to yourself several times without moving your lips. You could also repeat the name in a way that does not sound forced or artificial.
Ask the other person to recite and repeat.
You can let other people help you remember their names. After you've been introduced to someone，ask that person to spell the name mad pronounce it correctly for you. Most people will be pleased by the effort you're making to learn their names.
Admit you don't know.
Admitting that you can't remember someone's name can actually make people relaxed. Most of them will feel sympathy if you say. "I'm working to remember names better. Yours is right on the tip of my tongue. What is it again?"
Use associations.
Link each person yon meet with one thing you find interesting or unusual. For example，you could make a mental note: "Vicki Cheng -- tall, black hair. " To reinforce you're your associations, write them on a small card as soon as possible.
Limit the number of new names you learn at one time.
When meeting a group of people, concentrate on remembering just two or three names. Free yourself from remembering every one. Few of the people in mass introductions expect you to remember their names. Another way is to limit yourself to learning just first names. Last names can come later.
Go early.
Consider going early to conferences, parties and classes. Sometimes just a few people show up on time. That's fewer names for you to remember. And as more people arrive, you can hear them being introduced to others-an automatic review for you. | 3543.txt | 0 |
[
"all their names",
"a couple of names first",
"just their last names",
"as many names as possible"
] | When you meet a group of people, it is better to remember _ . | Remembering names is an important social skill. Here are some ways to master it.
Recite and repeat in conversation.
When you hear a person's name，repeat it. Immediately say it to yourself several times without moving your lips. You could also repeat the name in a way that does not sound forced or artificial.
Ask the other person to recite and repeat.
You can let other people help you remember their names. After you've been introduced to someone，ask that person to spell the name mad pronounce it correctly for you. Most people will be pleased by the effort you're making to learn their names.
Admit you don't know.
Admitting that you can't remember someone's name can actually make people relaxed. Most of them will feel sympathy if you say. "I'm working to remember names better. Yours is right on the tip of my tongue. What is it again?"
Use associations.
Link each person yon meet with one thing you find interesting or unusual. For example，you could make a mental note: "Vicki Cheng -- tall, black hair. " To reinforce you're your associations, write them on a small card as soon as possible.
Limit the number of new names you learn at one time.
When meeting a group of people, concentrate on remembering just two or three names. Free yourself from remembering every one. Few of the people in mass introductions expect you to remember their names. Another way is to limit yourself to learning just first names. Last names can come later.
Go early.
Consider going early to conferences, parties and classes. Sometimes just a few people show up on time. That's fewer names for you to remember. And as more people arrive, you can hear them being introduced to others-an automatic review for you. | 3543.txt | 1 |
[
"Tips on an important social skill.",
"Importance of attending parties.",
"How to make use of associations.",
"How to recite and repeat names."
] | What does the text mainly tell us? | Remembering names is an important social skill. Here are some ways to master it.
Recite and repeat in conversation.
When you hear a person's name，repeat it. Immediately say it to yourself several times without moving your lips. You could also repeat the name in a way that does not sound forced or artificial.
Ask the other person to recite and repeat.
You can let other people help you remember their names. After you've been introduced to someone，ask that person to spell the name mad pronounce it correctly for you. Most people will be pleased by the effort you're making to learn their names.
Admit you don't know.
Admitting that you can't remember someone's name can actually make people relaxed. Most of them will feel sympathy if you say. "I'm working to remember names better. Yours is right on the tip of my tongue. What is it again?"
Use associations.
Link each person yon meet with one thing you find interesting or unusual. For example，you could make a mental note: "Vicki Cheng -- tall, black hair. " To reinforce you're your associations, write them on a small card as soon as possible.
Limit the number of new names you learn at one time.
When meeting a group of people, concentrate on remembering just two or three names. Free yourself from remembering every one. Few of the people in mass introductions expect you to remember their names. Another way is to limit yourself to learning just first names. Last names can come later.
Go early.
Consider going early to conferences, parties and classes. Sometimes just a few people show up on time. That's fewer names for you to remember. And as more people arrive, you can hear them being introduced to others-an automatic review for you. | 3543.txt | 0 |
[
"that he could use this kind of device only when the drummer stops.",
"that he has no necessity or urgency to use the self-turning guitar.",
"that he make use of the self-turning guitar for precision tuning when the drummer takes a break.",
"that he have to wait for the drummer to follow him if he use the self-tuning guitar."
] | By saying "But I have to wait for the drummer to rest anyway between songs", J. Mascis means _ | With technology leased from the German company Tronical, Gibson has modified its classic Les Paul design to create a guitar that adjusts itself to one of six preset tunings. This is no instrument for beginners. Retailing for between $2,200 and $2,500, the Robot Guitar is courting serious hobbyists and professionals who demand precision tuning, or frequently switch between different tunings and don't want the hassle of lugging multiple instruments around. "It's a cool idea. Nobody likes tuning," concedes Dinosaur Jr. frontman J. Mascis. "But I have to wait for the drummer to rest anyway between songs." Another company, called TransPerformance, sells a similar tuning device that it will install in your nonrobotic guitar for you. But Gibson's is the first out-of-the-box self-tuning ax.
It sounds like a minor development in guitar technology, even rather gimmicky. But for an instrument that has barely evolved since the 1950s, the Robot Guitar is nothing short of magic: simply pull out the "master control knob" and strum the guitar. The knob lights up as a computer embedded in the back of the guitar measures each string's pitch. The tuning pegs turn by themselves, making a robotic whirring sound that enhances the wow. The control knob's lights flash blue when your instrument is locked into the tuning you select. If you're so inclined you can override the device and tune manually. But why would you? It takes all of 10 seconds for the Robot Guitar to do its thing-and blow your mind as it hasn't been blown since the first time you heard "Eruption."
In an industry that has been flat to sagging, the Robot Guitar could provide a welcome boost to retailers. After 10 years of brisk growth, guitar sales headed south in 2006, according to the April 2007 Music Trades Magazine industry census. Low-end beginner acoustic guitar sales dropped 24.4 percent last year; electric guitars fell 19.1 percent. Certainly there is a dearth of righteous shredding on today's Top 40 radio. And the wildly popular videogame "Guitar Hero" allows even the most tone-deaf nonmusician to simulate the experience of rocking out. Professional musicians account for 15 percent of instrument purchases in the country, according to George Van Horn, a senior analyst at IBISWorld. "Gibson is obviously aiming high, but it's worth chasing" the pros, he says.
Judging by all the buzz the Robot Guitar has generated, Gibson won't have a hard time chasing down anyone. "You don't see this kind of excitement often," says Norman Hajjar, the chief marketing officer at Guitar Center, which has stocked 1,000 of the 4,000 Robot Guitars hitting the market nationwide Dec. 7. "They're quite a draw. We let people touch and play with the guitars-they're putting them through their paces. It really charms people." As of Thursday morning, Guitar Center had already taken deposits on roughly a third of the 1,000 Robot Guitars they have in stock.
The very fact that "Guitar Hero" and now "Rock Band" are power-chording their way off store shelves this holiday season proves that the dream is alive. The reason that the odious song "Rock Star" is currently ubiquitous has nothing to do with quality songwriting. Truth is, we all want to be rock stars; the videogames and Nickelback's opus get us all a little closer to living the fantasy. But with the Robot Guitar, it's the musicians themselves who have gotten a long overdue leg up. | 3552.txt | 1 |
[
"shift.",
"close.",
"set aside.",
"disregard."
] | The word "override" (Line 7, Paragraph 2) most probably means _ | With technology leased from the German company Tronical, Gibson has modified its classic Les Paul design to create a guitar that adjusts itself to one of six preset tunings. This is no instrument for beginners. Retailing for between $2,200 and $2,500, the Robot Guitar is courting serious hobbyists and professionals who demand precision tuning, or frequently switch between different tunings and don't want the hassle of lugging multiple instruments around. "It's a cool idea. Nobody likes tuning," concedes Dinosaur Jr. frontman J. Mascis. "But I have to wait for the drummer to rest anyway between songs." Another company, called TransPerformance, sells a similar tuning device that it will install in your nonrobotic guitar for you. But Gibson's is the first out-of-the-box self-tuning ax.
It sounds like a minor development in guitar technology, even rather gimmicky. But for an instrument that has barely evolved since the 1950s, the Robot Guitar is nothing short of magic: simply pull out the "master control knob" and strum the guitar. The knob lights up as a computer embedded in the back of the guitar measures each string's pitch. The tuning pegs turn by themselves, making a robotic whirring sound that enhances the wow. The control knob's lights flash blue when your instrument is locked into the tuning you select. If you're so inclined you can override the device and tune manually. But why would you? It takes all of 10 seconds for the Robot Guitar to do its thing-and blow your mind as it hasn't been blown since the first time you heard "Eruption."
In an industry that has been flat to sagging, the Robot Guitar could provide a welcome boost to retailers. After 10 years of brisk growth, guitar sales headed south in 2006, according to the April 2007 Music Trades Magazine industry census. Low-end beginner acoustic guitar sales dropped 24.4 percent last year; electric guitars fell 19.1 percent. Certainly there is a dearth of righteous shredding on today's Top 40 radio. And the wildly popular videogame "Guitar Hero" allows even the most tone-deaf nonmusician to simulate the experience of rocking out. Professional musicians account for 15 percent of instrument purchases in the country, according to George Van Horn, a senior analyst at IBISWorld. "Gibson is obviously aiming high, but it's worth chasing" the pros, he says.
Judging by all the buzz the Robot Guitar has generated, Gibson won't have a hard time chasing down anyone. "You don't see this kind of excitement often," says Norman Hajjar, the chief marketing officer at Guitar Center, which has stocked 1,000 of the 4,000 Robot Guitars hitting the market nationwide Dec. 7. "They're quite a draw. We let people touch and play with the guitars-they're putting them through their paces. It really charms people." As of Thursday morning, Guitar Center had already taken deposits on roughly a third of the 1,000 Robot Guitars they have in stock.
The very fact that "Guitar Hero" and now "Rock Band" are power-chording their way off store shelves this holiday season proves that the dream is alive. The reason that the odious song "Rock Star" is currently ubiquitous has nothing to do with quality songwriting. Truth is, we all want to be rock stars; the videogames and Nickelback's opus get us all a little closer to living the fantasy. But with the Robot Guitar, it's the musicians themselves who have gotten a long overdue leg up. | 3552.txt | 3 |
[
"Guitar sales have been going up slowly in the past then years.",
"Guitar sales has witnessed its switch to loss of margin in 2006.",
"The fall of guitar sales is due to the drop of purchase by professional musicians.",
"Guitar sales are pinched by the development of the music games."
] | Which one of the following statement is NOT true of guitar sales? | With technology leased from the German company Tronical, Gibson has modified its classic Les Paul design to create a guitar that adjusts itself to one of six preset tunings. This is no instrument for beginners. Retailing for between $2,200 and $2,500, the Robot Guitar is courting serious hobbyists and professionals who demand precision tuning, or frequently switch between different tunings and don't want the hassle of lugging multiple instruments around. "It's a cool idea. Nobody likes tuning," concedes Dinosaur Jr. frontman J. Mascis. "But I have to wait for the drummer to rest anyway between songs." Another company, called TransPerformance, sells a similar tuning device that it will install in your nonrobotic guitar for you. But Gibson's is the first out-of-the-box self-tuning ax.
It sounds like a minor development in guitar technology, even rather gimmicky. But for an instrument that has barely evolved since the 1950s, the Robot Guitar is nothing short of magic: simply pull out the "master control knob" and strum the guitar. The knob lights up as a computer embedded in the back of the guitar measures each string's pitch. The tuning pegs turn by themselves, making a robotic whirring sound that enhances the wow. The control knob's lights flash blue when your instrument is locked into the tuning you select. If you're so inclined you can override the device and tune manually. But why would you? It takes all of 10 seconds for the Robot Guitar to do its thing-and blow your mind as it hasn't been blown since the first time you heard "Eruption."
In an industry that has been flat to sagging, the Robot Guitar could provide a welcome boost to retailers. After 10 years of brisk growth, guitar sales headed south in 2006, according to the April 2007 Music Trades Magazine industry census. Low-end beginner acoustic guitar sales dropped 24.4 percent last year; electric guitars fell 19.1 percent. Certainly there is a dearth of righteous shredding on today's Top 40 radio. And the wildly popular videogame "Guitar Hero" allows even the most tone-deaf nonmusician to simulate the experience of rocking out. Professional musicians account for 15 percent of instrument purchases in the country, according to George Van Horn, a senior analyst at IBISWorld. "Gibson is obviously aiming high, but it's worth chasing" the pros, he says.
Judging by all the buzz the Robot Guitar has generated, Gibson won't have a hard time chasing down anyone. "You don't see this kind of excitement often," says Norman Hajjar, the chief marketing officer at Guitar Center, which has stocked 1,000 of the 4,000 Robot Guitars hitting the market nationwide Dec. 7. "They're quite a draw. We let people touch and play with the guitars-they're putting them through their paces. It really charms people." As of Thursday morning, Guitar Center had already taken deposits on roughly a third of the 1,000 Robot Guitars they have in stock.
The very fact that "Guitar Hero" and now "Rock Band" are power-chording their way off store shelves this holiday season proves that the dream is alive. The reason that the odious song "Rock Star" is currently ubiquitous has nothing to do with quality songwriting. Truth is, we all want to be rock stars; the videogames and Nickelback's opus get us all a little closer to living the fantasy. But with the Robot Guitar, it's the musicians themselves who have gotten a long overdue leg up. | 3552.txt | 0 |
[
"He thinks although Gibson's plan is worth trying, it should lower its expectation.",
"He thinks Gibson's target group is too narrow and it should expand to larger clients.",
"He thinks Gibson's idea has its value and future though he thinks too highly of his invention.",
"He thinks Gibson has made right choice in choosing future customers."
] | Which one of the following statements is TRUE of George Van Horn's opinions on the gimmicky? | With technology leased from the German company Tronical, Gibson has modified its classic Les Paul design to create a guitar that adjusts itself to one of six preset tunings. This is no instrument for beginners. Retailing for between $2,200 and $2,500, the Robot Guitar is courting serious hobbyists and professionals who demand precision tuning, or frequently switch between different tunings and don't want the hassle of lugging multiple instruments around. "It's a cool idea. Nobody likes tuning," concedes Dinosaur Jr. frontman J. Mascis. "But I have to wait for the drummer to rest anyway between songs." Another company, called TransPerformance, sells a similar tuning device that it will install in your nonrobotic guitar for you. But Gibson's is the first out-of-the-box self-tuning ax.
It sounds like a minor development in guitar technology, even rather gimmicky. But for an instrument that has barely evolved since the 1950s, the Robot Guitar is nothing short of magic: simply pull out the "master control knob" and strum the guitar. The knob lights up as a computer embedded in the back of the guitar measures each string's pitch. The tuning pegs turn by themselves, making a robotic whirring sound that enhances the wow. The control knob's lights flash blue when your instrument is locked into the tuning you select. If you're so inclined you can override the device and tune manually. But why would you? It takes all of 10 seconds for the Robot Guitar to do its thing-and blow your mind as it hasn't been blown since the first time you heard "Eruption."
In an industry that has been flat to sagging, the Robot Guitar could provide a welcome boost to retailers. After 10 years of brisk growth, guitar sales headed south in 2006, according to the April 2007 Music Trades Magazine industry census. Low-end beginner acoustic guitar sales dropped 24.4 percent last year; electric guitars fell 19.1 percent. Certainly there is a dearth of righteous shredding on today's Top 40 radio. And the wildly popular videogame "Guitar Hero" allows even the most tone-deaf nonmusician to simulate the experience of rocking out. Professional musicians account for 15 percent of instrument purchases in the country, according to George Van Horn, a senior analyst at IBISWorld. "Gibson is obviously aiming high, but it's worth chasing" the pros, he says.
Judging by all the buzz the Robot Guitar has generated, Gibson won't have a hard time chasing down anyone. "You don't see this kind of excitement often," says Norman Hajjar, the chief marketing officer at Guitar Center, which has stocked 1,000 of the 4,000 Robot Guitars hitting the market nationwide Dec. 7. "They're quite a draw. We let people touch and play with the guitars-they're putting them through their paces. It really charms people." As of Thursday morning, Guitar Center had already taken deposits on roughly a third of the 1,000 Robot Guitars they have in stock.
The very fact that "Guitar Hero" and now "Rock Band" are power-chording their way off store shelves this holiday season proves that the dream is alive. The reason that the odious song "Rock Star" is currently ubiquitous has nothing to do with quality songwriting. Truth is, we all want to be rock stars; the videogames and Nickelback's opus get us all a little closer to living the fantasy. But with the Robot Guitar, it's the musicians themselves who have gotten a long overdue leg up. | 3552.txt | 2 |
[
"guitar videogames will be a threat to the Robot Guitar.",
"the Robot Guitar can not be mentioned in the same breath with \"Guitar Hero\" and \"Rock Bank\".",
"\"Guitar Hero\" and \"Rock Bank\" triumphs over the Robot Guitar.",
"\"Rock Star\" will be defeated by the Robot Guitar."
] | From the last paragraph, it can be inferred that _ | With technology leased from the German company Tronical, Gibson has modified its classic Les Paul design to create a guitar that adjusts itself to one of six preset tunings. This is no instrument for beginners. Retailing for between $2,200 and $2,500, the Robot Guitar is courting serious hobbyists and professionals who demand precision tuning, or frequently switch between different tunings and don't want the hassle of lugging multiple instruments around. "It's a cool idea. Nobody likes tuning," concedes Dinosaur Jr. frontman J. Mascis. "But I have to wait for the drummer to rest anyway between songs." Another company, called TransPerformance, sells a similar tuning device that it will install in your nonrobotic guitar for you. But Gibson's is the first out-of-the-box self-tuning ax.
It sounds like a minor development in guitar technology, even rather gimmicky. But for an instrument that has barely evolved since the 1950s, the Robot Guitar is nothing short of magic: simply pull out the "master control knob" and strum the guitar. The knob lights up as a computer embedded in the back of the guitar measures each string's pitch. The tuning pegs turn by themselves, making a robotic whirring sound that enhances the wow. The control knob's lights flash blue when your instrument is locked into the tuning you select. If you're so inclined you can override the device and tune manually. But why would you? It takes all of 10 seconds for the Robot Guitar to do its thing-and blow your mind as it hasn't been blown since the first time you heard "Eruption."
In an industry that has been flat to sagging, the Robot Guitar could provide a welcome boost to retailers. After 10 years of brisk growth, guitar sales headed south in 2006, according to the April 2007 Music Trades Magazine industry census. Low-end beginner acoustic guitar sales dropped 24.4 percent last year; electric guitars fell 19.1 percent. Certainly there is a dearth of righteous shredding on today's Top 40 radio. And the wildly popular videogame "Guitar Hero" allows even the most tone-deaf nonmusician to simulate the experience of rocking out. Professional musicians account for 15 percent of instrument purchases in the country, according to George Van Horn, a senior analyst at IBISWorld. "Gibson is obviously aiming high, but it's worth chasing" the pros, he says.
Judging by all the buzz the Robot Guitar has generated, Gibson won't have a hard time chasing down anyone. "You don't see this kind of excitement often," says Norman Hajjar, the chief marketing officer at Guitar Center, which has stocked 1,000 of the 4,000 Robot Guitars hitting the market nationwide Dec. 7. "They're quite a draw. We let people touch and play with the guitars-they're putting them through their paces. It really charms people." As of Thursday morning, Guitar Center had already taken deposits on roughly a third of the 1,000 Robot Guitars they have in stock.
The very fact that "Guitar Hero" and now "Rock Band" are power-chording their way off store shelves this holiday season proves that the dream is alive. The reason that the odious song "Rock Star" is currently ubiquitous has nothing to do with quality songwriting. Truth is, we all want to be rock stars; the videogames and Nickelback's opus get us all a little closer to living the fantasy. But with the Robot Guitar, it's the musicians themselves who have gotten a long overdue leg up. | 3552.txt | 1 |
[
"there are detailed skeletal similarities in the flippers of pinnipeds",
"sea lions, seals, and walruses are all pinnipeds",
"pinnipeds are descended from animals that once lived on land",
"animals without common ancestors sometimes evolve in similar ways"
] | According to the passage, it has been recently discovered that | Biologists have long maintained that two groups of pinnipeds, sea lions and walruses, are descended from a terrestrial bear like animal, whereas the remaining group, seals, shares an ancestor with weasels. But the recent discovery of detailed similarities in the skeletal structure of the flippers in all three groups undermines the attempt to explain away superficial resemblance as due to convergent evolution-the independent development of similarities between unrelated groups in response to similar environmental pressures. Flippers may indeed be a necessary response to aquatic life, turtles, whales, and dugongs also have them. But the common detailed design found among the pinnipeds probably indicates a common ancestor. Moreover, walruses and seals drive themselves through the water with thrusts of their hind flippers, but sea lions use their front flippers. If anatomical similarity in the flippers resulted from similar environmental pressures, as posited by the convergent-evolution theory, one would expect walruses and seals, but not seals and sea lions, to have similar flippers. | 1871.txt | 0 |
[
"Pinnipeds are all descended from a terrestrial bear like animal.",
"Pinnipeds share a common ancestor with turtles, whales, and dugongs.",
"Similarities among pinnipeds are due to their all having had to adapt to aquatic life.",
"There are detailed similarities in the skeletal structure of the flippers in all pinnipeds."
] | The author implies that which of the following was part of the long-standing view concerning pinnipeds? | Biologists have long maintained that two groups of pinnipeds, sea lions and walruses, are descended from a terrestrial bear like animal, whereas the remaining group, seals, shares an ancestor with weasels. But the recent discovery of detailed similarities in the skeletal structure of the flippers in all three groups undermines the attempt to explain away superficial resemblance as due to convergent evolution-the independent development of similarities between unrelated groups in response to similar environmental pressures. Flippers may indeed be a necessary response to aquatic life, turtles, whales, and dugongs also have them. But the common detailed design found among the pinnipeds probably indicates a common ancestor. Moreover, walruses and seals drive themselves through the water with thrusts of their hind flippers, but sea lions use their front flippers. If anatomical similarity in the flippers resulted from similar environmental pressures, as posited by the convergent-evolution theory, one would expect walruses and seals, but not seals and sea lions, to have similar flippers. | 1871.txt | 2 |
[
"It can be explained by the hypothesis that turtles, whales, and dugongs are very closely related.",
"It can be explained by the idea of convergent evolution.",
"It suggests that turtles, whales, and dugongs evolved in separate parts of the world.",
"It undermines the view that turtles, whales, and dugongs are all descended from terrestrial ancestors."
] | The author implies which of the following about the fact that turtles, whales, and dugongs all have flippers? | Biologists have long maintained that two groups of pinnipeds, sea lions and walruses, are descended from a terrestrial bear like animal, whereas the remaining group, seals, shares an ancestor with weasels. But the recent discovery of detailed similarities in the skeletal structure of the flippers in all three groups undermines the attempt to explain away superficial resemblance as due to convergent evolution-the independent development of similarities between unrelated groups in response to similar environmental pressures. Flippers may indeed be a necessary response to aquatic life, turtles, whales, and dugongs also have them. But the common detailed design found among the pinnipeds probably indicates a common ancestor. Moreover, walruses and seals drive themselves through the water with thrusts of their hind flippers, but sea lions use their front flippers. If anatomical similarity in the flippers resulted from similar environmental pressures, as posited by the convergent-evolution theory, one would expect walruses and seals, but not seals and sea lions, to have similar flippers. | 1871.txt | 1 |
[
"Contends that key terms in an opposing view have been improperly used.",
"Contends that opponents have purposely obscured important evidence.",
"Shows that two theories thought to be in conflict are actually complementary.",
"Shows that an implication of a theory is contradicted by the facts."
] | In presenting the argument in the passage, the author does which of the following? | Biologists have long maintained that two groups of pinnipeds, sea lions and walruses, are descended from a terrestrial bear like animal, whereas the remaining group, seals, shares an ancestor with weasels. But the recent discovery of detailed similarities in the skeletal structure of the flippers in all three groups undermines the attempt to explain away superficial resemblance as due to convergent evolution-the independent development of similarities between unrelated groups in response to similar environmental pressures. Flippers may indeed be a necessary response to aquatic life, turtles, whales, and dugongs also have them. But the common detailed design found among the pinnipeds probably indicates a common ancestor. Moreover, walruses and seals drive themselves through the water with thrusts of their hind flippers, but sea lions use their front flippers. If anatomical similarity in the flippers resulted from similar environmental pressures, as posited by the convergent-evolution theory, one would expect walruses and seals, but not seals and sea lions, to have similar flippers. | 1871.txt | 3 |
[
"customer service in is now improving",
"wealthy Israeli customers are hard to please",
"the tourist industry has brought chain stores to",
"Israeli customers prefer foreign products to domestic ones"
] | It may be inferred from the passage that _ . | In recent years, Israeli consumers have grown more demanding as they've become wealthier and more worldly-wise. Foreign travel is a national passion; this summer alone, one in 10 citizens will go abroad. Exposed to higher standards of service elsewhere, Israelis are returning home expecting the same. American firms have also begun arriving in large numbers. Chains such as KFC, McDonald's and Pizza Hut are setting a new standard of customer service, using strict employee training and constant monitoring to ensure the friendliness of frontline staff. Even the American habit of telling departing customers to "Have a nice day" has caught on all over . "Nobody wakes up in the morning and says, ‘Let's be nicer,'" says Itsik Cohen, director of a consulting firm. "Nothing happens without competition."
Privatization, or the threat of it, is a motivation as well. Monopolies that until recently have been free to take their customers for granted now fear what Michael Perry, a marketing professor, calls "the revengeful consumer." When the government opened up competition with Bezaq, the phone company, its international branch lost 40% of its market share, even while offering competitive rates. Says Perry, "People wanted revenge for all the years of bad service." The electric company, whose monopoly may be short-lived, has suddenly mopped requiring users to wait half a day for a repairman. Now, appointments are scheduled to the half-hour. The graceless El Al Airlines, which is already at auction , has retrained its employees to emphasize service and is boasting about the results in an ad campaign with the slogan, "You can feel the change in the air." For the first time, praise outnumbers complaints on customer survey sheets. | 1237.txt | 0 |
[
"if customer complaints go unnoticed by the management",
"unless foreign companies are introduced in greater numbers",
"if there's no competition among companies",
"without strict routine training of employees"
] | In the author's view, higher service standards are impossible in _ . | In recent years, Israeli consumers have grown more demanding as they've become wealthier and more worldly-wise. Foreign travel is a national passion; this summer alone, one in 10 citizens will go abroad. Exposed to higher standards of service elsewhere, Israelis are returning home expecting the same. American firms have also begun arriving in large numbers. Chains such as KFC, McDonald's and Pizza Hut are setting a new standard of customer service, using strict employee training and constant monitoring to ensure the friendliness of frontline staff. Even the American habit of telling departing customers to "Have a nice day" has caught on all over . "Nobody wakes up in the morning and says, ‘Let's be nicer,'" says Itsik Cohen, director of a consulting firm. "Nothing happens without competition."
Privatization, or the threat of it, is a motivation as well. Monopolies that until recently have been free to take their customers for granted now fear what Michael Perry, a marketing professor, calls "the revengeful consumer." When the government opened up competition with Bezaq, the phone company, its international branch lost 40% of its market share, even while offering competitive rates. Says Perry, "People wanted revenge for all the years of bad service." The electric company, whose monopoly may be short-lived, has suddenly mopped requiring users to wait half a day for a repairman. Now, appointments are scheduled to the half-hour. The graceless El Al Airlines, which is already at auction , has retrained its employees to emphasize service and is boasting about the results in an ad campaign with the slogan, "You can feel the change in the air." For the first time, praise outnumbers complaints on customer survey sheets. | 1237.txt | 2 |
[
"they can have it fixed in no time",
"it's no longer necessary to make an appointment",
"the appointment takes only half a day to make",
"they only have to wait half an hour at most"
] | If someone in today needs a repairman in case of a power failure, _ . | In recent years, Israeli consumers have grown more demanding as they've become wealthier and more worldly-wise. Foreign travel is a national passion; this summer alone, one in 10 citizens will go abroad. Exposed to higher standards of service elsewhere, Israelis are returning home expecting the same. American firms have also begun arriving in large numbers. Chains such as KFC, McDonald's and Pizza Hut are setting a new standard of customer service, using strict employee training and constant monitoring to ensure the friendliness of frontline staff. Even the American habit of telling departing customers to "Have a nice day" has caught on all over . "Nobody wakes up in the morning and says, ‘Let's be nicer,'" says Itsik Cohen, director of a consulting firm. "Nothing happens without competition."
Privatization, or the threat of it, is a motivation as well. Monopolies that until recently have been free to take their customers for granted now fear what Michael Perry, a marketing professor, calls "the revengeful consumer." When the government opened up competition with Bezaq, the phone company, its international branch lost 40% of its market share, even while offering competitive rates. Says Perry, "People wanted revenge for all the years of bad service." The electric company, whose monopoly may be short-lived, has suddenly mopped requiring users to wait half a day for a repairman. Now, appointments are scheduled to the half-hour. The graceless El Al Airlines, which is already at auction , has retrained its employees to emphasize service and is boasting about the results in an ad campaign with the slogan, "You can feel the change in the air." For the first time, praise outnumbers complaints on customer survey sheets. | 1237.txt | 3 |
[
"revengeful customers are a threat to the monopoly of enterprises",
"an ad campaign is a way out for enterprises in financial difficulty",
"a good slogan has great potential for improving service",
"staff retraining is essential for better service"
] | The example of El A1 Airlines shows that _ . | In recent years, Israeli consumers have grown more demanding as they've become wealthier and more worldly-wise. Foreign travel is a national passion; this summer alone, one in 10 citizens will go abroad. Exposed to higher standards of service elsewhere, Israelis are returning home expecting the same. American firms have also begun arriving in large numbers. Chains such as KFC, McDonald's and Pizza Hut are setting a new standard of customer service, using strict employee training and constant monitoring to ensure the friendliness of frontline staff. Even the American habit of telling departing customers to "Have a nice day" has caught on all over . "Nobody wakes up in the morning and says, ‘Let's be nicer,'" says Itsik Cohen, director of a consulting firm. "Nothing happens without competition."
Privatization, or the threat of it, is a motivation as well. Monopolies that until recently have been free to take their customers for granted now fear what Michael Perry, a marketing professor, calls "the revengeful consumer." When the government opened up competition with Bezaq, the phone company, its international branch lost 40% of its market share, even while offering competitive rates. Says Perry, "People wanted revenge for all the years of bad service." The electric company, whose monopoly may be short-lived, has suddenly mopped requiring users to wait half a day for a repairman. Now, appointments are scheduled to the half-hour. The graceless El Al Airlines, which is already at auction , has retrained its employees to emphasize service and is boasting about the results in an ad campaign with the slogan, "You can feel the change in the air." For the first time, praise outnumbers complaints on customer survey sheets. | 1237.txt | 3 |
[
"Because the rates it offered were not competitive enough.",
"Because customers were dissatisfied with its past service.",
"Because the service offered by its competitors was far better.",
"Because it no longer received any support from the government."
] | Why did Bezaq's international branch lose 40% of its market share? | In recent years, Israeli consumers have grown more demanding as they've become wealthier and more worldly-wise. Foreign travel is a national passion; this summer alone, one in 10 citizens will go abroad. Exposed to higher standards of service elsewhere, Israelis are returning home expecting the same. American firms have also begun arriving in large numbers. Chains such as KFC, McDonald's and Pizza Hut are setting a new standard of customer service, using strict employee training and constant monitoring to ensure the friendliness of frontline staff. Even the American habit of telling departing customers to "Have a nice day" has caught on all over . "Nobody wakes up in the morning and says, ‘Let's be nicer,'" says Itsik Cohen, director of a consulting firm. "Nothing happens without competition."
Privatization, or the threat of it, is a motivation as well. Monopolies that until recently have been free to take their customers for granted now fear what Michael Perry, a marketing professor, calls "the revengeful consumer." When the government opened up competition with Bezaq, the phone company, its international branch lost 40% of its market share, even while offering competitive rates. Says Perry, "People wanted revenge for all the years of bad service." The electric company, whose monopoly may be short-lived, has suddenly mopped requiring users to wait half a day for a repairman. Now, appointments are scheduled to the half-hour. The graceless El Al Airlines, which is already at auction , has retrained its employees to emphasize service and is boasting about the results in an ad campaign with the slogan, "You can feel the change in the air." For the first time, praise outnumbers complaints on customer survey sheets. | 1237.txt | 1 |
[
"Benjamin's visit to Philadelphia.",
"Williams' influence on Benjamin.",
"The beginning of Benjamin's life as an artist.",
"The friendship between Benjamin and Pennington."
] | What is the text mainly about? | The brush did not last long. Soon Benjamin needed more fur. Before long, the catbegan to look ragged . His father said that the cat must be sick. Benjamin was forced to admit what he had been doing.
The cat's lot was about to improve. That year, one of Benjamin's cousins, Mr.Pennington, came to visit. He was impressed with Benjamin's drawings. When he went home, he sent Benjamin a box of paint and some brushes. He also sent six engravings by an artist. These were the first pictures and first real paint and brushes Benjamin had ever seen. In 1747，when Benjamin was nine years old，Mr.Pennington retured for another visit.He was amazed at what Benjamin had done with his gift.He asked Benjamin's parents if he might take the boy to Philadelphia for a visit.
In the city, Mr.Pennington gave Benjamin materials for creating oil paintings.The boy began a landscape painting.Wiliams ,a well-known painter,came to see him work. Wiliams was impressed with Benjamin and gave him two classic books on painting to take home.The books were long and dull. Benjamin could read only a little,having been a poor student.But he later said,"Those two books were my companions by day,and under my pillow at night."While it is likely that he understood very little of the books,they were his introduction to classical paintings.The nine-year-old boy decided then that he would be an artist. | 3515.txt | 2 |
[
"He took him to see painting exhibitions.",
"He provided him with painting materials.",
"He sent him to a school in Philadelphia.",
"He taught him how to make engravings."
] | What did Pennington do to help Benjamin develop his talent? | The brush did not last long. Soon Benjamin needed more fur. Before long, the catbegan to look ragged . His father said that the cat must be sick. Benjamin was forced to admit what he had been doing.
The cat's lot was about to improve. That year, one of Benjamin's cousins, Mr.Pennington, came to visit. He was impressed with Benjamin's drawings. When he went home, he sent Benjamin a box of paint and some brushes. He also sent six engravings by an artist. These were the first pictures and first real paint and brushes Benjamin had ever seen. In 1747，when Benjamin was nine years old，Mr.Pennington retured for another visit.He was amazed at what Benjamin had done with his gift.He asked Benjamin's parents if he might take the boy to Philadelphia for a visit.
In the city, Mr.Pennington gave Benjamin materials for creating oil paintings.The boy began a landscape painting.Wiliams ,a well-known painter,came to see him work. Wiliams was impressed with Benjamin and gave him two classic books on painting to take home.The books were long and dull. Benjamin could read only a little,having been a poor student.But he later said,"Those two books were my companions by day,and under my pillow at night."While it is likely that he understood very little of the books,they were his introduction to classical paintings.The nine-year-old boy decided then that he would be an artist. | 3515.txt | 1 |
[
"master the use of paints",
"appreciate landscape paintings",
"get to know other painters",
"make up his mind to be a painter"
] | Williams' two books helped Benjamin to _ . | The brush did not last long. Soon Benjamin needed more fur. Before long, the catbegan to look ragged . His father said that the cat must be sick. Benjamin was forced to admit what he had been doing.
The cat's lot was about to improve. That year, one of Benjamin's cousins, Mr.Pennington, came to visit. He was impressed with Benjamin's drawings. When he went home, he sent Benjamin a box of paint and some brushes. He also sent six engravings by an artist. These were the first pictures and first real paint and brushes Benjamin had ever seen. In 1747，when Benjamin was nine years old，Mr.Pennington retured for another visit.He was amazed at what Benjamin had done with his gift.He asked Benjamin's parents if he might take the boy to Philadelphia for a visit.
In the city, Mr.Pennington gave Benjamin materials for creating oil paintings.The boy began a landscape painting.Wiliams ,a well-known painter,came to see him work. Wiliams was impressed with Benjamin and gave him two classic books on painting to take home.The books were long and dull. Benjamin could read only a little,having been a poor student.But he later said,"Those two books were my companions by day,and under my pillow at night."While it is likely that he understood very little of the books,they were his introduction to classical paintings.The nine-year-old boy decided then that he would be an artist. | 3515.txt | 3 |
[
"cold",
"hardship",
"physical risk",
"all of the above"
] | Mountaineering involves_ . | Most young people enjoy some form of physical activity.It may be walking, cycling or swimming,or in winter,skating or skiing.It may be game of some kind football,hockey,golf,or tennis.It may be mountaineering.
Those who have a passion for climbing high and difficult mountains are often looked upon with astonishment.Why are men and women willing to suffer cold and hardship,and to take risks on high mountains? This astonsihment is caused probably by the difference between mountaineering and other forms of activity to which men give their leisure.
Mountaineering is a sport and not a game.There are no man-made rules,as there are for such games as golf and football.There are , of course,rules of adifferent kind which it would be dangerous to ignore,but it is this freedom from man-made rules that makes mountaineering attractive to many people.Those who climb mountains are free to use their own methods.
If we compare mountaineering and other more familiar sports,we might think that one big difference is that mountaineering is not a 'team game'. We should be mistaken in this. There are ,it is true, no 'matches' between 'teams' of climbers, but when climbers are on a rock face linked by a rope on which their lives may depend,there is obviously teamwork.
The mountain climber knows that he may have to fight forces that are stronger and more powerful than man. He has to fight the forces of nature. His sport tequires high mental and physical qualities.
A mountain climber continues to improve in skill year after year. A skier is probably past his best by the age of thirty,and most international tennis champions are in their early twenties.But it is not unusual for man of fifty or sixty to climb the highest mountains in Alps.They may take more time than younger men, but they probably climb with more skill and less waste of effort,and their certianly experience equal enjoyment. | 1654.txt | 3 |
[
"activity",
"rules",
"uniform",
"participants"
] | The difference between a sport and a game has to do with the kind of _ . | Most young people enjoy some form of physical activity.It may be walking, cycling or swimming,or in winter,skating or skiing.It may be game of some kind football,hockey,golf,or tennis.It may be mountaineering.
Those who have a passion for climbing high and difficult mountains are often looked upon with astonishment.Why are men and women willing to suffer cold and hardship,and to take risks on high mountains? This astonsihment is caused probably by the difference between mountaineering and other forms of activity to which men give their leisure.
Mountaineering is a sport and not a game.There are no man-made rules,as there are for such games as golf and football.There are , of course,rules of adifferent kind which it would be dangerous to ignore,but it is this freedom from man-made rules that makes mountaineering attractive to many people.Those who climb mountains are free to use their own methods.
If we compare mountaineering and other more familiar sports,we might think that one big difference is that mountaineering is not a 'team game'. We should be mistaken in this. There are ,it is true, no 'matches' between 'teams' of climbers, but when climbers are on a rock face linked by a rope on which their lives may depend,there is obviously teamwork.
The mountain climber knows that he may have to fight forces that are stronger and more powerful than man. He has to fight the forces of nature. His sport tequires high mental and physical qualities.
A mountain climber continues to improve in skill year after year. A skier is probably past his best by the age of thirty,and most international tennis champions are in their early twenties.But it is not unusual for man of fifty or sixty to climb the highest mountains in Alps.They may take more time than younger men, but they probably climb with more skill and less waste of effort,and their certianly experience equal enjoyment. | 1654.txt | 1 |
[
"it is an Olympic event",
"teams compete against each other",
"mountaineers depend on other while climbing",
"there are 5 climbers on each team"
] | Mountaineering can be called a team sport because_ . | Most young people enjoy some form of physical activity.It may be walking, cycling or swimming,or in winter,skating or skiing.It may be game of some kind football,hockey,golf,or tennis.It may be mountaineering.
Those who have a passion for climbing high and difficult mountains are often looked upon with astonishment.Why are men and women willing to suffer cold and hardship,and to take risks on high mountains? This astonsihment is caused probably by the difference between mountaineering and other forms of activity to which men give their leisure.
Mountaineering is a sport and not a game.There are no man-made rules,as there are for such games as golf and football.There are , of course,rules of adifferent kind which it would be dangerous to ignore,but it is this freedom from man-made rules that makes mountaineering attractive to many people.Those who climb mountains are free to use their own methods.
If we compare mountaineering and other more familiar sports,we might think that one big difference is that mountaineering is not a 'team game'. We should be mistaken in this. There are ,it is true, no 'matches' between 'teams' of climbers, but when climbers are on a rock face linked by a rope on which their lives may depend,there is obviously teamwork.
The mountain climber knows that he may have to fight forces that are stronger and more powerful than man. He has to fight the forces of nature. His sport tequires high mental and physical qualities.
A mountain climber continues to improve in skill year after year. A skier is probably past his best by the age of thirty,and most international tennis champions are in their early twenties.But it is not unusual for man of fifty or sixty to climb the highest mountains in Alps.They may take more time than younger men, but they probably climb with more skill and less waste of effort,and their certianly experience equal enjoyment. | 1654.txt | 2 |
[
"nature",
"each other",
"other teams",
"international standards"
] | Mountaineers compete against_ . | Most young people enjoy some form of physical activity.It may be walking, cycling or swimming,or in winter,skating or skiing.It may be game of some kind football,hockey,golf,or tennis.It may be mountaineering.
Those who have a passion for climbing high and difficult mountains are often looked upon with astonishment.Why are men and women willing to suffer cold and hardship,and to take risks on high mountains? This astonsihment is caused probably by the difference between mountaineering and other forms of activity to which men give their leisure.
Mountaineering is a sport and not a game.There are no man-made rules,as there are for such games as golf and football.There are , of course,rules of adifferent kind which it would be dangerous to ignore,but it is this freedom from man-made rules that makes mountaineering attractive to many people.Those who climb mountains are free to use their own methods.
If we compare mountaineering and other more familiar sports,we might think that one big difference is that mountaineering is not a 'team game'. We should be mistaken in this. There are ,it is true, no 'matches' between 'teams' of climbers, but when climbers are on a rock face linked by a rope on which their lives may depend,there is obviously teamwork.
The mountain climber knows that he may have to fight forces that are stronger and more powerful than man. He has to fight the forces of nature. His sport tequires high mental and physical qualities.
A mountain climber continues to improve in skill year after year. A skier is probably past his best by the age of thirty,and most international tennis champions are in their early twenties.But it is not unusual for man of fifty or sixty to climb the highest mountains in Alps.They may take more time than younger men, but they probably climb with more skill and less waste of effort,and their certianly experience equal enjoyment. | 1654.txt | 0 |
[
"mountaineering is different from golf and football",
"mountaineering is more attractive than other sports",
"mountaineering",
"mountain climbers"
] | Choose the best title for the passage_ . | Most young people enjoy some form of physical activity.It may be walking, cycling or swimming,or in winter,skating or skiing.It may be game of some kind football,hockey,golf,or tennis.It may be mountaineering.
Those who have a passion for climbing high and difficult mountains are often looked upon with astonishment.Why are men and women willing to suffer cold and hardship,and to take risks on high mountains? This astonsihment is caused probably by the difference between mountaineering and other forms of activity to which men give their leisure.
Mountaineering is a sport and not a game.There are no man-made rules,as there are for such games as golf and football.There are , of course,rules of adifferent kind which it would be dangerous to ignore,but it is this freedom from man-made rules that makes mountaineering attractive to many people.Those who climb mountains are free to use their own methods.
If we compare mountaineering and other more familiar sports,we might think that one big difference is that mountaineering is not a 'team game'. We should be mistaken in this. There are ,it is true, no 'matches' between 'teams' of climbers, but when climbers are on a rock face linked by a rope on which their lives may depend,there is obviously teamwork.
The mountain climber knows that he may have to fight forces that are stronger and more powerful than man. He has to fight the forces of nature. His sport tequires high mental and physical qualities.
A mountain climber continues to improve in skill year after year. A skier is probably past his best by the age of thirty,and most international tennis champions are in their early twenties.But it is not unusual for man of fifty or sixty to climb the highest mountains in Alps.They may take more time than younger men, but they probably climb with more skill and less waste of effort,and their certianly experience equal enjoyment. | 1654.txt | 2 |
[
"give an example of one theory about the interaction of grazers and phytoplankton",
"defend the first theory of algal defenses against grazing",
"support the contention that phytoplankton numbers are controlled primarily by environmental factors",
"demonstrate the superiority of laboratory studies of zooplankton feeding rates to other kinds of studies of such rates"
] | The author most likely mentions Hardy's principle of animal exclusion in order to | Many theories have been formulated to explain the role of grazers such as zooplankton in controlling the amount of planktonic algae (phytoplankton) in lakes.The first theories of such grazer control were merely based on observations of negative correlations between algal and zooplankton numbers. A low number of algal cells in the presence of a high number of grazers suggested,but did not prove,that the grazers had removed most of the algae. The converse observation, of the absence of grazers in areas of high phytoplankton concentration, led Hardy to propose his principle of animal exclusion, which hypothesized that phytoplankton produced a repellent that excluded grazers from regions of high phytoplankton concentration. This was the first suggestion of algal defenses against grazing.
Perhaps the fact that many of these first studies considered only algae of a size that could be collected in a net (net phytoplankton), a practice that overlooked the smaller phytoplankton (nannoplankton) that we now know grazers are most likely to feed on, led to a de-emphasis of the role of grazers in subsequent research. Increasingly, as in the individual studies of Lund, Round, and Reynolds, researchers began to stress the importance of environmental factors such as temperature, light, and water movements in controlling algal numbers. These environmental factors were amenable to field monitoring and to simulation in the laboratory. Grazing was believed to have some effect on algal numbers, especially after phytoplankton growth rates declined at the end of bloom periods, but grazing was considered a minor component of models that predicted algal population dynamics.
The potential magnitude of grazing pressure on freshwater phytoplankton has only recently been determined empirically. Studies by Hargrave and Geen estimated natural community graz-ing rates by measuring feeding rates of individual zooplankton species in the laboratory and then computing community grazing rates for field conditions using the known population density of grazers. The high estimates of grazing pressure postulated by these researchers were not fully accepted, however, until the grazing rates of zooplankton were determined directly in the field, by means of new experimental techniques. Using a specially prepared feeding chamber, Haney was able to record zooplankton grazing rates in natural field conditions. In the periods of peak zooplankton abundance, that is, in the late spring and in the summer, Haney recorded maximum daily community grazing rates, for nutrient-poor lakes and bog lakes, respectively, of 6.6 percent and 114 percent of daily phytoplankton production. Cladocerans had higher grazing rates than copepods, usually accounting for 80 percent of the community grazing rate. These rates varied seasonally, reaching the lowest point in the winter and early spring.Haney's thorough research provides convincing field evidence that grazers can exert significant pressure on phytoplankton population. | 2028.txt | 0 |
[
"observe high phytoplankton numbers under natural lake conditions",
"discover negative correlations between algae and zooplankton numbers from their field research",
"understand the central importance of environmental factors in controlling the growth rates of phytoplankton",
"make verifiable correlations of cause and effect between zooplankton and phytoplankton numbers"
] | It can be inferred from the passage that the "first theories" of grazer control mentioned in line 5 would have been more convincing if researchers had been able to | Many theories have been formulated to explain the role of grazers such as zooplankton in controlling the amount of planktonic algae (phytoplankton) in lakes.The first theories of such grazer control were merely based on observations of negative correlations between algal and zooplankton numbers. A low number of algal cells in the presence of a high number of grazers suggested,but did not prove,that the grazers had removed most of the algae. The converse observation, of the absence of grazers in areas of high phytoplankton concentration, led Hardy to propose his principle of animal exclusion, which hypothesized that phytoplankton produced a repellent that excluded grazers from regions of high phytoplankton concentration. This was the first suggestion of algal defenses against grazing.
Perhaps the fact that many of these first studies considered only algae of a size that could be collected in a net (net phytoplankton), a practice that overlooked the smaller phytoplankton (nannoplankton) that we now know grazers are most likely to feed on, led to a de-emphasis of the role of grazers in subsequent research. Increasingly, as in the individual studies of Lund, Round, and Reynolds, researchers began to stress the importance of environmental factors such as temperature, light, and water movements in controlling algal numbers. These environmental factors were amenable to field monitoring and to simulation in the laboratory. Grazing was believed to have some effect on algal numbers, especially after phytoplankton growth rates declined at the end of bloom periods, but grazing was considered a minor component of models that predicted algal population dynamics.
The potential magnitude of grazing pressure on freshwater phytoplankton has only recently been determined empirically. Studies by Hargrave and Geen estimated natural community graz-ing rates by measuring feeding rates of individual zooplankton species in the laboratory and then computing community grazing rates for field conditions using the known population density of grazers. The high estimates of grazing pressure postulated by these researchers were not fully accepted, however, until the grazing rates of zooplankton were determined directly in the field, by means of new experimental techniques. Using a specially prepared feeding chamber, Haney was able to record zooplankton grazing rates in natural field conditions. In the periods of peak zooplankton abundance, that is, in the late spring and in the summer, Haney recorded maximum daily community grazing rates, for nutrient-poor lakes and bog lakes, respectively, of 6.6 percent and 114 percent of daily phytoplankton production. Cladocerans had higher grazing rates than copepods, usually accounting for 80 percent of the community grazing rate. These rates varied seasonally, reaching the lowest point in the winter and early spring.Haney's thorough research provides convincing field evidence that grazers can exert significant pressure on phytoplankton population. | 2028.txt | 3 |
[
"Zooplankton are not the only organisms that are affected by phytoplankton repellents.",
"Zooplankton exclusion is unrelated to phytoplankton population density.",
"Zooplankton population density is higher during some parts of the year than during others.",
"Net phytoplankton are more likely to exclude zooplankton than are nannoplankton."
] | Which of the following, if true, would call into question Hardy's principle of animal exclusion? | Many theories have been formulated to explain the role of grazers such as zooplankton in controlling the amount of planktonic algae (phytoplankton) in lakes.The first theories of such grazer control were merely based on observations of negative correlations between algal and zooplankton numbers. A low number of algal cells in the presence of a high number of grazers suggested,but did not prove,that the grazers had removed most of the algae. The converse observation, of the absence of grazers in areas of high phytoplankton concentration, led Hardy to propose his principle of animal exclusion, which hypothesized that phytoplankton produced a repellent that excluded grazers from regions of high phytoplankton concentration. This was the first suggestion of algal defenses against grazing.
Perhaps the fact that many of these first studies considered only algae of a size that could be collected in a net (net phytoplankton), a practice that overlooked the smaller phytoplankton (nannoplankton) that we now know grazers are most likely to feed on, led to a de-emphasis of the role of grazers in subsequent research. Increasingly, as in the individual studies of Lund, Round, and Reynolds, researchers began to stress the importance of environmental factors such as temperature, light, and water movements in controlling algal numbers. These environmental factors were amenable to field monitoring and to simulation in the laboratory. Grazing was believed to have some effect on algal numbers, especially after phytoplankton growth rates declined at the end of bloom periods, but grazing was considered a minor component of models that predicted algal population dynamics.
The potential magnitude of grazing pressure on freshwater phytoplankton has only recently been determined empirically. Studies by Hargrave and Geen estimated natural community graz-ing rates by measuring feeding rates of individual zooplankton species in the laboratory and then computing community grazing rates for field conditions using the known population density of grazers. The high estimates of grazing pressure postulated by these researchers were not fully accepted, however, until the grazing rates of zooplankton were determined directly in the field, by means of new experimental techniques. Using a specially prepared feeding chamber, Haney was able to record zooplankton grazing rates in natural field conditions. In the periods of peak zooplankton abundance, that is, in the late spring and in the summer, Haney recorded maximum daily community grazing rates, for nutrient-poor lakes and bog lakes, respectively, of 6.6 percent and 114 percent of daily phytoplankton production. Cladocerans had higher grazing rates than copepods, usually accounting for 80 percent of the community grazing rate. These rates varied seasonally, reaching the lowest point in the winter and early spring.Haney's thorough research provides convincing field evidence that grazers can exert significant pressure on phytoplankton population. | 2028.txt | 1 |
[
"Hardy",
"Lund",
"Round",
"Haney"
] | The passage supplies information to indicate that Hargrave and Geen's conclusion regarding the grazing pressure exerted by zooplankton on phytoplankton numbers was most similar to the conclusion regarding grazing pressure reached by which of the following researchers? | Many theories have been formulated to explain the role of grazers such as zooplankton in controlling the amount of planktonic algae (phytoplankton) in lakes.The first theories of such grazer control were merely based on observations of negative correlations between algal and zooplankton numbers. A low number of algal cells in the presence of a high number of grazers suggested,but did not prove,that the grazers had removed most of the algae. The converse observation, of the absence of grazers in areas of high phytoplankton concentration, led Hardy to propose his principle of animal exclusion, which hypothesized that phytoplankton produced a repellent that excluded grazers from regions of high phytoplankton concentration. This was the first suggestion of algal defenses against grazing.
Perhaps the fact that many of these first studies considered only algae of a size that could be collected in a net (net phytoplankton), a practice that overlooked the smaller phytoplankton (nannoplankton) that we now know grazers are most likely to feed on, led to a de-emphasis of the role of grazers in subsequent research. Increasingly, as in the individual studies of Lund, Round, and Reynolds, researchers began to stress the importance of environmental factors such as temperature, light, and water movements in controlling algal numbers. These environmental factors were amenable to field monitoring and to simulation in the laboratory. Grazing was believed to have some effect on algal numbers, especially after phytoplankton growth rates declined at the end of bloom periods, but grazing was considered a minor component of models that predicted algal population dynamics.
The potential magnitude of grazing pressure on freshwater phytoplankton has only recently been determined empirically. Studies by Hargrave and Geen estimated natural community graz-ing rates by measuring feeding rates of individual zooplankton species in the laboratory and then computing community grazing rates for field conditions using the known population density of grazers. The high estimates of grazing pressure postulated by these researchers were not fully accepted, however, until the grazing rates of zooplankton were determined directly in the field, by means of new experimental techniques. Using a specially prepared feeding chamber, Haney was able to record zooplankton grazing rates in natural field conditions. In the periods of peak zooplankton abundance, that is, in the late spring and in the summer, Haney recorded maximum daily community grazing rates, for nutrient-poor lakes and bog lakes, respectively, of 6.6 percent and 114 percent of daily phytoplankton production. Cladocerans had higher grazing rates than copepods, usually accounting for 80 percent of the community grazing rate. These rates varied seasonally, reaching the lowest point in the winter and early spring.Haney's thorough research provides convincing field evidence that grazers can exert significant pressure on phytoplankton population. | 2028.txt | 3 |
[
"emphasize the effects of temperature, rather than of light, on phytoplankton",
"disregard nannoplankton in their analysis of phytoplankton numbers",
"collect phytoplankton of all sizes before analyzing the extent of phytoplankton concentration",
"recognize that phytoplankton other than net phytoplankton could be collected in a net"
] | It can be inferred from the passage that one way in which many of the early researchers on grazer control could have improved their data would have been to | Many theories have been formulated to explain the role of grazers such as zooplankton in controlling the amount of planktonic algae (phytoplankton) in lakes.The first theories of such grazer control were merely based on observations of negative correlations between algal and zooplankton numbers. A low number of algal cells in the presence of a high number of grazers suggested,but did not prove,that the grazers had removed most of the algae. The converse observation, of the absence of grazers in areas of high phytoplankton concentration, led Hardy to propose his principle of animal exclusion, which hypothesized that phytoplankton produced a repellent that excluded grazers from regions of high phytoplankton concentration. This was the first suggestion of algal defenses against grazing.
Perhaps the fact that many of these first studies considered only algae of a size that could be collected in a net (net phytoplankton), a practice that overlooked the smaller phytoplankton (nannoplankton) that we now know grazers are most likely to feed on, led to a de-emphasis of the role of grazers in subsequent research. Increasingly, as in the individual studies of Lund, Round, and Reynolds, researchers began to stress the importance of environmental factors such as temperature, light, and water movements in controlling algal numbers. These environmental factors were amenable to field monitoring and to simulation in the laboratory. Grazing was believed to have some effect on algal numbers, especially after phytoplankton growth rates declined at the end of bloom periods, but grazing was considered a minor component of models that predicted algal population dynamics.
The potential magnitude of grazing pressure on freshwater phytoplankton has only recently been determined empirically. Studies by Hargrave and Geen estimated natural community graz-ing rates by measuring feeding rates of individual zooplankton species in the laboratory and then computing community grazing rates for field conditions using the known population density of grazers. The high estimates of grazing pressure postulated by these researchers were not fully accepted, however, until the grazing rates of zooplankton were determined directly in the field, by means of new experimental techniques. Using a specially prepared feeding chamber, Haney was able to record zooplankton grazing rates in natural field conditions. In the periods of peak zooplankton abundance, that is, in the late spring and in the summer, Haney recorded maximum daily community grazing rates, for nutrient-poor lakes and bog lakes, respectively, of 6.6 percent and 114 percent of daily phytoplankton production. Cladocerans had higher grazing rates than copepods, usually accounting for 80 percent of the community grazing rate. These rates varied seasonally, reaching the lowest point in the winter and early spring.Haney's thorough research provides convincing field evidence that grazers can exert significant pressure on phytoplankton population. | 2028.txt | 2 |
[
"They compared the grazing rates of individual zooplankton species in the laboratory with the natural grazing rates of these species.",
"The hypothesized about the population density of grazers in natural habitats by using data concerning the population density of grazers in the laboratory.",
"They estimated the community grazing rates of zooplankton in the laboratory by using data concerning the natural community grazig rates of zooplankton.",
"They estimated the natural community grazing rates of zooplankton by using laboratory data concerning the grazing rates of individual zooplankton species."
] | According to the passage, Hargrave and Geen did which of the following in their experiments? | Many theories have been formulated to explain the role of grazers such as zooplankton in controlling the amount of planktonic algae (phytoplankton) in lakes.The first theories of such grazer control were merely based on observations of negative correlations between algal and zooplankton numbers. A low number of algal cells in the presence of a high number of grazers suggested,but did not prove,that the grazers had removed most of the algae. The converse observation, of the absence of grazers in areas of high phytoplankton concentration, led Hardy to propose his principle of animal exclusion, which hypothesized that phytoplankton produced a repellent that excluded grazers from regions of high phytoplankton concentration. This was the first suggestion of algal defenses against grazing.
Perhaps the fact that many of these first studies considered only algae of a size that could be collected in a net (net phytoplankton), a practice that overlooked the smaller phytoplankton (nannoplankton) that we now know grazers are most likely to feed on, led to a de-emphasis of the role of grazers in subsequent research. Increasingly, as in the individual studies of Lund, Round, and Reynolds, researchers began to stress the importance of environmental factors such as temperature, light, and water movements in controlling algal numbers. These environmental factors were amenable to field monitoring and to simulation in the laboratory. Grazing was believed to have some effect on algal numbers, especially after phytoplankton growth rates declined at the end of bloom periods, but grazing was considered a minor component of models that predicted algal population dynamics.
The potential magnitude of grazing pressure on freshwater phytoplankton has only recently been determined empirically. Studies by Hargrave and Geen estimated natural community graz-ing rates by measuring feeding rates of individual zooplankton species in the laboratory and then computing community grazing rates for field conditions using the known population density of grazers. The high estimates of grazing pressure postulated by these researchers were not fully accepted, however, until the grazing rates of zooplankton were determined directly in the field, by means of new experimental techniques. Using a specially prepared feeding chamber, Haney was able to record zooplankton grazing rates in natural field conditions. In the periods of peak zooplankton abundance, that is, in the late spring and in the summer, Haney recorded maximum daily community grazing rates, for nutrient-poor lakes and bog lakes, respectively, of 6.6 percent and 114 percent of daily phytoplankton production. Cladocerans had higher grazing rates than copepods, usually accounting for 80 percent of the community grazing rate. These rates varied seasonally, reaching the lowest point in the winter and early spring.Haney's thorough research provides convincing field evidence that grazers can exert significant pressure on phytoplankton population. | 2028.txt | 3 |
[
"While zooplankton numbers began to decline in August, zooplankton grazing rates began to increase.",
"Although zooplankton numbers were high in May, grazing rates did not become high until January.",
"Both zooplankton numbers and grazing rates were higher in December than in November.",
"Both zooplankton numbers and grazing rates were lower in March than in June."
] | Which of the following is a true statement about the zooplankton numbers and zooplankton grazing rates observed in Haney's experiments? | Many theories have been formulated to explain the role of grazers such as zooplankton in controlling the amount of planktonic algae (phytoplankton) in lakes.The first theories of such grazer control were merely based on observations of negative correlations between algal and zooplankton numbers. A low number of algal cells in the presence of a high number of grazers suggested,but did not prove,that the grazers had removed most of the algae. The converse observation, of the absence of grazers in areas of high phytoplankton concentration, led Hardy to propose his principle of animal exclusion, which hypothesized that phytoplankton produced a repellent that excluded grazers from regions of high phytoplankton concentration. This was the first suggestion of algal defenses against grazing.
Perhaps the fact that many of these first studies considered only algae of a size that could be collected in a net (net phytoplankton), a practice that overlooked the smaller phytoplankton (nannoplankton) that we now know grazers are most likely to feed on, led to a de-emphasis of the role of grazers in subsequent research. Increasingly, as in the individual studies of Lund, Round, and Reynolds, researchers began to stress the importance of environmental factors such as temperature, light, and water movements in controlling algal numbers. These environmental factors were amenable to field monitoring and to simulation in the laboratory. Grazing was believed to have some effect on algal numbers, especially after phytoplankton growth rates declined at the end of bloom periods, but grazing was considered a minor component of models that predicted algal population dynamics.
The potential magnitude of grazing pressure on freshwater phytoplankton has only recently been determined empirically. Studies by Hargrave and Geen estimated natural community graz-ing rates by measuring feeding rates of individual zooplankton species in the laboratory and then computing community grazing rates for field conditions using the known population density of grazers. The high estimates of grazing pressure postulated by these researchers were not fully accepted, however, until the grazing rates of zooplankton were determined directly in the field, by means of new experimental techniques. Using a specially prepared feeding chamber, Haney was able to record zooplankton grazing rates in natural field conditions. In the periods of peak zooplankton abundance, that is, in the late spring and in the summer, Haney recorded maximum daily community grazing rates, for nutrient-poor lakes and bog lakes, respectively, of 6.6 percent and 114 percent of daily phytoplankton production. Cladocerans had higher grazing rates than copepods, usually accounting for 80 percent of the community grazing rate. These rates varied seasonally, reaching the lowest point in the winter and early spring.Haney's thorough research provides convincing field evidence that grazers can exert significant pressure on phytoplankton population. | 2028.txt | 3 |
[
"all round people in their own fields",
"people whose job is to organize other people's work",
"generalists whose educational background is either technical or professional",
"specialists whose chief concern is to provide administrative guidance to others"
] | There is an increasing demand for . | There are a great many careers in which the increasing emphasis is on specialization. You find these careers in engineering, in production, in statistical work, and in teaching. But there is an increasing demand for people who are able to take in great area at a glance, people who perhaps do not know too much about any one field. There is, in other words, a demand for people who are capable of seeing the forest rather than the trees, of making general judgments. We can call these people "generalists." And these "generalists" are particularly needed for positions in administration, where it is their job to see that other people do the work, where they have to plan for other people, to organize other people's work, to begin it and judge it.
The specialist understands one field; his concern is with technique and tools. He is a "trained" man; and his educational background is properly technical or professional. The generalist -- and especially the administrator -- deals with people; his concern is with leadership, with planning, and with direction giving. He is an "educated" man; and the humanities are his strongest foundation. Very rarely is a specialist capable of being an administrator. And very rarely is a good generalist also a good specialist in particular field. Any organization needs both kinds of people, though different organizations need them in different proportions. It is your task to find out, during your training period, into which of the two kinds of jobs you fit, and to plan your career accordingly.
Your first job may turn out to be the right job for you -- but this is pure accident. Certainly you should not change jobs constantly or people will become suspicious of your ability to hold any job. At the same time you must not look upon the first job as the final job; it is primarily a training job, an opportunity to understand yourself and your fitness for being an employee. | 3829.txt | 1 |
[
"a man whose job is to train other people",
"a man who has been trained in more than one fields",
"a man who can see the forest rather than the trees",
"a man whose concern is mainly with technical or professional matters"
] | The specialist is . | There are a great many careers in which the increasing emphasis is on specialization. You find these careers in engineering, in production, in statistical work, and in teaching. But there is an increasing demand for people who are able to take in great area at a glance, people who perhaps do not know too much about any one field. There is, in other words, a demand for people who are capable of seeing the forest rather than the trees, of making general judgments. We can call these people "generalists." And these "generalists" are particularly needed for positions in administration, where it is their job to see that other people do the work, where they have to plan for other people, to organize other people's work, to begin it and judge it.
The specialist understands one field; his concern is with technique and tools. He is a "trained" man; and his educational background is properly technical or professional. The generalist -- and especially the administrator -- deals with people; his concern is with leadership, with planning, and with direction giving. He is an "educated" man; and the humanities are his strongest foundation. Very rarely is a specialist capable of being an administrator. And very rarely is a good generalist also a good specialist in particular field. Any organization needs both kinds of people, though different organizations need them in different proportions. It is your task to find out, during your training period, into which of the two kinds of jobs you fit, and to plan your career accordingly.
Your first job may turn out to be the right job for you -- but this is pure accident. Certainly you should not change jobs constantly or people will become suspicious of your ability to hold any job. At the same time you must not look upon the first job as the final job; it is primarily a training job, an opportunity to understand yourself and your fitness for being an employee. | 3829.txt | 3 |
[
"a \"trained\" man who is more a specialist than a generalist",
"a man who sees the trees as well as the forest",
"a man who is very strong in the humanities",
"a man who is an \"educated\" specialist"
] | The administrator is . | There are a great many careers in which the increasing emphasis is on specialization. You find these careers in engineering, in production, in statistical work, and in teaching. But there is an increasing demand for people who are able to take in great area at a glance, people who perhaps do not know too much about any one field. There is, in other words, a demand for people who are capable of seeing the forest rather than the trees, of making general judgments. We can call these people "generalists." And these "generalists" are particularly needed for positions in administration, where it is their job to see that other people do the work, where they have to plan for other people, to organize other people's work, to begin it and judge it.
The specialist understands one field; his concern is with technique and tools. He is a "trained" man; and his educational background is properly technical or professional. The generalist -- and especially the administrator -- deals with people; his concern is with leadership, with planning, and with direction giving. He is an "educated" man; and the humanities are his strongest foundation. Very rarely is a specialist capable of being an administrator. And very rarely is a good generalist also a good specialist in particular field. Any organization needs both kinds of people, though different organizations need them in different proportions. It is your task to find out, during your training period, into which of the two kinds of jobs you fit, and to plan your career accordingly.
Your first job may turn out to be the right job for you -- but this is pure accident. Certainly you should not change jobs constantly or people will become suspicious of your ability to hold any job. At the same time you must not look upon the first job as the final job; it is primarily a training job, an opportunity to understand yourself and your fitness for being an employee. | 3829.txt | 2 |
[
"to try to be a generalist",
"to choose a profitable job",
"to find an organization which fits you",
"to decide whether you are fit to be a specialist or a generalist"
] | During your training period, it is important . | There are a great many careers in which the increasing emphasis is on specialization. You find these careers in engineering, in production, in statistical work, and in teaching. But there is an increasing demand for people who are able to take in great area at a glance, people who perhaps do not know too much about any one field. There is, in other words, a demand for people who are capable of seeing the forest rather than the trees, of making general judgments. We can call these people "generalists." And these "generalists" are particularly needed for positions in administration, where it is their job to see that other people do the work, where they have to plan for other people, to organize other people's work, to begin it and judge it.
The specialist understands one field; his concern is with technique and tools. He is a "trained" man; and his educational background is properly technical or professional. The generalist -- and especially the administrator -- deals with people; his concern is with leadership, with planning, and with direction giving. He is an "educated" man; and the humanities are his strongest foundation. Very rarely is a specialist capable of being an administrator. And very rarely is a good generalist also a good specialist in particular field. Any organization needs both kinds of people, though different organizations need them in different proportions. It is your task to find out, during your training period, into which of the two kinds of jobs you fit, and to plan your career accordingly.
Your first job may turn out to be the right job for you -- but this is pure accident. Certainly you should not change jobs constantly or people will become suspicious of your ability to hold any job. At the same time you must not look upon the first job as the final job; it is primarily a training job, an opportunity to understand yourself and your fitness for being an employee. | 3829.txt | 3 |
[
"is never the right job for him",
"should not be regarded as his final job",
"should not be changed or people will become suspicious of his ability to hold any job",
"is primarily an opportunity to fit himself for his final job"
] | A man's first job . | There are a great many careers in which the increasing emphasis is on specialization. You find these careers in engineering, in production, in statistical work, and in teaching. But there is an increasing demand for people who are able to take in great area at a glance, people who perhaps do not know too much about any one field. There is, in other words, a demand for people who are capable of seeing the forest rather than the trees, of making general judgments. We can call these people "generalists." And these "generalists" are particularly needed for positions in administration, where it is their job to see that other people do the work, where they have to plan for other people, to organize other people's work, to begin it and judge it.
The specialist understands one field; his concern is with technique and tools. He is a "trained" man; and his educational background is properly technical or professional. The generalist -- and especially the administrator -- deals with people; his concern is with leadership, with planning, and with direction giving. He is an "educated" man; and the humanities are his strongest foundation. Very rarely is a specialist capable of being an administrator. And very rarely is a good generalist also a good specialist in particular field. Any organization needs both kinds of people, though different organizations need them in different proportions. It is your task to find out, during your training period, into which of the two kinds of jobs you fit, and to plan your career accordingly.
Your first job may turn out to be the right job for you -- but this is pure accident. Certainly you should not change jobs constantly or people will become suspicious of your ability to hold any job. At the same time you must not look upon the first job as the final job; it is primarily a training job, an opportunity to understand yourself and your fitness for being an employee. | 3829.txt | 1 |
[
"They were examined by the same medical examiner.",
"They were treated by the same docton",
"Thev all died in their sleep.",
"Their ages are roughly the same."
] | What's the similar nature of the 16 people's death? | In 2005，the medical examiner in Wichita，Kansas，noticed a cluster of deaths that were unusually similar in nature：in three years，sixteen men and women，between the ages of twenty-two and fifty-two，had died in their sleep.In the hours before they lost consciousness，they had been sluggish and dopey,struggling to stay awake.A few had complained of chest pain."I can't catch my breath，"one kept saying.
All of them had taken painkillers prescribed by a family practice called the Schneider Medical Clinic.
The clinic was in Haysville.a working.class suburb of Wichita.The main industries in the area were aircraft and plastics，neither of which was doing well.A mile south of the clinic，there was little except wheat fields.The chief doctor was Stephen Schneider,a fifty-one-year-old osteopathwith sandy hair and dimples.He treated the county commissioner and the chief of police，gave physicals to the boys at the Haysville high school，and did rounds at local nursing homes.One of his patients，Jeffrey Peters，told me that Schneider reminded him of the"kind of family doctor we had forty years ago.when l was growing up-a doctor who will sit down and listen to you and ioke around and make you feel comfortable."
On September 13，2005，Schneider arrived at work to find the clinic cordonedoff with police tape.He called his wife，Linda Atterbury,a blond，peppy forty-seven-year-old nurse，who was at home with their two young daughters，and told her to come to work.Agents from the Kansas Bureau of Investigation and the Drug Enforcement Administration led Schneider into one of the clinic's fourteen exam rooms and asked him why he had been prescribing so many opioidpainkillers.He responded that sixty per cent of his patients suffered from chronic pain，and few other physicians in the area would treat them.The agents wrote."He tries to believe his patients whenthey describe their health problems and he will believe them until they prove themselves wrong."When asked how many of his patients had died,Schneider said that he didn't know… | 1317.txt | 0 |
[
"They were sluggish and dopey before losing their consciousness.",
"They had taken painkillers from the same docton",
"They got hurt in their chest.",
"They couldn't breathe."
] | What were the common symptoms they had before they died? | In 2005，the medical examiner in Wichita，Kansas，noticed a cluster of deaths that were unusually similar in nature：in three years，sixteen men and women，between the ages of twenty-two and fifty-two，had died in their sleep.In the hours before they lost consciousness，they had been sluggish and dopey,struggling to stay awake.A few had complained of chest pain."I can't catch my breath，"one kept saying.
All of them had taken painkillers prescribed by a family practice called the Schneider Medical Clinic.
The clinic was in Haysville.a working.class suburb of Wichita.The main industries in the area were aircraft and plastics，neither of which was doing well.A mile south of the clinic，there was little except wheat fields.The chief doctor was Stephen Schneider,a fifty-one-year-old osteopathwith sandy hair and dimples.He treated the county commissioner and the chief of police，gave physicals to the boys at the Haysville high school，and did rounds at local nursing homes.One of his patients，Jeffrey Peters，told me that Schneider reminded him of the"kind of family doctor we had forty years ago.when l was growing up-a doctor who will sit down and listen to you and ioke around and make you feel comfortable."
On September 13，2005，Schneider arrived at work to find the clinic cordonedoff with police tape.He called his wife，Linda Atterbury,a blond，peppy forty-seven-year-old nurse，who was at home with their two young daughters，and told her to come to work.Agents from the Kansas Bureau of Investigation and the Drug Enforcement Administration led Schneider into one of the clinic's fourteen exam rooms and asked him why he had been prescribing so many opioidpainkillers.He responded that sixty per cent of his patients suffered from chronic pain，and few other physicians in the area would treat them.The agents wrote."He tries to believe his patients whenthey describe their health problems and he will believe them until they prove themselves wrong."When asked how many of his patients had died,Schneider said that he didn't know… | 1317.txt | 2 |
[
"In the center of Wichita.",
"A mile north of a large wheat field.",
"A place which did well in aircraft and plastics.",
"A rich upper-class area in Haysville."
] | Where did Schneider Medical Clinic locate? | In 2005，the medical examiner in Wichita，Kansas，noticed a cluster of deaths that were unusually similar in nature：in three years，sixteen men and women，between the ages of twenty-two and fifty-two，had died in their sleep.In the hours before they lost consciousness，they had been sluggish and dopey,struggling to stay awake.A few had complained of chest pain."I can't catch my breath，"one kept saying.
All of them had taken painkillers prescribed by a family practice called the Schneider Medical Clinic.
The clinic was in Haysville.a working.class suburb of Wichita.The main industries in the area were aircraft and plastics，neither of which was doing well.A mile south of the clinic，there was little except wheat fields.The chief doctor was Stephen Schneider,a fifty-one-year-old osteopathwith sandy hair and dimples.He treated the county commissioner and the chief of police，gave physicals to the boys at the Haysville high school，and did rounds at local nursing homes.One of his patients，Jeffrey Peters，told me that Schneider reminded him of the"kind of family doctor we had forty years ago.when l was growing up-a doctor who will sit down and listen to you and ioke around and make you feel comfortable."
On September 13，2005，Schneider arrived at work to find the clinic cordonedoff with police tape.He called his wife，Linda Atterbury,a blond，peppy forty-seven-year-old nurse，who was at home with their two young daughters，and told her to come to work.Agents from the Kansas Bureau of Investigation and the Drug Enforcement Administration led Schneider into one of the clinic's fourteen exam rooms and asked him why he had been prescribing so many opioidpainkillers.He responded that sixty per cent of his patients suffered from chronic pain，and few other physicians in the area would treat them.The agents wrote."He tries to believe his patients whenthey describe their health problems and he will believe them until they prove themselves wrong."When asked how many of his patients had died,Schneider said that he didn't know… | 1317.txt | 1 |
[
"Serious and strict.",
"Cold.hearted.",
"Cruel and vicious.",
"Sincere and considerate."
] | What was the family doctor like 40 years ago? | In 2005，the medical examiner in Wichita，Kansas，noticed a cluster of deaths that were unusually similar in nature：in three years，sixteen men and women，between the ages of twenty-two and fifty-two，had died in their sleep.In the hours before they lost consciousness，they had been sluggish and dopey,struggling to stay awake.A few had complained of chest pain."I can't catch my breath，"one kept saying.
All of them had taken painkillers prescribed by a family practice called the Schneider Medical Clinic.
The clinic was in Haysville.a working.class suburb of Wichita.The main industries in the area were aircraft and plastics，neither of which was doing well.A mile south of the clinic，there was little except wheat fields.The chief doctor was Stephen Schneider,a fifty-one-year-old osteopathwith sandy hair and dimples.He treated the county commissioner and the chief of police，gave physicals to the boys at the Haysville high school，and did rounds at local nursing homes.One of his patients，Jeffrey Peters，told me that Schneider reminded him of the"kind of family doctor we had forty years ago.when l was growing up-a doctor who will sit down and listen to you and ioke around and make you feel comfortable."
On September 13，2005，Schneider arrived at work to find the clinic cordonedoff with police tape.He called his wife，Linda Atterbury,a blond，peppy forty-seven-year-old nurse，who was at home with their two young daughters，and told her to come to work.Agents from the Kansas Bureau of Investigation and the Drug Enforcement Administration led Schneider into one of the clinic's fourteen exam rooms and asked him why he had been prescribing so many opioidpainkillers.He responded that sixty per cent of his patients suffered from chronic pain，and few other physicians in the area would treat them.The agents wrote."He tries to believe his patients whenthey describe their health problems and he will believe them until they prove themselves wrong."When asked how many of his patients had died,Schneider said that he didn't know… | 1317.txt | 3 |
[
"Because the doctor was selling opioid painkillers to the patients.",
"Because the clinic was the only one in this area.",
"Because the doctor abused his patients.",
"Because the police wanted to use the clinic as an exam place."
] | Why was Schneider's clinic visited by the police? | In 2005，the medical examiner in Wichita，Kansas，noticed a cluster of deaths that were unusually similar in nature：in three years，sixteen men and women，between the ages of twenty-two and fifty-two，had died in their sleep.In the hours before they lost consciousness，they had been sluggish and dopey,struggling to stay awake.A few had complained of chest pain."I can't catch my breath，"one kept saying.
All of them had taken painkillers prescribed by a family practice called the Schneider Medical Clinic.
The clinic was in Haysville.a working.class suburb of Wichita.The main industries in the area were aircraft and plastics，neither of which was doing well.A mile south of the clinic，there was little except wheat fields.The chief doctor was Stephen Schneider,a fifty-one-year-old osteopathwith sandy hair and dimples.He treated the county commissioner and the chief of police，gave physicals to the boys at the Haysville high school，and did rounds at local nursing homes.One of his patients，Jeffrey Peters，told me that Schneider reminded him of the"kind of family doctor we had forty years ago.when l was growing up-a doctor who will sit down and listen to you and ioke around and make you feel comfortable."
On September 13，2005，Schneider arrived at work to find the clinic cordonedoff with police tape.He called his wife，Linda Atterbury,a blond，peppy forty-seven-year-old nurse，who was at home with their two young daughters，and told her to come to work.Agents from the Kansas Bureau of Investigation and the Drug Enforcement Administration led Schneider into one of the clinic's fourteen exam rooms and asked him why he had been prescribing so many opioidpainkillers.He responded that sixty per cent of his patients suffered from chronic pain，and few other physicians in the area would treat them.The agents wrote."He tries to believe his patients whenthey describe their health problems and he will believe them until they prove themselves wrong."When asked how many of his patients had died,Schneider said that he didn't know… | 1317.txt | 0 |
[
"They provide accurate depictions of the bulls and other animals living in Paleolithic France.",
"They are the best available source of information about daily life during the Paleolithic era.",
"They are some of the best surviving examples of what was possibly one of the world's earliest artistic movements.",
"They are the only evidence of creative expression among Paleolithic human beings."
] | According to paragraph 1, what is significant about the paintings in the Lascaux caves? | In any investigation of the origins of art, attention focuses on the cave paintings created in Europe during the Paleolithic era (c. 40,000-10,000 years ago) such as those depicting bulls and other animals in the Lascaux cave in France. Accepting that they are the best preserved and most visible signs of what was a global creative explosion, how do we start to explain their appearance? Instinctively, we may want to update the earliest human artists by assuming that they painted for the sheer joy of painting. The philosophers of Classical Greece recognized it as a defining trait of humans to "delight in works of imitation"-to enjoy the very act and triumph of representation. If we were close to a real lion or snake, we might feel frightened. But a well- executed picture of a lion or snake will give us pleasure. Why suppose that our Paleolithic ancestors were any different?
This simple acceptance of art for art's sake has a certain appeal. To think of Lascaux as a gallery allows it to be a sort of special viewing place where the handiwork of accomplished artists might be displayed. Plausibly, daily existence in parts of Paleolithic Europe may not have been so hard, with an abundance of ready food and therefore the leisure time for art. The problems with this explanation, however, are various. In the first place, the proliferation of archaeological discoveries-and this includes some of the world's innumerable rock art sites that cannot be dated-has served to emphasize a remarkably limited repertoire of subjects. The images that recur are those of animals. Human figures are unusual, and when they do make an appearance, they are rarely done with the same attention to form accorded to the animals. If Paleolithic artists were simply seeking to represent the beauty of the world around them, would they not have left a far greater range of pictures-of trees, flowers, of the Sun and the stars?
A further question to the theory of art for art's sake is posed by the high incidence of Paleolithic images that appear not to be imitative of any reality whatsoever. These are geometrical shapes or patterns consisting of dots or lines. Such marks may be found isolated or repeated over a particular surface but also scattered across more recognizable forms. A good example of this may be seen in the geologically spectacular grotto of Pêche Merle, in the Lot region of France. Here we encounter some favorite animals from the Paleolithic repertoire-a pair of stout-bellied horses. But over and around the horses' outlines are multiple dark spots, daubed in disregard for the otherwise naturalistic representation of animals. What does such patterning imitate? There is also the factor of location. The caves of Lascaux might conceivably qualify as underground galleries, but many other paintings have been found in recesses totally unsuitable for any kind of viewing-tight nooks and crannies that must have been awkward even for the artists to penetrate, let alone for anyone else wanting to see the art.
Finally, we may doubt the notion that the Upper Paleolithic period was a paradise in which food came readily, leaving humans ample time to amuse themselves with art. For Europe it was still the Ice Age. An estimate of the basic level of sustenance then necessary for human survival has been judged at 2200 calories per day. This consideration, combined with the stark emphasis upon animals in the cave art, has persuaded some archaeologists that the primary motive behind Paleolithic images must lie with the primary activity of Paleolithic people: hunting.
Hunting is a skill. Tracking, stalking, chasing, and killing the prey are difficult, sometimes dangerous activities. What if the process could be made easier-by art? In the early decades of the twentieth century, Abbé Henri Breuil argued that the cave paintings were all about "sympathetic magic. " The artists strived diligently to make their animal images evocative and realistic because they were attempting to capture the spirit of their prey. What could have prompted their studious attention to making such naturalistic, recognizable images? According to Breuil, the artists may have believed that if a hunter were able to make a true likeness of some animal, then that animal was virtually trapped. Images, therefore, may have had the magical capacity to confer success or luck in the hunt. | 3942.txt | 2 |
[
"To show how explanations about the appearance of cave painting during the Paleolithic have changed over time",
"To present a theory about humans and art that may be applicable to the Paleolithic era",
"To argue that Paleolithic paintings were created for the joy of painting, while Classical art was created to accurately represent the natural world",
"To demonstrate that the Greek philosophers were the first to accurately understand Paleolithic art"
] | In paragraph 1, why does the author mention the views of the philosophers of Classical Greece? | In any investigation of the origins of art, attention focuses on the cave paintings created in Europe during the Paleolithic era (c. 40,000-10,000 years ago) such as those depicting bulls and other animals in the Lascaux cave in France. Accepting that they are the best preserved and most visible signs of what was a global creative explosion, how do we start to explain their appearance? Instinctively, we may want to update the earliest human artists by assuming that they painted for the sheer joy of painting. The philosophers of Classical Greece recognized it as a defining trait of humans to "delight in works of imitation"-to enjoy the very act and triumph of representation. If we were close to a real lion or snake, we might feel frightened. But a well- executed picture of a lion or snake will give us pleasure. Why suppose that our Paleolithic ancestors were any different?
This simple acceptance of art for art's sake has a certain appeal. To think of Lascaux as a gallery allows it to be a sort of special viewing place where the handiwork of accomplished artists might be displayed. Plausibly, daily existence in parts of Paleolithic Europe may not have been so hard, with an abundance of ready food and therefore the leisure time for art. The problems with this explanation, however, are various. In the first place, the proliferation of archaeological discoveries-and this includes some of the world's innumerable rock art sites that cannot be dated-has served to emphasize a remarkably limited repertoire of subjects. The images that recur are those of animals. Human figures are unusual, and when they do make an appearance, they are rarely done with the same attention to form accorded to the animals. If Paleolithic artists were simply seeking to represent the beauty of the world around them, would they not have left a far greater range of pictures-of trees, flowers, of the Sun and the stars?
A further question to the theory of art for art's sake is posed by the high incidence of Paleolithic images that appear not to be imitative of any reality whatsoever. These are geometrical shapes or patterns consisting of dots or lines. Such marks may be found isolated or repeated over a particular surface but also scattered across more recognizable forms. A good example of this may be seen in the geologically spectacular grotto of Pêche Merle, in the Lot region of France. Here we encounter some favorite animals from the Paleolithic repertoire-a pair of stout-bellied horses. But over and around the horses' outlines are multiple dark spots, daubed in disregard for the otherwise naturalistic representation of animals. What does such patterning imitate? There is also the factor of location. The caves of Lascaux might conceivably qualify as underground galleries, but many other paintings have been found in recesses totally unsuitable for any kind of viewing-tight nooks and crannies that must have been awkward even for the artists to penetrate, let alone for anyone else wanting to see the art.
Finally, we may doubt the notion that the Upper Paleolithic period was a paradise in which food came readily, leaving humans ample time to amuse themselves with art. For Europe it was still the Ice Age. An estimate of the basic level of sustenance then necessary for human survival has been judged at 2200 calories per day. This consideration, combined with the stark emphasis upon animals in the cave art, has persuaded some archaeologists that the primary motive behind Paleolithic images must lie with the primary activity of Paleolithic people: hunting.
Hunting is a skill. Tracking, stalking, chasing, and killing the prey are difficult, sometimes dangerous activities. What if the process could be made easier-by art? In the early decades of the twentieth century, Abbé Henri Breuil argued that the cave paintings were all about "sympathetic magic. " The artists strived diligently to make their animal images evocative and realistic because they were attempting to capture the spirit of their prey. What could have prompted their studious attention to making such naturalistic, recognizable images? According to Breuil, the artists may have believed that if a hunter were able to make a true likeness of some animal, then that animal was virtually trapped. Images, therefore, may have had the magical capacity to confer success or luck in the hunt. | 3942.txt | 1 |
[
"Caves were often used as viewing places for handiwork of all kinds.",
"Artists during the Paleolithic era were especially accomplished.",
"Paleolithic people were able to satisfy their basic needs fairly easily.",
"People in Paleolithic Europe learned about art from people living in other areas."
] | Paragraph 2 suggests that the Lascaux cave paintings could have been created as art for art's sake only if which of the following were true? | In any investigation of the origins of art, attention focuses on the cave paintings created in Europe during the Paleolithic era (c. 40,000-10,000 years ago) such as those depicting bulls and other animals in the Lascaux cave in France. Accepting that they are the best preserved and most visible signs of what was a global creative explosion, how do we start to explain their appearance? Instinctively, we may want to update the earliest human artists by assuming that they painted for the sheer joy of painting. The philosophers of Classical Greece recognized it as a defining trait of humans to "delight in works of imitation"-to enjoy the very act and triumph of representation. If we were close to a real lion or snake, we might feel frightened. But a well- executed picture of a lion or snake will give us pleasure. Why suppose that our Paleolithic ancestors were any different?
This simple acceptance of art for art's sake has a certain appeal. To think of Lascaux as a gallery allows it to be a sort of special viewing place where the handiwork of accomplished artists might be displayed. Plausibly, daily existence in parts of Paleolithic Europe may not have been so hard, with an abundance of ready food and therefore the leisure time for art. The problems with this explanation, however, are various. In the first place, the proliferation of archaeological discoveries-and this includes some of the world's innumerable rock art sites that cannot be dated-has served to emphasize a remarkably limited repertoire of subjects. The images that recur are those of animals. Human figures are unusual, and when they do make an appearance, they are rarely done with the same attention to form accorded to the animals. If Paleolithic artists were simply seeking to represent the beauty of the world around them, would they not have left a far greater range of pictures-of trees, flowers, of the Sun and the stars?
A further question to the theory of art for art's sake is posed by the high incidence of Paleolithic images that appear not to be imitative of any reality whatsoever. These are geometrical shapes or patterns consisting of dots or lines. Such marks may be found isolated or repeated over a particular surface but also scattered across more recognizable forms. A good example of this may be seen in the geologically spectacular grotto of Pêche Merle, in the Lot region of France. Here we encounter some favorite animals from the Paleolithic repertoire-a pair of stout-bellied horses. But over and around the horses' outlines are multiple dark spots, daubed in disregard for the otherwise naturalistic representation of animals. What does such patterning imitate? There is also the factor of location. The caves of Lascaux might conceivably qualify as underground galleries, but many other paintings have been found in recesses totally unsuitable for any kind of viewing-tight nooks and crannies that must have been awkward even for the artists to penetrate, let alone for anyone else wanting to see the art.
Finally, we may doubt the notion that the Upper Paleolithic period was a paradise in which food came readily, leaving humans ample time to amuse themselves with art. For Europe it was still the Ice Age. An estimate of the basic level of sustenance then necessary for human survival has been judged at 2200 calories per day. This consideration, combined with the stark emphasis upon animals in the cave art, has persuaded some archaeologists that the primary motive behind Paleolithic images must lie with the primary activity of Paleolithic people: hunting.
Hunting is a skill. Tracking, stalking, chasing, and killing the prey are difficult, sometimes dangerous activities. What if the process could be made easier-by art? In the early decades of the twentieth century, Abbé Henri Breuil argued that the cave paintings were all about "sympathetic magic. " The artists strived diligently to make their animal images evocative and realistic because they were attempting to capture the spirit of their prey. What could have prompted their studious attention to making such naturalistic, recognizable images? According to Breuil, the artists may have believed that if a hunter were able to make a true likeness of some animal, then that animal was virtually trapped. Images, therefore, may have had the magical capacity to confer success or luck in the hunt. | 3942.txt | 2 |
[
"Similarly",
"Obviously",
"Ideally",
"Possibly"
] | The word "Plausibly " in the passage is closest in meaning to | In any investigation of the origins of art, attention focuses on the cave paintings created in Europe during the Paleolithic era (c. 40,000-10,000 years ago) such as those depicting bulls and other animals in the Lascaux cave in France. Accepting that they are the best preserved and most visible signs of what was a global creative explosion, how do we start to explain their appearance? Instinctively, we may want to update the earliest human artists by assuming that they painted for the sheer joy of painting. The philosophers of Classical Greece recognized it as a defining trait of humans to "delight in works of imitation"-to enjoy the very act and triumph of representation. If we were close to a real lion or snake, we might feel frightened. But a well- executed picture of a lion or snake will give us pleasure. Why suppose that our Paleolithic ancestors were any different?
This simple acceptance of art for art's sake has a certain appeal. To think of Lascaux as a gallery allows it to be a sort of special viewing place where the handiwork of accomplished artists might be displayed. Plausibly, daily existence in parts of Paleolithic Europe may not have been so hard, with an abundance of ready food and therefore the leisure time for art. The problems with this explanation, however, are various. In the first place, the proliferation of archaeological discoveries-and this includes some of the world's innumerable rock art sites that cannot be dated-has served to emphasize a remarkably limited repertoire of subjects. The images that recur are those of animals. Human figures are unusual, and when they do make an appearance, they are rarely done with the same attention to form accorded to the animals. If Paleolithic artists were simply seeking to represent the beauty of the world around them, would they not have left a far greater range of pictures-of trees, flowers, of the Sun and the stars?
A further question to the theory of art for art's sake is posed by the high incidence of Paleolithic images that appear not to be imitative of any reality whatsoever. These are geometrical shapes or patterns consisting of dots or lines. Such marks may be found isolated or repeated over a particular surface but also scattered across more recognizable forms. A good example of this may be seen in the geologically spectacular grotto of Pêche Merle, in the Lot region of France. Here we encounter some favorite animals from the Paleolithic repertoire-a pair of stout-bellied horses. But over and around the horses' outlines are multiple dark spots, daubed in disregard for the otherwise naturalistic representation of animals. What does such patterning imitate? There is also the factor of location. The caves of Lascaux might conceivably qualify as underground galleries, but many other paintings have been found in recesses totally unsuitable for any kind of viewing-tight nooks and crannies that must have been awkward even for the artists to penetrate, let alone for anyone else wanting to see the art.
Finally, we may doubt the notion that the Upper Paleolithic period was a paradise in which food came readily, leaving humans ample time to amuse themselves with art. For Europe it was still the Ice Age. An estimate of the basic level of sustenance then necessary for human survival has been judged at 2200 calories per day. This consideration, combined with the stark emphasis upon animals in the cave art, has persuaded some archaeologists that the primary motive behind Paleolithic images must lie with the primary activity of Paleolithic people: hunting.
Hunting is a skill. Tracking, stalking, chasing, and killing the prey are difficult, sometimes dangerous activities. What if the process could be made easier-by art? In the early decades of the twentieth century, Abbé Henri Breuil argued that the cave paintings were all about "sympathetic magic. " The artists strived diligently to make their animal images evocative and realistic because they were attempting to capture the spirit of their prey. What could have prompted their studious attention to making such naturalistic, recognizable images? According to Breuil, the artists may have believed that if a hunter were able to make a true likeness of some animal, then that animal was virtually trapped. Images, therefore, may have had the magical capacity to confer success or luck in the hunt. | 3942.txt | 3 |
[
"Human figures almost always appear alone and never appear with animals.",
"Images of humans are both rarer and less accurately drawn than those of animals.",
"Some of the most beautiful images in Paleolithic rock art are of human figures.",
"There is more variety in how humans are depicted in cave art than in how animals are."
] | According to paragraph 2, which of the following is true about human figures as subjects of rock art? | In any investigation of the origins of art, attention focuses on the cave paintings created in Europe during the Paleolithic era (c. 40,000-10,000 years ago) such as those depicting bulls and other animals in the Lascaux cave in France. Accepting that they are the best preserved and most visible signs of what was a global creative explosion, how do we start to explain their appearance? Instinctively, we may want to update the earliest human artists by assuming that they painted for the sheer joy of painting. The philosophers of Classical Greece recognized it as a defining trait of humans to "delight in works of imitation"-to enjoy the very act and triumph of representation. If we were close to a real lion or snake, we might feel frightened. But a well- executed picture of a lion or snake will give us pleasure. Why suppose that our Paleolithic ancestors were any different?
This simple acceptance of art for art's sake has a certain appeal. To think of Lascaux as a gallery allows it to be a sort of special viewing place where the handiwork of accomplished artists might be displayed. Plausibly, daily existence in parts of Paleolithic Europe may not have been so hard, with an abundance of ready food and therefore the leisure time for art. The problems with this explanation, however, are various. In the first place, the proliferation of archaeological discoveries-and this includes some of the world's innumerable rock art sites that cannot be dated-has served to emphasize a remarkably limited repertoire of subjects. The images that recur are those of animals. Human figures are unusual, and when they do make an appearance, they are rarely done with the same attention to form accorded to the animals. If Paleolithic artists were simply seeking to represent the beauty of the world around them, would they not have left a far greater range of pictures-of trees, flowers, of the Sun and the stars?
A further question to the theory of art for art's sake is posed by the high incidence of Paleolithic images that appear not to be imitative of any reality whatsoever. These are geometrical shapes or patterns consisting of dots or lines. Such marks may be found isolated or repeated over a particular surface but also scattered across more recognizable forms. A good example of this may be seen in the geologically spectacular grotto of Pêche Merle, in the Lot region of France. Here we encounter some favorite animals from the Paleolithic repertoire-a pair of stout-bellied horses. But over and around the horses' outlines are multiple dark spots, daubed in disregard for the otherwise naturalistic representation of animals. What does such patterning imitate? There is also the factor of location. The caves of Lascaux might conceivably qualify as underground galleries, but many other paintings have been found in recesses totally unsuitable for any kind of viewing-tight nooks and crannies that must have been awkward even for the artists to penetrate, let alone for anyone else wanting to see the art.
Finally, we may doubt the notion that the Upper Paleolithic period was a paradise in which food came readily, leaving humans ample time to amuse themselves with art. For Europe it was still the Ice Age. An estimate of the basic level of sustenance then necessary for human survival has been judged at 2200 calories per day. This consideration, combined with the stark emphasis upon animals in the cave art, has persuaded some archaeologists that the primary motive behind Paleolithic images must lie with the primary activity of Paleolithic people: hunting.
Hunting is a skill. Tracking, stalking, chasing, and killing the prey are difficult, sometimes dangerous activities. What if the process could be made easier-by art? In the early decades of the twentieth century, Abbé Henri Breuil argued that the cave paintings were all about "sympathetic magic. " The artists strived diligently to make their animal images evocative and realistic because they were attempting to capture the spirit of their prey. What could have prompted their studious attention to making such naturalistic, recognizable images? According to Breuil, the artists may have believed that if a hunter were able to make a true likeness of some animal, then that animal was virtually trapped. Images, therefore, may have had the magical capacity to confer success or luck in the hunt. | 3942.txt | 1 |
[
"unique",
"impressive",
"isolated",
"sheltered"
] | The word "spectacular " in the passage is closest in meaning to | In any investigation of the origins of art, attention focuses on the cave paintings created in Europe during the Paleolithic era (c. 40,000-10,000 years ago) such as those depicting bulls and other animals in the Lascaux cave in France. Accepting that they are the best preserved and most visible signs of what was a global creative explosion, how do we start to explain their appearance? Instinctively, we may want to update the earliest human artists by assuming that they painted for the sheer joy of painting. The philosophers of Classical Greece recognized it as a defining trait of humans to "delight in works of imitation"-to enjoy the very act and triumph of representation. If we were close to a real lion or snake, we might feel frightened. But a well- executed picture of a lion or snake will give us pleasure. Why suppose that our Paleolithic ancestors were any different?
This simple acceptance of art for art's sake has a certain appeal. To think of Lascaux as a gallery allows it to be a sort of special viewing place where the handiwork of accomplished artists might be displayed. Plausibly, daily existence in parts of Paleolithic Europe may not have been so hard, with an abundance of ready food and therefore the leisure time for art. The problems with this explanation, however, are various. In the first place, the proliferation of archaeological discoveries-and this includes some of the world's innumerable rock art sites that cannot be dated-has served to emphasize a remarkably limited repertoire of subjects. The images that recur are those of animals. Human figures are unusual, and when they do make an appearance, they are rarely done with the same attention to form accorded to the animals. If Paleolithic artists were simply seeking to represent the beauty of the world around them, would they not have left a far greater range of pictures-of trees, flowers, of the Sun and the stars?
A further question to the theory of art for art's sake is posed by the high incidence of Paleolithic images that appear not to be imitative of any reality whatsoever. These are geometrical shapes or patterns consisting of dots or lines. Such marks may be found isolated or repeated over a particular surface but also scattered across more recognizable forms. A good example of this may be seen in the geologically spectacular grotto of Pêche Merle, in the Lot region of France. Here we encounter some favorite animals from the Paleolithic repertoire-a pair of stout-bellied horses. But over and around the horses' outlines are multiple dark spots, daubed in disregard for the otherwise naturalistic representation of animals. What does such patterning imitate? There is also the factor of location. The caves of Lascaux might conceivably qualify as underground galleries, but many other paintings have been found in recesses totally unsuitable for any kind of viewing-tight nooks and crannies that must have been awkward even for the artists to penetrate, let alone for anyone else wanting to see the art.
Finally, we may doubt the notion that the Upper Paleolithic period was a paradise in which food came readily, leaving humans ample time to amuse themselves with art. For Europe it was still the Ice Age. An estimate of the basic level of sustenance then necessary for human survival has been judged at 2200 calories per day. This consideration, combined with the stark emphasis upon animals in the cave art, has persuaded some archaeologists that the primary motive behind Paleolithic images must lie with the primary activity of Paleolithic people: hunting.
Hunting is a skill. Tracking, stalking, chasing, and killing the prey are difficult, sometimes dangerous activities. What if the process could be made easier-by art? In the early decades of the twentieth century, Abbé Henri Breuil argued that the cave paintings were all about "sympathetic magic. " The artists strived diligently to make their animal images evocative and realistic because they were attempting to capture the spirit of their prey. What could have prompted their studious attention to making such naturalistic, recognizable images? According to Breuil, the artists may have believed that if a hunter were able to make a true likeness of some animal, then that animal was virtually trapped. Images, therefore, may have had the magical capacity to confer success or luck in the hunt. | 3942.txt | 1 |
[
"To emphasize that stout-bellied horses were the most commonly found animals in that region at the time the painting was made",
"To provide evidence that Paleolithic artists created realistic images more often than they created paintings of dots or lines",
"To give an example of a cave painting that contains elements that do not imitate reality",
"To demonstrate that Paleolithic artists captured many details of the animals they painted, such as the spots on the horses' coats"
] | In paragraph 3, why does the author include a description of a painting of horses from the grotto of Pêche Merle? | In any investigation of the origins of art, attention focuses on the cave paintings created in Europe during the Paleolithic era (c. 40,000-10,000 years ago) such as those depicting bulls and other animals in the Lascaux cave in France. Accepting that they are the best preserved and most visible signs of what was a global creative explosion, how do we start to explain their appearance? Instinctively, we may want to update the earliest human artists by assuming that they painted for the sheer joy of painting. The philosophers of Classical Greece recognized it as a defining trait of humans to "delight in works of imitation"-to enjoy the very act and triumph of representation. If we were close to a real lion or snake, we might feel frightened. But a well- executed picture of a lion or snake will give us pleasure. Why suppose that our Paleolithic ancestors were any different?
This simple acceptance of art for art's sake has a certain appeal. To think of Lascaux as a gallery allows it to be a sort of special viewing place where the handiwork of accomplished artists might be displayed. Plausibly, daily existence in parts of Paleolithic Europe may not have been so hard, with an abundance of ready food and therefore the leisure time for art. The problems with this explanation, however, are various. In the first place, the proliferation of archaeological discoveries-and this includes some of the world's innumerable rock art sites that cannot be dated-has served to emphasize a remarkably limited repertoire of subjects. The images that recur are those of animals. Human figures are unusual, and when they do make an appearance, they are rarely done with the same attention to form accorded to the animals. If Paleolithic artists were simply seeking to represent the beauty of the world around them, would they not have left a far greater range of pictures-of trees, flowers, of the Sun and the stars?
A further question to the theory of art for art's sake is posed by the high incidence of Paleolithic images that appear not to be imitative of any reality whatsoever. These are geometrical shapes or patterns consisting of dots or lines. Such marks may be found isolated or repeated over a particular surface but also scattered across more recognizable forms. A good example of this may be seen in the geologically spectacular grotto of Pêche Merle, in the Lot region of France. Here we encounter some favorite animals from the Paleolithic repertoire-a pair of stout-bellied horses. But over and around the horses' outlines are multiple dark spots, daubed in disregard for the otherwise naturalistic representation of animals. What does such patterning imitate? There is also the factor of location. The caves of Lascaux might conceivably qualify as underground galleries, but many other paintings have been found in recesses totally unsuitable for any kind of viewing-tight nooks and crannies that must have been awkward even for the artists to penetrate, let alone for anyone else wanting to see the art.
Finally, we may doubt the notion that the Upper Paleolithic period was a paradise in which food came readily, leaving humans ample time to amuse themselves with art. For Europe it was still the Ice Age. An estimate of the basic level of sustenance then necessary for human survival has been judged at 2200 calories per day. This consideration, combined with the stark emphasis upon animals in the cave art, has persuaded some archaeologists that the primary motive behind Paleolithic images must lie with the primary activity of Paleolithic people: hunting.
Hunting is a skill. Tracking, stalking, chasing, and killing the prey are difficult, sometimes dangerous activities. What if the process could be made easier-by art? In the early decades of the twentieth century, Abbé Henri Breuil argued that the cave paintings were all about "sympathetic magic. " The artists strived diligently to make their animal images evocative and realistic because they were attempting to capture the spirit of their prey. What could have prompted their studious attention to making such naturalistic, recognizable images? According to Breuil, the artists may have believed that if a hunter were able to make a true likeness of some animal, then that animal was virtually trapped. Images, therefore, may have had the magical capacity to confer success or luck in the hunt. | 3942.txt | 2 |
[
"They are all found in recesses that are difficult for viewers to reach",
"They fill every nook and cranny of a large underground gallery",
"Their location was probably more convenient for viewers than for the artists",
"They are easier to view than cave paintings at other locations."
] | According to paragraph 3, which of the following is true of the paintings located in the Lascaux caves? | In any investigation of the origins of art, attention focuses on the cave paintings created in Europe during the Paleolithic era (c. 40,000-10,000 years ago) such as those depicting bulls and other animals in the Lascaux cave in France. Accepting that they are the best preserved and most visible signs of what was a global creative explosion, how do we start to explain their appearance? Instinctively, we may want to update the earliest human artists by assuming that they painted for the sheer joy of painting. The philosophers of Classical Greece recognized it as a defining trait of humans to "delight in works of imitation"-to enjoy the very act and triumph of representation. If we were close to a real lion or snake, we might feel frightened. But a well- executed picture of a lion or snake will give us pleasure. Why suppose that our Paleolithic ancestors were any different?
This simple acceptance of art for art's sake has a certain appeal. To think of Lascaux as a gallery allows it to be a sort of special viewing place where the handiwork of accomplished artists might be displayed. Plausibly, daily existence in parts of Paleolithic Europe may not have been so hard, with an abundance of ready food and therefore the leisure time for art. The problems with this explanation, however, are various. In the first place, the proliferation of archaeological discoveries-and this includes some of the world's innumerable rock art sites that cannot be dated-has served to emphasize a remarkably limited repertoire of subjects. The images that recur are those of animals. Human figures are unusual, and when they do make an appearance, they are rarely done with the same attention to form accorded to the animals. If Paleolithic artists were simply seeking to represent the beauty of the world around them, would they not have left a far greater range of pictures-of trees, flowers, of the Sun and the stars?
A further question to the theory of art for art's sake is posed by the high incidence of Paleolithic images that appear not to be imitative of any reality whatsoever. These are geometrical shapes or patterns consisting of dots or lines. Such marks may be found isolated or repeated over a particular surface but also scattered across more recognizable forms. A good example of this may be seen in the geologically spectacular grotto of Pêche Merle, in the Lot region of France. Here we encounter some favorite animals from the Paleolithic repertoire-a pair of stout-bellied horses. But over and around the horses' outlines are multiple dark spots, daubed in disregard for the otherwise naturalistic representation of animals. What does such patterning imitate? There is also the factor of location. The caves of Lascaux might conceivably qualify as underground galleries, but many other paintings have been found in recesses totally unsuitable for any kind of viewing-tight nooks and crannies that must have been awkward even for the artists to penetrate, let alone for anyone else wanting to see the art.
Finally, we may doubt the notion that the Upper Paleolithic period was a paradise in which food came readily, leaving humans ample time to amuse themselves with art. For Europe it was still the Ice Age. An estimate of the basic level of sustenance then necessary for human survival has been judged at 2200 calories per day. This consideration, combined with the stark emphasis upon animals in the cave art, has persuaded some archaeologists that the primary motive behind Paleolithic images must lie with the primary activity of Paleolithic people: hunting.
Hunting is a skill. Tracking, stalking, chasing, and killing the prey are difficult, sometimes dangerous activities. What if the process could be made easier-by art? In the early decades of the twentieth century, Abbé Henri Breuil argued that the cave paintings were all about "sympathetic magic. " The artists strived diligently to make their animal images evocative and realistic because they were attempting to capture the spirit of their prey. What could have prompted their studious attention to making such naturalistic, recognizable images? According to Breuil, the artists may have believed that if a hunter were able to make a true likeness of some animal, then that animal was virtually trapped. Images, therefore, may have had the magical capacity to confer success or luck in the hunt. | 3942.txt | 3 |
[
"with no success",
"with talent and skill",
"with mixed results",
"with persistence and hard work"
] | The word "diligently " in the passage is closest in meaning to | In any investigation of the origins of art, attention focuses on the cave paintings created in Europe during the Paleolithic era (c. 40,000-10,000 years ago) such as those depicting bulls and other animals in the Lascaux cave in France. Accepting that they are the best preserved and most visible signs of what was a global creative explosion, how do we start to explain their appearance? Instinctively, we may want to update the earliest human artists by assuming that they painted for the sheer joy of painting. The philosophers of Classical Greece recognized it as a defining trait of humans to "delight in works of imitation"-to enjoy the very act and triumph of representation. If we were close to a real lion or snake, we might feel frightened. But a well- executed picture of a lion or snake will give us pleasure. Why suppose that our Paleolithic ancestors were any different?
This simple acceptance of art for art's sake has a certain appeal. To think of Lascaux as a gallery allows it to be a sort of special viewing place where the handiwork of accomplished artists might be displayed. Plausibly, daily existence in parts of Paleolithic Europe may not have been so hard, with an abundance of ready food and therefore the leisure time for art. The problems with this explanation, however, are various. In the first place, the proliferation of archaeological discoveries-and this includes some of the world's innumerable rock art sites that cannot be dated-has served to emphasize a remarkably limited repertoire of subjects. The images that recur are those of animals. Human figures are unusual, and when they do make an appearance, they are rarely done with the same attention to form accorded to the animals. If Paleolithic artists were simply seeking to represent the beauty of the world around them, would they not have left a far greater range of pictures-of trees, flowers, of the Sun and the stars?
A further question to the theory of art for art's sake is posed by the high incidence of Paleolithic images that appear not to be imitative of any reality whatsoever. These are geometrical shapes or patterns consisting of dots or lines. Such marks may be found isolated or repeated over a particular surface but also scattered across more recognizable forms. A good example of this may be seen in the geologically spectacular grotto of Pêche Merle, in the Lot region of France. Here we encounter some favorite animals from the Paleolithic repertoire-a pair of stout-bellied horses. But over and around the horses' outlines are multiple dark spots, daubed in disregard for the otherwise naturalistic representation of animals. What does such patterning imitate? There is also the factor of location. The caves of Lascaux might conceivably qualify as underground galleries, but many other paintings have been found in recesses totally unsuitable for any kind of viewing-tight nooks and crannies that must have been awkward even for the artists to penetrate, let alone for anyone else wanting to see the art.
Finally, we may doubt the notion that the Upper Paleolithic period was a paradise in which food came readily, leaving humans ample time to amuse themselves with art. For Europe it was still the Ice Age. An estimate of the basic level of sustenance then necessary for human survival has been judged at 2200 calories per day. This consideration, combined with the stark emphasis upon animals in the cave art, has persuaded some archaeologists that the primary motive behind Paleolithic images must lie with the primary activity of Paleolithic people: hunting.
Hunting is a skill. Tracking, stalking, chasing, and killing the prey are difficult, sometimes dangerous activities. What if the process could be made easier-by art? In the early decades of the twentieth century, Abbé Henri Breuil argued that the cave paintings were all about "sympathetic magic. " The artists strived diligently to make their animal images evocative and realistic because they were attempting to capture the spirit of their prey. What could have prompted their studious attention to making such naturalistic, recognizable images? According to Breuil, the artists may have believed that if a hunter were able to make a true likeness of some animal, then that animal was virtually trapped. Images, therefore, may have had the magical capacity to confer success or luck in the hunt. | 3942.txt | 3 |
[
"They were used to teach young hunters the skills they needed to hunt.",
"They were images created to help people forget about the dangers and difficulties of their daily lives.",
"They were used in magic rituals to increase people's understanding of the natural world.",
"They were meant to capture the spirits of animals and thus bring success in the hunt."
] | According to paragraph 5, Breuil proposed which of the following theories about the purpose of cave paintings? | In any investigation of the origins of art, attention focuses on the cave paintings created in Europe during the Paleolithic era (c. 40,000-10,000 years ago) such as those depicting bulls and other animals in the Lascaux cave in France. Accepting that they are the best preserved and most visible signs of what was a global creative explosion, how do we start to explain their appearance? Instinctively, we may want to update the earliest human artists by assuming that they painted for the sheer joy of painting. The philosophers of Classical Greece recognized it as a defining trait of humans to "delight in works of imitation"-to enjoy the very act and triumph of representation. If we were close to a real lion or snake, we might feel frightened. But a well- executed picture of a lion or snake will give us pleasure. Why suppose that our Paleolithic ancestors were any different?
This simple acceptance of art for art's sake has a certain appeal. To think of Lascaux as a gallery allows it to be a sort of special viewing place where the handiwork of accomplished artists might be displayed. Plausibly, daily existence in parts of Paleolithic Europe may not have been so hard, with an abundance of ready food and therefore the leisure time for art. The problems with this explanation, however, are various. In the first place, the proliferation of archaeological discoveries-and this includes some of the world's innumerable rock art sites that cannot be dated-has served to emphasize a remarkably limited repertoire of subjects. The images that recur are those of animals. Human figures are unusual, and when they do make an appearance, they are rarely done with the same attention to form accorded to the animals. If Paleolithic artists were simply seeking to represent the beauty of the world around them, would they not have left a far greater range of pictures-of trees, flowers, of the Sun and the stars?
A further question to the theory of art for art's sake is posed by the high incidence of Paleolithic images that appear not to be imitative of any reality whatsoever. These are geometrical shapes or patterns consisting of dots or lines. Such marks may be found isolated or repeated over a particular surface but also scattered across more recognizable forms. A good example of this may be seen in the geologically spectacular grotto of Pêche Merle, in the Lot region of France. Here we encounter some favorite animals from the Paleolithic repertoire-a pair of stout-bellied horses. But over and around the horses' outlines are multiple dark spots, daubed in disregard for the otherwise naturalistic representation of animals. What does such patterning imitate? There is also the factor of location. The caves of Lascaux might conceivably qualify as underground galleries, but many other paintings have been found in recesses totally unsuitable for any kind of viewing-tight nooks and crannies that must have been awkward even for the artists to penetrate, let alone for anyone else wanting to see the art.
Finally, we may doubt the notion that the Upper Paleolithic period was a paradise in which food came readily, leaving humans ample time to amuse themselves with art. For Europe it was still the Ice Age. An estimate of the basic level of sustenance then necessary for human survival has been judged at 2200 calories per day. This consideration, combined with the stark emphasis upon animals in the cave art, has persuaded some archaeologists that the primary motive behind Paleolithic images must lie with the primary activity of Paleolithic people: hunting.
Hunting is a skill. Tracking, stalking, chasing, and killing the prey are difficult, sometimes dangerous activities. What if the process could be made easier-by art? In the early decades of the twentieth century, Abbé Henri Breuil argued that the cave paintings were all about "sympathetic magic. " The artists strived diligently to make their animal images evocative and realistic because they were attempting to capture the spirit of their prey. What could have prompted their studious attention to making such naturalistic, recognizable images? According to Breuil, the artists may have believed that if a hunter were able to make a true likeness of some animal, then that animal was virtually trapped. Images, therefore, may have had the magical capacity to confer success or luck in the hunt. | 3942.txt | 3 |
[
"brought about",
"interfered with",
"increased",
"transformed"
] | The word "prompted " in the passage is closest in meaning to | In any investigation of the origins of art, attention focuses on the cave paintings created in Europe during the Paleolithic era (c. 40,000-10,000 years ago) such as those depicting bulls and other animals in the Lascaux cave in France. Accepting that they are the best preserved and most visible signs of what was a global creative explosion, how do we start to explain their appearance? Instinctively, we may want to update the earliest human artists by assuming that they painted for the sheer joy of painting. The philosophers of Classical Greece recognized it as a defining trait of humans to "delight in works of imitation"-to enjoy the very act and triumph of representation. If we were close to a real lion or snake, we might feel frightened. But a well- executed picture of a lion or snake will give us pleasure. Why suppose that our Paleolithic ancestors were any different?
This simple acceptance of art for art's sake has a certain appeal. To think of Lascaux as a gallery allows it to be a sort of special viewing place where the handiwork of accomplished artists might be displayed. Plausibly, daily existence in parts of Paleolithic Europe may not have been so hard, with an abundance of ready food and therefore the leisure time for art. The problems with this explanation, however, are various. In the first place, the proliferation of archaeological discoveries-and this includes some of the world's innumerable rock art sites that cannot be dated-has served to emphasize a remarkably limited repertoire of subjects. The images that recur are those of animals. Human figures are unusual, and when they do make an appearance, they are rarely done with the same attention to form accorded to the animals. If Paleolithic artists were simply seeking to represent the beauty of the world around them, would they not have left a far greater range of pictures-of trees, flowers, of the Sun and the stars?
A further question to the theory of art for art's sake is posed by the high incidence of Paleolithic images that appear not to be imitative of any reality whatsoever. These are geometrical shapes or patterns consisting of dots or lines. Such marks may be found isolated or repeated over a particular surface but also scattered across more recognizable forms. A good example of this may be seen in the geologically spectacular grotto of Pêche Merle, in the Lot region of France. Here we encounter some favorite animals from the Paleolithic repertoire-a pair of stout-bellied horses. But over and around the horses' outlines are multiple dark spots, daubed in disregard for the otherwise naturalistic representation of animals. What does such patterning imitate? There is also the factor of location. The caves of Lascaux might conceivably qualify as underground galleries, but many other paintings have been found in recesses totally unsuitable for any kind of viewing-tight nooks and crannies that must have been awkward even for the artists to penetrate, let alone for anyone else wanting to see the art.
Finally, we may doubt the notion that the Upper Paleolithic period was a paradise in which food came readily, leaving humans ample time to amuse themselves with art. For Europe it was still the Ice Age. An estimate of the basic level of sustenance then necessary for human survival has been judged at 2200 calories per day. This consideration, combined with the stark emphasis upon animals in the cave art, has persuaded some archaeologists that the primary motive behind Paleolithic images must lie with the primary activity of Paleolithic people: hunting.
Hunting is a skill. Tracking, stalking, chasing, and killing the prey are difficult, sometimes dangerous activities. What if the process could be made easier-by art? In the early decades of the twentieth century, Abbé Henri Breuil argued that the cave paintings were all about "sympathetic magic. " The artists strived diligently to make their animal images evocative and realistic because they were attempting to capture the spirit of their prey. What could have prompted their studious attention to making such naturalistic, recognizable images? According to Breuil, the artists may have believed that if a hunter were able to make a true likeness of some animal, then that animal was virtually trapped. Images, therefore, may have had the magical capacity to confer success or luck in the hunt. | 3942.txt | 0 |
[
"Earthquakes",
"The Cause of Earthquakes",
"Earthquakes and Their Damages",
"How to Predict Earthquakes"
] | Which of the following is the best title for this passage? | Every year, earthquakes are responsible for a large number of deaths and vast amount of destruction in various parts of the world. Most of these damaging earthquakes occur either in a narrow belt which surrounds the Pacific Ocean or in a line which extends from Burma to the Alps in Europe. Some of the destruction is directly caused by the quake itself. An example of this is the collapse of buildings as a result of vibration. Other damage results from landslides, tsunamis (large ocean waves) or major fires which are initiated by the quake.
There are about a million quakes a year. Fortunately, however, not all of them are destructive. The intensity of an earthquake is measured on the Richter Scale, which goes from 0 upward. The highest magnitude recorded to date is 8.9. Major damage generally occurs from quake ranging upwards from 6.0. Exceptions to this are those whose epicenters are located far from the inhabited areas.
The actual cause of the quake itself is the breaking apart of rocks at or below the earth's surface. This is produced by pressure which scientists believe may be due to a number of reasons, two of which are the expansion and contraction of the earth's crust and continental drift.
In order to minimize the damage and lessen some of the suffering results from earthquakes, scientists are working on ways to enable accurate prediction. Two of the instruments presently in use to achieve this goal are seismograghs and tiltmeters. The former records any shaking of the earth: by means of calculations seismologist can accurately indicate the exact time, location and size of an earthquake. The latter, as the name suggests, is used to record any changes in the title of the land. | 2690.txt | 0 |
[
"The collapse of buildings",
"A large number of deaths.",
"Vast amount of destruction",
"Landslides, tsunamis and major fires"
] | What kind of damages may not be resulted from an earthquake? | Every year, earthquakes are responsible for a large number of deaths and vast amount of destruction in various parts of the world. Most of these damaging earthquakes occur either in a narrow belt which surrounds the Pacific Ocean or in a line which extends from Burma to the Alps in Europe. Some of the destruction is directly caused by the quake itself. An example of this is the collapse of buildings as a result of vibration. Other damage results from landslides, tsunamis (large ocean waves) or major fires which are initiated by the quake.
There are about a million quakes a year. Fortunately, however, not all of them are destructive. The intensity of an earthquake is measured on the Richter Scale, which goes from 0 upward. The highest magnitude recorded to date is 8.9. Major damage generally occurs from quake ranging upwards from 6.0. Exceptions to this are those whose epicenters are located far from the inhabited areas.
The actual cause of the quake itself is the breaking apart of rocks at or below the earth's surface. This is produced by pressure which scientists believe may be due to a number of reasons, two of which are the expansion and contraction of the earth's crust and continental drift.
In order to minimize the damage and lessen some of the suffering results from earthquakes, scientists are working on ways to enable accurate prediction. Two of the instruments presently in use to achieve this goal are seismograghs and tiltmeters. The former records any shaking of the earth: by means of calculations seismologist can accurately indicate the exact time, location and size of an earthquake. The latter, as the name suggests, is used to record any changes in the title of the land. | 2690.txt | 3 |
[
"the highest magnitude",
"major damage",
"date",
"the previous earthquake"
] | In the last sentence of Para.2, the word "this" refer to _ . | Every year, earthquakes are responsible for a large number of deaths and vast amount of destruction in various parts of the world. Most of these damaging earthquakes occur either in a narrow belt which surrounds the Pacific Ocean or in a line which extends from Burma to the Alps in Europe. Some of the destruction is directly caused by the quake itself. An example of this is the collapse of buildings as a result of vibration. Other damage results from landslides, tsunamis (large ocean waves) or major fires which are initiated by the quake.
There are about a million quakes a year. Fortunately, however, not all of them are destructive. The intensity of an earthquake is measured on the Richter Scale, which goes from 0 upward. The highest magnitude recorded to date is 8.9. Major damage generally occurs from quake ranging upwards from 6.0. Exceptions to this are those whose epicenters are located far from the inhabited areas.
The actual cause of the quake itself is the breaking apart of rocks at or below the earth's surface. This is produced by pressure which scientists believe may be due to a number of reasons, two of which are the expansion and contraction of the earth's crust and continental drift.
In order to minimize the damage and lessen some of the suffering results from earthquakes, scientists are working on ways to enable accurate prediction. Two of the instruments presently in use to achieve this goal are seismograghs and tiltmeters. The former records any shaking of the earth: by means of calculations seismologist can accurately indicate the exact time, location and size of an earthquake. The latter, as the name suggests, is used to record any changes in the title of the land. | 2690.txt | 1 |
[
"the breaking apart of rocks - the production of pressure - the expansion and contraction of the earth's crust - and continental drift and the quake itself.",
"the expansion and contraction of the earth's crust and continental drift - the breaking apart of rocks - the production of pressure - and the quake itself.",
"the expansion and contraction of the earth's crust and continental drift - the production of pressure - the breaking apart of rocks - and the quake itself.",
"the production of pressure - the breaking apart of rocks - the expansion and contraction of the earth's crust and continental drift - and the quake itself."
] | According to the passage, the sequence before an earthquake is _ . | Every year, earthquakes are responsible for a large number of deaths and vast amount of destruction in various parts of the world. Most of these damaging earthquakes occur either in a narrow belt which surrounds the Pacific Ocean or in a line which extends from Burma to the Alps in Europe. Some of the destruction is directly caused by the quake itself. An example of this is the collapse of buildings as a result of vibration. Other damage results from landslides, tsunamis (large ocean waves) or major fires which are initiated by the quake.
There are about a million quakes a year. Fortunately, however, not all of them are destructive. The intensity of an earthquake is measured on the Richter Scale, which goes from 0 upward. The highest magnitude recorded to date is 8.9. Major damage generally occurs from quake ranging upwards from 6.0. Exceptions to this are those whose epicenters are located far from the inhabited areas.
The actual cause of the quake itself is the breaking apart of rocks at or below the earth's surface. This is produced by pressure which scientists believe may be due to a number of reasons, two of which are the expansion and contraction of the earth's crust and continental drift.
In order to minimize the damage and lessen some of the suffering results from earthquakes, scientists are working on ways to enable accurate prediction. Two of the instruments presently in use to achieve this goal are seismograghs and tiltmeters. The former records any shaking of the earth: by means of calculations seismologist can accurately indicate the exact time, location and size of an earthquake. The latter, as the name suggests, is used to record any changes in the title of the land. | 2690.txt | 2 |
[
"To record signals of earthquake.",
"To prevent major earthquakes",
"To predict when, where and how an earthquake happens.",
"To lessen the suffering results of an earthquake."
] | What is the use of seismographs and tiltmeters? | Every year, earthquakes are responsible for a large number of deaths and vast amount of destruction in various parts of the world. Most of these damaging earthquakes occur either in a narrow belt which surrounds the Pacific Ocean or in a line which extends from Burma to the Alps in Europe. Some of the destruction is directly caused by the quake itself. An example of this is the collapse of buildings as a result of vibration. Other damage results from landslides, tsunamis (large ocean waves) or major fires which are initiated by the quake.
There are about a million quakes a year. Fortunately, however, not all of them are destructive. The intensity of an earthquake is measured on the Richter Scale, which goes from 0 upward. The highest magnitude recorded to date is 8.9. Major damage generally occurs from quake ranging upwards from 6.0. Exceptions to this are those whose epicenters are located far from the inhabited areas.
The actual cause of the quake itself is the breaking apart of rocks at or below the earth's surface. This is produced by pressure which scientists believe may be due to a number of reasons, two of which are the expansion and contraction of the earth's crust and continental drift.
In order to minimize the damage and lessen some of the suffering results from earthquakes, scientists are working on ways to enable accurate prediction. Two of the instruments presently in use to achieve this goal are seismograghs and tiltmeters. The former records any shaking of the earth: by means of calculations seismologist can accurately indicate the exact time, location and size of an earthquake. The latter, as the name suggests, is used to record any changes in the title of the land. | 2690.txt | 0 |
[
"The growth of cities in the United States in the early 1900's",
"The development of the Southern California oil fields",
"Factors contributing to the growth of Los Angeles",
"Industry and city planning in Los Angeles"
] | What is the passage mainly about? | In 1900 the United States had only three cities with more than a million residents - New York, Chicago, and Philadelphia. By 1930, it had ten giant metropolises. The newer ones experienced remarkable growth, which reflected basic changes in the economy.
The population of Los Angeles (114,000 in 1900) rose spectacularly in the early decades of the twentieth century, increasing a dramatic 1,400 percent from 1900 to 1930. A number of circumstances contributed to the meteoric rise of Los Angeles. The agricultural potential of the area was enormous if water for irrigation could be found, and the city founders had the vision and dating to obtain it by constructing a 225-mile aqueduct, completed in 1913, to tap the water of the Owens River. The city had a superb natural harbor, as well as excellent rail connections. The climate made it possible to shoot motion pictures year-round; hence Hollywood. Hollywood not only supplied jobs; it disseminated an image of the good life in Southern California on screens all across the nation. The most important single industry powering the growth of Los Angeles, however, was directly linked to the automobile. The demand for petroleum to fuel gasoline engines led to the opening of the Southern California oil fields, and made Los Angeles North America's greatest refining center.
Los Angeles was a product of the auto age in another sense as well: its distinctive spatial organization depended on widespread private ownership of automobiles. Los Angeles was a decentralized metropolis, sprawling across the desert landscape over an area of 400 square miles. It was a city without a real center. The downtown business district did not grow apace with the city as a whole, and the rapid transit system designed to link the center with outlying areas withered away from disuse. Approximately 800,000 cars were registered in Los Angeles County in 1930, one per 2.7 residents. Some visitors from the east coast were dismayed at the endless urban sprawl and dismissed Los Angeles as a mere collection of suburbs in search of a city. But the freedom and mobility of a city built on wheels attracted floods of migrants to the city. | 407.txt | 2 |
[
"new economic conditions",
"images of cities shown in movies",
"new agricultural techniques",
"a large migrant population"
] | The author characterizes the growth of new large cities in the United States after 1900 as resulting primarily from | In 1900 the United States had only three cities with more than a million residents - New York, Chicago, and Philadelphia. By 1930, it had ten giant metropolises. The newer ones experienced remarkable growth, which reflected basic changes in the economy.
The population of Los Angeles (114,000 in 1900) rose spectacularly in the early decades of the twentieth century, increasing a dramatic 1,400 percent from 1900 to 1930. A number of circumstances contributed to the meteoric rise of Los Angeles. The agricultural potential of the area was enormous if water for irrigation could be found, and the city founders had the vision and dating to obtain it by constructing a 225-mile aqueduct, completed in 1913, to tap the water of the Owens River. The city had a superb natural harbor, as well as excellent rail connections. The climate made it possible to shoot motion pictures year-round; hence Hollywood. Hollywood not only supplied jobs; it disseminated an image of the good life in Southern California on screens all across the nation. The most important single industry powering the growth of Los Angeles, however, was directly linked to the automobile. The demand for petroleum to fuel gasoline engines led to the opening of the Southern California oil fields, and made Los Angeles North America's greatest refining center.
Los Angeles was a product of the auto age in another sense as well: its distinctive spatial organization depended on widespread private ownership of automobiles. Los Angeles was a decentralized metropolis, sprawling across the desert landscape over an area of 400 square miles. It was a city without a real center. The downtown business district did not grow apace with the city as a whole, and the rapid transit system designed to link the center with outlying areas withered away from disuse. Approximately 800,000 cars were registered in Los Angeles County in 1930, one per 2.7 residents. Some visitors from the east coast were dismayed at the endless urban sprawl and dismissed Los Angeles as a mere collection of suburbs in search of a city. But the freedom and mobility of a city built on wheels attracted floods of migrants to the city. | 407.txt | 0 |
[
"rapid",
"famous",
"controversial",
"methodical"
] | The word "meteoric" in line 6 is closest in meaning to | In 1900 the United States had only three cities with more than a million residents - New York, Chicago, and Philadelphia. By 1930, it had ten giant metropolises. The newer ones experienced remarkable growth, which reflected basic changes in the economy.
The population of Los Angeles (114,000 in 1900) rose spectacularly in the early decades of the twentieth century, increasing a dramatic 1,400 percent from 1900 to 1930. A number of circumstances contributed to the meteoric rise of Los Angeles. The agricultural potential of the area was enormous if water for irrigation could be found, and the city founders had the vision and dating to obtain it by constructing a 225-mile aqueduct, completed in 1913, to tap the water of the Owens River. The city had a superb natural harbor, as well as excellent rail connections. The climate made it possible to shoot motion pictures year-round; hence Hollywood. Hollywood not only supplied jobs; it disseminated an image of the good life in Southern California on screens all across the nation. The most important single industry powering the growth of Los Angeles, however, was directly linked to the automobile. The demand for petroleum to fuel gasoline engines led to the opening of the Southern California oil fields, and made Los Angeles North America's greatest refining center.
Los Angeles was a product of the auto age in another sense as well: its distinctive spatial organization depended on widespread private ownership of automobiles. Los Angeles was a decentralized metropolis, sprawling across the desert landscape over an area of 400 square miles. It was a city without a real center. The downtown business district did not grow apace with the city as a whole, and the rapid transit system designed to link the center with outlying areas withered away from disuse. Approximately 800,000 cars were registered in Los Angeles County in 1930, one per 2.7 residents. Some visitors from the east coast were dismayed at the endless urban sprawl and dismissed Los Angeles as a mere collection of suburbs in search of a city. But the freedom and mobility of a city built on wheels attracted floods of migrants to the city. | 407.txt | 0 |
[
"aqueduct",
"vision",
"water",
"agricultural potential"
] | The word "it" in line 8 refers to | In 1900 the United States had only three cities with more than a million residents - New York, Chicago, and Philadelphia. By 1930, it had ten giant metropolises. The newer ones experienced remarkable growth, which reflected basic changes in the economy.
The population of Los Angeles (114,000 in 1900) rose spectacularly in the early decades of the twentieth century, increasing a dramatic 1,400 percent from 1900 to 1930. A number of circumstances contributed to the meteoric rise of Los Angeles. The agricultural potential of the area was enormous if water for irrigation could be found, and the city founders had the vision and dating to obtain it by constructing a 225-mile aqueduct, completed in 1913, to tap the water of the Owens River. The city had a superb natural harbor, as well as excellent rail connections. The climate made it possible to shoot motion pictures year-round; hence Hollywood. Hollywood not only supplied jobs; it disseminated an image of the good life in Southern California on screens all across the nation. The most important single industry powering the growth of Los Angeles, however, was directly linked to the automobile. The demand for petroleum to fuel gasoline engines led to the opening of the Southern California oil fields, and made Los Angeles North America's greatest refining center.
Los Angeles was a product of the auto age in another sense as well: its distinctive spatial organization depended on widespread private ownership of automobiles. Los Angeles was a decentralized metropolis, sprawling across the desert landscape over an area of 400 square miles. It was a city without a real center. The downtown business district did not grow apace with the city as a whole, and the rapid transit system designed to link the center with outlying areas withered away from disuse. Approximately 800,000 cars were registered in Los Angeles County in 1930, one per 2.7 residents. Some visitors from the east coast were dismayed at the endless urban sprawl and dismissed Los Angeles as a mere collection of suburbs in search of a city. But the freedom and mobility of a city built on wheels attracted floods of migrants to the city. | 407.txt | 2 |
[
"influx of new residents to agricultural areas near the city",
"construction of an aqueduct",
"expansion of transportation facilities",
"development of new connections to the city's natural harbor"
] | According to the passage , the most important factor in the development of agriculture around Los Angeles was the | In 1900 the United States had only three cities with more than a million residents - New York, Chicago, and Philadelphia. By 1930, it had ten giant metropolises. The newer ones experienced remarkable growth, which reflected basic changes in the economy.
The population of Los Angeles (114,000 in 1900) rose spectacularly in the early decades of the twentieth century, increasing a dramatic 1,400 percent from 1900 to 1930. A number of circumstances contributed to the meteoric rise of Los Angeles. The agricultural potential of the area was enormous if water for irrigation could be found, and the city founders had the vision and dating to obtain it by constructing a 225-mile aqueduct, completed in 1913, to tap the water of the Owens River. The city had a superb natural harbor, as well as excellent rail connections. The climate made it possible to shoot motion pictures year-round; hence Hollywood. Hollywood not only supplied jobs; it disseminated an image of the good life in Southern California on screens all across the nation. The most important single industry powering the growth of Los Angeles, however, was directly linked to the automobile. The demand for petroleum to fuel gasoline engines led to the opening of the Southern California oil fields, and made Los Angeles North America's greatest refining center.
Los Angeles was a product of the auto age in another sense as well: its distinctive spatial organization depended on widespread private ownership of automobiles. Los Angeles was a decentralized metropolis, sprawling across the desert landscape over an area of 400 square miles. It was a city without a real center. The downtown business district did not grow apace with the city as a whole, and the rapid transit system designed to link the center with outlying areas withered away from disuse. Approximately 800,000 cars were registered in Los Angeles County in 1930, one per 2.7 residents. Some visitors from the east coast were dismayed at the endless urban sprawl and dismissed Los Angeles as a mere collection of suburbs in search of a city. But the freedom and mobility of a city built on wheels attracted floods of migrants to the city. | 407.txt | 1 |
[
"availability of many skilled workers",
"beauty of the countryside",
"region's reputation for luxurious lifestyles",
"region's climate and good weather"
] | According to the passage , the initial success of Hollywood' s motion picture industry was due largely to the | In 1900 the United States had only three cities with more than a million residents - New York, Chicago, and Philadelphia. By 1930, it had ten giant metropolises. The newer ones experienced remarkable growth, which reflected basic changes in the economy.
The population of Los Angeles (114,000 in 1900) rose spectacularly in the early decades of the twentieth century, increasing a dramatic 1,400 percent from 1900 to 1930. A number of circumstances contributed to the meteoric rise of Los Angeles. The agricultural potential of the area was enormous if water for irrigation could be found, and the city founders had the vision and dating to obtain it by constructing a 225-mile aqueduct, completed in 1913, to tap the water of the Owens River. The city had a superb natural harbor, as well as excellent rail connections. The climate made it possible to shoot motion pictures year-round; hence Hollywood. Hollywood not only supplied jobs; it disseminated an image of the good life in Southern California on screens all across the nation. The most important single industry powering the growth of Los Angeles, however, was directly linked to the automobile. The demand for petroleum to fuel gasoline engines led to the opening of the Southern California oil fields, and made Los Angeles North America's greatest refining center.
Los Angeles was a product of the auto age in another sense as well: its distinctive spatial organization depended on widespread private ownership of automobiles. Los Angeles was a decentralized metropolis, sprawling across the desert landscape over an area of 400 square miles. It was a city without a real center. The downtown business district did not grow apace with the city as a whole, and the rapid transit system designed to link the center with outlying areas withered away from disuse. Approximately 800,000 cars were registered in Los Angeles County in 1930, one per 2.7 residents. Some visitors from the east coast were dismayed at the endless urban sprawl and dismissed Los Angeles as a mere collection of suburbs in search of a city. But the freedom and mobility of a city built on wheels attracted floods of migrants to the city. | 407.txt | 3 |
[
"farming",
"oil refining",
"automobile manufacturing",
"the motion picture industry"
] | It can be inferred from the passage that in 1930 the greatest number of people in the Los Angeles area were employed in | In 1900 the United States had only three cities with more than a million residents - New York, Chicago, and Philadelphia. By 1930, it had ten giant metropolises. The newer ones experienced remarkable growth, which reflected basic changes in the economy.
The population of Los Angeles (114,000 in 1900) rose spectacularly in the early decades of the twentieth century, increasing a dramatic 1,400 percent from 1900 to 1930. A number of circumstances contributed to the meteoric rise of Los Angeles. The agricultural potential of the area was enormous if water for irrigation could be found, and the city founders had the vision and dating to obtain it by constructing a 225-mile aqueduct, completed in 1913, to tap the water of the Owens River. The city had a superb natural harbor, as well as excellent rail connections. The climate made it possible to shoot motion pictures year-round; hence Hollywood. Hollywood not only supplied jobs; it disseminated an image of the good life in Southern California on screens all across the nation. The most important single industry powering the growth of Los Angeles, however, was directly linked to the automobile. The demand for petroleum to fuel gasoline engines led to the opening of the Southern California oil fields, and made Los Angeles North America's greatest refining center.
Los Angeles was a product of the auto age in another sense as well: its distinctive spatial organization depended on widespread private ownership of automobiles. Los Angeles was a decentralized metropolis, sprawling across the desert landscape over an area of 400 square miles. It was a city without a real center. The downtown business district did not grow apace with the city as a whole, and the rapid transit system designed to link the center with outlying areas withered away from disuse. Approximately 800,000 cars were registered in Los Angeles County in 1930, one per 2.7 residents. Some visitors from the east coast were dismayed at the endless urban sprawl and dismissed Los Angeles as a mere collection of suburbs in search of a city. But the freedom and mobility of a city built on wheels attracted floods of migrants to the city. | 407.txt | 2 |
[
"the fuel requirements of Los Angeles' rail system",
"an increase in the use of gasoline engines in North America",
"a desire to put unproductive desert land to good use",
"innovative planning on the part of the city founders"
] | According to the passage , the Southern California oil fields were initially exploited due to | In 1900 the United States had only three cities with more than a million residents - New York, Chicago, and Philadelphia. By 1930, it had ten giant metropolises. The newer ones experienced remarkable growth, which reflected basic changes in the economy.
The population of Los Angeles (114,000 in 1900) rose spectacularly in the early decades of the twentieth century, increasing a dramatic 1,400 percent from 1900 to 1930. A number of circumstances contributed to the meteoric rise of Los Angeles. The agricultural potential of the area was enormous if water for irrigation could be found, and the city founders had the vision and dating to obtain it by constructing a 225-mile aqueduct, completed in 1913, to tap the water of the Owens River. The city had a superb natural harbor, as well as excellent rail connections. The climate made it possible to shoot motion pictures year-round; hence Hollywood. Hollywood not only supplied jobs; it disseminated an image of the good life in Southern California on screens all across the nation. The most important single industry powering the growth of Los Angeles, however, was directly linked to the automobile. The demand for petroleum to fuel gasoline engines led to the opening of the Southern California oil fields, and made Los Angeles North America's greatest refining center.
Los Angeles was a product of the auto age in another sense as well: its distinctive spatial organization depended on widespread private ownership of automobiles. Los Angeles was a decentralized metropolis, sprawling across the desert landscape over an area of 400 square miles. It was a city without a real center. The downtown business district did not grow apace with the city as a whole, and the rapid transit system designed to link the center with outlying areas withered away from disuse. Approximately 800,000 cars were registered in Los Angeles County in 1930, one per 2.7 residents. Some visitors from the east coast were dismayed at the endless urban sprawl and dismissed Los Angeles as a mere collection of suburbs in search of a city. But the freedom and mobility of a city built on wheels attracted floods of migrants to the city. | 407.txt | 1 |
[
"anew with",
"apart from",
"as fast as",
"at the middle of"
] | The phrase "apace with" in line 21 is closest in meaning to | In 1900 the United States had only three cities with more than a million residents - New York, Chicago, and Philadelphia. By 1930, it had ten giant metropolises. The newer ones experienced remarkable growth, which reflected basic changes in the economy.
The population of Los Angeles (114,000 in 1900) rose spectacularly in the early decades of the twentieth century, increasing a dramatic 1,400 percent from 1900 to 1930. A number of circumstances contributed to the meteoric rise of Los Angeles. The agricultural potential of the area was enormous if water for irrigation could be found, and the city founders had the vision and dating to obtain it by constructing a 225-mile aqueduct, completed in 1913, to tap the water of the Owens River. The city had a superb natural harbor, as well as excellent rail connections. The climate made it possible to shoot motion pictures year-round; hence Hollywood. Hollywood not only supplied jobs; it disseminated an image of the good life in Southern California on screens all across the nation. The most important single industry powering the growth of Los Angeles, however, was directly linked to the automobile. The demand for petroleum to fuel gasoline engines led to the opening of the Southern California oil fields, and made Los Angeles North America's greatest refining center.
Los Angeles was a product of the auto age in another sense as well: its distinctive spatial organization depended on widespread private ownership of automobiles. Los Angeles was a decentralized metropolis, sprawling across the desert landscape over an area of 400 square miles. It was a city without a real center. The downtown business district did not grow apace with the city as a whole, and the rapid transit system designed to link the center with outlying areas withered away from disuse. Approximately 800,000 cars were registered in Los Angeles County in 1930, one per 2.7 residents. Some visitors from the east coast were dismayed at the endless urban sprawl and dismissed Los Angeles as a mere collection of suburbs in search of a city. But the freedom and mobility of a city built on wheels attracted floods of migrants to the city. | 407.txt | 2 |
[
"public transportation",
"industrial areas",
"suburban neighborhoods",
"oil fields"
] | It can be inferred from the passage that the spatial organization of Los Angeles contributed to the relative decline there of | In 1900 the United States had only three cities with more than a million residents - New York, Chicago, and Philadelphia. By 1930, it had ten giant metropolises. The newer ones experienced remarkable growth, which reflected basic changes in the economy.
The population of Los Angeles (114,000 in 1900) rose spectacularly in the early decades of the twentieth century, increasing a dramatic 1,400 percent from 1900 to 1930. A number of circumstances contributed to the meteoric rise of Los Angeles. The agricultural potential of the area was enormous if water for irrigation could be found, and the city founders had the vision and dating to obtain it by constructing a 225-mile aqueduct, completed in 1913, to tap the water of the Owens River. The city had a superb natural harbor, as well as excellent rail connections. The climate made it possible to shoot motion pictures year-round; hence Hollywood. Hollywood not only supplied jobs; it disseminated an image of the good life in Southern California on screens all across the nation. The most important single industry powering the growth of Los Angeles, however, was directly linked to the automobile. The demand for petroleum to fuel gasoline engines led to the opening of the Southern California oil fields, and made Los Angeles North America's greatest refining center.
Los Angeles was a product of the auto age in another sense as well: its distinctive spatial organization depended on widespread private ownership of automobiles. Los Angeles was a decentralized metropolis, sprawling across the desert landscape over an area of 400 square miles. It was a city without a real center. The downtown business district did not grow apace with the city as a whole, and the rapid transit system designed to link the center with outlying areas withered away from disuse. Approximately 800,000 cars were registered in Los Angeles County in 1930, one per 2.7 residents. Some visitors from the east coast were dismayed at the endless urban sprawl and dismissed Los Angeles as a mere collection of suburbs in search of a city. But the freedom and mobility of a city built on wheels attracted floods of migrants to the city. | 407.txt | 0 |
[
"was not accurately portrayed by Hollywood images",
"lacked good suburban areas in which to live",
"had an excessively large population",
"was not really a single city"
] | The visitors from the east coast mentioned in the passage thought that Los Angeles | In 1900 the United States had only three cities with more than a million residents - New York, Chicago, and Philadelphia. By 1930, it had ten giant metropolises. The newer ones experienced remarkable growth, which reflected basic changes in the economy.
The population of Los Angeles (114,000 in 1900) rose spectacularly in the early decades of the twentieth century, increasing a dramatic 1,400 percent from 1900 to 1930. A number of circumstances contributed to the meteoric rise of Los Angeles. The agricultural potential of the area was enormous if water for irrigation could be found, and the city founders had the vision and dating to obtain it by constructing a 225-mile aqueduct, completed in 1913, to tap the water of the Owens River. The city had a superb natural harbor, as well as excellent rail connections. The climate made it possible to shoot motion pictures year-round; hence Hollywood. Hollywood not only supplied jobs; it disseminated an image of the good life in Southern California on screens all across the nation. The most important single industry powering the growth of Los Angeles, however, was directly linked to the automobile. The demand for petroleum to fuel gasoline engines led to the opening of the Southern California oil fields, and made Los Angeles North America's greatest refining center.
Los Angeles was a product of the auto age in another sense as well: its distinctive spatial organization depended on widespread private ownership of automobiles. Los Angeles was a decentralized metropolis, sprawling across the desert landscape over an area of 400 square miles. It was a city without a real center. The downtown business district did not grow apace with the city as a whole, and the rapid transit system designed to link the center with outlying areas withered away from disuse. Approximately 800,000 cars were registered in Los Angeles County in 1930, one per 2.7 residents. Some visitors from the east coast were dismayed at the endless urban sprawl and dismissed Los Angeles as a mere collection of suburbs in search of a city. But the freedom and mobility of a city built on wheels attracted floods of migrants to the city. | 407.txt | 3 |
[
"describe the way in which hot spots influence the extinction of volcanoes",
"describe and explain the formation of the oceans and continents",
"explain how to estimate the age of lava flows from extinct volcanoes",
"describe hot spots and explain how they appear to influence and record the motion of plates"
] | The primary purpose of the passage is to | Scattered around the globe are more than one hundred regions of volcanic activity known as hot spots.Unlike most volcanoes. hot spots are rarely found along the boundaries of the continental and oceanic plates that comprise the Earth's crust; most hot spots lie deep in the interior of plates and are anchored deep in the layers of the earth's surface. Hot spots are also distinguished from other volcanoes by their lavas, which contain greater amounts of alkali metals than do those from volcanoes at plate margins.
In some cases, plates moving past hot spots have left trails of extinct volcanoes in much the same way that wind passing over a chimney carries off puffs of smoke. It appears that the Hawaiian Islands were created in such a manner by a single source of lava, welling up from a hot spot, over which the Pacific Ocean plate passed on a course roughly from the east toward the northwest, carrying off a line of volcanoes of increasing age.Two other pacific island chains-the Austral Ridge and the Tuamotu Ridge-parallel the configuration of the Hawaiian chain; they are also aligned from the east toward the northwest, with the most recent volcanic activity near their eastern terminuses.
That the Pacific plate and the other plates are moving is now beyond dispute; the relative motion of the plates has been reconstructed in detail. However, the relative motion of the plates with respect to the Earth's interior cannot be determined easily. Hot spots provide the measuring instruments for resolving the question of whether two continental plates are moving in opposite directions or whether one is stationary and the other is drifting away from it. The most compelling evidence that a continental plat is stationary is that, at some hot spots, lavas of several ages are superposed instead of being spread out in chronological sequence. Of course, reconstruction of plate motion from the tracks of hot- spot volcanoes assumes that hot spots are immobile, or nearly so. Several studies support such an assumption, including one that has shown that prominent hot spots throughout the world seem not to have moved during the past ten million years.
Beyond acting as frames of reference, hot spots apparently influence the geophysical processes that propel the plates across the globe. When a continental plate comes to rest over a hot spot, material welling up from deeper layers forms a broad dome that, as it grows, develops deep fissures. In some instances, the continental plate may rupture entirely along some of the fissures so that hot spot initiates the formation of a new ocean. Thus, just as earlier theories have explained the mobility of the continental plates. so hot-spot activity may suggest a theory to explain their mutability. | 1942.txt | 3 |
[
"can only be found near islands",
"are active whereas all other volcanoes are extinct",
"are situated closer to the earth's surface",
"have greater amounts of alkali metals in their lavas"
] | According to the passage, hot spots differ from most volcanoes in that hot spots | Scattered around the globe are more than one hundred regions of volcanic activity known as hot spots.Unlike most volcanoes. hot spots are rarely found along the boundaries of the continental and oceanic plates that comprise the Earth's crust; most hot spots lie deep in the interior of plates and are anchored deep in the layers of the earth's surface. Hot spots are also distinguished from other volcanoes by their lavas, which contain greater amounts of alkali metals than do those from volcanoes at plate margins.
In some cases, plates moving past hot spots have left trails of extinct volcanoes in much the same way that wind passing over a chimney carries off puffs of smoke. It appears that the Hawaiian Islands were created in such a manner by a single source of lava, welling up from a hot spot, over which the Pacific Ocean plate passed on a course roughly from the east toward the northwest, carrying off a line of volcanoes of increasing age.Two other pacific island chains-the Austral Ridge and the Tuamotu Ridge-parallel the configuration of the Hawaiian chain; they are also aligned from the east toward the northwest, with the most recent volcanic activity near their eastern terminuses.
That the Pacific plate and the other plates are moving is now beyond dispute; the relative motion of the plates has been reconstructed in detail. However, the relative motion of the plates with respect to the Earth's interior cannot be determined easily. Hot spots provide the measuring instruments for resolving the question of whether two continental plates are moving in opposite directions or whether one is stationary and the other is drifting away from it. The most compelling evidence that a continental plat is stationary is that, at some hot spots, lavas of several ages are superposed instead of being spread out in chronological sequence. Of course, reconstruction of plate motion from the tracks of hot- spot volcanoes assumes that hot spots are immobile, or nearly so. Several studies support such an assumption, including one that has shown that prominent hot spots throughout the world seem not to have moved during the past ten million years.
Beyond acting as frames of reference, hot spots apparently influence the geophysical processes that propel the plates across the globe. When a continental plate comes to rest over a hot spot, material welling up from deeper layers forms a broad dome that, as it grows, develops deep fissures. In some instances, the continental plate may rupture entirely along some of the fissures so that hot spot initiates the formation of a new ocean. Thus, just as earlier theories have explained the mobility of the continental plates. so hot-spot activity may suggest a theory to explain their mutability. | 1942.txt | 3 |
[
"contours of the continents.",
"dimensions of ocean hot spots",
"concurrent movement of two hot spots",
"configurations of several mid-ocean island chains"
] | It can be inferred from the passage that evidence for the apparent course of the Pacific plate has been provided by the | Scattered around the globe are more than one hundred regions of volcanic activity known as hot spots.Unlike most volcanoes. hot spots are rarely found along the boundaries of the continental and oceanic plates that comprise the Earth's crust; most hot spots lie deep in the interior of plates and are anchored deep in the layers of the earth's surface. Hot spots are also distinguished from other volcanoes by their lavas, which contain greater amounts of alkali metals than do those from volcanoes at plate margins.
In some cases, plates moving past hot spots have left trails of extinct volcanoes in much the same way that wind passing over a chimney carries off puffs of smoke. It appears that the Hawaiian Islands were created in such a manner by a single source of lava, welling up from a hot spot, over which the Pacific Ocean plate passed on a course roughly from the east toward the northwest, carrying off a line of volcanoes of increasing age.Two other pacific island chains-the Austral Ridge and the Tuamotu Ridge-parallel the configuration of the Hawaiian chain; they are also aligned from the east toward the northwest, with the most recent volcanic activity near their eastern terminuses.
That the Pacific plate and the other plates are moving is now beyond dispute; the relative motion of the plates has been reconstructed in detail. However, the relative motion of the plates with respect to the Earth's interior cannot be determined easily. Hot spots provide the measuring instruments for resolving the question of whether two continental plates are moving in opposite directions or whether one is stationary and the other is drifting away from it. The most compelling evidence that a continental plat is stationary is that, at some hot spots, lavas of several ages are superposed instead of being spread out in chronological sequence. Of course, reconstruction of plate motion from the tracks of hot- spot volcanoes assumes that hot spots are immobile, or nearly so. Several studies support such an assumption, including one that has shown that prominent hot spots throughout the world seem not to have moved during the past ten million years.
Beyond acting as frames of reference, hot spots apparently influence the geophysical processes that propel the plates across the globe. When a continental plate comes to rest over a hot spot, material welling up from deeper layers forms a broad dome that, as it grows, develops deep fissures. In some instances, the continental plate may rupture entirely along some of the fissures so that hot spot initiates the formation of a new ocean. Thus, just as earlier theories have explained the mobility of the continental plates. so hot-spot activity may suggest a theory to explain their mutability. | 1942.txt | 3 |
[
"hot spot is active",
"continental plate has moved",
"continental rupture is imminent",
"hot spot had been moving very rapidly"
] | It can be inferred from the passage that the spreading out of lavas of different ages at hot spots indicates that a | Scattered around the globe are more than one hundred regions of volcanic activity known as hot spots.Unlike most volcanoes. hot spots are rarely found along the boundaries of the continental and oceanic plates that comprise the Earth's crust; most hot spots lie deep in the interior of plates and are anchored deep in the layers of the earth's surface. Hot spots are also distinguished from other volcanoes by their lavas, which contain greater amounts of alkali metals than do those from volcanoes at plate margins.
In some cases, plates moving past hot spots have left trails of extinct volcanoes in much the same way that wind passing over a chimney carries off puffs of smoke. It appears that the Hawaiian Islands were created in such a manner by a single source of lava, welling up from a hot spot, over which the Pacific Ocean plate passed on a course roughly from the east toward the northwest, carrying off a line of volcanoes of increasing age.Two other pacific island chains-the Austral Ridge and the Tuamotu Ridge-parallel the configuration of the Hawaiian chain; they are also aligned from the east toward the northwest, with the most recent volcanic activity near their eastern terminuses.
That the Pacific plate and the other plates are moving is now beyond dispute; the relative motion of the plates has been reconstructed in detail. However, the relative motion of the plates with respect to the Earth's interior cannot be determined easily. Hot spots provide the measuring instruments for resolving the question of whether two continental plates are moving in opposite directions or whether one is stationary and the other is drifting away from it. The most compelling evidence that a continental plat is stationary is that, at some hot spots, lavas of several ages are superposed instead of being spread out in chronological sequence. Of course, reconstruction of plate motion from the tracks of hot- spot volcanoes assumes that hot spots are immobile, or nearly so. Several studies support such an assumption, including one that has shown that prominent hot spots throughout the world seem not to have moved during the past ten million years.
Beyond acting as frames of reference, hot spots apparently influence the geophysical processes that propel the plates across the globe. When a continental plate comes to rest over a hot spot, material welling up from deeper layers forms a broad dome that, as it grows, develops deep fissures. In some instances, the continental plate may rupture entirely along some of the fissures so that hot spot initiates the formation of a new ocean. Thus, just as earlier theories have explained the mobility of the continental plates. so hot-spot activity may suggest a theory to explain their mutability. | 1942.txt | 1 |
[
"The three chains of islands are moving eastward",
"All the islands in the three chains have stopped moving.",
"The three islands chains are a result of the same plate movement.",
"The Hawaiian Islands are receding from the other two island chains at a relatively rapid rate."
] | The passage suggests which of the following about the Hawaiian Islands, the Austral Ridge, and the Tuamotu Ridge? | Scattered around the globe are more than one hundred regions of volcanic activity known as hot spots.Unlike most volcanoes. hot spots are rarely found along the boundaries of the continental and oceanic plates that comprise the Earth's crust; most hot spots lie deep in the interior of plates and are anchored deep in the layers of the earth's surface. Hot spots are also distinguished from other volcanoes by their lavas, which contain greater amounts of alkali metals than do those from volcanoes at plate margins.
In some cases, plates moving past hot spots have left trails of extinct volcanoes in much the same way that wind passing over a chimney carries off puffs of smoke. It appears that the Hawaiian Islands were created in such a manner by a single source of lava, welling up from a hot spot, over which the Pacific Ocean plate passed on a course roughly from the east toward the northwest, carrying off a line of volcanoes of increasing age.Two other pacific island chains-the Austral Ridge and the Tuamotu Ridge-parallel the configuration of the Hawaiian chain; they are also aligned from the east toward the northwest, with the most recent volcanic activity near their eastern terminuses.
That the Pacific plate and the other plates are moving is now beyond dispute; the relative motion of the plates has been reconstructed in detail. However, the relative motion of the plates with respect to the Earth's interior cannot be determined easily. Hot spots provide the measuring instruments for resolving the question of whether two continental plates are moving in opposite directions or whether one is stationary and the other is drifting away from it. The most compelling evidence that a continental plat is stationary is that, at some hot spots, lavas of several ages are superposed instead of being spread out in chronological sequence. Of course, reconstruction of plate motion from the tracks of hot- spot volcanoes assumes that hot spots are immobile, or nearly so. Several studies support such an assumption, including one that has shown that prominent hot spots throughout the world seem not to have moved during the past ten million years.
Beyond acting as frames of reference, hot spots apparently influence the geophysical processes that propel the plates across the globe. When a continental plate comes to rest over a hot spot, material welling up from deeper layers forms a broad dome that, as it grows, develops deep fissures. In some instances, the continental plate may rupture entirely along some of the fissures so that hot spot initiates the formation of a new ocean. Thus, just as earlier theories have explained the mobility of the continental plates. so hot-spot activity may suggest a theory to explain their mutability. | 1942.txt | 2 |
[
"Hot spots move more rapidly than the continental and oceanic plates.",
"Hot spots are reliable indicators of the age of continental plates.",
"Hot spots are regions of volcanic activity found only in the interiors of the continental plates.",
"The coastlines of Africa and South America suggest that they may once have constituted a single continent that ruptured along a line of hot spots."
] | Which of the following, if true, would best support the author's statement that hot-spot activity may explain the mutability of continental plates? | Scattered around the globe are more than one hundred regions of volcanic activity known as hot spots.Unlike most volcanoes. hot spots are rarely found along the boundaries of the continental and oceanic plates that comprise the Earth's crust; most hot spots lie deep in the interior of plates and are anchored deep in the layers of the earth's surface. Hot spots are also distinguished from other volcanoes by their lavas, which contain greater amounts of alkali metals than do those from volcanoes at plate margins.
In some cases, plates moving past hot spots have left trails of extinct volcanoes in much the same way that wind passing over a chimney carries off puffs of smoke. It appears that the Hawaiian Islands were created in such a manner by a single source of lava, welling up from a hot spot, over which the Pacific Ocean plate passed on a course roughly from the east toward the northwest, carrying off a line of volcanoes of increasing age.Two other pacific island chains-the Austral Ridge and the Tuamotu Ridge-parallel the configuration of the Hawaiian chain; they are also aligned from the east toward the northwest, with the most recent volcanic activity near their eastern terminuses.
That the Pacific plate and the other plates are moving is now beyond dispute; the relative motion of the plates has been reconstructed in detail. However, the relative motion of the plates with respect to the Earth's interior cannot be determined easily. Hot spots provide the measuring instruments for resolving the question of whether two continental plates are moving in opposite directions or whether one is stationary and the other is drifting away from it. The most compelling evidence that a continental plat is stationary is that, at some hot spots, lavas of several ages are superposed instead of being spread out in chronological sequence. Of course, reconstruction of plate motion from the tracks of hot- spot volcanoes assumes that hot spots are immobile, or nearly so. Several studies support such an assumption, including one that has shown that prominent hot spots throughout the world seem not to have moved during the past ten million years.
Beyond acting as frames of reference, hot spots apparently influence the geophysical processes that propel the plates across the globe. When a continental plate comes to rest over a hot spot, material welling up from deeper layers forms a broad dome that, as it grows, develops deep fissures. In some instances, the continental plate may rupture entirely along some of the fissures so that hot spot initiates the formation of a new ocean. Thus, just as earlier theories have explained the mobility of the continental plates. so hot-spot activity may suggest a theory to explain their mutability. | 1942.txt | 3 |
[
"hot spots are never found at the boundaries of plates",
"only extinct volcanoes remain after a plate moves over a hot spot",
"lava flow patterns for all hot spots have not been shown to be the same",
"the immobility or near immobility of hot spots has not been conclusively proven"
] | The author's argument that hot spots can be used to reconstruct the movement of continental plates is weakened by the fact that | Scattered around the globe are more than one hundred regions of volcanic activity known as hot spots.Unlike most volcanoes. hot spots are rarely found along the boundaries of the continental and oceanic plates that comprise the Earth's crust; most hot spots lie deep in the interior of plates and are anchored deep in the layers of the earth's surface. Hot spots are also distinguished from other volcanoes by their lavas, which contain greater amounts of alkali metals than do those from volcanoes at plate margins.
In some cases, plates moving past hot spots have left trails of extinct volcanoes in much the same way that wind passing over a chimney carries off puffs of smoke. It appears that the Hawaiian Islands were created in such a manner by a single source of lava, welling up from a hot spot, over which the Pacific Ocean plate passed on a course roughly from the east toward the northwest, carrying off a line of volcanoes of increasing age.Two other pacific island chains-the Austral Ridge and the Tuamotu Ridge-parallel the configuration of the Hawaiian chain; they are also aligned from the east toward the northwest, with the most recent volcanic activity near their eastern terminuses.
That the Pacific plate and the other plates are moving is now beyond dispute; the relative motion of the plates has been reconstructed in detail. However, the relative motion of the plates with respect to the Earth's interior cannot be determined easily. Hot spots provide the measuring instruments for resolving the question of whether two continental plates are moving in opposite directions or whether one is stationary and the other is drifting away from it. The most compelling evidence that a continental plat is stationary is that, at some hot spots, lavas of several ages are superposed instead of being spread out in chronological sequence. Of course, reconstruction of plate motion from the tracks of hot- spot volcanoes assumes that hot spots are immobile, or nearly so. Several studies support such an assumption, including one that has shown that prominent hot spots throughout the world seem not to have moved during the past ten million years.
Beyond acting as frames of reference, hot spots apparently influence the geophysical processes that propel the plates across the globe. When a continental plate comes to rest over a hot spot, material welling up from deeper layers forms a broad dome that, as it grows, develops deep fissures. In some instances, the continental plate may rupture entirely along some of the fissures so that hot spot initiates the formation of a new ocean. Thus, just as earlier theories have explained the mobility of the continental plates. so hot-spot activity may suggest a theory to explain their mutability. | 1942.txt | 3 |
[
"dramatic",
"archaic",
"esoteric",
"objective"
] | The author's style can best be described as | Scattered around the globe are more than one hundred regions of volcanic activity known as hot spots.Unlike most volcanoes. hot spots are rarely found along the boundaries of the continental and oceanic plates that comprise the Earth's crust; most hot spots lie deep in the interior of plates and are anchored deep in the layers of the earth's surface. Hot spots are also distinguished from other volcanoes by their lavas, which contain greater amounts of alkali metals than do those from volcanoes at plate margins.
In some cases, plates moving past hot spots have left trails of extinct volcanoes in much the same way that wind passing over a chimney carries off puffs of smoke. It appears that the Hawaiian Islands were created in such a manner by a single source of lava, welling up from a hot spot, over which the Pacific Ocean plate passed on a course roughly from the east toward the northwest, carrying off a line of volcanoes of increasing age.Two other pacific island chains-the Austral Ridge and the Tuamotu Ridge-parallel the configuration of the Hawaiian chain; they are also aligned from the east toward the northwest, with the most recent volcanic activity near their eastern terminuses.
That the Pacific plate and the other plates are moving is now beyond dispute; the relative motion of the plates has been reconstructed in detail. However, the relative motion of the plates with respect to the Earth's interior cannot be determined easily. Hot spots provide the measuring instruments for resolving the question of whether two continental plates are moving in opposite directions or whether one is stationary and the other is drifting away from it. The most compelling evidence that a continental plat is stationary is that, at some hot spots, lavas of several ages are superposed instead of being spread out in chronological sequence. Of course, reconstruction of plate motion from the tracks of hot- spot volcanoes assumes that hot spots are immobile, or nearly so. Several studies support such an assumption, including one that has shown that prominent hot spots throughout the world seem not to have moved during the past ten million years.
Beyond acting as frames of reference, hot spots apparently influence the geophysical processes that propel the plates across the globe. When a continental plate comes to rest over a hot spot, material welling up from deeper layers forms a broad dome that, as it grows, develops deep fissures. In some instances, the continental plate may rupture entirely along some of the fissures so that hot spot initiates the formation of a new ocean. Thus, just as earlier theories have explained the mobility of the continental plates. so hot-spot activity may suggest a theory to explain their mutability. | 1942.txt | 3 |
[
"the hunters wanted to see the pictures",
"the painters were animal lovers",
"the painters wanted to show imagination",
"the pictures were thought to be helpful"
] | Pictures of animals were painted on the walls of caves in France and Spain because _ . | People have been painting pictures for at least 30,000 years. The earliest pictures were painted by people who hunted animals. They used to paint pictures of the animals they wanted to catch and kill. Pictures of this kind have been found on the walls of caves in France and Spain. No one knows why they were painted there. Perhaps the painters thought that their pictures would help them to catch these animals. Or perhaps human beings have always wanted to tell stories in pictures.
About 5,000 years ago, the Egyptians and other people in the Near East began to use pictures as kind of writing. They drew simple pictures or signs to represent things and ideas, and also to represent the sounds of their language. The signs these people used became a kind of alphabet.The Egyptians used to record information and to tell stories by putting picture writing and pictures together. When an important person died, scenes and stories from his life were painted and carved on the walls of the place where he was buried. Some of these pictures are like modern comic strip stories. It has been said that Egypt is the home of the comic strip. But, for the Egyptians, pictures still had magic power. So they did not try to make their way of writing simple. The ordinary people could not understand it.
By the year 1,000 BC, people who lived in the area around the Mediterranean Sea had developed a simpler system of writing. The signs they used were very easy to write, and there were fewer of them than in the Egyptian system. This was because each sign, or letter, represented only one sound in their language. The Greeks developed this system and formed the letters of the Greek alphabet. The Romans copied the idea, and the Roman alphabet is now used all over the world.
These days, we can write down a story, or record information, without using pictures. But we still need pictures of all kinds: drawing, photographs, signs and diagrams. We find them everywhere: in books and newspapers, in the street, and on the walls of the places where we live and work. Pictures help us to understand and remember things more easily, and they can make a story much more interesting.? | 1.txt | 3 |
[
"the former was easy to write",
"there were fewer signs in the former",
"the former was easy to pronounce",
"each sign stood for only one sound"
] | The Greek alphabet was simpler than the Egyptian system for all the following reasons EXCEPT that _ . | People have been painting pictures for at least 30,000 years. The earliest pictures were painted by people who hunted animals. They used to paint pictures of the animals they wanted to catch and kill. Pictures of this kind have been found on the walls of caves in France and Spain. No one knows why they were painted there. Perhaps the painters thought that their pictures would help them to catch these animals. Or perhaps human beings have always wanted to tell stories in pictures.
About 5,000 years ago, the Egyptians and other people in the Near East began to use pictures as kind of writing. They drew simple pictures or signs to represent things and ideas, and also to represent the sounds of their language. The signs these people used became a kind of alphabet.The Egyptians used to record information and to tell stories by putting picture writing and pictures together. When an important person died, scenes and stories from his life were painted and carved on the walls of the place where he was buried. Some of these pictures are like modern comic strip stories. It has been said that Egypt is the home of the comic strip. But, for the Egyptians, pictures still had magic power. So they did not try to make their way of writing simple. The ordinary people could not understand it.
By the year 1,000 BC, people who lived in the area around the Mediterranean Sea had developed a simpler system of writing. The signs they used were very easy to write, and there were fewer of them than in the Egyptian system. This was because each sign, or letter, represented only one sound in their language. The Greeks developed this system and formed the letters of the Greek alphabet. The Romans copied the idea, and the Roman alphabet is now used all over the world.
These days, we can write down a story, or record information, without using pictures. But we still need pictures of all kinds: drawing, photographs, signs and diagrams. We find them everywhere: in books and newspapers, in the street, and on the walls of the places where we live and work. Pictures help us to understand and remember things more easily, and they can make a story much more interesting.? | 1.txt | 2 |
[
"The Egyptian signs later became a particular alphabet.",
"The Egyptians liked to write comic?strip stories.",
"The Roman alphabet was developed from the Egyptian one.",
"The Greeks copied their writing system from the Egyptians."
] | Which of the following statements is TRUE? | People have been painting pictures for at least 30,000 years. The earliest pictures were painted by people who hunted animals. They used to paint pictures of the animals they wanted to catch and kill. Pictures of this kind have been found on the walls of caves in France and Spain. No one knows why they were painted there. Perhaps the painters thought that their pictures would help them to catch these animals. Or perhaps human beings have always wanted to tell stories in pictures.
About 5,000 years ago, the Egyptians and other people in the Near East began to use pictures as kind of writing. They drew simple pictures or signs to represent things and ideas, and also to represent the sounds of their language. The signs these people used became a kind of alphabet.The Egyptians used to record information and to tell stories by putting picture writing and pictures together. When an important person died, scenes and stories from his life were painted and carved on the walls of the place where he was buried. Some of these pictures are like modern comic strip stories. It has been said that Egypt is the home of the comic strip. But, for the Egyptians, pictures still had magic power. So they did not try to make their way of writing simple. The ordinary people could not understand it.
By the year 1,000 BC, people who lived in the area around the Mediterranean Sea had developed a simpler system of writing. The signs they used were very easy to write, and there were fewer of them than in the Egyptian system. This was because each sign, or letter, represented only one sound in their language. The Greeks developed this system and formed the letters of the Greek alphabet. The Romans copied the idea, and the Roman alphabet is now used all over the world.
These days, we can write down a story, or record information, without using pictures. But we still need pictures of all kinds: drawing, photographs, signs and diagrams. We find them everywhere: in books and newspapers, in the street, and on the walls of the places where we live and work. Pictures help us to understand and remember things more easily, and they can make a story much more interesting.? | 1.txt | 0 |
[
"should be made comprehensible",
"should be made interesting",
"are of much use in our life",
"have disappeared from our life"
] | In the last paragraph, the author thinks that pictures _ . | People have been painting pictures for at least 30,000 years. The earliest pictures were painted by people who hunted animals. They used to paint pictures of the animals they wanted to catch and kill. Pictures of this kind have been found on the walls of caves in France and Spain. No one knows why they were painted there. Perhaps the painters thought that their pictures would help them to catch these animals. Or perhaps human beings have always wanted to tell stories in pictures.
About 5,000 years ago, the Egyptians and other people in the Near East began to use pictures as kind of writing. They drew simple pictures or signs to represent things and ideas, and also to represent the sounds of their language. The signs these people used became a kind of alphabet.The Egyptians used to record information and to tell stories by putting picture writing and pictures together. When an important person died, scenes and stories from his life were painted and carved on the walls of the place where he was buried. Some of these pictures are like modern comic strip stories. It has been said that Egypt is the home of the comic strip. But, for the Egyptians, pictures still had magic power. So they did not try to make their way of writing simple. The ordinary people could not understand it.
By the year 1,000 BC, people who lived in the area around the Mediterranean Sea had developed a simpler system of writing. The signs they used were very easy to write, and there were fewer of them than in the Egyptian system. This was because each sign, or letter, represented only one sound in their language. The Greeks developed this system and formed the letters of the Greek alphabet. The Romans copied the idea, and the Roman alphabet is now used all over the world.
These days, we can write down a story, or record information, without using pictures. But we still need pictures of all kinds: drawing, photographs, signs and diagrams. We find them everywhere: in books and newspapers, in the street, and on the walls of the places where we live and work. Pictures help us to understand and remember things more easily, and they can make a story much more interesting.? | 1.txt | 2 |
[
"Jules Skye.",
"Gee Whizz.",
"Charlotte Stone.",
"James Pickering."
] | Who can help you if you want to have your music produced? | What's On?
Electric Underground
7.30pm-1.00am Free at the Cyclops Theatre
Do you know who's playing in your area? We're bringing you an exciting evening of live rock and pop music from the best local bands. Are you interested in becoming a musician and getting a recording contract? If so, come early to the talk at 7.30pm by Jules Skye, a successful record producer. He's going to talk about how you can find the right person to produce your music.
Gee Whizz
8.30pm-10.30pm Comedy at Kaleidoscope
Come and see Gee Whizz perform. He's the funniest stand-up comedian on the comedy scene. This joyful show will please everyone, from the youngest to the oldest. Gee Whizz really knows how to make you laugh! Our bar is open from 7.00pm for drinks and snacks.
Simon's Workshop
5.00pm-7.30pm Wednesdays at Victoria Stage
This is a good chance for anyone who wants to learn how to do comedy. The workshop looks at every kind of comedy, and practices many different ways of making people laugh. Simon is a comedian and actor who has 10 years' experience of teaching comedy. His workshops are exciting and fun. An evening with Simon will give you the confidence to be funny.
Charlotte Stone
8.00pm-11.00pm Pizza World
Fine food with beautiful jazz music; this is a great evening out. Charlotte Stone will perform songs from her new best-selling CD, with James Pickering on the piano. The menu is Italian, with excellent meat and fresh fish, pizzas and pasta. Book early to get a table. Our bar is open all day, and serves cocktails, coffee, beer, and white wine. | 349.txt | 0 |
[
"The Cyclops Theatre.",
"Kaleidoscope.",
"Victoria Stage.",
"Pizza World."
] | At which place can people of different ages enjoy a good laugh? | What's On?
Electric Underground
7.30pm-1.00am Free at the Cyclops Theatre
Do you know who's playing in your area? We're bringing you an exciting evening of live rock and pop music from the best local bands. Are you interested in becoming a musician and getting a recording contract? If so, come early to the talk at 7.30pm by Jules Skye, a successful record producer. He's going to talk about how you can find the right person to produce your music.
Gee Whizz
8.30pm-10.30pm Comedy at Kaleidoscope
Come and see Gee Whizz perform. He's the funniest stand-up comedian on the comedy scene. This joyful show will please everyone, from the youngest to the oldest. Gee Whizz really knows how to make you laugh! Our bar is open from 7.00pm for drinks and snacks.
Simon's Workshop
5.00pm-7.30pm Wednesdays at Victoria Stage
This is a good chance for anyone who wants to learn how to do comedy. The workshop looks at every kind of comedy, and practices many different ways of making people laugh. Simon is a comedian and actor who has 10 years' experience of teaching comedy. His workshops are exciting and fun. An evening with Simon will give you the confidence to be funny.
Charlotte Stone
8.00pm-11.00pm Pizza World
Fine food with beautiful jazz music; this is a great evening out. Charlotte Stone will perform songs from her new best-selling CD, with James Pickering on the piano. The menu is Italian, with excellent meat and fresh fish, pizzas and pasta. Book early to get a table. Our bar is open all day, and serves cocktails, coffee, beer, and white wine. | 349.txt | 1 |
[
"It requires membership status.",
"It lasts three hours each time.",
"It is run by a comedy club.",
"It is held every Wednesday."
] | What do we know about Simon's Workshop? | What's On?
Electric Underground
7.30pm-1.00am Free at the Cyclops Theatre
Do you know who's playing in your area? We're bringing you an exciting evening of live rock and pop music from the best local bands. Are you interested in becoming a musician and getting a recording contract? If so, come early to the talk at 7.30pm by Jules Skye, a successful record producer. He's going to talk about how you can find the right person to produce your music.
Gee Whizz
8.30pm-10.30pm Comedy at Kaleidoscope
Come and see Gee Whizz perform. He's the funniest stand-up comedian on the comedy scene. This joyful show will please everyone, from the youngest to the oldest. Gee Whizz really knows how to make you laugh! Our bar is open from 7.00pm for drinks and snacks.
Simon's Workshop
5.00pm-7.30pm Wednesdays at Victoria Stage
This is a good chance for anyone who wants to learn how to do comedy. The workshop looks at every kind of comedy, and practices many different ways of making people laugh. Simon is a comedian and actor who has 10 years' experience of teaching comedy. His workshops are exciting and fun. An evening with Simon will give you the confidence to be funny.
Charlotte Stone
8.00pm-11.00pm Pizza World
Fine food with beautiful jazz music; this is a great evening out. Charlotte Stone will perform songs from her new best-selling CD, with James Pickering on the piano. The menu is Italian, with excellent meat and fresh fish, pizzas and pasta. Book early to get a table. Our bar is open all day, and serves cocktails, coffee, beer, and white wine. | 349.txt | 3 |
[
"5.00pm-7.30pm.",
"7.30pm-1.00am.",
"8.00pm-11.00pm.",
"8.30pm-10.30pm."
] | When will Charlotte Stone perform her songs? | What's On?
Electric Underground
7.30pm-1.00am Free at the Cyclops Theatre
Do you know who's playing in your area? We're bringing you an exciting evening of live rock and pop music from the best local bands. Are you interested in becoming a musician and getting a recording contract? If so, come early to the talk at 7.30pm by Jules Skye, a successful record producer. He's going to talk about how you can find the right person to produce your music.
Gee Whizz
8.30pm-10.30pm Comedy at Kaleidoscope
Come and see Gee Whizz perform. He's the funniest stand-up comedian on the comedy scene. This joyful show will please everyone, from the youngest to the oldest. Gee Whizz really knows how to make you laugh! Our bar is open from 7.00pm for drinks and snacks.
Simon's Workshop
5.00pm-7.30pm Wednesdays at Victoria Stage
This is a good chance for anyone who wants to learn how to do comedy. The workshop looks at every kind of comedy, and practices many different ways of making people laugh. Simon is a comedian and actor who has 10 years' experience of teaching comedy. His workshops are exciting and fun. An evening with Simon will give you the confidence to be funny.
Charlotte Stone
8.00pm-11.00pm Pizza World
Fine food with beautiful jazz music; this is a great evening out. Charlotte Stone will perform songs from her new best-selling CD, with James Pickering on the piano. The menu is Italian, with excellent meat and fresh fish, pizzas and pasta. Book early to get a table. Our bar is open all day, and serves cocktails, coffee, beer, and white wine. | 349.txt | 2 |
[
"they have failed to take as many rigorous courses",
"they do not feel as fit for management roles",
"they feel obliged to take care of their kids at home",
"they do not exhibit the needed leadership qualities"
] | Traditionally, it is believed that women earn less than men because . | When young women were found to make only 82 percent of what their male peers do just one year out of college, many were at a loss to explain it.
All the traditional reasons put forward to interpret the pay gap-that women fall behind when they leave the workforce to raise kids, for example, or that they don't seek as many management roles- failed to justify this one. These young women didn't have kids yet. And because they were just one year removed from their undergraduate degrees, few of these women yet had the chance to go after (much less decline) leadership roles.
But there are other reasons why the pay gap remains so persistent. The first is that no matter how many women may be getting college degrees, the university experience is still an unequal one. The second is that our higher education system is not designed to focus on the economic consequences of our students, years on campus.
Now that women are the majority of college students and surpass men in both the number of undergraduate and advanced degrees awarded, one might think the college campus is a pretty equal place. It is not. Studies show that while girls do better than boys in high school, they start to trail off during their college years. They enroll in different kinds of classes, tend to major in less rigorous subjects, and generally head off with less ambitious plants.
As a result, it's not surprising that even the best educated young women enter the workplace with a slight disadvantage. Their college experience leaves them somewhat confused, still stumbling over the dilemmas their grandmothers, generation sought to destroy. Are they supposed to be pretty or smart? Strong or sexy？ All their lives, today's young women have been pushed to embrace both perfection and passion-to pursue science and sports, math and theater-and do it all as well as they possibly can. No wonder they are not negotiating for higher salaries as soon as they get out of school. They are too exhausted, and too scared of failing. | 2152.txt | 2 |
[
"It does not offer specific career counseling to women.",
"It does not consider its economic impact on graduates.",
"It does not take care of women students' special needs.",
"It does not encourage women to take rigorous subjects."
] | What does the author say about America's higher education system? | When young women were found to make only 82 percent of what their male peers do just one year out of college, many were at a loss to explain it.
All the traditional reasons put forward to interpret the pay gap-that women fall behind when they leave the workforce to raise kids, for example, or that they don't seek as many management roles- failed to justify this one. These young women didn't have kids yet. And because they were just one year removed from their undergraduate degrees, few of these women yet had the chance to go after (much less decline) leadership roles.
But there are other reasons why the pay gap remains so persistent. The first is that no matter how many women may be getting college degrees, the university experience is still an unequal one. The second is that our higher education system is not designed to focus on the economic consequences of our students, years on campus.
Now that women are the majority of college students and surpass men in both the number of undergraduate and advanced degrees awarded, one might think the college campus is a pretty equal place. It is not. Studies show that while girls do better than boys in high school, they start to trail off during their college years. They enroll in different kinds of classes, tend to major in less rigorous subjects, and generally head off with less ambitious plants.
As a result, it's not surprising that even the best educated young women enter the workplace with a slight disadvantage. Their college experience leaves them somewhat confused, still stumbling over the dilemmas their grandmothers, generation sought to destroy. Are they supposed to be pretty or smart? Strong or sexy？ All their lives, today's young women have been pushed to embrace both perfection and passion-to pursue science and sports, math and theater-and do it all as well as they possibly can. No wonder they are not negotiating for higher salaries as soon as they get out of school. They are too exhausted, and too scared of failing. | 2152.txt | 1 |
[
"It is different for male and female students.",
"It is not the same as that of earlier generations.",
"It is more exhausting than most women expect.",
"It is not so satisfying to many American students."
] | What does the author say about today's college experience? | When young women were found to make only 82 percent of what their male peers do just one year out of college, many were at a loss to explain it.
All the traditional reasons put forward to interpret the pay gap-that women fall behind when they leave the workforce to raise kids, for example, or that they don't seek as many management roles- failed to justify this one. These young women didn't have kids yet. And because they were just one year removed from their undergraduate degrees, few of these women yet had the chance to go after (much less decline) leadership roles.
But there are other reasons why the pay gap remains so persistent. The first is that no matter how many women may be getting college degrees, the university experience is still an unequal one. The second is that our higher education system is not designed to focus on the economic consequences of our students, years on campus.
Now that women are the majority of college students and surpass men in both the number of undergraduate and advanced degrees awarded, one might think the college campus is a pretty equal place. It is not. Studies show that while girls do better than boys in high school, they start to trail off during their college years. They enroll in different kinds of classes, tend to major in less rigorous subjects, and generally head off with less ambitious plants.
As a result, it's not surprising that even the best educated young women enter the workplace with a slight disadvantage. Their college experience leaves them somewhat confused, still stumbling over the dilemmas their grandmothers, generation sought to destroy. Are they supposed to be pretty or smart? Strong or sexy？ All their lives, today's young women have been pushed to embrace both perfection and passion-to pursue science and sports, math and theater-and do it all as well as they possibly can. No wonder they are not negotiating for higher salaries as soon as they get out of school. They are too exhausted, and too scared of failing. | 2152.txt | 0 |
[
"They have no idea how to bring out their best.",
"They drop a course when they find it too rigorous.",
"They are not as practical as men in choosing courses.",
"They don5t perform as well as they did in high school."
] | What does the author say about women students in college? | When young women were found to make only 82 percent of what their male peers do just one year out of college, many were at a loss to explain it.
All the traditional reasons put forward to interpret the pay gap-that women fall behind when they leave the workforce to raise kids, for example, or that they don't seek as many management roles- failed to justify this one. These young women didn't have kids yet. And because they were just one year removed from their undergraduate degrees, few of these women yet had the chance to go after (much less decline) leadership roles.
But there are other reasons why the pay gap remains so persistent. The first is that no matter how many women may be getting college degrees, the university experience is still an unequal one. The second is that our higher education system is not designed to focus on the economic consequences of our students, years on campus.
Now that women are the majority of college students and surpass men in both the number of undergraduate and advanced degrees awarded, one might think the college campus is a pretty equal place. It is not. Studies show that while girls do better than boys in high school, they start to trail off during their college years. They enroll in different kinds of classes, tend to major in less rigorous subjects, and generally head off with less ambitious plants.
As a result, it's not surprising that even the best educated young women enter the workplace with a slight disadvantage. Their college experience leaves them somewhat confused, still stumbling over the dilemmas their grandmothers, generation sought to destroy. Are they supposed to be pretty or smart? Strong or sexy？ All their lives, today's young women have been pushed to embrace both perfection and passion-to pursue science and sports, math and theater-and do it all as well as they possibly can. No wonder they are not negotiating for higher salaries as soon as they get out of school. They are too exhausted, and too scared of failing. | 2152.txt | 3 |
[
"Women are too worn out to be ambitious.",
"Women are not ready to take management roles.",
"Women are caught between career and family.",
"Women are not good at negotiating salaries."
] | How does the author explain the pay gap between men and women fresh from college? | When young women were found to make only 82 percent of what their male peers do just one year out of college, many were at a loss to explain it.
All the traditional reasons put forward to interpret the pay gap-that women fall behind when they leave the workforce to raise kids, for example, or that they don't seek as many management roles- failed to justify this one. These young women didn't have kids yet. And because they were just one year removed from their undergraduate degrees, few of these women yet had the chance to go after (much less decline) leadership roles.
But there are other reasons why the pay gap remains so persistent. The first is that no matter how many women may be getting college degrees, the university experience is still an unequal one. The second is that our higher education system is not designed to focus on the economic consequences of our students, years on campus.
Now that women are the majority of college students and surpass men in both the number of undergraduate and advanced degrees awarded, one might think the college campus is a pretty equal place. It is not. Studies show that while girls do better than boys in high school, they start to trail off during their college years. They enroll in different kinds of classes, tend to major in less rigorous subjects, and generally head off with less ambitious plants.
As a result, it's not surprising that even the best educated young women enter the workplace with a slight disadvantage. Their college experience leaves them somewhat confused, still stumbling over the dilemmas their grandmothers, generation sought to destroy. Are they supposed to be pretty or smart? Strong or sexy？ All their lives, today's young women have been pushed to embrace both perfection and passion-to pursue science and sports, math and theater-and do it all as well as they possibly can. No wonder they are not negotiating for higher salaries as soon as they get out of school. They are too exhausted, and too scared of failing. | 2152.txt | 0 |
[
"customer service in Israel is now improving",
"wealthy Israeli customers are hard to please",
"the tourist industry has brought chain stores to Israel",
"Israeli customers prefer foreign products to domestic ones"
] | It may be inferred from the passage that _ . | In recent years, Israeli consumers have grown more demanding as they've become wealthier and more worldly-wise. Foreign travel is a national passion; this summer alone, one in 10 citizens will go abroad. Exposed to higher standards of service elsewhere, Israelis are returning home expecting the same. American firms have also begun arriving in large numbers. Chains such as KFC, McDonald's and Pizza Hut are setting a new standard of customer service, using strict employee training and constant monitoring to ensure the friendliness of frontline staff. Even the American habit of telling departing customers to "Have a nice day" has caught on all over Israel. "Nobody wakes up in the morning and says, ‘Let's be nicer,'" says Itsik Cohen, director of a consulting firm. "Nothing happens without competition."
Privatization, or the threat of it, is a motivation as well. Monopolies that until recently have been free to take their customers for granted now fear what Michael Perry, a marketing professor, calls "the revengeful consumer." When the government opened up competition with Bezaq, the phone company, its international branch lost 40% of its market share, even while offering competitive rates. Says Perry, "People wanted revenge for all the years of bad service." The electric company, whose monopoly may be short-lived, has suddenly mopped requiring users to wait half a day for a repairman. Now, appointments are scheduled to the half-hour. The graceless El Al Airlines, which is already at auction, has retrained its employees to emphasize service and is boasting about the results in an ad campaign with the slogan, "You can feel the change in the air." For the first time, praise outnumbers complaints on customer survey sheets. | 1577.txt | 0 |
[
"if customer complaints go unnoticed by the management",
"unless foreign companies are introduced in greater numbers",
"if there's no competition among companies",
"without strict routine training of employees"
] | In the author's view, higher service standards are impossible in Israel _ . | In recent years, Israeli consumers have grown more demanding as they've become wealthier and more worldly-wise. Foreign travel is a national passion; this summer alone, one in 10 citizens will go abroad. Exposed to higher standards of service elsewhere, Israelis are returning home expecting the same. American firms have also begun arriving in large numbers. Chains such as KFC, McDonald's and Pizza Hut are setting a new standard of customer service, using strict employee training and constant monitoring to ensure the friendliness of frontline staff. Even the American habit of telling departing customers to "Have a nice day" has caught on all over Israel. "Nobody wakes up in the morning and says, ‘Let's be nicer,'" says Itsik Cohen, director of a consulting firm. "Nothing happens without competition."
Privatization, or the threat of it, is a motivation as well. Monopolies that until recently have been free to take their customers for granted now fear what Michael Perry, a marketing professor, calls "the revengeful consumer." When the government opened up competition with Bezaq, the phone company, its international branch lost 40% of its market share, even while offering competitive rates. Says Perry, "People wanted revenge for all the years of bad service." The electric company, whose monopoly may be short-lived, has suddenly mopped requiring users to wait half a day for a repairman. Now, appointments are scheduled to the half-hour. The graceless El Al Airlines, which is already at auction, has retrained its employees to emphasize service and is boasting about the results in an ad campaign with the slogan, "You can feel the change in the air." For the first time, praise outnumbers complaints on customer survey sheets. | 1577.txt | 2 |
[
"they can have it fixed in no time",
"it's no longer necessary to make an appointment",
"the appointment takes only half a day to make",
"they only have to wait half an hour at most"
] | If someone in Israel today needs a repairman in case of a power failure, _ . | In recent years, Israeli consumers have grown more demanding as they've become wealthier and more worldly-wise. Foreign travel is a national passion; this summer alone, one in 10 citizens will go abroad. Exposed to higher standards of service elsewhere, Israelis are returning home expecting the same. American firms have also begun arriving in large numbers. Chains such as KFC, McDonald's and Pizza Hut are setting a new standard of customer service, using strict employee training and constant monitoring to ensure the friendliness of frontline staff. Even the American habit of telling departing customers to "Have a nice day" has caught on all over Israel. "Nobody wakes up in the morning and says, ‘Let's be nicer,'" says Itsik Cohen, director of a consulting firm. "Nothing happens without competition."
Privatization, or the threat of it, is a motivation as well. Monopolies that until recently have been free to take their customers for granted now fear what Michael Perry, a marketing professor, calls "the revengeful consumer." When the government opened up competition with Bezaq, the phone company, its international branch lost 40% of its market share, even while offering competitive rates. Says Perry, "People wanted revenge for all the years of bad service." The electric company, whose monopoly may be short-lived, has suddenly mopped requiring users to wait half a day for a repairman. Now, appointments are scheduled to the half-hour. The graceless El Al Airlines, which is already at auction, has retrained its employees to emphasize service and is boasting about the results in an ad campaign with the slogan, "You can feel the change in the air." For the first time, praise outnumbers complaints on customer survey sheets. | 1577.txt | 0 |
[
"revengeful customers are a threat to the monopoly of enterprises",
"an ad campaign is a way out for enterprises in financial difficulty",
"a good slogan has great potential for improving service",
"staff retraining is essential for better service"
] | The example of El A1 Airlines shows that _ . | In recent years, Israeli consumers have grown more demanding as they've become wealthier and more worldly-wise. Foreign travel is a national passion; this summer alone, one in 10 citizens will go abroad. Exposed to higher standards of service elsewhere, Israelis are returning home expecting the same. American firms have also begun arriving in large numbers. Chains such as KFC, McDonald's and Pizza Hut are setting a new standard of customer service, using strict employee training and constant monitoring to ensure the friendliness of frontline staff. Even the American habit of telling departing customers to "Have a nice day" has caught on all over Israel. "Nobody wakes up in the morning and says, ‘Let's be nicer,'" says Itsik Cohen, director of a consulting firm. "Nothing happens without competition."
Privatization, or the threat of it, is a motivation as well. Monopolies that until recently have been free to take their customers for granted now fear what Michael Perry, a marketing professor, calls "the revengeful consumer." When the government opened up competition with Bezaq, the phone company, its international branch lost 40% of its market share, even while offering competitive rates. Says Perry, "People wanted revenge for all the years of bad service." The electric company, whose monopoly may be short-lived, has suddenly mopped requiring users to wait half a day for a repairman. Now, appointments are scheduled to the half-hour. The graceless El Al Airlines, which is already at auction, has retrained its employees to emphasize service and is boasting about the results in an ad campaign with the slogan, "You can feel the change in the air." For the first time, praise outnumbers complaints on customer survey sheets. | 1577.txt | 0 |
[
"Because the rates it offered were not competitive enough.",
"Because customers were dissatisfied with its past service.",
"Because the service offered by its competitors was far better.",
"Because it no longer received any support from the government."
] | Why did Bezaq's international branch lose 40% of its market share? | In recent years, Israeli consumers have grown more demanding as they've become wealthier and more worldly-wise. Foreign travel is a national passion; this summer alone, one in 10 citizens will go abroad. Exposed to higher standards of service elsewhere, Israelis are returning home expecting the same. American firms have also begun arriving in large numbers. Chains such as KFC, McDonald's and Pizza Hut are setting a new standard of customer service, using strict employee training and constant monitoring to ensure the friendliness of frontline staff. Even the American habit of telling departing customers to "Have a nice day" has caught on all over Israel. "Nobody wakes up in the morning and says, ‘Let's be nicer,'" says Itsik Cohen, director of a consulting firm. "Nothing happens without competition."
Privatization, or the threat of it, is a motivation as well. Monopolies that until recently have been free to take their customers for granted now fear what Michael Perry, a marketing professor, calls "the revengeful consumer." When the government opened up competition with Bezaq, the phone company, its international branch lost 40% of its market share, even while offering competitive rates. Says Perry, "People wanted revenge for all the years of bad service." The electric company, whose monopoly may be short-lived, has suddenly mopped requiring users to wait half a day for a repairman. Now, appointments are scheduled to the half-hour. The graceless El Al Airlines, which is already at auction, has retrained its employees to emphasize service and is boasting about the results in an ad campaign with the slogan, "You can feel the change in the air." For the first time, praise outnumbers complaints on customer survey sheets. | 1577.txt | 1 |
[
"want to find a better way to measure attitudes toward music",
"are preparing a paper for a professional journal",
"are writing a dissertation",
"A11 of the above"
] | The library resources can be helpful when we _ . | The resources of the library can be helpful even whenwe are doing something very informal，such astrying to devise a better way to measure attitudestoward music or looking for a better way to teachmathematics.The library can be equally helpful whenwe are doing something very formal，such as writinga dissertationor preparing an article forpublication in a professional journal.In eithercase，our goal should be to use the library as a useful tool to help us understand and solveour problem
The following sections of this chapter will describe specific resources available in manylibraries.In some cases you may already be aware of a resource and may use it frequently andsuccessfully.In other cases you may be completely unfamiliar with a resource.Your goal shouldbe to become aware of what is available and to know how to use each of these resources tohelp you solve the problem they are designed to solve.
When educators have a piece of information that they want to share with their colleagues，theyoften make this information available in professional journals or at professional meetings Itwould often be useful to have access to such information，and this chapter will describe thespecial services that enable us to locate such information. | 2426.txt | 3 |
[
"is more or less the same",
"varies slightly",
"differs greatly",
"should not be different"
] | The familiarity of readers with different resources _ . | The resources of the library can be helpful even whenwe are doing something very informal，such astrying to devise a better way to measure attitudestoward music or looking for a better way to teachmathematics.The library can be equally helpful whenwe are doing something very formal，such as writinga dissertationor preparing an article forpublication in a professional journal.In eithercase，our goal should be to use the library as a useful tool to help us understand and solveour problem
The following sections of this chapter will describe specific resources available in manylibraries.In some cases you may already be aware of a resource and may use it frequently andsuccessfully.In other cases you may be completely unfamiliar with a resource.Your goal shouldbe to become aware of what is available and to know how to use each of these resources tohelp you solve the problem they are designed to solve.
When educators have a piece of information that they want to share with their colleagues，theyoften make this information available in professional journals or at professional meetings Itwould often be useful to have access to such information，and this chapter will describe thespecial services that enable us to locate such information. | 2426.txt | 2 |
[
"library resources should be used frequently and completely",
"1ibrary resources cannot be made good use of if they are not available to us",
"one is supposed to be aware of the library resources that are usually not available",
"one is supposed to have good knowledge and make good use of resources"
] | The author believes that _ . | The resources of the library can be helpful even whenwe are doing something very informal，such astrying to devise a better way to measure attitudestoward music or looking for a better way to teachmathematics.The library can be equally helpful whenwe are doing something very formal，such as writinga dissertationor preparing an article forpublication in a professional journal.In eithercase，our goal should be to use the library as a useful tool to help us understand and solveour problem
The following sections of this chapter will describe specific resources available in manylibraries.In some cases you may already be aware of a resource and may use it frequently andsuccessfully.In other cases you may be completely unfamiliar with a resource.Your goal shouldbe to become aware of what is available and to know how to use each of these resources tohelp you solve the problem they are designed to solve.
When educators have a piece of information that they want to share with their colleagues，theyoften make this information available in professional journals or at professional meetings Itwould often be useful to have access to such information，and this chapter will describe thespecial services that enable us to locate such information. | 2426.txt | 3 |
[
"publish it in a professional journal",
"attend professional meetings",
"get access to it in the library",
"make use of some library services"
] | When educators wish to share some information with their colleagues，theyoften _ . | The resources of the library can be helpful even whenwe are doing something very informal，such astrying to devise a better way to measure attitudestoward music or looking for a better way to teachmathematics.The library can be equally helpful whenwe are doing something very formal，such as writinga dissertationor preparing an article forpublication in a professional journal.In eithercase，our goal should be to use the library as a useful tool to help us understand and solveour problem
The following sections of this chapter will describe specific resources available in manylibraries.In some cases you may already be aware of a resource and may use it frequently andsuccessfully.In other cases you may be completely unfamiliar with a resource.Your goal shouldbe to become aware of what is available and to know how to use each of these resources tohelp you solve the problem they are designed to solve.
When educators have a piece of information that they want to share with their colleagues，theyoften make this information available in professional journals or at professional meetings Itwould often be useful to have access to such information，and this chapter will describe thespecial services that enable us to locate such information. | 2426.txt | 0 |
[
"mainly deals with the ways of dissertation writing",
"presents information on publishing papers in professional journals",
"introduces some library services",
"describes some professional meetings"
] | The chapter in question _ . | The resources of the library can be helpful even whenwe are doing something very informal，such astrying to devise a better way to measure attitudestoward music or looking for a better way to teachmathematics.The library can be equally helpful whenwe are doing something very formal，such as writinga dissertationor preparing an article forpublication in a professional journal.In eithercase，our goal should be to use the library as a useful tool to help us understand and solveour problem
The following sections of this chapter will describe specific resources available in manylibraries.In some cases you may already be aware of a resource and may use it frequently andsuccessfully.In other cases you may be completely unfamiliar with a resource.Your goal shouldbe to become aware of what is available and to know how to use each of these resources tohelp you solve the problem they are designed to solve.
When educators have a piece of information that they want to share with their colleagues，theyoften make this information available in professional journals or at professional meetings Itwould often be useful to have access to such information，and this chapter will describe thespecial services that enable us to locate such information. | 2426.txt | 2 |
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