option
list | question
stringlengths 11
354
| article
stringlengths 231
6.74k
| id
stringlengths 5
8
| label
int64 0
3
|
|---|---|---|---|---|
[
"Religion as a Response to Disease",
"Religion as a Disease",
"Religion Diversity and Disease",
"Religion and Biological Research"
] | The best title for this passage could be _ . | Some people, notably Richard Dawkins, an evolutionary biologist at Oxford University, regard religion as a disease. It spreads, they suggest, like a virus, except that the" viruses" are similar to those infecting computers-bits of cultural software that take over the hardware of the brain and make it do irrational things.
Corey Fincher, of the University of New Mexico, has a different hypothesis for the origin of religious diversity. He thinks not that religions are like disease but that they are responses to disease-or, rather, to the threat of disease. If he is right, then people who believe that their religion protects them from harm may be correct, although the protection is of a different sort from the supernatural one they perceive.
Mr. Fincher is not arguing that disease-protection is religion's main function. Biologists have different hypotheses for that. Not all follow Dr Dawkins in thinking it pathological. Some see it either as a way of promoting group solidarity in a hostile world, or as an accidental consequence of the predisposition to such solidarity. This solidarity-promotion is one of Mr. Fincher's starting points. The other is that bacteria, viruses and other parasites are powerful drivers of evolution. Many biologists think that sex, for example, is a response to parasitism. The continual mixing of genes that it promotes means that at least some offspring of any pair of parents are likely to be immune to a given disease.
Mr. Fincher and his colleague Randy Thornhill wondered if disease might be driving important aspects of human social behaviour, too. Their hypothesis is that in places where disease is rampant, it behoves groups not to mix with one another more than is strictly necessary, in order to reduce the risk of contagion. They therefore predict that patterns of behaviour which promote group exclusivity will be stronger in disease-ridden areas. Since religious differences are certainly in that category, they specifically predict that the number of different religions in a place will vary with the disease load.
Proving the point involved collating a lot of previous research. Even defining what constitutes a religion is fraught with difficulty. But using accepted definitions of uniqueness, exclusivity, autonomy and superiority to other religions they calculated that the average number of religions per country is 31. The range, though, is enormous-from 3 to 643. Cte d'lvoire, for example, has 76 while Norway has 13, and Brazil has 159 while Canada has 15. They then did the same thing for the number of parasitic diseases found in each country. The average here was 200, with a range from 178 to 248.
Obviously, some of the differences between countries are caused by differences in their areas and populations. But these can be accounted for statistically. When they have been, the correlation between the number of religions in a place and how disease-ridden it is looks impressive. There is less than one chance in 10,000 that it has come about accidentally.
The two researchers also looked at anthropological data on how much people in" traditional" （i.e., non-urban）societies move around in different parts of the world. They found that in more religiously diverse（and more disease-ridden）places people move shorter distances than in healthier, religiously monotonous societies. The implication is that religious diversity causes people to keep themselves to themselves, and thus makes it harder for them to catch germs from infidels.
Of course, correlation is not causation. But religion is not the only cultural phenomenon that stops groups of people from mixing. Language has the same effect, and in another, as yet unpublished study Mr. Fincher and Dr Thornhill found a similar relationship there too. Moreover, their search of the literature turned up work which suggests that xenophobia is linked psychologically with fear of disease （the dirty foreigner...）. Perhaps, then, the underlying reason why there is so much hostility between ethnic groups is nothing to do with the groups themselves, but instead with the diseases they may bring. | 586.txt | 0 |
[
"The ecology of oak trees",
"Factors that determine the feeding habits of Squirrels",
"Various species of animals that promote the dispersal of tree seeds",
"The relationship between squirrels and oak trees"
] | What does the passage mainly discuss? | Naturalists and casual observers alike have been struck by the special relationship between squirrels and acorns (the seeds of oak trees). Ecologists, though, cannot observe these energetic mammals scurrying up and down oak trees and eating and burying acorns without wondering about their complex relationship with trees. Are squirrels dispersers and planters of oak forests or pesky seed predators? The answer is not simple. Squirrels may devour many acorns, but by storing and failing to recover up to 74 percent of them as they do when seeds are abundant, these arboreal rodents can also aid regeneration and dispersal of the oaks.
Their destructive powers are well documented. According to one report, squirrels destroyed tens of thousands of fallen acorns from an oak stand on the University of Indiana campus. A professor there estimated that each of the large white oaks had produced between two and eight thousand acorns, but within weeks of seed maturity, hardly an intact acorn could be found among the fallen leaves.
Deer, turkey, wild pigs, and bears also feed heavily on acorns, but do not store them, and are therefore of no benefit to the trees. Flying squirrels, chipmunks, and mice are also unlikely to promote tree dispersal, as they often store seeds in tree cavities and underground burrows. Only squirrels - whose behavior of caching (hiding) acorns below the leaf litter - often promote successful germination of acorns, and perhaps blue jays, important long-distance dispersers, seem to help oaks spread and reproduce.
Among squirrels, though, there is a particularly puzzling behavior pattern. Squirrels pry off the caps of acorns, bite through the shells to get at the nutritious inner kernels, and then discard them half-eaten. The ground under towering oaks is often littered with thousands of half-eaten acorns, each one only bitten from the top. Why would any animal waste so much time and energy and risk exposure to such predators as red-tail hawks only to leave a large part of each acorn uneaten? While research is not conclusive at this point, one thing that is certain is that squirrels do hide some of the uneaten portions, and these acorn halves, many of which contain the seeds, may later germinate. | 412.txt | 3 |
[
"oak forests",
"acorns",
"squirrels",
"predators"
] | The word "they" in line 7 refers to | Naturalists and casual observers alike have been struck by the special relationship between squirrels and acorns (the seeds of oak trees). Ecologists, though, cannot observe these energetic mammals scurrying up and down oak trees and eating and burying acorns without wondering about their complex relationship with trees. Are squirrels dispersers and planters of oak forests or pesky seed predators? The answer is not simple. Squirrels may devour many acorns, but by storing and failing to recover up to 74 percent of them as they do when seeds are abundant, these arboreal rodents can also aid regeneration and dispersal of the oaks.
Their destructive powers are well documented. According to one report, squirrels destroyed tens of thousands of fallen acorns from an oak stand on the University of Indiana campus. A professor there estimated that each of the large white oaks had produced between two and eight thousand acorns, but within weeks of seed maturity, hardly an intact acorn could be found among the fallen leaves.
Deer, turkey, wild pigs, and bears also feed heavily on acorns, but do not store them, and are therefore of no benefit to the trees. Flying squirrels, chipmunks, and mice are also unlikely to promote tree dispersal, as they often store seeds in tree cavities and underground burrows. Only squirrels - whose behavior of caching (hiding) acorns below the leaf litter - often promote successful germination of acorns, and perhaps blue jays, important long-distance dispersers, seem to help oaks spread and reproduce.
Among squirrels, though, there is a particularly puzzling behavior pattern. Squirrels pry off the caps of acorns, bite through the shells to get at the nutritious inner kernels, and then discard them half-eaten. The ground under towering oaks is often littered with thousands of half-eaten acorns, each one only bitten from the top. Why would any animal waste so much time and energy and risk exposure to such predators as red-tail hawks only to leave a large part of each acorn uneaten? While research is not conclusive at this point, one thing that is certain is that squirrels do hide some of the uneaten portions, and these acorn halves, many of which contain the seeds, may later germinate. | 412.txt | 2 |
[
"They do not store acorns.",
"They eat more than 74 percent of available acorns.",
"They do not retrieve all the acorns that they have stored.",
"They hide acorns in tree cavities."
] | According to the passage , what do squirrels do when large quantities of acorns are available? | Naturalists and casual observers alike have been struck by the special relationship between squirrels and acorns (the seeds of oak trees). Ecologists, though, cannot observe these energetic mammals scurrying up and down oak trees and eating and burying acorns without wondering about their complex relationship with trees. Are squirrels dispersers and planters of oak forests or pesky seed predators? The answer is not simple. Squirrels may devour many acorns, but by storing and failing to recover up to 74 percent of them as they do when seeds are abundant, these arboreal rodents can also aid regeneration and dispersal of the oaks.
Their destructive powers are well documented. According to one report, squirrels destroyed tens of thousands of fallen acorns from an oak stand on the University of Indiana campus. A professor there estimated that each of the large white oaks had produced between two and eight thousand acorns, but within weeks of seed maturity, hardly an intact acorn could be found among the fallen leaves.
Deer, turkey, wild pigs, and bears also feed heavily on acorns, but do not store them, and are therefore of no benefit to the trees. Flying squirrels, chipmunks, and mice are also unlikely to promote tree dispersal, as they often store seeds in tree cavities and underground burrows. Only squirrels - whose behavior of caching (hiding) acorns below the leaf litter - often promote successful germination of acorns, and perhaps blue jays, important long-distance dispersers, seem to help oaks spread and reproduce.
Among squirrels, though, there is a particularly puzzling behavior pattern. Squirrels pry off the caps of acorns, bite through the shells to get at the nutritious inner kernels, and then discard them half-eaten. The ground under towering oaks is often littered with thousands of half-eaten acorns, each one only bitten from the top. Why would any animal waste so much time and energy and risk exposure to such predators as red-tail hawks only to leave a large part of each acorn uneaten? While research is not conclusive at this point, one thing that is certain is that squirrels do hide some of the uneaten portions, and these acorn halves, many of which contain the seeds, may later germinate. | 412.txt | 2 |
[
"commented",
"judged",
"observed",
"discovered"
] | The word "estimated" in line 11 is closest in meaning to | Naturalists and casual observers alike have been struck by the special relationship between squirrels and acorns (the seeds of oak trees). Ecologists, though, cannot observe these energetic mammals scurrying up and down oak trees and eating and burying acorns without wondering about their complex relationship with trees. Are squirrels dispersers and planters of oak forests or pesky seed predators? The answer is not simple. Squirrels may devour many acorns, but by storing and failing to recover up to 74 percent of them as they do when seeds are abundant, these arboreal rodents can also aid regeneration and dispersal of the oaks.
Their destructive powers are well documented. According to one report, squirrels destroyed tens of thousands of fallen acorns from an oak stand on the University of Indiana campus. A professor there estimated that each of the large white oaks had produced between two and eight thousand acorns, but within weeks of seed maturity, hardly an intact acorn could be found among the fallen leaves.
Deer, turkey, wild pigs, and bears also feed heavily on acorns, but do not store them, and are therefore of no benefit to the trees. Flying squirrels, chipmunks, and mice are also unlikely to promote tree dispersal, as they often store seeds in tree cavities and underground burrows. Only squirrels - whose behavior of caching (hiding) acorns below the leaf litter - often promote successful germination of acorns, and perhaps blue jays, important long-distance dispersers, seem to help oaks spread and reproduce.
Among squirrels, though, there is a particularly puzzling behavior pattern. Squirrels pry off the caps of acorns, bite through the shells to get at the nutritious inner kernels, and then discard them half-eaten. The ground under towering oaks is often littered with thousands of half-eaten acorns, each one only bitten from the top. Why would any animal waste so much time and energy and risk exposure to such predators as red-tail hawks only to leave a large part of each acorn uneaten? While research is not conclusive at this point, one thing that is certain is that squirrels do hide some of the uneaten portions, and these acorn halves, many of which contain the seeds, may later germinate. | 412.txt | 1 |
[
"to provide evidence that intact acorns are hard to find under oak trees",
"to indicate a place where squirrels can aid seed dispersal of oaks",
"to argue in favor of additional studies concerning the destructive force of squirrels",
"to support the claim that squirrels can do great damage to oak stands"
] | Why does the author mention "the University of Indiana campus" in line 10 -11? | Naturalists and casual observers alike have been struck by the special relationship between squirrels and acorns (the seeds of oak trees). Ecologists, though, cannot observe these energetic mammals scurrying up and down oak trees and eating and burying acorns without wondering about their complex relationship with trees. Are squirrels dispersers and planters of oak forests or pesky seed predators? The answer is not simple. Squirrels may devour many acorns, but by storing and failing to recover up to 74 percent of them as they do when seeds are abundant, these arboreal rodents can also aid regeneration and dispersal of the oaks.
Their destructive powers are well documented. According to one report, squirrels destroyed tens of thousands of fallen acorns from an oak stand on the University of Indiana campus. A professor there estimated that each of the large white oaks had produced between two and eight thousand acorns, but within weeks of seed maturity, hardly an intact acorn could be found among the fallen leaves.
Deer, turkey, wild pigs, and bears also feed heavily on acorns, but do not store them, and are therefore of no benefit to the trees. Flying squirrels, chipmunks, and mice are also unlikely to promote tree dispersal, as they often store seeds in tree cavities and underground burrows. Only squirrels - whose behavior of caching (hiding) acorns below the leaf litter - often promote successful germination of acorns, and perhaps blue jays, important long-distance dispersers, seem to help oaks spread and reproduce.
Among squirrels, though, there is a particularly puzzling behavior pattern. Squirrels pry off the caps of acorns, bite through the shells to get at the nutritious inner kernels, and then discard them half-eaten. The ground under towering oaks is often littered with thousands of half-eaten acorns, each one only bitten from the top. Why would any animal waste so much time and energy and risk exposure to such predators as red-tail hawks only to leave a large part of each acorn uneaten? While research is not conclusive at this point, one thing that is certain is that squirrels do hide some of the uneaten portions, and these acorn halves, many of which contain the seeds, may later germinate. | 412.txt | 3 |
[
"they store their acorns where they cannot germinate",
"they consume most of their stored acorns",
"their stored acorns are located and consumed by other species",
"they cannot travel the long distance required for dispersal"
] | It can be inferred from paragraph 3 that chipmunks do not aid in the dispersal of oak trees because | Naturalists and casual observers alike have been struck by the special relationship between squirrels and acorns (the seeds of oak trees). Ecologists, though, cannot observe these energetic mammals scurrying up and down oak trees and eating and burying acorns without wondering about their complex relationship with trees. Are squirrels dispersers and planters of oak forests or pesky seed predators? The answer is not simple. Squirrels may devour many acorns, but by storing and failing to recover up to 74 percent of them as they do when seeds are abundant, these arboreal rodents can also aid regeneration and dispersal of the oaks.
Their destructive powers are well documented. According to one report, squirrels destroyed tens of thousands of fallen acorns from an oak stand on the University of Indiana campus. A professor there estimated that each of the large white oaks had produced between two and eight thousand acorns, but within weeks of seed maturity, hardly an intact acorn could be found among the fallen leaves.
Deer, turkey, wild pigs, and bears also feed heavily on acorns, but do not store them, and are therefore of no benefit to the trees. Flying squirrels, chipmunks, and mice are also unlikely to promote tree dispersal, as they often store seeds in tree cavities and underground burrows. Only squirrels - whose behavior of caching (hiding) acorns below the leaf litter - often promote successful germination of acorns, and perhaps blue jays, important long-distance dispersers, seem to help oaks spread and reproduce.
Among squirrels, though, there is a particularly puzzling behavior pattern. Squirrels pry off the caps of acorns, bite through the shells to get at the nutritious inner kernels, and then discard them half-eaten. The ground under towering oaks is often littered with thousands of half-eaten acorns, each one only bitten from the top. Why would any animal waste so much time and energy and risk exposure to such predators as red-tail hawks only to leave a large part of each acorn uneaten? While research is not conclusive at this point, one thing that is certain is that squirrels do hide some of the uneaten portions, and these acorn halves, many of which contain the seeds, may later germinate. | 412.txt | 3 |
[
"They travel long distances to obtain acorns.",
"They promote the reproduction of oak trees.",
"They bury acorns under fallen leaves.",
"They store large quantities of acorns."
] | According to the passage , which of the following do squirrels and blue jays have in common? | Naturalists and casual observers alike have been struck by the special relationship between squirrels and acorns (the seeds of oak trees). Ecologists, though, cannot observe these energetic mammals scurrying up and down oak trees and eating and burying acorns without wondering about their complex relationship with trees. Are squirrels dispersers and planters of oak forests or pesky seed predators? The answer is not simple. Squirrels may devour many acorns, but by storing and failing to recover up to 74 percent of them as they do when seeds are abundant, these arboreal rodents can also aid regeneration and dispersal of the oaks.
Their destructive powers are well documented. According to one report, squirrels destroyed tens of thousands of fallen acorns from an oak stand on the University of Indiana campus. A professor there estimated that each of the large white oaks had produced between two and eight thousand acorns, but within weeks of seed maturity, hardly an intact acorn could be found among the fallen leaves.
Deer, turkey, wild pigs, and bears also feed heavily on acorns, but do not store them, and are therefore of no benefit to the trees. Flying squirrels, chipmunks, and mice are also unlikely to promote tree dispersal, as they often store seeds in tree cavities and underground burrows. Only squirrels - whose behavior of caching (hiding) acorns below the leaf litter - often promote successful germination of acorns, and perhaps blue jays, important long-distance dispersers, seem to help oaks spread and reproduce.
Among squirrels, though, there is a particularly puzzling behavior pattern. Squirrels pry off the caps of acorns, bite through the shells to get at the nutritious inner kernels, and then discard them half-eaten. The ground under towering oaks is often littered with thousands of half-eaten acorns, each one only bitten from the top. Why would any animal waste so much time and energy and risk exposure to such predators as red-tail hawks only to leave a large part of each acorn uneaten? While research is not conclusive at this point, one thing that is certain is that squirrels do hide some of the uneaten portions, and these acorn halves, many of which contain the seeds, may later germinate. | 412.txt | 1 |
[
"swallow",
"remove",
"squeeze",
"locate"
] | The phrase "pry off" in line 21 is closest in meaning to | Naturalists and casual observers alike have been struck by the special relationship between squirrels and acorns (the seeds of oak trees). Ecologists, though, cannot observe these energetic mammals scurrying up and down oak trees and eating and burying acorns without wondering about their complex relationship with trees. Are squirrels dispersers and planters of oak forests or pesky seed predators? The answer is not simple. Squirrels may devour many acorns, but by storing and failing to recover up to 74 percent of them as they do when seeds are abundant, these arboreal rodents can also aid regeneration and dispersal of the oaks.
Their destructive powers are well documented. According to one report, squirrels destroyed tens of thousands of fallen acorns from an oak stand on the University of Indiana campus. A professor there estimated that each of the large white oaks had produced between two and eight thousand acorns, but within weeks of seed maturity, hardly an intact acorn could be found among the fallen leaves.
Deer, turkey, wild pigs, and bears also feed heavily on acorns, but do not store them, and are therefore of no benefit to the trees. Flying squirrels, chipmunks, and mice are also unlikely to promote tree dispersal, as they often store seeds in tree cavities and underground burrows. Only squirrels - whose behavior of caching (hiding) acorns below the leaf litter - often promote successful germination of acorns, and perhaps blue jays, important long-distance dispersers, seem to help oaks spread and reproduce.
Among squirrels, though, there is a particularly puzzling behavior pattern. Squirrels pry off the caps of acorns, bite through the shells to get at the nutritious inner kernels, and then discard them half-eaten. The ground under towering oaks is often littered with thousands of half-eaten acorns, each one only bitten from the top. Why would any animal waste so much time and energy and risk exposure to such predators as red-tail hawks only to leave a large part of each acorn uneaten? While research is not conclusive at this point, one thing that is certain is that squirrels do hide some of the uneaten portions, and these acorn halves, many of which contain the seeds, may later germinate. | 412.txt | 1 |
[
"covered",
"displayed",
"fertilized",
"planted"
] | The word "littered" in line 22 is closest in meaning to | Naturalists and casual observers alike have been struck by the special relationship between squirrels and acorns (the seeds of oak trees). Ecologists, though, cannot observe these energetic mammals scurrying up and down oak trees and eating and burying acorns without wondering about their complex relationship with trees. Are squirrels dispersers and planters of oak forests or pesky seed predators? The answer is not simple. Squirrels may devour many acorns, but by storing and failing to recover up to 74 percent of them as they do when seeds are abundant, these arboreal rodents can also aid regeneration and dispersal of the oaks.
Their destructive powers are well documented. According to one report, squirrels destroyed tens of thousands of fallen acorns from an oak stand on the University of Indiana campus. A professor there estimated that each of the large white oaks had produced between two and eight thousand acorns, but within weeks of seed maturity, hardly an intact acorn could be found among the fallen leaves.
Deer, turkey, wild pigs, and bears also feed heavily on acorns, but do not store them, and are therefore of no benefit to the trees. Flying squirrels, chipmunks, and mice are also unlikely to promote tree dispersal, as they often store seeds in tree cavities and underground burrows. Only squirrels - whose behavior of caching (hiding) acorns below the leaf litter - often promote successful germination of acorns, and perhaps blue jays, important long-distance dispersers, seem to help oaks spread and reproduce.
Among squirrels, though, there is a particularly puzzling behavior pattern. Squirrels pry off the caps of acorns, bite through the shells to get at the nutritious inner kernels, and then discard them half-eaten. The ground under towering oaks is often littered with thousands of half-eaten acorns, each one only bitten from the top. Why would any animal waste so much time and energy and risk exposure to such predators as red-tail hawks only to leave a large part of each acorn uneaten? While research is not conclusive at this point, one thing that is certain is that squirrels do hide some of the uneaten portions, and these acorn halves, many of which contain the seeds, may later germinate. | 412.txt | 0 |
[
"Where squirrels store their acorn caches",
"Why squirrels prefer acorns over other seeds",
"Why squirrels eat only a portion of each acorn they retrieve",
"Why squirrels prefer acorns from a particular species of oak trees"
] | According to the passage , scientists cannot explain which of the following aspects of squirrel behavior? | Naturalists and casual observers alike have been struck by the special relationship between squirrels and acorns (the seeds of oak trees). Ecologists, though, cannot observe these energetic mammals scurrying up and down oak trees and eating and burying acorns without wondering about their complex relationship with trees. Are squirrels dispersers and planters of oak forests or pesky seed predators? The answer is not simple. Squirrels may devour many acorns, but by storing and failing to recover up to 74 percent of them as they do when seeds are abundant, these arboreal rodents can also aid regeneration and dispersal of the oaks.
Their destructive powers are well documented. According to one report, squirrels destroyed tens of thousands of fallen acorns from an oak stand on the University of Indiana campus. A professor there estimated that each of the large white oaks had produced between two and eight thousand acorns, but within weeks of seed maturity, hardly an intact acorn could be found among the fallen leaves.
Deer, turkey, wild pigs, and bears also feed heavily on acorns, but do not store them, and are therefore of no benefit to the trees. Flying squirrels, chipmunks, and mice are also unlikely to promote tree dispersal, as they often store seeds in tree cavities and underground burrows. Only squirrels - whose behavior of caching (hiding) acorns below the leaf litter - often promote successful germination of acorns, and perhaps blue jays, important long-distance dispersers, seem to help oaks spread and reproduce.
Among squirrels, though, there is a particularly puzzling behavior pattern. Squirrels pry off the caps of acorns, bite through the shells to get at the nutritious inner kernels, and then discard them half-eaten. The ground under towering oaks is often littered with thousands of half-eaten acorns, each one only bitten from the top. Why would any animal waste so much time and energy and risk exposure to such predators as red-tail hawks only to leave a large part of each acorn uneaten? While research is not conclusive at this point, one thing that is certain is that squirrels do hide some of the uneaten portions, and these acorn halves, many of which contain the seeds, may later germinate. | 412.txt | 2 |
[
"Alec Leamas who severely criticizes the profession of spy.",
"a squalid procession of spies.",
"an Iraqi chemical engineer named Curveball.",
"the spies that work for CIA ahead of the Iraqi war."
] | The hero (heroes) of the book "Curveball" is (are) _ | This is a book you can imagine Alec Leamas, the miserable spook hero of "The Spy Who Came In From the Cold", enjoying on the number 11 bus back to his dingy Hammersmith flat. "What do you think spies are: priests, saints, martyrs?" Leamas famously snarled. "They're a squalid procession of vain fools, traitors too, yes; pansies, sadists and drunkards, people who play cowboys and Indians to brighten their rotten lives."
Plus ça change, apparently. "Curveball" offers a squalid and up-to-date procession of real-life fools, traitors and game-players seeking to brighten their rotten lives. Principal among them is an Iraqi chemical engineer who pitched up in Germany without a visa in 1999. He asked for political asylum and knew that he would greatly improve his chances of getting it if he could make himself interesting to the intelligence services. Which he did. Before long he had their rapt attention, as well as his own code name, Curveball.
Bob Drogin, a reporter on the Los Angeles Times, relates how over the next couple of years Curveball impressed his interrogators with his detailed knowledge of Iraq's chemical and biological weapons programmes. He spoke at length of such things as mobile laboratories that were being used to cook up lethal bugs. The Americans were desperate to have a look at him too. But the Germans fobbed off their rivals with transcripts and reports, blocking direct access to their prize informer.
Nevertheless, Curveball's story became an important part of the American government's case for invading Iraq. Information taken from his testimony cropped up in the National Intelligence Estimate of October 2002 (which maintained with "high confidence" that Iraq had chemical and biological weapons); in George Bush's state-of-the-union message in January 2003 (which included a reference to "mobile weapons labs designed to produce germ-warfare agents"); and in Colin Powell's presentation to the UN the following month (which featured computer-generated images of those mobile weapons labs, based on descriptions and drawings by Curveball).
But it was all rubbish. Curveball was a low-level drone and borderline nutcase with a gift for telling people what they wanted to hear. In the run-up to the war-despite the doubts expressed by some experts about Curveball's reliability-nobody bothered to check out his story properly. It was not until 2004, a year after the invasion of Iraq, that the CIA admitted that Curveball had foxed them. He "appears to be fabricating in this stream of reporting", the burn notice read.
Mr Drogin points out that, in the aftermath of September 11th 2001, critics lambasted American intelligence for failing to "connect the dots that might have prevented the terrorist attacks". What makes the Curveball case so dreadful, he reckons, is that this time they simply invented the dots. "If Curveball fused fact and fiction, others twisted and magnified his account in grotesque ways," he concludes. "Time and again, bureaucratic rivalries, tawdry ambitions and spineless leadership proved more important than professional integrity." You can just about hear old Alec Leamas muttering "Told you so." | 3702.txt | 1 |
[
"He was wanted by Americans.",
"He was the principal of Iraq's bio-chemical engineering project.",
"He boasted of his adequate knowledge on Iraq's information with full confidence.",
"He succeeded in making the Germans believe that he was a reliable and useful informer."
] | Curveball successfully got political asylum in Germany because _ | This is a book you can imagine Alec Leamas, the miserable spook hero of "The Spy Who Came In From the Cold", enjoying on the number 11 bus back to his dingy Hammersmith flat. "What do you think spies are: priests, saints, martyrs?" Leamas famously snarled. "They're a squalid procession of vain fools, traitors too, yes; pansies, sadists and drunkards, people who play cowboys and Indians to brighten their rotten lives."
Plus ça change, apparently. "Curveball" offers a squalid and up-to-date procession of real-life fools, traitors and game-players seeking to brighten their rotten lives. Principal among them is an Iraqi chemical engineer who pitched up in Germany without a visa in 1999. He asked for political asylum and knew that he would greatly improve his chances of getting it if he could make himself interesting to the intelligence services. Which he did. Before long he had their rapt attention, as well as his own code name, Curveball.
Bob Drogin, a reporter on the Los Angeles Times, relates how over the next couple of years Curveball impressed his interrogators with his detailed knowledge of Iraq's chemical and biological weapons programmes. He spoke at length of such things as mobile laboratories that were being used to cook up lethal bugs. The Americans were desperate to have a look at him too. But the Germans fobbed off their rivals with transcripts and reports, blocking direct access to their prize informer.
Nevertheless, Curveball's story became an important part of the American government's case for invading Iraq. Information taken from his testimony cropped up in the National Intelligence Estimate of October 2002 (which maintained with "high confidence" that Iraq had chemical and biological weapons); in George Bush's state-of-the-union message in January 2003 (which included a reference to "mobile weapons labs designed to produce germ-warfare agents"); and in Colin Powell's presentation to the UN the following month (which featured computer-generated images of those mobile weapons labs, based on descriptions and drawings by Curveball).
But it was all rubbish. Curveball was a low-level drone and borderline nutcase with a gift for telling people what they wanted to hear. In the run-up to the war-despite the doubts expressed by some experts about Curveball's reliability-nobody bothered to check out his story properly. It was not until 2004, a year after the invasion of Iraq, that the CIA admitted that Curveball had foxed them. He "appears to be fabricating in this stream of reporting", the burn notice read.
Mr Drogin points out that, in the aftermath of September 11th 2001, critics lambasted American intelligence for failing to "connect the dots that might have prevented the terrorist attacks". What makes the Curveball case so dreadful, he reckons, is that this time they simply invented the dots. "If Curveball fused fact and fiction, others twisted and magnified his account in grotesque ways," he concludes. "Time and again, bureaucratic rivalries, tawdry ambitions and spineless leadership proved more important than professional integrity." You can just about hear old Alec Leamas muttering "Told you so." | 3702.txt | 3 |
[
"His knowledge of Iraq's chemical and biological weapons programmes sounded true.",
"He was good at providing information that catered to the demand of western governments.",
"His story has been used in many important government reports.",
"American intelligence neglected their duty."
] | Curveball's reliability was not suspected despite some experts' doubt because _ | This is a book you can imagine Alec Leamas, the miserable spook hero of "The Spy Who Came In From the Cold", enjoying on the number 11 bus back to his dingy Hammersmith flat. "What do you think spies are: priests, saints, martyrs?" Leamas famously snarled. "They're a squalid procession of vain fools, traitors too, yes; pansies, sadists and drunkards, people who play cowboys and Indians to brighten their rotten lives."
Plus ça change, apparently. "Curveball" offers a squalid and up-to-date procession of real-life fools, traitors and game-players seeking to brighten their rotten lives. Principal among them is an Iraqi chemical engineer who pitched up in Germany without a visa in 1999. He asked for political asylum and knew that he would greatly improve his chances of getting it if he could make himself interesting to the intelligence services. Which he did. Before long he had their rapt attention, as well as his own code name, Curveball.
Bob Drogin, a reporter on the Los Angeles Times, relates how over the next couple of years Curveball impressed his interrogators with his detailed knowledge of Iraq's chemical and biological weapons programmes. He spoke at length of such things as mobile laboratories that were being used to cook up lethal bugs. The Americans were desperate to have a look at him too. But the Germans fobbed off their rivals with transcripts and reports, blocking direct access to their prize informer.
Nevertheless, Curveball's story became an important part of the American government's case for invading Iraq. Information taken from his testimony cropped up in the National Intelligence Estimate of October 2002 (which maintained with "high confidence" that Iraq had chemical and biological weapons); in George Bush's state-of-the-union message in January 2003 (which included a reference to "mobile weapons labs designed to produce germ-warfare agents"); and in Colin Powell's presentation to the UN the following month (which featured computer-generated images of those mobile weapons labs, based on descriptions and drawings by Curveball).
But it was all rubbish. Curveball was a low-level drone and borderline nutcase with a gift for telling people what they wanted to hear. In the run-up to the war-despite the doubts expressed by some experts about Curveball's reliability-nobody bothered to check out his story properly. It was not until 2004, a year after the invasion of Iraq, that the CIA admitted that Curveball had foxed them. He "appears to be fabricating in this stream of reporting", the burn notice read.
Mr Drogin points out that, in the aftermath of September 11th 2001, critics lambasted American intelligence for failing to "connect the dots that might have prevented the terrorist attacks". What makes the Curveball case so dreadful, he reckons, is that this time they simply invented the dots. "If Curveball fused fact and fiction, others twisted and magnified his account in grotesque ways," he concludes. "Time and again, bureaucratic rivalries, tawdry ambitions and spineless leadership proved more important than professional integrity." You can just about hear old Alec Leamas muttering "Told you so." | 3702.txt | 1 |
[
"points.",
"marks.",
"falsities.",
"evidences."
] | The word "dots" (Line 4, Paragraph 6) most probably means _ | This is a book you can imagine Alec Leamas, the miserable spook hero of "The Spy Who Came In From the Cold", enjoying on the number 11 bus back to his dingy Hammersmith flat. "What do you think spies are: priests, saints, martyrs?" Leamas famously snarled. "They're a squalid procession of vain fools, traitors too, yes; pansies, sadists and drunkards, people who play cowboys and Indians to brighten their rotten lives."
Plus ça change, apparently. "Curveball" offers a squalid and up-to-date procession of real-life fools, traitors and game-players seeking to brighten their rotten lives. Principal among them is an Iraqi chemical engineer who pitched up in Germany without a visa in 1999. He asked for political asylum and knew that he would greatly improve his chances of getting it if he could make himself interesting to the intelligence services. Which he did. Before long he had their rapt attention, as well as his own code name, Curveball.
Bob Drogin, a reporter on the Los Angeles Times, relates how over the next couple of years Curveball impressed his interrogators with his detailed knowledge of Iraq's chemical and biological weapons programmes. He spoke at length of such things as mobile laboratories that were being used to cook up lethal bugs. The Americans were desperate to have a look at him too. But the Germans fobbed off their rivals with transcripts and reports, blocking direct access to their prize informer.
Nevertheless, Curveball's story became an important part of the American government's case for invading Iraq. Information taken from his testimony cropped up in the National Intelligence Estimate of October 2002 (which maintained with "high confidence" that Iraq had chemical and biological weapons); in George Bush's state-of-the-union message in January 2003 (which included a reference to "mobile weapons labs designed to produce germ-warfare agents"); and in Colin Powell's presentation to the UN the following month (which featured computer-generated images of those mobile weapons labs, based on descriptions and drawings by Curveball).
But it was all rubbish. Curveball was a low-level drone and borderline nutcase with a gift for telling people what they wanted to hear. In the run-up to the war-despite the doubts expressed by some experts about Curveball's reliability-nobody bothered to check out his story properly. It was not until 2004, a year after the invasion of Iraq, that the CIA admitted that Curveball had foxed them. He "appears to be fabricating in this stream of reporting", the burn notice read.
Mr Drogin points out that, in the aftermath of September 11th 2001, critics lambasted American intelligence for failing to "connect the dots that might have prevented the terrorist attacks". What makes the Curveball case so dreadful, he reckons, is that this time they simply invented the dots. "If Curveball fused fact and fiction, others twisted and magnified his account in grotesque ways," he concludes. "Time and again, bureaucratic rivalries, tawdry ambitions and spineless leadership proved more important than professional integrity." You can just about hear old Alec Leamas muttering "Told you so." | 3702.txt | 2 |
[
"spies are good story teller.",
"fact is often confused with fiction.",
"people are easily trusting the spies.",
"Alec Leams is more intelligent than Curveball."
] | By mentioning old Alec Leamas' muttering "Told you so.", the author implies that _ | This is a book you can imagine Alec Leamas, the miserable spook hero of "The Spy Who Came In From the Cold", enjoying on the number 11 bus back to his dingy Hammersmith flat. "What do you think spies are: priests, saints, martyrs?" Leamas famously snarled. "They're a squalid procession of vain fools, traitors too, yes; pansies, sadists and drunkards, people who play cowboys and Indians to brighten their rotten lives."
Plus ça change, apparently. "Curveball" offers a squalid and up-to-date procession of real-life fools, traitors and game-players seeking to brighten their rotten lives. Principal among them is an Iraqi chemical engineer who pitched up in Germany without a visa in 1999. He asked for political asylum and knew that he would greatly improve his chances of getting it if he could make himself interesting to the intelligence services. Which he did. Before long he had their rapt attention, as well as his own code name, Curveball.
Bob Drogin, a reporter on the Los Angeles Times, relates how over the next couple of years Curveball impressed his interrogators with his detailed knowledge of Iraq's chemical and biological weapons programmes. He spoke at length of such things as mobile laboratories that were being used to cook up lethal bugs. The Americans were desperate to have a look at him too. But the Germans fobbed off their rivals with transcripts and reports, blocking direct access to their prize informer.
Nevertheless, Curveball's story became an important part of the American government's case for invading Iraq. Information taken from his testimony cropped up in the National Intelligence Estimate of October 2002 (which maintained with "high confidence" that Iraq had chemical and biological weapons); in George Bush's state-of-the-union message in January 2003 (which included a reference to "mobile weapons labs designed to produce germ-warfare agents"); and in Colin Powell's presentation to the UN the following month (which featured computer-generated images of those mobile weapons labs, based on descriptions and drawings by Curveball).
But it was all rubbish. Curveball was a low-level drone and borderline nutcase with a gift for telling people what they wanted to hear. In the run-up to the war-despite the doubts expressed by some experts about Curveball's reliability-nobody bothered to check out his story properly. It was not until 2004, a year after the invasion of Iraq, that the CIA admitted that Curveball had foxed them. He "appears to be fabricating in this stream of reporting", the burn notice read.
Mr Drogin points out that, in the aftermath of September 11th 2001, critics lambasted American intelligence for failing to "connect the dots that might have prevented the terrorist attacks". What makes the Curveball case so dreadful, he reckons, is that this time they simply invented the dots. "If Curveball fused fact and fiction, others twisted and magnified his account in grotesque ways," he concludes. "Time and again, bureaucratic rivalries, tawdry ambitions and spineless leadership proved more important than professional integrity." You can just about hear old Alec Leamas muttering "Told you so." | 3702.txt | 0 |
[
"ideas",
"rules",
"degrees",
"traditions"
] | The word "notions" in the passage is closest in meaning to | Bartering was a basic trade mechanism for many thousands of years; often sporadic and usually based on notions of reciprocity, it involved the mutual exchange of commodities or objects between individuals or groups. Redistribution of these goods through society lay in the hands of chiefs, religious leaders, or kin groups. Such redistribution was a basic element in chiefdoms. The change from redistribution to formal trade-often based on regulated commerce that perhaps involved fixed prices and even currency-was closely tied to growing political and social complexity and hence to the development of the state in the ancient world. In the 1970s, a number of archaeologists gave trade a primary role in the rise of ancient states.
British archaeologist Colin Renfrew attributed the dramatic flowering of the Minoan civilization on Crete and through the Aegean to intensified trading contacts and to the impact of olive and vine cultivation on local communities. As agricultural economies became more diversified and local food supplies could be purchased both locally and over longer distances, a far-reaching economic interdependence resulted. Eventually, this led to redistribution systems for luxuries and basic commodities, systems that were organized and controlled by Minoan rulers from their palaces. As time went on, the self-sufficiency of communities was replaced by mutual dependence. Interest in long-distance trade brought about some cultural homogeneity from trade and gift exchange, and perhaps even led to piracy. Thus, intensified trade and interaction, and the flowering of specialist crafts, in a complex process of positive feedback, led to much more complex societies based on palaces, which were the economic hubs of a new Minoan civilization.
Renfrew's model made some assumptions that are now discounted. For example, he argued that the introduction of domesticated vines and olives allowed a substantial expansion of land under cultivation and helped to power the emergence of complex society. Many archaeologists and paleobotanists now question this view, pointing out that the available evidence for cultivated vines and olives suggests that they were present only in the later Bronze Age. Trade, nevertheless, was probably one of many variables that led to the emergence of palace economies in Minoan Crete.
American archaeologist William Rathje developed a hypothesis that considered an explosion in long-distance exchange a fundamental cause of Mayan civilization in Mesoamerica. He suggested that the lowland Mayan environment was deficient in many vital resources, among them obsidian, salt, stone for grinding maize, and many luxury materials. All these could be obtained from the nearby highlands, from the Valley of Mexico, and from other regions, if the necessary trading networks came into being. Such connections, and the trading expeditions to maintain them, could not be organized by individual villages. The Maya lived in a relatively uniform environment, where every community suffered from the same resource deficiencies. Thus, argued Rathje, long- -distance trade networks were organized through local ceremonial centers and their leaders. In time, this organization became a state, and knowledge of its functioning was exportable, as were pottery, tropical bird feathers, specialized stone materials, and other local commodities.
Rathje's hypothesis probably explains part of the complex process of Mayan state formation, but it suffers from the objection that suitable alternative raw materials can be found in the lowlands. It could be, too, that warfare became a competitive response to population growth and to the increasing scarcity of prime agricultural land, and that it played an important role in the emergence of the Mayan states.
Now that we know much more about ancient exchange and commerce, we know that, because no one aspect of trade was an overriding cause of cultural change or evolution in commercial practices, trade can never be looked on as a unifying factor or as a primary agent of ancient civilization. Many ever-changing variables affected ancient trade, among them the demand for goods. There were also the logistics of transportation, the extent of the trading network, and the social and political environment. Intricate market networks channeled supplies along well-defined routes. Authorities at both ends might regulate the profits fed back to the source, providing the incentive for further transactions. There may or may not have been a market organization. Extensive long-distance trade was a consequence rather than a cause of complex societies. | 2982.txt | 0 |
[
"The prices of most commodities rose.",
"Formal trade emerged.",
"Chiefs became more powerful",
"Bartering became the preferred means of trade."
] | According to paragraph 1, what development occurred as political and social complexity increased? | Bartering was a basic trade mechanism for many thousands of years; often sporadic and usually based on notions of reciprocity, it involved the mutual exchange of commodities or objects between individuals or groups. Redistribution of these goods through society lay in the hands of chiefs, religious leaders, or kin groups. Such redistribution was a basic element in chiefdoms. The change from redistribution to formal trade-often based on regulated commerce that perhaps involved fixed prices and even currency-was closely tied to growing political and social complexity and hence to the development of the state in the ancient world. In the 1970s, a number of archaeologists gave trade a primary role in the rise of ancient states.
British archaeologist Colin Renfrew attributed the dramatic flowering of the Minoan civilization on Crete and through the Aegean to intensified trading contacts and to the impact of olive and vine cultivation on local communities. As agricultural economies became more diversified and local food supplies could be purchased both locally and over longer distances, a far-reaching economic interdependence resulted. Eventually, this led to redistribution systems for luxuries and basic commodities, systems that were organized and controlled by Minoan rulers from their palaces. As time went on, the self-sufficiency of communities was replaced by mutual dependence. Interest in long-distance trade brought about some cultural homogeneity from trade and gift exchange, and perhaps even led to piracy. Thus, intensified trade and interaction, and the flowering of specialist crafts, in a complex process of positive feedback, led to much more complex societies based on palaces, which were the economic hubs of a new Minoan civilization.
Renfrew's model made some assumptions that are now discounted. For example, he argued that the introduction of domesticated vines and olives allowed a substantial expansion of land under cultivation and helped to power the emergence of complex society. Many archaeologists and paleobotanists now question this view, pointing out that the available evidence for cultivated vines and olives suggests that they were present only in the later Bronze Age. Trade, nevertheless, was probably one of many variables that led to the emergence of palace economies in Minoan Crete.
American archaeologist William Rathje developed a hypothesis that considered an explosion in long-distance exchange a fundamental cause of Mayan civilization in Mesoamerica. He suggested that the lowland Mayan environment was deficient in many vital resources, among them obsidian, salt, stone for grinding maize, and many luxury materials. All these could be obtained from the nearby highlands, from the Valley of Mexico, and from other regions, if the necessary trading networks came into being. Such connections, and the trading expeditions to maintain them, could not be organized by individual villages. The Maya lived in a relatively uniform environment, where every community suffered from the same resource deficiencies. Thus, argued Rathje, long- -distance trade networks were organized through local ceremonial centers and their leaders. In time, this organization became a state, and knowledge of its functioning was exportable, as were pottery, tropical bird feathers, specialized stone materials, and other local commodities.
Rathje's hypothesis probably explains part of the complex process of Mayan state formation, but it suffers from the objection that suitable alternative raw materials can be found in the lowlands. It could be, too, that warfare became a competitive response to population growth and to the increasing scarcity of prime agricultural land, and that it played an important role in the emergence of the Mayan states.
Now that we know much more about ancient exchange and commerce, we know that, because no one aspect of trade was an overriding cause of cultural change or evolution in commercial practices, trade can never be looked on as a unifying factor or as a primary agent of ancient civilization. Many ever-changing variables affected ancient trade, among them the demand for goods. There were also the logistics of transportation, the extent of the trading network, and the social and political environment. Intricate market networks channeled supplies along well-defined routes. Authorities at both ends might regulate the profits fed back to the source, providing the incentive for further transactions. There may or may not have been a market organization. Extensive long-distance trade was a consequence rather than a cause of complex societies. | 2982.txt | 1 |
[
"organized",
"selective",
"varied",
"efficient"
] | The word "diversified" in the passage is closest in meaning to | Bartering was a basic trade mechanism for many thousands of years; often sporadic and usually based on notions of reciprocity, it involved the mutual exchange of commodities or objects between individuals or groups. Redistribution of these goods through society lay in the hands of chiefs, religious leaders, or kin groups. Such redistribution was a basic element in chiefdoms. The change from redistribution to formal trade-often based on regulated commerce that perhaps involved fixed prices and even currency-was closely tied to growing political and social complexity and hence to the development of the state in the ancient world. In the 1970s, a number of archaeologists gave trade a primary role in the rise of ancient states.
British archaeologist Colin Renfrew attributed the dramatic flowering of the Minoan civilization on Crete and through the Aegean to intensified trading contacts and to the impact of olive and vine cultivation on local communities. As agricultural economies became more diversified and local food supplies could be purchased both locally and over longer distances, a far-reaching economic interdependence resulted. Eventually, this led to redistribution systems for luxuries and basic commodities, systems that were organized and controlled by Minoan rulers from their palaces. As time went on, the self-sufficiency of communities was replaced by mutual dependence. Interest in long-distance trade brought about some cultural homogeneity from trade and gift exchange, and perhaps even led to piracy. Thus, intensified trade and interaction, and the flowering of specialist crafts, in a complex process of positive feedback, led to much more complex societies based on palaces, which were the economic hubs of a new Minoan civilization.
Renfrew's model made some assumptions that are now discounted. For example, he argued that the introduction of domesticated vines and olives allowed a substantial expansion of land under cultivation and helped to power the emergence of complex society. Many archaeologists and paleobotanists now question this view, pointing out that the available evidence for cultivated vines and olives suggests that they were present only in the later Bronze Age. Trade, nevertheless, was probably one of many variables that led to the emergence of palace economies in Minoan Crete.
American archaeologist William Rathje developed a hypothesis that considered an explosion in long-distance exchange a fundamental cause of Mayan civilization in Mesoamerica. He suggested that the lowland Mayan environment was deficient in many vital resources, among them obsidian, salt, stone for grinding maize, and many luxury materials. All these could be obtained from the nearby highlands, from the Valley of Mexico, and from other regions, if the necessary trading networks came into being. Such connections, and the trading expeditions to maintain them, could not be organized by individual villages. The Maya lived in a relatively uniform environment, where every community suffered from the same resource deficiencies. Thus, argued Rathje, long- -distance trade networks were organized through local ceremonial centers and their leaders. In time, this organization became a state, and knowledge of its functioning was exportable, as were pottery, tropical bird feathers, specialized stone materials, and other local commodities.
Rathje's hypothesis probably explains part of the complex process of Mayan state formation, but it suffers from the objection that suitable alternative raw materials can be found in the lowlands. It could be, too, that warfare became a competitive response to population growth and to the increasing scarcity of prime agricultural land, and that it played an important role in the emergence of the Mayan states.
Now that we know much more about ancient exchange and commerce, we know that, because no one aspect of trade was an overriding cause of cultural change or evolution in commercial practices, trade can never be looked on as a unifying factor or as a primary agent of ancient civilization. Many ever-changing variables affected ancient trade, among them the demand for goods. There were also the logistics of transportation, the extent of the trading network, and the social and political environment. Intricate market networks channeled supplies along well-defined routes. Authorities at both ends might regulate the profits fed back to the source, providing the incentive for further transactions. There may or may not have been a market organization. Extensive long-distance trade was a consequence rather than a cause of complex societies. | 2982.txt | 2 |
[
"Local community leaders",
"Olive growers",
"Minoan rulers",
"Long-distance traders"
] | According to paragraph 2, which of the following controlled the systems of redistribution of goods in ancient Crete? | Bartering was a basic trade mechanism for many thousands of years; often sporadic and usually based on notions of reciprocity, it involved the mutual exchange of commodities or objects between individuals or groups. Redistribution of these goods through society lay in the hands of chiefs, religious leaders, or kin groups. Such redistribution was a basic element in chiefdoms. The change from redistribution to formal trade-often based on regulated commerce that perhaps involved fixed prices and even currency-was closely tied to growing political and social complexity and hence to the development of the state in the ancient world. In the 1970s, a number of archaeologists gave trade a primary role in the rise of ancient states.
British archaeologist Colin Renfrew attributed the dramatic flowering of the Minoan civilization on Crete and through the Aegean to intensified trading contacts and to the impact of olive and vine cultivation on local communities. As agricultural economies became more diversified and local food supplies could be purchased both locally and over longer distances, a far-reaching economic interdependence resulted. Eventually, this led to redistribution systems for luxuries and basic commodities, systems that were organized and controlled by Minoan rulers from their palaces. As time went on, the self-sufficiency of communities was replaced by mutual dependence. Interest in long-distance trade brought about some cultural homogeneity from trade and gift exchange, and perhaps even led to piracy. Thus, intensified trade and interaction, and the flowering of specialist crafts, in a complex process of positive feedback, led to much more complex societies based on palaces, which were the economic hubs of a new Minoan civilization.
Renfrew's model made some assumptions that are now discounted. For example, he argued that the introduction of domesticated vines and olives allowed a substantial expansion of land under cultivation and helped to power the emergence of complex society. Many archaeologists and paleobotanists now question this view, pointing out that the available evidence for cultivated vines and olives suggests that they were present only in the later Bronze Age. Trade, nevertheless, was probably one of many variables that led to the emergence of palace economies in Minoan Crete.
American archaeologist William Rathje developed a hypothesis that considered an explosion in long-distance exchange a fundamental cause of Mayan civilization in Mesoamerica. He suggested that the lowland Mayan environment was deficient in many vital resources, among them obsidian, salt, stone for grinding maize, and many luxury materials. All these could be obtained from the nearby highlands, from the Valley of Mexico, and from other regions, if the necessary trading networks came into being. Such connections, and the trading expeditions to maintain them, could not be organized by individual villages. The Maya lived in a relatively uniform environment, where every community suffered from the same resource deficiencies. Thus, argued Rathje, long- -distance trade networks were organized through local ceremonial centers and their leaders. In time, this organization became a state, and knowledge of its functioning was exportable, as were pottery, tropical bird feathers, specialized stone materials, and other local commodities.
Rathje's hypothesis probably explains part of the complex process of Mayan state formation, but it suffers from the objection that suitable alternative raw materials can be found in the lowlands. It could be, too, that warfare became a competitive response to population growth and to the increasing scarcity of prime agricultural land, and that it played an important role in the emergence of the Mayan states.
Now that we know much more about ancient exchange and commerce, we know that, because no one aspect of trade was an overriding cause of cultural change or evolution in commercial practices, trade can never be looked on as a unifying factor or as a primary agent of ancient civilization. Many ever-changing variables affected ancient trade, among them the demand for goods. There were also the logistics of transportation, the extent of the trading network, and the social and political environment. Intricate market networks channeled supplies along well-defined routes. Authorities at both ends might regulate the profits fed back to the source, providing the incentive for further transactions. There may or may not have been a market organization. Extensive long-distance trade was a consequence rather than a cause of complex societies. | 2982.txt | 2 |
[
"a greater effort to control piracy",
"greater cultural similarity throughout the region",
"a decline in local olive production",
"a decline in the use of luxuries for gift exchanges"
] | According to paragraph 2, Renfrew believed that one effect of long-distance trade in the Aegean was | Bartering was a basic trade mechanism for many thousands of years; often sporadic and usually based on notions of reciprocity, it involved the mutual exchange of commodities or objects between individuals or groups. Redistribution of these goods through society lay in the hands of chiefs, religious leaders, or kin groups. Such redistribution was a basic element in chiefdoms. The change from redistribution to formal trade-often based on regulated commerce that perhaps involved fixed prices and even currency-was closely tied to growing political and social complexity and hence to the development of the state in the ancient world. In the 1970s, a number of archaeologists gave trade a primary role in the rise of ancient states.
British archaeologist Colin Renfrew attributed the dramatic flowering of the Minoan civilization on Crete and through the Aegean to intensified trading contacts and to the impact of olive and vine cultivation on local communities. As agricultural economies became more diversified and local food supplies could be purchased both locally and over longer distances, a far-reaching economic interdependence resulted. Eventually, this led to redistribution systems for luxuries and basic commodities, systems that were organized and controlled by Minoan rulers from their palaces. As time went on, the self-sufficiency of communities was replaced by mutual dependence. Interest in long-distance trade brought about some cultural homogeneity from trade and gift exchange, and perhaps even led to piracy. Thus, intensified trade and interaction, and the flowering of specialist crafts, in a complex process of positive feedback, led to much more complex societies based on palaces, which were the economic hubs of a new Minoan civilization.
Renfrew's model made some assumptions that are now discounted. For example, he argued that the introduction of domesticated vines and olives allowed a substantial expansion of land under cultivation and helped to power the emergence of complex society. Many archaeologists and paleobotanists now question this view, pointing out that the available evidence for cultivated vines and olives suggests that they were present only in the later Bronze Age. Trade, nevertheless, was probably one of many variables that led to the emergence of palace economies in Minoan Crete.
American archaeologist William Rathje developed a hypothesis that considered an explosion in long-distance exchange a fundamental cause of Mayan civilization in Mesoamerica. He suggested that the lowland Mayan environment was deficient in many vital resources, among them obsidian, salt, stone for grinding maize, and many luxury materials. All these could be obtained from the nearby highlands, from the Valley of Mexico, and from other regions, if the necessary trading networks came into being. Such connections, and the trading expeditions to maintain them, could not be organized by individual villages. The Maya lived in a relatively uniform environment, where every community suffered from the same resource deficiencies. Thus, argued Rathje, long- -distance trade networks were organized through local ceremonial centers and their leaders. In time, this organization became a state, and knowledge of its functioning was exportable, as were pottery, tropical bird feathers, specialized stone materials, and other local commodities.
Rathje's hypothesis probably explains part of the complex process of Mayan state formation, but it suffers from the objection that suitable alternative raw materials can be found in the lowlands. It could be, too, that warfare became a competitive response to population growth and to the increasing scarcity of prime agricultural land, and that it played an important role in the emergence of the Mayan states.
Now that we know much more about ancient exchange and commerce, we know that, because no one aspect of trade was an overriding cause of cultural change or evolution in commercial practices, trade can never be looked on as a unifying factor or as a primary agent of ancient civilization. Many ever-changing variables affected ancient trade, among them the demand for goods. There were also the logistics of transportation, the extent of the trading network, and the social and political environment. Intricate market networks channeled supplies along well-defined routes. Authorities at both ends might regulate the profits fed back to the source, providing the incentive for further transactions. There may or may not have been a market organization. Extensive long-distance trade was a consequence rather than a cause of complex societies. | 2982.txt | 1 |
[
"He overlooked the fact that only the Minoan palaces had access to domesticated vines and olives.",
"He wrongly assumed that the introduction of domesticated vines and olives led to the cultivation of more land.",
"Trade in domesticated plants was much more important to the emergence of Minoan palace economies than he thought.",
"Domesticated vines and olives do not appear to have been available as early as he thought"
] | According to paragraph 3, what was a major problem with Renfrew's model? | Bartering was a basic trade mechanism for many thousands of years; often sporadic and usually based on notions of reciprocity, it involved the mutual exchange of commodities or objects between individuals or groups. Redistribution of these goods through society lay in the hands of chiefs, religious leaders, or kin groups. Such redistribution was a basic element in chiefdoms. The change from redistribution to formal trade-often based on regulated commerce that perhaps involved fixed prices and even currency-was closely tied to growing political and social complexity and hence to the development of the state in the ancient world. In the 1970s, a number of archaeologists gave trade a primary role in the rise of ancient states.
British archaeologist Colin Renfrew attributed the dramatic flowering of the Minoan civilization on Crete and through the Aegean to intensified trading contacts and to the impact of olive and vine cultivation on local communities. As agricultural economies became more diversified and local food supplies could be purchased both locally and over longer distances, a far-reaching economic interdependence resulted. Eventually, this led to redistribution systems for luxuries and basic commodities, systems that were organized and controlled by Minoan rulers from their palaces. As time went on, the self-sufficiency of communities was replaced by mutual dependence. Interest in long-distance trade brought about some cultural homogeneity from trade and gift exchange, and perhaps even led to piracy. Thus, intensified trade and interaction, and the flowering of specialist crafts, in a complex process of positive feedback, led to much more complex societies based on palaces, which were the economic hubs of a new Minoan civilization.
Renfrew's model made some assumptions that are now discounted. For example, he argued that the introduction of domesticated vines and olives allowed a substantial expansion of land under cultivation and helped to power the emergence of complex society. Many archaeologists and paleobotanists now question this view, pointing out that the available evidence for cultivated vines and olives suggests that they were present only in the later Bronze Age. Trade, nevertheless, was probably one of many variables that led to the emergence of palace economies in Minoan Crete.
American archaeologist William Rathje developed a hypothesis that considered an explosion in long-distance exchange a fundamental cause of Mayan civilization in Mesoamerica. He suggested that the lowland Mayan environment was deficient in many vital resources, among them obsidian, salt, stone for grinding maize, and many luxury materials. All these could be obtained from the nearby highlands, from the Valley of Mexico, and from other regions, if the necessary trading networks came into being. Such connections, and the trading expeditions to maintain them, could not be organized by individual villages. The Maya lived in a relatively uniform environment, where every community suffered from the same resource deficiencies. Thus, argued Rathje, long- -distance trade networks were organized through local ceremonial centers and their leaders. In time, this organization became a state, and knowledge of its functioning was exportable, as were pottery, tropical bird feathers, specialized stone materials, and other local commodities.
Rathje's hypothesis probably explains part of the complex process of Mayan state formation, but it suffers from the objection that suitable alternative raw materials can be found in the lowlands. It could be, too, that warfare became a competitive response to population growth and to the increasing scarcity of prime agricultural land, and that it played an important role in the emergence of the Mayan states.
Now that we know much more about ancient exchange and commerce, we know that, because no one aspect of trade was an overriding cause of cultural change or evolution in commercial practices, trade can never be looked on as a unifying factor or as a primary agent of ancient civilization. Many ever-changing variables affected ancient trade, among them the demand for goods. There were also the logistics of transportation, the extent of the trading network, and the social and political environment. Intricate market networks channeled supplies along well-defined routes. Authorities at both ends might regulate the profits fed back to the source, providing the incentive for further transactions. There may or may not have been a market organization. Extensive long-distance trade was a consequence rather than a cause of complex societies. | 2982.txt | 3 |
[
"They each created their own separate trading networks with communities in the nearby highlands.",
"They all had many luxury materials that they were able to trade for resources that they lacked.",
"They all needed to obtain a number of important materials through trade with other regions.",
"They all gradually reduced their trading activities with communities in the Valley of Mexico and developed trading networks with other regions."
] | According to paragraph 4, which of the following was true about ancient Mayan communities? | Bartering was a basic trade mechanism for many thousands of years; often sporadic and usually based on notions of reciprocity, it involved the mutual exchange of commodities or objects between individuals or groups. Redistribution of these goods through society lay in the hands of chiefs, religious leaders, or kin groups. Such redistribution was a basic element in chiefdoms. The change from redistribution to formal trade-often based on regulated commerce that perhaps involved fixed prices and even currency-was closely tied to growing political and social complexity and hence to the development of the state in the ancient world. In the 1970s, a number of archaeologists gave trade a primary role in the rise of ancient states.
British archaeologist Colin Renfrew attributed the dramatic flowering of the Minoan civilization on Crete and through the Aegean to intensified trading contacts and to the impact of olive and vine cultivation on local communities. As agricultural economies became more diversified and local food supplies could be purchased both locally and over longer distances, a far-reaching economic interdependence resulted. Eventually, this led to redistribution systems for luxuries and basic commodities, systems that were organized and controlled by Minoan rulers from their palaces. As time went on, the self-sufficiency of communities was replaced by mutual dependence. Interest in long-distance trade brought about some cultural homogeneity from trade and gift exchange, and perhaps even led to piracy. Thus, intensified trade and interaction, and the flowering of specialist crafts, in a complex process of positive feedback, led to much more complex societies based on palaces, which were the economic hubs of a new Minoan civilization.
Renfrew's model made some assumptions that are now discounted. For example, he argued that the introduction of domesticated vines and olives allowed a substantial expansion of land under cultivation and helped to power the emergence of complex society. Many archaeologists and paleobotanists now question this view, pointing out that the available evidence for cultivated vines and olives suggests that they were present only in the later Bronze Age. Trade, nevertheless, was probably one of many variables that led to the emergence of palace economies in Minoan Crete.
American archaeologist William Rathje developed a hypothesis that considered an explosion in long-distance exchange a fundamental cause of Mayan civilization in Mesoamerica. He suggested that the lowland Mayan environment was deficient in many vital resources, among them obsidian, salt, stone for grinding maize, and many luxury materials. All these could be obtained from the nearby highlands, from the Valley of Mexico, and from other regions, if the necessary trading networks came into being. Such connections, and the trading expeditions to maintain them, could not be organized by individual villages. The Maya lived in a relatively uniform environment, where every community suffered from the same resource deficiencies. Thus, argued Rathje, long- -distance trade networks were organized through local ceremonial centers and their leaders. In time, this organization became a state, and knowledge of its functioning was exportable, as were pottery, tropical bird feathers, specialized stone materials, and other local commodities.
Rathje's hypothesis probably explains part of the complex process of Mayan state formation, but it suffers from the objection that suitable alternative raw materials can be found in the lowlands. It could be, too, that warfare became a competitive response to population growth and to the increasing scarcity of prime agricultural land, and that it played an important role in the emergence of the Mayan states.
Now that we know much more about ancient exchange and commerce, we know that, because no one aspect of trade was an overriding cause of cultural change or evolution in commercial practices, trade can never be looked on as a unifying factor or as a primary agent of ancient civilization. Many ever-changing variables affected ancient trade, among them the demand for goods. There were also the logistics of transportation, the extent of the trading network, and the social and political environment. Intricate market networks channeled supplies along well-defined routes. Authorities at both ends might regulate the profits fed back to the source, providing the incentive for further transactions. There may or may not have been a market organization. Extensive long-distance trade was a consequence rather than a cause of complex societies. | 2982.txt | 2 |
[
"The communities could not obtain resources they lacked by trading with each other.",
"The communities' ceremonial centers were all organized in much the same way.",
"Increased competition between the communities to export their local commodities expanded commercial networks beyond the nearby highlands.",
"Different communities tended to specialize in the production of different commodities."
] | What can be inferred from the fact that the Maya lived in a "relatively uniform environment"? | Bartering was a basic trade mechanism for many thousands of years; often sporadic and usually based on notions of reciprocity, it involved the mutual exchange of commodities or objects between individuals or groups. Redistribution of these goods through society lay in the hands of chiefs, religious leaders, or kin groups. Such redistribution was a basic element in chiefdoms. The change from redistribution to formal trade-often based on regulated commerce that perhaps involved fixed prices and even currency-was closely tied to growing political and social complexity and hence to the development of the state in the ancient world. In the 1970s, a number of archaeologists gave trade a primary role in the rise of ancient states.
British archaeologist Colin Renfrew attributed the dramatic flowering of the Minoan civilization on Crete and through the Aegean to intensified trading contacts and to the impact of olive and vine cultivation on local communities. As agricultural economies became more diversified and local food supplies could be purchased both locally and over longer distances, a far-reaching economic interdependence resulted. Eventually, this led to redistribution systems for luxuries and basic commodities, systems that were organized and controlled by Minoan rulers from their palaces. As time went on, the self-sufficiency of communities was replaced by mutual dependence. Interest in long-distance trade brought about some cultural homogeneity from trade and gift exchange, and perhaps even led to piracy. Thus, intensified trade and interaction, and the flowering of specialist crafts, in a complex process of positive feedback, led to much more complex societies based on palaces, which were the economic hubs of a new Minoan civilization.
Renfrew's model made some assumptions that are now discounted. For example, he argued that the introduction of domesticated vines and olives allowed a substantial expansion of land under cultivation and helped to power the emergence of complex society. Many archaeologists and paleobotanists now question this view, pointing out that the available evidence for cultivated vines and olives suggests that they were present only in the later Bronze Age. Trade, nevertheless, was probably one of many variables that led to the emergence of palace economies in Minoan Crete.
American archaeologist William Rathje developed a hypothesis that considered an explosion in long-distance exchange a fundamental cause of Mayan civilization in Mesoamerica. He suggested that the lowland Mayan environment was deficient in many vital resources, among them obsidian, salt, stone for grinding maize, and many luxury materials. All these could be obtained from the nearby highlands, from the Valley of Mexico, and from other regions, if the necessary trading networks came into being. Such connections, and the trading expeditions to maintain them, could not be organized by individual villages. The Maya lived in a relatively uniform environment, where every community suffered from the same resource deficiencies. Thus, argued Rathje, long- -distance trade networks were organized through local ceremonial centers and their leaders. In time, this organization became a state, and knowledge of its functioning was exportable, as were pottery, tropical bird feathers, specialized stone materials, and other local commodities.
Rathje's hypothesis probably explains part of the complex process of Mayan state formation, but it suffers from the objection that suitable alternative raw materials can be found in the lowlands. It could be, too, that warfare became a competitive response to population growth and to the increasing scarcity of prime agricultural land, and that it played an important role in the emergence of the Mayan states.
Now that we know much more about ancient exchange and commerce, we know that, because no one aspect of trade was an overriding cause of cultural change or evolution in commercial practices, trade can never be looked on as a unifying factor or as a primary agent of ancient civilization. Many ever-changing variables affected ancient trade, among them the demand for goods. There were also the logistics of transportation, the extent of the trading network, and the social and political environment. Intricate market networks channeled supplies along well-defined routes. Authorities at both ends might regulate the profits fed back to the source, providing the incentive for further transactions. There may or may not have been a market organization. Extensive long-distance trade was a consequence rather than a cause of complex societies. | 2982.txt | 0 |
[
"low-lying",
"easily accessible",
"unused",
"high-quality"
] | The word "prime" in the passage is closest in meaning to | Bartering was a basic trade mechanism for many thousands of years; often sporadic and usually based on notions of reciprocity, it involved the mutual exchange of commodities or objects between individuals or groups. Redistribution of these goods through society lay in the hands of chiefs, religious leaders, or kin groups. Such redistribution was a basic element in chiefdoms. The change from redistribution to formal trade-often based on regulated commerce that perhaps involved fixed prices and even currency-was closely tied to growing political and social complexity and hence to the development of the state in the ancient world. In the 1970s, a number of archaeologists gave trade a primary role in the rise of ancient states.
British archaeologist Colin Renfrew attributed the dramatic flowering of the Minoan civilization on Crete and through the Aegean to intensified trading contacts and to the impact of olive and vine cultivation on local communities. As agricultural economies became more diversified and local food supplies could be purchased both locally and over longer distances, a far-reaching economic interdependence resulted. Eventually, this led to redistribution systems for luxuries and basic commodities, systems that were organized and controlled by Minoan rulers from their palaces. As time went on, the self-sufficiency of communities was replaced by mutual dependence. Interest in long-distance trade brought about some cultural homogeneity from trade and gift exchange, and perhaps even led to piracy. Thus, intensified trade and interaction, and the flowering of specialist crafts, in a complex process of positive feedback, led to much more complex societies based on palaces, which were the economic hubs of a new Minoan civilization.
Renfrew's model made some assumptions that are now discounted. For example, he argued that the introduction of domesticated vines and olives allowed a substantial expansion of land under cultivation and helped to power the emergence of complex society. Many archaeologists and paleobotanists now question this view, pointing out that the available evidence for cultivated vines and olives suggests that they were present only in the later Bronze Age. Trade, nevertheless, was probably one of many variables that led to the emergence of palace economies in Minoan Crete.
American archaeologist William Rathje developed a hypothesis that considered an explosion in long-distance exchange a fundamental cause of Mayan civilization in Mesoamerica. He suggested that the lowland Mayan environment was deficient in many vital resources, among them obsidian, salt, stone for grinding maize, and many luxury materials. All these could be obtained from the nearby highlands, from the Valley of Mexico, and from other regions, if the necessary trading networks came into being. Such connections, and the trading expeditions to maintain them, could not be organized by individual villages. The Maya lived in a relatively uniform environment, where every community suffered from the same resource deficiencies. Thus, argued Rathje, long- -distance trade networks were organized through local ceremonial centers and their leaders. In time, this organization became a state, and knowledge of its functioning was exportable, as were pottery, tropical bird feathers, specialized stone materials, and other local commodities.
Rathje's hypothesis probably explains part of the complex process of Mayan state formation, but it suffers from the objection that suitable alternative raw materials can be found in the lowlands. It could be, too, that warfare became a competitive response to population growth and to the increasing scarcity of prime agricultural land, and that it played an important role in the emergence of the Mayan states.
Now that we know much more about ancient exchange and commerce, we know that, because no one aspect of trade was an overriding cause of cultural change or evolution in commercial practices, trade can never be looked on as a unifying factor or as a primary agent of ancient civilization. Many ever-changing variables affected ancient trade, among them the demand for goods. There were also the logistics of transportation, the extent of the trading network, and the social and political environment. Intricate market networks channeled supplies along well-defined routes. Authorities at both ends might regulate the profits fed back to the source, providing the incentive for further transactions. There may or may not have been a market organization. Extensive long-distance trade was a consequence rather than a cause of complex societies. | 2982.txt | 3 |
[
"It restates the hypothesis presented in paragraph 4 and reinforces it with further evidence.",
"It presents evidence that the hypothesis discussed in paragraph 4 confuses cause and effect.",
"It presents a critical assessment of the hypothesis presented in paragraph 4.",
"It explains how the hypothesis discussed in paragraph 4 was initially formulated."
] | What is the role of paragraph 5 in relation to paragraph 4? | Bartering was a basic trade mechanism for many thousands of years; often sporadic and usually based on notions of reciprocity, it involved the mutual exchange of commodities or objects between individuals or groups. Redistribution of these goods through society lay in the hands of chiefs, religious leaders, or kin groups. Such redistribution was a basic element in chiefdoms. The change from redistribution to formal trade-often based on regulated commerce that perhaps involved fixed prices and even currency-was closely tied to growing political and social complexity and hence to the development of the state in the ancient world. In the 1970s, a number of archaeologists gave trade a primary role in the rise of ancient states.
British archaeologist Colin Renfrew attributed the dramatic flowering of the Minoan civilization on Crete and through the Aegean to intensified trading contacts and to the impact of olive and vine cultivation on local communities. As agricultural economies became more diversified and local food supplies could be purchased both locally and over longer distances, a far-reaching economic interdependence resulted. Eventually, this led to redistribution systems for luxuries and basic commodities, systems that were organized and controlled by Minoan rulers from their palaces. As time went on, the self-sufficiency of communities was replaced by mutual dependence. Interest in long-distance trade brought about some cultural homogeneity from trade and gift exchange, and perhaps even led to piracy. Thus, intensified trade and interaction, and the flowering of specialist crafts, in a complex process of positive feedback, led to much more complex societies based on palaces, which were the economic hubs of a new Minoan civilization.
Renfrew's model made some assumptions that are now discounted. For example, he argued that the introduction of domesticated vines and olives allowed a substantial expansion of land under cultivation and helped to power the emergence of complex society. Many archaeologists and paleobotanists now question this view, pointing out that the available evidence for cultivated vines and olives suggests that they were present only in the later Bronze Age. Trade, nevertheless, was probably one of many variables that led to the emergence of palace economies in Minoan Crete.
American archaeologist William Rathje developed a hypothesis that considered an explosion in long-distance exchange a fundamental cause of Mayan civilization in Mesoamerica. He suggested that the lowland Mayan environment was deficient in many vital resources, among them obsidian, salt, stone for grinding maize, and many luxury materials. All these could be obtained from the nearby highlands, from the Valley of Mexico, and from other regions, if the necessary trading networks came into being. Such connections, and the trading expeditions to maintain them, could not be organized by individual villages. The Maya lived in a relatively uniform environment, where every community suffered from the same resource deficiencies. Thus, argued Rathje, long- -distance trade networks were organized through local ceremonial centers and their leaders. In time, this organization became a state, and knowledge of its functioning was exportable, as were pottery, tropical bird feathers, specialized stone materials, and other local commodities.
Rathje's hypothesis probably explains part of the complex process of Mayan state formation, but it suffers from the objection that suitable alternative raw materials can be found in the lowlands. It could be, too, that warfare became a competitive response to population growth and to the increasing scarcity of prime agricultural land, and that it played an important role in the emergence of the Mayan states.
Now that we know much more about ancient exchange and commerce, we know that, because no one aspect of trade was an overriding cause of cultural change or evolution in commercial practices, trade can never be looked on as a unifying factor or as a primary agent of ancient civilization. Many ever-changing variables affected ancient trade, among them the demand for goods. There were also the logistics of transportation, the extent of the trading network, and the social and political environment. Intricate market networks channeled supplies along well-defined routes. Authorities at both ends might regulate the profits fed back to the source, providing the incentive for further transactions. There may or may not have been a market organization. Extensive long-distance trade was a consequence rather than a cause of complex societies. | 2982.txt | 2 |
[
"The spread of trade was influenced by many variables, none of which was the main cause.",
"Political conditions were more important than demand for goods in the development of trade.",
"Some markets had clearly established trading routes.",
"The regulation of profits provided incentives for future trade."
] | According to paragraph 6, all of the following statements about trade in ancient civilizations are true EXCEPT: | Bartering was a basic trade mechanism for many thousands of years; often sporadic and usually based on notions of reciprocity, it involved the mutual exchange of commodities or objects between individuals or groups. Redistribution of these goods through society lay in the hands of chiefs, religious leaders, or kin groups. Such redistribution was a basic element in chiefdoms. The change from redistribution to formal trade-often based on regulated commerce that perhaps involved fixed prices and even currency-was closely tied to growing political and social complexity and hence to the development of the state in the ancient world. In the 1970s, a number of archaeologists gave trade a primary role in the rise of ancient states.
British archaeologist Colin Renfrew attributed the dramatic flowering of the Minoan civilization on Crete and through the Aegean to intensified trading contacts and to the impact of olive and vine cultivation on local communities. As agricultural economies became more diversified and local food supplies could be purchased both locally and over longer distances, a far-reaching economic interdependence resulted. Eventually, this led to redistribution systems for luxuries and basic commodities, systems that were organized and controlled by Minoan rulers from their palaces. As time went on, the self-sufficiency of communities was replaced by mutual dependence. Interest in long-distance trade brought about some cultural homogeneity from trade and gift exchange, and perhaps even led to piracy. Thus, intensified trade and interaction, and the flowering of specialist crafts, in a complex process of positive feedback, led to much more complex societies based on palaces, which were the economic hubs of a new Minoan civilization.
Renfrew's model made some assumptions that are now discounted. For example, he argued that the introduction of domesticated vines and olives allowed a substantial expansion of land under cultivation and helped to power the emergence of complex society. Many archaeologists and paleobotanists now question this view, pointing out that the available evidence for cultivated vines and olives suggests that they were present only in the later Bronze Age. Trade, nevertheless, was probably one of many variables that led to the emergence of palace economies in Minoan Crete.
American archaeologist William Rathje developed a hypothesis that considered an explosion in long-distance exchange a fundamental cause of Mayan civilization in Mesoamerica. He suggested that the lowland Mayan environment was deficient in many vital resources, among them obsidian, salt, stone for grinding maize, and many luxury materials. All these could be obtained from the nearby highlands, from the Valley of Mexico, and from other regions, if the necessary trading networks came into being. Such connections, and the trading expeditions to maintain them, could not be organized by individual villages. The Maya lived in a relatively uniform environment, where every community suffered from the same resource deficiencies. Thus, argued Rathje, long- -distance trade networks were organized through local ceremonial centers and their leaders. In time, this organization became a state, and knowledge of its functioning was exportable, as were pottery, tropical bird feathers, specialized stone materials, and other local commodities.
Rathje's hypothesis probably explains part of the complex process of Mayan state formation, but it suffers from the objection that suitable alternative raw materials can be found in the lowlands. It could be, too, that warfare became a competitive response to population growth and to the increasing scarcity of prime agricultural land, and that it played an important role in the emergence of the Mayan states.
Now that we know much more about ancient exchange and commerce, we know that, because no one aspect of trade was an overriding cause of cultural change or evolution in commercial practices, trade can never be looked on as a unifying factor or as a primary agent of ancient civilization. Many ever-changing variables affected ancient trade, among them the demand for goods. There were also the logistics of transportation, the extent of the trading network, and the social and political environment. Intricate market networks channeled supplies along well-defined routes. Authorities at both ends might regulate the profits fed back to the source, providing the incentive for further transactions. There may or may not have been a market organization. Extensive long-distance trade was a consequence rather than a cause of complex societies. | 2982.txt | 1 |
[
"a review of the current condition of the American and world stock market",
"an introduction of the development of the global stock market",
"a survey of the history and possible results of the stock deal of DaimlerChrysler",
"about the ups and downs of stock prices in world's major stock markets"
] | The passage is mainly _ . | Stock prices tumbled on Wall Street and across much of the rest of the world yesterday. They were driven sharply lower by worries over slowing economic growth in the United States and worsening borrowing conditions that could make everything from huge corporate buyouts to buying a new home more difficult. Major stock market gauges-including the Dow Jones industrial average and the Standard & Poors 500-stock index-were down more than 2 percent.
It was the worst one-day decline on Wall Street since markets plunged worldwide in late February after an investing scare in Shanghai, and it occurred amid the biggest volume of trading on the New York Stock Exchange in five years. Losses were comparable throughout Europe, and larger in many developing countries. The preconditions for a shock are in place, said Mark Zandi, chief economist at Moodys Economy. com. Until very recently investors were very nonchalant about risks.
Stock markets have been volatile in recent weeks. Continued strong profits for many companies and an economic boom in Asia have helped push oil prices higher. Meanwhile, however, there are various signs of weakness in the American economy and new difficulties in borrowing for many homeowners and companies that are highly leveraged or have poor credit.
The plunge came a day after the private equity firm buying Chrysler from DaimlerChrysler said it would complete the transaction for the automaker despite an inability to borrow the money in credit markets, as had been planned. Banks will hold those loans, as they will for a similar deal involving Alliance Boots, a British pharmacy chain. Shares of DaimlerChrysler fell $4.11, to $88.91. There is fear, but not a fear of recession, said Bill Gross, chief investment officer of the Pacific Investment Management Company, known as Pimco, a large bond management firm. " The fear is directed toward the question of who will be willing to lend $200 billion to provide takeout financing for previously announced private equity deals."
Yesterday, the Dow industrials plunged 311.50 points, or 2.3 percent, to 13,473.57, while the S. & P. 500 dropped 35.43 points, or 2.3 percent, to 1,482.66. The Nasdaq composite index was down 48.83 points, or 1.8 percent, to 2,599.34. The S. & P. is still up 4.5 percent for the year, while the Dow is 8.1 percent higher. But the S. & P. has fallen 4.5 percent since reaching a record last week. In the last hour or so of trading, the major Wall Street indexes recovered about a third of their steepest losses for the day. Losses of more than 2 percent were recorded in Spain, France and Germany, while Britain, Argentina, Mexico and Brazil fell more than 3 percent. Asian markets fell less yesterday, closing before the worst selling began, but opened down sharply on Friday. | 438.txt | 0 |
[
"Currently it is more difficult for Americans to borrow money from banks for house purchase.",
"The losses from stock markets are similar in U.S. and some developing countries.",
"Investors were worried about the potential risks in stock market before yesterday.",
"Economic boom in Asia prevents its stock market from falling."
] | Which of the following is TRUE according to the text? | Stock prices tumbled on Wall Street and across much of the rest of the world yesterday. They were driven sharply lower by worries over slowing economic growth in the United States and worsening borrowing conditions that could make everything from huge corporate buyouts to buying a new home more difficult. Major stock market gauges-including the Dow Jones industrial average and the Standard & Poors 500-stock index-were down more than 2 percent.
It was the worst one-day decline on Wall Street since markets plunged worldwide in late February after an investing scare in Shanghai, and it occurred amid the biggest volume of trading on the New York Stock Exchange in five years. Losses were comparable throughout Europe, and larger in many developing countries. The preconditions for a shock are in place, said Mark Zandi, chief economist at Moodys Economy. com. Until very recently investors were very nonchalant about risks.
Stock markets have been volatile in recent weeks. Continued strong profits for many companies and an economic boom in Asia have helped push oil prices higher. Meanwhile, however, there are various signs of weakness in the American economy and new difficulties in borrowing for many homeowners and companies that are highly leveraged or have poor credit.
The plunge came a day after the private equity firm buying Chrysler from DaimlerChrysler said it would complete the transaction for the automaker despite an inability to borrow the money in credit markets, as had been planned. Banks will hold those loans, as they will for a similar deal involving Alliance Boots, a British pharmacy chain. Shares of DaimlerChrysler fell $4.11, to $88.91. There is fear, but not a fear of recession, said Bill Gross, chief investment officer of the Pacific Investment Management Company, known as Pimco, a large bond management firm. " The fear is directed toward the question of who will be willing to lend $200 billion to provide takeout financing for previously announced private equity deals."
Yesterday, the Dow industrials plunged 311.50 points, or 2.3 percent, to 13,473.57, while the S. & P. 500 dropped 35.43 points, or 2.3 percent, to 1,482.66. The Nasdaq composite index was down 48.83 points, or 1.8 percent, to 2,599.34. The S. & P. is still up 4.5 percent for the year, while the Dow is 8.1 percent higher. But the S. & P. has fallen 4.5 percent since reaching a record last week. In the last hour or so of trading, the major Wall Street indexes recovered about a third of their steepest losses for the day. Losses of more than 2 percent were recorded in Spain, France and Germany, while Britain, Argentina, Mexico and Brazil fell more than 3 percent. Asian markets fell less yesterday, closing before the worst selling began, but opened down sharply on Friday. | 438.txt | 0 |
[
"you held the shares of DaimlerChrysler",
"you purchased new shares when the stock market opened yesterday",
"you bought and sold shares at the last one or two hours before closing",
"you didn't trade any shares yesterday"
] | If you were an investor, you might be able to earn money if _ . | Stock prices tumbled on Wall Street and across much of the rest of the world yesterday. They were driven sharply lower by worries over slowing economic growth in the United States and worsening borrowing conditions that could make everything from huge corporate buyouts to buying a new home more difficult. Major stock market gauges-including the Dow Jones industrial average and the Standard & Poors 500-stock index-were down more than 2 percent.
It was the worst one-day decline on Wall Street since markets plunged worldwide in late February after an investing scare in Shanghai, and it occurred amid the biggest volume of trading on the New York Stock Exchange in five years. Losses were comparable throughout Europe, and larger in many developing countries. The preconditions for a shock are in place, said Mark Zandi, chief economist at Moodys Economy. com. Until very recently investors were very nonchalant about risks.
Stock markets have been volatile in recent weeks. Continued strong profits for many companies and an economic boom in Asia have helped push oil prices higher. Meanwhile, however, there are various signs of weakness in the American economy and new difficulties in borrowing for many homeowners and companies that are highly leveraged or have poor credit.
The plunge came a day after the private equity firm buying Chrysler from DaimlerChrysler said it would complete the transaction for the automaker despite an inability to borrow the money in credit markets, as had been planned. Banks will hold those loans, as they will for a similar deal involving Alliance Boots, a British pharmacy chain. Shares of DaimlerChrysler fell $4.11, to $88.91. There is fear, but not a fear of recession, said Bill Gross, chief investment officer of the Pacific Investment Management Company, known as Pimco, a large bond management firm. " The fear is directed toward the question of who will be willing to lend $200 billion to provide takeout financing for previously announced private equity deals."
Yesterday, the Dow industrials plunged 311.50 points, or 2.3 percent, to 13,473.57, while the S. & P. 500 dropped 35.43 points, or 2.3 percent, to 1,482.66. The Nasdaq composite index was down 48.83 points, or 1.8 percent, to 2,599.34. The S. & P. is still up 4.5 percent for the year, while the Dow is 8.1 percent higher. But the S. & P. has fallen 4.5 percent since reaching a record last week. In the last hour or so of trading, the major Wall Street indexes recovered about a third of their steepest losses for the day. Losses of more than 2 percent were recorded in Spain, France and Germany, while Britain, Argentina, Mexico and Brazil fell more than 3 percent. Asian markets fell less yesterday, closing before the worst selling began, but opened down sharply on Friday. | 438.txt | 2 |
[
"the Chrysler transaction will turn to be a failure because of the vibration of stock market",
"the banks hold the loans because the Chrysler case is of exactly the same nature as that of Alliance Boots",
"Bill Gross thinks the fear is from the possibility that the huge amount of money involved in the Chrysler deal may worsen the situation of stock market",
"the difficulty of borrowing leads to the shrinking prices of shares of DaimlerChrysler"
] | We can infer from the text that _ . | Stock prices tumbled on Wall Street and across much of the rest of the world yesterday. They were driven sharply lower by worries over slowing economic growth in the United States and worsening borrowing conditions that could make everything from huge corporate buyouts to buying a new home more difficult. Major stock market gauges-including the Dow Jones industrial average and the Standard & Poors 500-stock index-were down more than 2 percent.
It was the worst one-day decline on Wall Street since markets plunged worldwide in late February after an investing scare in Shanghai, and it occurred amid the biggest volume of trading on the New York Stock Exchange in five years. Losses were comparable throughout Europe, and larger in many developing countries. The preconditions for a shock are in place, said Mark Zandi, chief economist at Moodys Economy. com. Until very recently investors were very nonchalant about risks.
Stock markets have been volatile in recent weeks. Continued strong profits for many companies and an economic boom in Asia have helped push oil prices higher. Meanwhile, however, there are various signs of weakness in the American economy and new difficulties in borrowing for many homeowners and companies that are highly leveraged or have poor credit.
The plunge came a day after the private equity firm buying Chrysler from DaimlerChrysler said it would complete the transaction for the automaker despite an inability to borrow the money in credit markets, as had been planned. Banks will hold those loans, as they will for a similar deal involving Alliance Boots, a British pharmacy chain. Shares of DaimlerChrysler fell $4.11, to $88.91. There is fear, but not a fear of recession, said Bill Gross, chief investment officer of the Pacific Investment Management Company, known as Pimco, a large bond management firm. " The fear is directed toward the question of who will be willing to lend $200 billion to provide takeout financing for previously announced private equity deals."
Yesterday, the Dow industrials plunged 311.50 points, or 2.3 percent, to 13,473.57, while the S. & P. 500 dropped 35.43 points, or 2.3 percent, to 1,482.66. The Nasdaq composite index was down 48.83 points, or 1.8 percent, to 2,599.34. The S. & P. is still up 4.5 percent for the year, while the Dow is 8.1 percent higher. But the S. & P. has fallen 4.5 percent since reaching a record last week. In the last hour or so of trading, the major Wall Street indexes recovered about a third of their steepest losses for the day. Losses of more than 2 percent were recorded in Spain, France and Germany, while Britain, Argentina, Mexico and Brazil fell more than 3 percent. Asian markets fell less yesterday, closing before the worst selling began, but opened down sharply on Friday. | 438.txt | 3 |
[
"biased",
"objective",
"pessimistic",
"Optimistic"
] | The writer's attitude towards the current stock market is _ . | Stock prices tumbled on Wall Street and across much of the rest of the world yesterday. They were driven sharply lower by worries over slowing economic growth in the United States and worsening borrowing conditions that could make everything from huge corporate buyouts to buying a new home more difficult. Major stock market gauges-including the Dow Jones industrial average and the Standard & Poors 500-stock index-were down more than 2 percent.
It was the worst one-day decline on Wall Street since markets plunged worldwide in late February after an investing scare in Shanghai, and it occurred amid the biggest volume of trading on the New York Stock Exchange in five years. Losses were comparable throughout Europe, and larger in many developing countries. The preconditions for a shock are in place, said Mark Zandi, chief economist at Moodys Economy. com. Until very recently investors were very nonchalant about risks.
Stock markets have been volatile in recent weeks. Continued strong profits for many companies and an economic boom in Asia have helped push oil prices higher. Meanwhile, however, there are various signs of weakness in the American economy and new difficulties in borrowing for many homeowners and companies that are highly leveraged or have poor credit.
The plunge came a day after the private equity firm buying Chrysler from DaimlerChrysler said it would complete the transaction for the automaker despite an inability to borrow the money in credit markets, as had been planned. Banks will hold those loans, as they will for a similar deal involving Alliance Boots, a British pharmacy chain. Shares of DaimlerChrysler fell $4.11, to $88.91. There is fear, but not a fear of recession, said Bill Gross, chief investment officer of the Pacific Investment Management Company, known as Pimco, a large bond management firm. " The fear is directed toward the question of who will be willing to lend $200 billion to provide takeout financing for previously announced private equity deals."
Yesterday, the Dow industrials plunged 311.50 points, or 2.3 percent, to 13,473.57, while the S. & P. 500 dropped 35.43 points, or 2.3 percent, to 1,482.66. The Nasdaq composite index was down 48.83 points, or 1.8 percent, to 2,599.34. The S. & P. is still up 4.5 percent for the year, while the Dow is 8.1 percent higher. But the S. & P. has fallen 4.5 percent since reaching a record last week. In the last hour or so of trading, the major Wall Street indexes recovered about a third of their steepest losses for the day. Losses of more than 2 percent were recorded in Spain, France and Germany, while Britain, Argentina, Mexico and Brazil fell more than 3 percent. Asian markets fell less yesterday, closing before the worst selling began, but opened down sharply on Friday. | 438.txt | 1 |
[
"In the morning.",
"Any time of a day.",
"In the early evening.",
"In the afternoon."
] | According to Paragraph 3 ,what is the recommended time for tea drinking? | An interesting project called Blue Zones is recording the lifestyle secrets of the communities with the highest, hest concentrations of centenarians in the world.
The people in the five regions in Europe, Latin America,Asia and the US that live to be 100 have a lot going for them. Genes probably play a small role, but these folks also have strong social ties ,tightly-knit families and lots of opportunities to exercise.
As we were examining the dietary secrets of the Blue Zones, as described in author Dan Buettner" s latest book, The Blue Zones Solution, we were struck by how essential tea drinking is in these regions. In fact, Buettner' s Blue Zones Beverage Rule--a kind of guideline summarized from his 15 or so years of studying these places--is:" Drink coffee for breakfast, tea in the afternoon, wine at 5 p. tm"
Science has plenty to say about the healthful virtues of green tea. Researchers are most enthusi- astic almt the components in green tea, as well as foods like cocoa. Why might they help so many Okina~vans in Japan break 1007 Some components in green tea can lower the risk of stroke,heart disease attd several cancers. One review study also found that drinking green tea can slightly
improve metabolism .
If you find yourself on the island of Ikaria, the Greek Blue Zone in the middle of the Aegean, you won't be offered any tea made with tea leaves. Instead, Ikarians typically make their daily cup of tea with just one fresh herb that they have picked themselves that day--either rosemary, wild
sage,oregano,nmrjotmn,mint or dandelion,all plants that may have anti-inflammatory
properties,
which may help lower blood pressure. This could explain Ikaria' s very low dementia
rate,since high blood pressure is a risk factor for the disease. | 351.txt | 3 |
[
"To improve metabolism.",
"To lower blood pressure.",
"To lower life stress.",
"To improve social relationships."
] | What may the tea Ikarians drink daily help? | An interesting project called Blue Zones is recording the lifestyle secrets of the communities with the highest, hest concentrations of centenarians in the world.
The people in the five regions in Europe, Latin America,Asia and the US that live to be 100 have a lot going for them. Genes probably play a small role, but these folks also have strong social ties ,tightly-knit families and lots of opportunities to exercise.
As we were examining the dietary secrets of the Blue Zones, as described in author Dan Buettner" s latest book, The Blue Zones Solution, we were struck by how essential tea drinking is in these regions. In fact, Buettner' s Blue Zones Beverage Rule--a kind of guideline summarized from his 15 or so years of studying these places--is:" Drink coffee for breakfast, tea in the afternoon, wine at 5 p. tm"
Science has plenty to say about the healthful virtues of green tea. Researchers are most enthusi- astic almt the components in green tea, as well as foods like cocoa. Why might they help so many Okina~vans in Japan break 1007 Some components in green tea can lower the risk of stroke,heart disease attd several cancers. One review study also found that drinking green tea can slightly
improve metabolism .
If you find yourself on the island of Ikaria, the Greek Blue Zone in the middle of the Aegean, you won't be offered any tea made with tea leaves. Instead, Ikarians typically make their daily cup of tea with just one fresh herb that they have picked themselves that day--either rosemary, wild
sage,oregano,nmrjotmn,mint or dandelion,all plants that may have anti-inflammatory
properties,
which may help lower blood pressure. This could explain Ikaria' s very low dementia
rate,since high blood pressure is a risk factor for the disease. | 351.txt | 1 |
[
"Tea-Drinking Tips",
"Lifestyle Secrets of Ikarians",
"Tea-Drinking Ceremony in Okinawa",
"Blue Zones Solutions"
] | What might be the best title of the passage? | An interesting project called Blue Zones is recording the lifestyle secrets of the communities with the highest, hest concentrations of centenarians in the world.
The people in the five regions in Europe, Latin America,Asia and the US that live to be 100 have a lot going for them. Genes probably play a small role, but these folks also have strong social ties ,tightly-knit families and lots of opportunities to exercise.
As we were examining the dietary secrets of the Blue Zones, as described in author Dan Buettner" s latest book, The Blue Zones Solution, we were struck by how essential tea drinking is in these regions. In fact, Buettner' s Blue Zones Beverage Rule--a kind of guideline summarized from his 15 or so years of studying these places--is:" Drink coffee for breakfast, tea in the afternoon, wine at 5 p. tm"
Science has plenty to say about the healthful virtues of green tea. Researchers are most enthusi- astic almt the components in green tea, as well as foods like cocoa. Why might they help so many Okina~vans in Japan break 1007 Some components in green tea can lower the risk of stroke,heart disease attd several cancers. One review study also found that drinking green tea can slightly
improve metabolism .
If you find yourself on the island of Ikaria, the Greek Blue Zone in the middle of the Aegean, you won't be offered any tea made with tea leaves. Instead, Ikarians typically make their daily cup of tea with just one fresh herb that they have picked themselves that day--either rosemary, wild
sage,oregano,nmrjotmn,mint or dandelion,all plants that may have anti-inflammatory
properties,
which may help lower blood pressure. This could explain Ikaria' s very low dementia
rate,since high blood pressure is a risk factor for the disease. | 351.txt | 0 |
[
"Because the human genome can destroy many illnesses.",
"Because the human genome's completion can help them get rid of many diseases.",
"Because they wanted to be better known than others.",
"Because the human genome can provide a lot of chances of work."
] | Why did the scientists work hard at mapping the human genome? | June 26, 2000 - the Human Genome Project, a great $3 billion, 15-year task aimed at drawing the genetic map of humans, is now more than 90 percent completed. The scientific and medical communities are very excited about the chances genetic research provides for getting rid of diseases and prolonging human life. But those communities and policy makers also are careful about the scientific door they are opening as the project uncovers the mysteries of life.
For the last few years, the genetic advances in the developing field of biotechnology have provides material for all kinds of work, but the developments of modern science in unlocking the secrets of the human genetic code have opened a world of possibilities for human health, as well as for the popular imagination.
While European and Japanese researchers are making rapid progress in decoding human DNA, the leading organization for genetic research is in the United States, which began in 1990, is "unlocking the code" of the human body to learn how to defeat fataldiseases. Already, the Human Genome Project has become widely known and praised for finding the genes connected with terrible diseases as yet, and making progress toward separating the genes that show a sign of breast cancer or AIDS.
Once these genes are found and studied, researchers can develop new ways to attack infections, and genetic diseases. Medical companies are very interested in mapping the human genome, as they expect to develop a lot of new drugs for these illnesses. | 2964.txt | 1 |
[
"Japan.",
"Germany.",
"The United States.",
"China."
] | Which country studied the genes most rapidly in the world? | June 26, 2000 - the Human Genome Project, a great $3 billion, 15-year task aimed at drawing the genetic map of humans, is now more than 90 percent completed. The scientific and medical communities are very excited about the chances genetic research provides for getting rid of diseases and prolonging human life. But those communities and policy makers also are careful about the scientific door they are opening as the project uncovers the mysteries of life.
For the last few years, the genetic advances in the developing field of biotechnology have provides material for all kinds of work, but the developments of modern science in unlocking the secrets of the human genetic code have opened a world of possibilities for human health, as well as for the popular imagination.
While European and Japanese researchers are making rapid progress in decoding human DNA, the leading organization for genetic research is in the United States, which began in 1990, is "unlocking the code" of the human body to learn how to defeat fataldiseases. Already, the Human Genome Project has become widely known and praised for finding the genes connected with terrible diseases as yet, and making progress toward separating the genes that show a sign of breast cancer or AIDS.
Once these genes are found and studied, researchers can develop new ways to attack infections, and genetic diseases. Medical companies are very interested in mapping the human genome, as they expect to develop a lot of new drugs for these illnesses. | 2964.txt | 2 |
[
"If the genes can be found, scientists can study many new ways to cure illnesses.",
"The scientists have made great progress in connecting the genes with the cancers.",
"Many medical companies show great interest in drawing the human genome map.",
"The United States began the Genes Study early in the 19th century."
] | Which of the following is NOT true? | June 26, 2000 - the Human Genome Project, a great $3 billion, 15-year task aimed at drawing the genetic map of humans, is now more than 90 percent completed. The scientific and medical communities are very excited about the chances genetic research provides for getting rid of diseases and prolonging human life. But those communities and policy makers also are careful about the scientific door they are opening as the project uncovers the mysteries of life.
For the last few years, the genetic advances in the developing field of biotechnology have provides material for all kinds of work, but the developments of modern science in unlocking the secrets of the human genetic code have opened a world of possibilities for human health, as well as for the popular imagination.
While European and Japanese researchers are making rapid progress in decoding human DNA, the leading organization for genetic research is in the United States, which began in 1990, is "unlocking the code" of the human body to learn how to defeat fataldiseases. Already, the Human Genome Project has become widely known and praised for finding the genes connected with terrible diseases as yet, and making progress toward separating the genes that show a sign of breast cancer or AIDS.
Once these genes are found and studied, researchers can develop new ways to attack infections, and genetic diseases. Medical companies are very interested in mapping the human genome, as they expect to develop a lot of new drugs for these illnesses. | 2964.txt | 3 |
[
"the policy makers to feel very worried and careful",
"the scientists to work harder",
"many people to find work easily",
"a lot of companies to produce many new drugs"
] | The author suggests that the Human Genome Project can cause _ . | June 26, 2000 - the Human Genome Project, a great $3 billion, 15-year task aimed at drawing the genetic map of humans, is now more than 90 percent completed. The scientific and medical communities are very excited about the chances genetic research provides for getting rid of diseases and prolonging human life. But those communities and policy makers also are careful about the scientific door they are opening as the project uncovers the mysteries of life.
For the last few years, the genetic advances in the developing field of biotechnology have provides material for all kinds of work, but the developments of modern science in unlocking the secrets of the human genetic code have opened a world of possibilities for human health, as well as for the popular imagination.
While European and Japanese researchers are making rapid progress in decoding human DNA, the leading organization for genetic research is in the United States, which began in 1990, is "unlocking the code" of the human body to learn how to defeat fataldiseases. Already, the Human Genome Project has become widely known and praised for finding the genes connected with terrible diseases as yet, and making progress toward separating the genes that show a sign of breast cancer or AIDS.
Once these genes are found and studied, researchers can develop new ways to attack infections, and genetic diseases. Medical companies are very interested in mapping the human genome, as they expect to develop a lot of new drugs for these illnesses. | 2964.txt | 1 |
[
"unlocking genetic code",
"the genes' discovery",
"the great human genome",
"the genes and the scientists"
] | The main idea of this article is about _ . | June 26, 2000 - the Human Genome Project, a great $3 billion, 15-year task aimed at drawing the genetic map of humans, is now more than 90 percent completed. The scientific and medical communities are very excited about the chances genetic research provides for getting rid of diseases and prolonging human life. But those communities and policy makers also are careful about the scientific door they are opening as the project uncovers the mysteries of life.
For the last few years, the genetic advances in the developing field of biotechnology have provides material for all kinds of work, but the developments of modern science in unlocking the secrets of the human genetic code have opened a world of possibilities for human health, as well as for the popular imagination.
While European and Japanese researchers are making rapid progress in decoding human DNA, the leading organization for genetic research is in the United States, which began in 1990, is "unlocking the code" of the human body to learn how to defeat fataldiseases. Already, the Human Genome Project has become widely known and praised for finding the genes connected with terrible diseases as yet, and making progress toward separating the genes that show a sign of breast cancer or AIDS.
Once these genes are found and studied, researchers can develop new ways to attack infections, and genetic diseases. Medical companies are very interested in mapping the human genome, as they expect to develop a lot of new drugs for these illnesses. | 2964.txt | 0 |
[
"Some people regard it as a tragic failure.",
"The new experiment means a breakthrough for some people.",
"People have different reactions to the new experiment.",
"The new experiment means a step further to the dangerous human cloning."
] | What is implied in the first paragraph? | Depending on whom you ask, the experiment announced at a Texas medical conference last week was a potential breakthrough for infertile women, a tragic failure or a dangerous step closer to the nightmare scenario of human cloning.
There's truth to all these points of view. Infertility was clearly the motivation when Chinese doctors used a new technique to help one of their countrywomen get pregnant. Unlike some infertile women, the 30-year-old patient produced eggs just fine, and those eggs could be fertilized by sperm. But they never developed properly, largely because of defects in parts of the egg outside the fertilized nucleus. So using a technique developed by Dr. James Grifo at New York University, Dr. Zhuang Guanglun of Sun Yat-sen University in Guangzhou took the patient's fertilized egg, scooped out the chromosome-bearing nuclear material and put it in a donated egg whose nucleus had been removed. In this more benign environment, development proceeded normally, and the woman became pregnant with triplets who carried a mix of her DNA and her husband's-pretty much like any normal baby.
What has some doctors and ethicists upset is that this so-called nuclear-transfer technique has also been used to produce clones, starting with Dolly the sheep. The only significant difference is that with cloning, the inserted nucleus comes from a single, usually adult, cell, and the resulting offspring is genetically identical to the parent. Doing that with humans is ethically repugnant to many. Besides, for reasons that aren't yet well understood, cloned animals often abort spontaneously or are born with defects; Dolly died very young, though she had seemed healthy. And because the Chinese woman's twins were born prematurely and died（the third triplet was removed early on to improve chances for the remaining two）, critics have suggested that cloning and nuclear transfer are equally risky for humans.
Not likely, says Grifo. " The obstetric outcome was a disaster," he admits, " but the embryos were chromosomally normal. We have no evidence that it had anything to do with the procedure." Even so, concern over potential risks is why the Food and Drug Administration created a stringent approval process for such research in 2001-a process that Grifo found so onerous that he stopped working on the technique and gave it to the researchers in China, where it was subsequently banned (but only this month, long after Zhuang's patient became pregnant..
The bottom line, say critics, is that perfecting a technique that could be used for human cloning, even if it were developed for another purpose, is just a bad idea-an assertion Zhuang rejects. " I agree that it makes sense to control these experiments," he says. " But we've developed an effective technology to help people. We understand how to do it. We need it."
was subsequently banned (but only this month, long after Zhuang's patient became pregnant..
The bottom line, say critics, is that perfecting a technique that could be used for human cloning, even if it were developed for another purpose, is just a bad idea-an assertion Zhuang rejects. " I agree that it makes sense to control these experiments," he says. " But we've developed an effective technology to help people. We understand how to do it. We need it." | 583.txt | 2 |
[
"both nuclear-transfer and cloning are dangerous for humans and animals",
"both of them benefit from the new technique",
"both of them are the examples of technical failure",
"both of them are the fruits of the new technology"
] | The author uses the case of Dolly and the Chinese pregnant woman to show that _ . | Depending on whom you ask, the experiment announced at a Texas medical conference last week was a potential breakthrough for infertile women, a tragic failure or a dangerous step closer to the nightmare scenario of human cloning.
There's truth to all these points of view. Infertility was clearly the motivation when Chinese doctors used a new technique to help one of their countrywomen get pregnant. Unlike some infertile women, the 30-year-old patient produced eggs just fine, and those eggs could be fertilized by sperm. But they never developed properly, largely because of defects in parts of the egg outside the fertilized nucleus. So using a technique developed by Dr. James Grifo at New York University, Dr. Zhuang Guanglun of Sun Yat-sen University in Guangzhou took the patient's fertilized egg, scooped out the chromosome-bearing nuclear material and put it in a donated egg whose nucleus had been removed. In this more benign environment, development proceeded normally, and the woman became pregnant with triplets who carried a mix of her DNA and her husband's-pretty much like any normal baby.
What has some doctors and ethicists upset is that this so-called nuclear-transfer technique has also been used to produce clones, starting with Dolly the sheep. The only significant difference is that with cloning, the inserted nucleus comes from a single, usually adult, cell, and the resulting offspring is genetically identical to the parent. Doing that with humans is ethically repugnant to many. Besides, for reasons that aren't yet well understood, cloned animals often abort spontaneously or are born with defects; Dolly died very young, though she had seemed healthy. And because the Chinese woman's twins were born prematurely and died（the third triplet was removed early on to improve chances for the remaining two）, critics have suggested that cloning and nuclear transfer are equally risky for humans.
Not likely, says Grifo. " The obstetric outcome was a disaster," he admits, " but the embryos were chromosomally normal. We have no evidence that it had anything to do with the procedure." Even so, concern over potential risks is why the Food and Drug Administration created a stringent approval process for such research in 2001-a process that Grifo found so onerous that he stopped working on the technique and gave it to the researchers in China, where it was subsequently banned (but only this month, long after Zhuang's patient became pregnant..
The bottom line, say critics, is that perfecting a technique that could be used for human cloning, even if it were developed for another purpose, is just a bad idea-an assertion Zhuang rejects. " I agree that it makes sense to control these experiments," he says. " But we've developed an effective technology to help people. We understand how to do it. We need it."
was subsequently banned (but only this month, long after Zhuang's patient became pregnant..
The bottom line, say critics, is that perfecting a technique that could be used for human cloning, even if it were developed for another purpose, is just a bad idea-an assertion Zhuang rejects. " I agree that it makes sense to control these experiments," he says. " But we've developed an effective technology to help people. We understand how to do it. We need it." | 583.txt | 0 |
[
"reserved consent",
"strong disapproval",
"slight contempt",
"enthusiastic support"
] | Zhuang's attitude toward the critics' conclusion is one of _ . | Depending on whom you ask, the experiment announced at a Texas medical conference last week was a potential breakthrough for infertile women, a tragic failure or a dangerous step closer to the nightmare scenario of human cloning.
There's truth to all these points of view. Infertility was clearly the motivation when Chinese doctors used a new technique to help one of their countrywomen get pregnant. Unlike some infertile women, the 30-year-old patient produced eggs just fine, and those eggs could be fertilized by sperm. But they never developed properly, largely because of defects in parts of the egg outside the fertilized nucleus. So using a technique developed by Dr. James Grifo at New York University, Dr. Zhuang Guanglun of Sun Yat-sen University in Guangzhou took the patient's fertilized egg, scooped out the chromosome-bearing nuclear material and put it in a donated egg whose nucleus had been removed. In this more benign environment, development proceeded normally, and the woman became pregnant with triplets who carried a mix of her DNA and her husband's-pretty much like any normal baby.
What has some doctors and ethicists upset is that this so-called nuclear-transfer technique has also been used to produce clones, starting with Dolly the sheep. The only significant difference is that with cloning, the inserted nucleus comes from a single, usually adult, cell, and the resulting offspring is genetically identical to the parent. Doing that with humans is ethically repugnant to many. Besides, for reasons that aren't yet well understood, cloned animals often abort spontaneously or are born with defects; Dolly died very young, though she had seemed healthy. And because the Chinese woman's twins were born prematurely and died（the third triplet was removed early on to improve chances for the remaining two）, critics have suggested that cloning and nuclear transfer are equally risky for humans.
Not likely, says Grifo. " The obstetric outcome was a disaster," he admits, " but the embryos were chromosomally normal. We have no evidence that it had anything to do with the procedure." Even so, concern over potential risks is why the Food and Drug Administration created a stringent approval process for such research in 2001-a process that Grifo found so onerous that he stopped working on the technique and gave it to the researchers in China, where it was subsequently banned (but only this month, long after Zhuang's patient became pregnant..
The bottom line, say critics, is that perfecting a technique that could be used for human cloning, even if it were developed for another purpose, is just a bad idea-an assertion Zhuang rejects. " I agree that it makes sense to control these experiments," he says. " But we've developed an effective technology to help people. We understand how to do it. We need it."
was subsequently banned (but only this month, long after Zhuang's patient became pregnant..
The bottom line, say critics, is that perfecting a technique that could be used for human cloning, even if it were developed for another purpose, is just a bad idea-an assertion Zhuang rejects. " I agree that it makes sense to control these experiments," he says. " But we've developed an effective technology to help people. We understand how to do it. We need it." | 583.txt | 1 |
[
"whether it is used for research or for helping the infertile",
"whether the offspring looks like the parent",
"whether it is used in animals or human beings",
"whether the inserted nucleus comes from a single and usually adult cell"
] | The only difference existing between nuclear-transfer and cloning technique is _ . | Depending on whom you ask, the experiment announced at a Texas medical conference last week was a potential breakthrough for infertile women, a tragic failure or a dangerous step closer to the nightmare scenario of human cloning.
There's truth to all these points of view. Infertility was clearly the motivation when Chinese doctors used a new technique to help one of their countrywomen get pregnant. Unlike some infertile women, the 30-year-old patient produced eggs just fine, and those eggs could be fertilized by sperm. But they never developed properly, largely because of defects in parts of the egg outside the fertilized nucleus. So using a technique developed by Dr. James Grifo at New York University, Dr. Zhuang Guanglun of Sun Yat-sen University in Guangzhou took the patient's fertilized egg, scooped out the chromosome-bearing nuclear material and put it in a donated egg whose nucleus had been removed. In this more benign environment, development proceeded normally, and the woman became pregnant with triplets who carried a mix of her DNA and her husband's-pretty much like any normal baby.
What has some doctors and ethicists upset is that this so-called nuclear-transfer technique has also been used to produce clones, starting with Dolly the sheep. The only significant difference is that with cloning, the inserted nucleus comes from a single, usually adult, cell, and the resulting offspring is genetically identical to the parent. Doing that with humans is ethically repugnant to many. Besides, for reasons that aren't yet well understood, cloned animals often abort spontaneously or are born with defects; Dolly died very young, though she had seemed healthy. And because the Chinese woman's twins were born prematurely and died（the third triplet was removed early on to improve chances for the remaining two）, critics have suggested that cloning and nuclear transfer are equally risky for humans.
Not likely, says Grifo. " The obstetric outcome was a disaster," he admits, " but the embryos were chromosomally normal. We have no evidence that it had anything to do with the procedure." Even so, concern over potential risks is why the Food and Drug Administration created a stringent approval process for such research in 2001-a process that Grifo found so onerous that he stopped working on the technique and gave it to the researchers in China, where it was subsequently banned (but only this month, long after Zhuang's patient became pregnant..
The bottom line, say critics, is that perfecting a technique that could be used for human cloning, even if it were developed for another purpose, is just a bad idea-an assertion Zhuang rejects. " I agree that it makes sense to control these experiments," he says. " But we've developed an effective technology to help people. We understand how to do it. We need it."
was subsequently banned (but only this month, long after Zhuang's patient became pregnant..
The bottom line, say critics, is that perfecting a technique that could be used for human cloning, even if it were developed for another purpose, is just a bad idea-an assertion Zhuang rejects. " I agree that it makes sense to control these experiments," he says. " But we've developed an effective technology to help people. We understand how to do it. We need it." | 583.txt | 3 |
[
"research of cloning has potential risks",
"the research of cloning should be stopped totally",
"ethics and research of cloning are in contradiction",
"researchers should have the right to continue the study of cloning"
] | The text intends to express the idea that _ . | Depending on whom you ask, the experiment announced at a Texas medical conference last week was a potential breakthrough for infertile women, a tragic failure or a dangerous step closer to the nightmare scenario of human cloning.
There's truth to all these points of view. Infertility was clearly the motivation when Chinese doctors used a new technique to help one of their countrywomen get pregnant. Unlike some infertile women, the 30-year-old patient produced eggs just fine, and those eggs could be fertilized by sperm. But they never developed properly, largely because of defects in parts of the egg outside the fertilized nucleus. So using a technique developed by Dr. James Grifo at New York University, Dr. Zhuang Guanglun of Sun Yat-sen University in Guangzhou took the patient's fertilized egg, scooped out the chromosome-bearing nuclear material and put it in a donated egg whose nucleus had been removed. In this more benign environment, development proceeded normally, and the woman became pregnant with triplets who carried a mix of her DNA and her husband's-pretty much like any normal baby.
What has some doctors and ethicists upset is that this so-called nuclear-transfer technique has also been used to produce clones, starting with Dolly the sheep. The only significant difference is that with cloning, the inserted nucleus comes from a single, usually adult, cell, and the resulting offspring is genetically identical to the parent. Doing that with humans is ethically repugnant to many. Besides, for reasons that aren't yet well understood, cloned animals often abort spontaneously or are born with defects; Dolly died very young, though she had seemed healthy. And because the Chinese woman's twins were born prematurely and died（the third triplet was removed early on to improve chances for the remaining two）, critics have suggested that cloning and nuclear transfer are equally risky for humans.
Not likely, says Grifo. " The obstetric outcome was a disaster," he admits, " but the embryos were chromosomally normal. We have no evidence that it had anything to do with the procedure." Even so, concern over potential risks is why the Food and Drug Administration created a stringent approval process for such research in 2001-a process that Grifo found so onerous that he stopped working on the technique and gave it to the researchers in China, where it was subsequently banned (but only this month, long after Zhuang's patient became pregnant..
The bottom line, say critics, is that perfecting a technique that could be used for human cloning, even if it were developed for another purpose, is just a bad idea-an assertion Zhuang rejects. " I agree that it makes sense to control these experiments," he says. " But we've developed an effective technology to help people. We understand how to do it. We need it."
was subsequently banned (but only this month, long after Zhuang's patient became pregnant..
The bottom line, say critics, is that perfecting a technique that could be used for human cloning, even if it were developed for another purpose, is just a bad idea-an assertion Zhuang rejects. " I agree that it makes sense to control these experiments," he says. " But we've developed an effective technology to help people. We understand how to do it. We need it." | 583.txt | 2 |
[
"seek subsidies from the government",
"explore reasons for the unemployment",
"make profits from the troubled economy",
"look on the bright side of the recession"
] | By saying "to find silver linings"（Line 1,Para.2) the author suggest that the jobless try to _ . | The great recession may be over, but this era of high joblessness is probably beginning. Before it ends,
It will likely change the life course and character of a generation of young adults. And ultimately, it is likely to reshape our politics, our culture, and the character of our society for years.
No one tries harder than the jobless to find silver linings in this national economic disaster. Many said that unemployment, while extremely painful, had improved them in some ways; they had become less materialistic and more financially prudent; they were more aware of the struggles of others. In limited respects, perhaps the recession will leave society better off. At the very least, it has awoken us from our national fever dream of easy riches and bigger houses, and put a necessary end to an era of reckless personal spending.
But for the most part, these benefits seem thin, uncertain, and far off. In The Moral Consequences of Economic Growth, the economic historian Benjamin Friedman argues that both inside and outside the U.S. , lengthy periods of economic stagnation or decline have almost always left society more mean-spirited and less inclusive, and have usually stopped or reversed the advance of rights and freedoms. Anti-immigrant sentiment typically increases, as does conflict between races and classes.
Income inequality usually falls during a recession, but it has not shrunk in this one. Indeed, this period of economic weakness may reinforce class divides, and decrease opportunities to cross them--- especially for young people. The research of Till Von Wachter, the economist in Columbia University, suggests that not all people graduating into a recession see their life chances dimmed: those with degrees from elite universities catch up fairly quickly to where they otherwise would have been if they had graduated in better times; it is the masses beneath them that are left behind.
In the internet age, it is particularly easy to see the resentment that has always been hidden within American society. More difficult, in the moment, is discerning precisely how these lean times are affecting society's character. In many respects, the U.S. was more socially tolerant entering this recession than at any time in its history, and a variety of national polls on social conflict since then have shown mixed results. We will have to wait and see exactly how these hard times will reshape our social fabric. But they certainly it, and all the more so the longer they extend. | 3895.txt | 3 |
[
"realize the national dream",
"struggle against each other",
"challenge their lifestyle",
"reconsider their lifestyle"
] | According to Paragraph 2,the recession has made people _ . | The great recession may be over, but this era of high joblessness is probably beginning. Before it ends,
It will likely change the life course and character of a generation of young adults. And ultimately, it is likely to reshape our politics, our culture, and the character of our society for years.
No one tries harder than the jobless to find silver linings in this national economic disaster. Many said that unemployment, while extremely painful, had improved them in some ways; they had become less materialistic and more financially prudent; they were more aware of the struggles of others. In limited respects, perhaps the recession will leave society better off. At the very least, it has awoken us from our national fever dream of easy riches and bigger houses, and put a necessary end to an era of reckless personal spending.
But for the most part, these benefits seem thin, uncertain, and far off. In The Moral Consequences of Economic Growth, the economic historian Benjamin Friedman argues that both inside and outside the U.S. , lengthy periods of economic stagnation or decline have almost always left society more mean-spirited and less inclusive, and have usually stopped or reversed the advance of rights and freedoms. Anti-immigrant sentiment typically increases, as does conflict between races and classes.
Income inequality usually falls during a recession, but it has not shrunk in this one. Indeed, this period of economic weakness may reinforce class divides, and decrease opportunities to cross them--- especially for young people. The research of Till Von Wachter, the economist in Columbia University, suggests that not all people graduating into a recession see their life chances dimmed: those with degrees from elite universities catch up fairly quickly to where they otherwise would have been if they had graduated in better times; it is the masses beneath them that are left behind.
In the internet age, it is particularly easy to see the resentment that has always been hidden within American society. More difficult, in the moment, is discerning precisely how these lean times are affecting society's character. In many respects, the U.S. was more socially tolerant entering this recession than at any time in its history, and a variety of national polls on social conflict since then have shown mixed results. We will have to wait and see exactly how these hard times will reshape our social fabric. But they certainly it, and all the more so the longer they extend. | 3895.txt | 3 |
[
"impose a heavier burden on immigrants",
"bring out more evils of human nature",
"Promote the advance of rights and freedoms",
"ease conflicts between races and classes"
] | Benjamin Friedman believed that economic recession may _ . | The great recession may be over, but this era of high joblessness is probably beginning. Before it ends,
It will likely change the life course and character of a generation of young adults. And ultimately, it is likely to reshape our politics, our culture, and the character of our society for years.
No one tries harder than the jobless to find silver linings in this national economic disaster. Many said that unemployment, while extremely painful, had improved them in some ways; they had become less materialistic and more financially prudent; they were more aware of the struggles of others. In limited respects, perhaps the recession will leave society better off. At the very least, it has awoken us from our national fever dream of easy riches and bigger houses, and put a necessary end to an era of reckless personal spending.
But for the most part, these benefits seem thin, uncertain, and far off. In The Moral Consequences of Economic Growth, the economic historian Benjamin Friedman argues that both inside and outside the U.S. , lengthy periods of economic stagnation or decline have almost always left society more mean-spirited and less inclusive, and have usually stopped or reversed the advance of rights and freedoms. Anti-immigrant sentiment typically increases, as does conflict between races and classes.
Income inequality usually falls during a recession, but it has not shrunk in this one. Indeed, this period of economic weakness may reinforce class divides, and decrease opportunities to cross them--- especially for young people. The research of Till Von Wachter, the economist in Columbia University, suggests that not all people graduating into a recession see their life chances dimmed: those with degrees from elite universities catch up fairly quickly to where they otherwise would have been if they had graduated in better times; it is the masses beneath them that are left behind.
In the internet age, it is particularly easy to see the resentment that has always been hidden within American society. More difficult, in the moment, is discerning precisely how these lean times are affecting society's character. In many respects, the U.S. was more socially tolerant entering this recession than at any time in its history, and a variety of national polls on social conflict since then have shown mixed results. We will have to wait and see exactly how these hard times will reshape our social fabric. But they certainly it, and all the more so the longer they extend. | 3895.txt | 1 |
[
"lag behind the others due to decreased opportunities",
"catch up quickly with experienced employees",
"see their life chances as dimmed as the others'",
"recover more quickly than the others"
] | The research of Till Von Wachther suggests that in recession graduates from elite universities tend to _ . | The great recession may be over, but this era of high joblessness is probably beginning. Before it ends,
It will likely change the life course and character of a generation of young adults. And ultimately, it is likely to reshape our politics, our culture, and the character of our society for years.
No one tries harder than the jobless to find silver linings in this national economic disaster. Many said that unemployment, while extremely painful, had improved them in some ways; they had become less materialistic and more financially prudent; they were more aware of the struggles of others. In limited respects, perhaps the recession will leave society better off. At the very least, it has awoken us from our national fever dream of easy riches and bigger houses, and put a necessary end to an era of reckless personal spending.
But for the most part, these benefits seem thin, uncertain, and far off. In The Moral Consequences of Economic Growth, the economic historian Benjamin Friedman argues that both inside and outside the U.S. , lengthy periods of economic stagnation or decline have almost always left society more mean-spirited and less inclusive, and have usually stopped or reversed the advance of rights and freedoms. Anti-immigrant sentiment typically increases, as does conflict between races and classes.
Income inequality usually falls during a recession, but it has not shrunk in this one. Indeed, this period of economic weakness may reinforce class divides, and decrease opportunities to cross them--- especially for young people. The research of Till Von Wachter, the economist in Columbia University, suggests that not all people graduating into a recession see their life chances dimmed: those with degrees from elite universities catch up fairly quickly to where they otherwise would have been if they had graduated in better times; it is the masses beneath them that are left behind.
In the internet age, it is particularly easy to see the resentment that has always been hidden within American society. More difficult, in the moment, is discerning precisely how these lean times are affecting society's character. In many respects, the U.S. was more socially tolerant entering this recession than at any time in its history, and a variety of national polls on social conflict since then have shown mixed results. We will have to wait and see exactly how these hard times will reshape our social fabric. But they certainly it, and all the more so the longer they extend. | 3895.txt | 3 |
[
"certain",
"positive",
"trivial",
"destructive"
] | The author thinks that the influence of hard times on society is _ . | The great recession may be over, but this era of high joblessness is probably beginning. Before it ends,
It will likely change the life course and character of a generation of young adults. And ultimately, it is likely to reshape our politics, our culture, and the character of our society for years.
No one tries harder than the jobless to find silver linings in this national economic disaster. Many said that unemployment, while extremely painful, had improved them in some ways; they had become less materialistic and more financially prudent; they were more aware of the struggles of others. In limited respects, perhaps the recession will leave society better off. At the very least, it has awoken us from our national fever dream of easy riches and bigger houses, and put a necessary end to an era of reckless personal spending.
But for the most part, these benefits seem thin, uncertain, and far off. In The Moral Consequences of Economic Growth, the economic historian Benjamin Friedman argues that both inside and outside the U.S. , lengthy periods of economic stagnation or decline have almost always left society more mean-spirited and less inclusive, and have usually stopped or reversed the advance of rights and freedoms. Anti-immigrant sentiment typically increases, as does conflict between races and classes.
Income inequality usually falls during a recession, but it has not shrunk in this one. Indeed, this period of economic weakness may reinforce class divides, and decrease opportunities to cross them--- especially for young people. The research of Till Von Wachter, the economist in Columbia University, suggests that not all people graduating into a recession see their life chances dimmed: those with degrees from elite universities catch up fairly quickly to where they otherwise would have been if they had graduated in better times; it is the masses beneath them that are left behind.
In the internet age, it is particularly easy to see the resentment that has always been hidden within American society. More difficult, in the moment, is discerning precisely how these lean times are affecting society's character. In many respects, the U.S. was more socially tolerant entering this recession than at any time in its history, and a variety of national polls on social conflict since then have shown mixed results. We will have to wait and see exactly how these hard times will reshape our social fabric. But they certainly it, and all the more so the longer they extend. | 3895.txt | 0 |
[
"Computer learning should be made easier.",
"There should be more computer clubs for experts.",
"People should work harder to master computer use.",
"Computers should be made cheaper so that people can afford them."
] | Which of the following is David Tebbutt's idea on the relationship between peopleand computers? | Computer people talk a lot about the need for otherpeople to become "computer-literate." But not allexperts agree that this is a good idea.
One pioneer, in particular, who disagrees is DavidTebbutt, the founder of Computertown UK. Althoughmany people see this as a successful attempt tobring people closer to the computer, David does notsee it that way. He says that Computer town UK was formed for just the opposite reason, tobring computers to people and make them people-literate?
David Tebbutt thinks Computertowns are most successful when tied to a computer club but heinsists there is an important difference between the two. The clubs are for people who havesome computer knowledge already. This frightens away non-experts, who are happier going toComputertowns where there are computers for them to experiment on, with experts toencourage them and answer any questions they have. They are not told what to do. They findout. The computer experts have to learn not to tell people about computers, but have to be ableto answer all questions people ask. People don't have to learn computer terms, but theexperts have to explain in plain language. The computers are becoming people-literate? | 2335.txt | 0 |
[
"being able to afford a computer",
"being able to write computer programs",
"working with the computer and finding out its value",
"understanding the computer and knowing how to use it"
] | We can infer from the text that "computer-liberate" means _ . | Computer people talk a lot about the need for otherpeople to become "computer-literate." But not allexperts agree that this is a good idea.
One pioneer, in particular, who disagrees is DavidTebbutt, the founder of Computertown UK. Althoughmany people see this as a successful attempt tobring people closer to the computer, David does notsee it that way. He says that Computer town UK was formed for just the opposite reason, tobring computers to people and make them people-literate?
David Tebbutt thinks Computertowns are most successful when tied to a computer club but heinsists there is an important difference between the two. The clubs are for people who havesome computer knowledge already. This frightens away non-experts, who are happier going toComputertowns where there are computers for them to experiment on, with experts toencourage them and answer any questions they have. They are not told what to do. They findout. The computer experts have to learn not to tell people about computers, but have to be ableto answer all questions people ask. People don't have to learn computer terms, but theexperts have to explain in plain language. The computers are becoming people-literate? | 2335.txt | 3 |
[
"making better use of computer experts",
"improving computer programs",
"increasing computer sales",
"popularizing computers"
] | David Tebbutt started Computertown UK with the purpose of _ . | Computer people talk a lot about the need for otherpeople to become "computer-literate." But not allexperts agree that this is a good idea.
One pioneer, in particular, who disagrees is DavidTebbutt, the founder of Computertown UK. Althoughmany people see this as a successful attempt tobring people closer to the computer, David does notsee it that way. He says that Computer town UK was formed for just the opposite reason, tobring computers to people and make them people-literate?
David Tebbutt thinks Computertowns are most successful when tied to a computer club but heinsists there is an important difference between the two. The clubs are for people who havesome computer knowledge already. This frightens away non-experts, who are happier going toComputertowns where there are computers for them to experiment on, with experts toencourage them and answer any questions they have. They are not told what to do. They findout. The computer experts have to learn not to tell people about computers, but have to be ableto answer all questions people ask. People don't have to learn computer terms, but theexperts have to explain in plain language. The computers are becoming people-literate? | 2335.txt | 3 |
[
"The history of surveys in North America",
"The principles of conducting surveys",
"Problems associated with interpreting surveys",
"The importance of polls in American political life"
] | What does the passage mainly discuss? | A survey is a study, generally in the form of an interview or a questionnaire that provides information concerning how people think and act. In the United States, the best-known surveys are the Gallup poll and the Harris poll. As anyone who watches the news during presidential campaigns knows, these polls have become an important part of political life in the United States.
North Americans are familiar with the many person-on-the-street interviews on local television news shows. While such interviews can be highly entertaining, they are not necessarily an accurate indication of public opinion. First, they reflect the opinions of only those people who appear at a certain location. Thus, such samples can be biased in favor of commuters, middle-class shoppers, or factory workers, depending on which area the newspeople select. Second, television interviews tend to attract outgoing people who are willing to appear on the air, while they frighten away others who may feel intimidated by a camera. A survey must be based on a precise, representative sampling if it is to genuinely reflect a broad range of the population.
In preparing to conduct a survey, sociologists must exercise great care in the wording of questions. An effective survey question must be simple and clear enough for people to understand it. It must also be specific enough so that there are no problems in interpreting the results. Even questions that are less structured must be carefully phrased in order to elicit the type of information desired. Surveys can be indispensable sources of information, but only if the sampling is done properly and the questions are worded accurately.
There are two main forms of surveys: the interview and the questionnaire. Each of these forms of survey research has its advantages. An interviewer can obtain a high response rate because people find it more difficult to turn down a personal request for an interview than to throw away a written questionnaire. In addition, an interviewer can go beyond written questions and probe for a subject's underlying feelings and reasons. However, questionnaires have the advantage of being cheaper and more consistent. | 387.txt | 1 |
[
"North Americans",
"news shows",
"interviews",
"opinions"
] | The word "they" in line 8 refers to | A survey is a study, generally in the form of an interview or a questionnaire that provides information concerning how people think and act. In the United States, the best-known surveys are the Gallup poll and the Harris poll. As anyone who watches the news during presidential campaigns knows, these polls have become an important part of political life in the United States.
North Americans are familiar with the many person-on-the-street interviews on local television news shows. While such interviews can be highly entertaining, they are not necessarily an accurate indication of public opinion. First, they reflect the opinions of only those people who appear at a certain location. Thus, such samples can be biased in favor of commuters, middle-class shoppers, or factory workers, depending on which area the newspeople select. Second, television interviews tend to attract outgoing people who are willing to appear on the air, while they frighten away others who may feel intimidated by a camera. A survey must be based on a precise, representative sampling if it is to genuinely reflect a broad range of the population.
In preparing to conduct a survey, sociologists must exercise great care in the wording of questions. An effective survey question must be simple and clear enough for people to understand it. It must also be specific enough so that there are no problems in interpreting the results. Even questions that are less structured must be carefully phrased in order to elicit the type of information desired. Surveys can be indispensable sources of information, but only if the sampling is done properly and the questions are worded accurately.
There are two main forms of surveys: the interview and the questionnaire. Each of these forms of survey research has its advantages. An interviewer can obtain a high response rate because people find it more difficult to turn down a personal request for an interview than to throw away a written questionnaire. In addition, an interviewer can go beyond written questions and probe for a subject's underlying feelings and reasons. However, questionnaires have the advantage of being cheaper and more consistent. | 387.txt | 2 |
[
"are not based on a representative sampling",
"are used only on television",
"are not carefully worded",
"reflect political opinions"
] | According to the passage , the main disadvantage of person-on-the-street interviews is that they | A survey is a study, generally in the form of an interview or a questionnaire that provides information concerning how people think and act. In the United States, the best-known surveys are the Gallup poll and the Harris poll. As anyone who watches the news during presidential campaigns knows, these polls have become an important part of political life in the United States.
North Americans are familiar with the many person-on-the-street interviews on local television news shows. While such interviews can be highly entertaining, they are not necessarily an accurate indication of public opinion. First, they reflect the opinions of only those people who appear at a certain location. Thus, such samples can be biased in favor of commuters, middle-class shoppers, or factory workers, depending on which area the newspeople select. Second, television interviews tend to attract outgoing people who are willing to appear on the air, while they frighten away others who may feel intimidated by a camera. A survey must be based on a precise, representative sampling if it is to genuinely reflect a broad range of the population.
In preparing to conduct a survey, sociologists must exercise great care in the wording of questions. An effective survey question must be simple and clear enough for people to understand it. It must also be specific enough so that there are no problems in interpreting the results. Even questions that are less structured must be carefully phrased in order to elicit the type of information desired. Surveys can be indispensable sources of information, but only if the sampling is done properly and the questions are worded accurately.
There are two main forms of surveys: the interview and the questionnaire. Each of these forms of survey research has its advantages. An interviewer can obtain a high response rate because people find it more difficult to turn down a personal request for an interview than to throw away a written questionnaire. In addition, an interviewer can go beyond written questions and probe for a subject's underlying feelings and reasons. However, questionnaires have the advantage of being cheaper and more consistent. | 387.txt | 0 |
[
"planned",
"rational",
"required",
"accurate"
] | The word "precise" in line 13 is closest in meaning to | A survey is a study, generally in the form of an interview or a questionnaire that provides information concerning how people think and act. In the United States, the best-known surveys are the Gallup poll and the Harris poll. As anyone who watches the news during presidential campaigns knows, these polls have become an important part of political life in the United States.
North Americans are familiar with the many person-on-the-street interviews on local television news shows. While such interviews can be highly entertaining, they are not necessarily an accurate indication of public opinion. First, they reflect the opinions of only those people who appear at a certain location. Thus, such samples can be biased in favor of commuters, middle-class shoppers, or factory workers, depending on which area the newspeople select. Second, television interviews tend to attract outgoing people who are willing to appear on the air, while they frighten away others who may feel intimidated by a camera. A survey must be based on a precise, representative sampling if it is to genuinely reflect a broad range of the population.
In preparing to conduct a survey, sociologists must exercise great care in the wording of questions. An effective survey question must be simple and clear enough for people to understand it. It must also be specific enough so that there are no problems in interpreting the results. Even questions that are less structured must be carefully phrased in order to elicit the type of information desired. Surveys can be indispensable sources of information, but only if the sampling is done properly and the questions are worded accurately.
There are two main forms of surveys: the interview and the questionnaire. Each of these forms of survey research has its advantages. An interviewer can obtain a high response rate because people find it more difficult to turn down a personal request for an interview than to throw away a written questionnaire. In addition, an interviewer can go beyond written questions and probe for a subject's underlying feelings and reasons. However, questionnaires have the advantage of being cheaper and more consistent. | 387.txt | 3 |
[
"A high number of respondents",
"Carefully worded questions",
"An interviewer's ability to measure respondents' feelings",
"A sociologist who is able to interpret the results"
] | According to paragraph 3, which of the following is most important for an effective survey? | A survey is a study, generally in the form of an interview or a questionnaire that provides information concerning how people think and act. In the United States, the best-known surveys are the Gallup poll and the Harris poll. As anyone who watches the news during presidential campaigns knows, these polls have become an important part of political life in the United States.
North Americans are familiar with the many person-on-the-street interviews on local television news shows. While such interviews can be highly entertaining, they are not necessarily an accurate indication of public opinion. First, they reflect the opinions of only those people who appear at a certain location. Thus, such samples can be biased in favor of commuters, middle-class shoppers, or factory workers, depending on which area the newspeople select. Second, television interviews tend to attract outgoing people who are willing to appear on the air, while they frighten away others who may feel intimidated by a camera. A survey must be based on a precise, representative sampling if it is to genuinely reflect a broad range of the population.
In preparing to conduct a survey, sociologists must exercise great care in the wording of questions. An effective survey question must be simple and clear enough for people to understand it. It must also be specific enough so that there are no problems in interpreting the results. Even questions that are less structured must be carefully phrased in order to elicit the type of information desired. Surveys can be indispensable sources of information, but only if the sampling is done properly and the questions are worded accurately.
There are two main forms of surveys: the interview and the questionnaire. Each of these forms of survey research has its advantages. An interviewer can obtain a high response rate because people find it more difficult to turn down a personal request for an interview than to throw away a written questionnaire. In addition, an interviewer can go beyond written questions and probe for a subject's underlying feelings and reasons. However, questionnaires have the advantage of being cheaper and more consistent. | 387.txt | 1 |
[
"utilize",
"consider",
"design",
"defend"
] | The word "exercise" in line 15 is closest in meaning to | A survey is a study, generally in the form of an interview or a questionnaire that provides information concerning how people think and act. In the United States, the best-known surveys are the Gallup poll and the Harris poll. As anyone who watches the news during presidential campaigns knows, these polls have become an important part of political life in the United States.
North Americans are familiar with the many person-on-the-street interviews on local television news shows. While such interviews can be highly entertaining, they are not necessarily an accurate indication of public opinion. First, they reflect the opinions of only those people who appear at a certain location. Thus, such samples can be biased in favor of commuters, middle-class shoppers, or factory workers, depending on which area the newspeople select. Second, television interviews tend to attract outgoing people who are willing to appear on the air, while they frighten away others who may feel intimidated by a camera. A survey must be based on a precise, representative sampling if it is to genuinely reflect a broad range of the population.
In preparing to conduct a survey, sociologists must exercise great care in the wording of questions. An effective survey question must be simple and clear enough for people to understand it. It must also be specific enough so that there are no problems in interpreting the results. Even questions that are less structured must be carefully phrased in order to elicit the type of information desired. Surveys can be indispensable sources of information, but only if the sampling is done properly and the questions are worded accurately.
There are two main forms of surveys: the interview and the questionnaire. Each of these forms of survey research has its advantages. An interviewer can obtain a high response rate because people find it more difficult to turn down a personal request for an interview than to throw away a written questionnaire. In addition, an interviewer can go beyond written questions and probe for a subject's underlying feelings and reasons. However, questionnaires have the advantage of being cheaper and more consistent. | 387.txt | 0 |
[
"compose",
"rule out",
"predict",
"bring out"
] | The word "elicit" in line 19 is closest in meaning to | A survey is a study, generally in the form of an interview or a questionnaire that provides information concerning how people think and act. In the United States, the best-known surveys are the Gallup poll and the Harris poll. As anyone who watches the news during presidential campaigns knows, these polls have become an important part of political life in the United States.
North Americans are familiar with the many person-on-the-street interviews on local television news shows. While such interviews can be highly entertaining, they are not necessarily an accurate indication of public opinion. First, they reflect the opinions of only those people who appear at a certain location. Thus, such samples can be biased in favor of commuters, middle-class shoppers, or factory workers, depending on which area the newspeople select. Second, television interviews tend to attract outgoing people who are willing to appear on the air, while they frighten away others who may feel intimidated by a camera. A survey must be based on a precise, representative sampling if it is to genuinely reflect a broad range of the population.
In preparing to conduct a survey, sociologists must exercise great care in the wording of questions. An effective survey question must be simple and clear enough for people to understand it. It must also be specific enough so that there are no problems in interpreting the results. Even questions that are less structured must be carefully phrased in order to elicit the type of information desired. Surveys can be indispensable sources of information, but only if the sampling is done properly and the questions are worded accurately.
There are two main forms of surveys: the interview and the questionnaire. Each of these forms of survey research has its advantages. An interviewer can obtain a high response rate because people find it more difficult to turn down a personal request for an interview than to throw away a written questionnaire. In addition, an interviewer can go beyond written questions and probe for a subject's underlying feelings and reasons. However, questionnaires have the advantage of being cheaper and more consistent. | 387.txt | 3 |
[
"respondents often do not complete and return questionnaires",
"questionnaires are often difficult to read",
"questionnaires are expensive and difficult to distribute",
"respondents are too eager to supplement questions with their own opinions"
] | It can be inferred from the passage that one reason that sociologists may become frustrated with questionnaires is that | A survey is a study, generally in the form of an interview or a questionnaire that provides information concerning how people think and act. In the United States, the best-known surveys are the Gallup poll and the Harris poll. As anyone who watches the news during presidential campaigns knows, these polls have become an important part of political life in the United States.
North Americans are familiar with the many person-on-the-street interviews on local television news shows. While such interviews can be highly entertaining, they are not necessarily an accurate indication of public opinion. First, they reflect the opinions of only those people who appear at a certain location. Thus, such samples can be biased in favor of commuters, middle-class shoppers, or factory workers, depending on which area the newspeople select. Second, television interviews tend to attract outgoing people who are willing to appear on the air, while they frighten away others who may feel intimidated by a camera. A survey must be based on a precise, representative sampling if it is to genuinely reflect a broad range of the population.
In preparing to conduct a survey, sociologists must exercise great care in the wording of questions. An effective survey question must be simple and clear enough for people to understand it. It must also be specific enough so that there are no problems in interpreting the results. Even questions that are less structured must be carefully phrased in order to elicit the type of information desired. Surveys can be indispensable sources of information, but only if the sampling is done properly and the questions are worded accurately.
There are two main forms of surveys: the interview and the questionnaire. Each of these forms of survey research has its advantages. An interviewer can obtain a high response rate because people find it more difficult to turn down a personal request for an interview than to throw away a written questionnaire. In addition, an interviewer can go beyond written questions and probe for a subject's underlying feelings and reasons. However, questionnaires have the advantage of being cheaper and more consistent. | 387.txt | 0 |
[
"cost less",
"can produce more information",
"are easier to interpret",
"minimize the influence of the researcher"
] | According to the passage , one advantage of live interviews over questionnaires is that live interviews | A survey is a study, generally in the form of an interview or a questionnaire that provides information concerning how people think and act. In the United States, the best-known surveys are the Gallup poll and the Harris poll. As anyone who watches the news during presidential campaigns knows, these polls have become an important part of political life in the United States.
North Americans are familiar with the many person-on-the-street interviews on local television news shows. While such interviews can be highly entertaining, they are not necessarily an accurate indication of public opinion. First, they reflect the opinions of only those people who appear at a certain location. Thus, such samples can be biased in favor of commuters, middle-class shoppers, or factory workers, depending on which area the newspeople select. Second, television interviews tend to attract outgoing people who are willing to appear on the air, while they frighten away others who may feel intimidated by a camera. A survey must be based on a precise, representative sampling if it is to genuinely reflect a broad range of the population.
In preparing to conduct a survey, sociologists must exercise great care in the wording of questions. An effective survey question must be simple and clear enough for people to understand it. It must also be specific enough so that there are no problems in interpreting the results. Even questions that are less structured must be carefully phrased in order to elicit the type of information desired. Surveys can be indispensable sources of information, but only if the sampling is done properly and the questions are worded accurately.
There are two main forms of surveys: the interview and the questionnaire. Each of these forms of survey research has its advantages. An interviewer can obtain a high response rate because people find it more difficult to turn down a personal request for an interview than to throw away a written questionnaire. In addition, an interviewer can go beyond written questions and probe for a subject's underlying feelings and reasons. However, questionnaires have the advantage of being cheaper and more consistent. | 387.txt | 1 |
[
"explore",
"influence",
"analyze",
"apply"
] | The word "probe" in line 26 is closest in meaning to | A survey is a study, generally in the form of an interview or a questionnaire that provides information concerning how people think and act. In the United States, the best-known surveys are the Gallup poll and the Harris poll. As anyone who watches the news during presidential campaigns knows, these polls have become an important part of political life in the United States.
North Americans are familiar with the many person-on-the-street interviews on local television news shows. While such interviews can be highly entertaining, they are not necessarily an accurate indication of public opinion. First, they reflect the opinions of only those people who appear at a certain location. Thus, such samples can be biased in favor of commuters, middle-class shoppers, or factory workers, depending on which area the newspeople select. Second, television interviews tend to attract outgoing people who are willing to appear on the air, while they frighten away others who may feel intimidated by a camera. A survey must be based on a precise, representative sampling if it is to genuinely reflect a broad range of the population.
In preparing to conduct a survey, sociologists must exercise great care in the wording of questions. An effective survey question must be simple and clear enough for people to understand it. It must also be specific enough so that there are no problems in interpreting the results. Even questions that are less structured must be carefully phrased in order to elicit the type of information desired. Surveys can be indispensable sources of information, but only if the sampling is done properly and the questions are worded accurately.
There are two main forms of surveys: the interview and the questionnaire. Each of these forms of survey research has its advantages. An interviewer can obtain a high response rate because people find it more difficult to turn down a personal request for an interview than to throw away a written questionnaire. In addition, an interviewer can go beyond written questions and probe for a subject's underlying feelings and reasons. However, questionnaires have the advantage of being cheaper and more consistent. | 387.txt | 0 |
[
"Survey (line 1)",
"Public opinion (line 8)",
"Representative sampling (line 13)",
"Response rate (line 24)"
] | Which of the following terms is defined in the passage ? | A survey is a study, generally in the form of an interview or a questionnaire that provides information concerning how people think and act. In the United States, the best-known surveys are the Gallup poll and the Harris poll. As anyone who watches the news during presidential campaigns knows, these polls have become an important part of political life in the United States.
North Americans are familiar with the many person-on-the-street interviews on local television news shows. While such interviews can be highly entertaining, they are not necessarily an accurate indication of public opinion. First, they reflect the opinions of only those people who appear at a certain location. Thus, such samples can be biased in favor of commuters, middle-class shoppers, or factory workers, depending on which area the newspeople select. Second, television interviews tend to attract outgoing people who are willing to appear on the air, while they frighten away others who may feel intimidated by a camera. A survey must be based on a precise, representative sampling if it is to genuinely reflect a broad range of the population.
In preparing to conduct a survey, sociologists must exercise great care in the wording of questions. An effective survey question must be simple and clear enough for people to understand it. It must also be specific enough so that there are no problems in interpreting the results. Even questions that are less structured must be carefully phrased in order to elicit the type of information desired. Surveys can be indispensable sources of information, but only if the sampling is done properly and the questions are worded accurately.
There are two main forms of surveys: the interview and the questionnaire. Each of these forms of survey research has its advantages. An interviewer can obtain a high response rate because people find it more difficult to turn down a personal request for an interview than to throw away a written questionnaire. In addition, an interviewer can go beyond written questions and probe for a subject's underlying feelings and reasons. However, questionnaires have the advantage of being cheaper and more consistent. | 387.txt | 0 |
[
"By presenting a list of specific rights, framers of the Fourteenth Amendment were attempting to provide a constitutional basis for broad judicial protection of the principle of equal citizenship",
"Only after the Supreme Court adopted the suspect classification approach to reviewing potentially discriminatory legislation was the applicability of the Fourteenth Amendment extended to include sexual discrimination.",
"Not until after the Second World War did the Supreme Court begin to interpret the Fourteenth Amendment in a manner consistent with the principle of equal citizenship that it expresses.",
"Interpreters of the Fourteenth Amendment have yet to reach consensus with regard to what its framers meant by the equal protection clause."
] | Which of the following best describes the main idea of the passage? | The Fourteenth Amendment to the United States Constitution, ratified in 1868,prohibits state governments from denying citizens the "equal protection of the laws." Although precisely what the framers of the amendment meant by this equal protection clause remains unclear, all interpreters agree that the framers' immediate objective was to provide a constitutional warrant for the Civil Rights Act of 1866, which guaranteed the citizenship of all persons born in the United States and subject to United States jurisdiction. This declaration, which was echoed in the text of the Fourteenth Amendment, was designed primarily to counter the Supreme Court's ruling in Dred Scott v.Sandford that Black people in the United States could be denied citizenship. The act was vetoed by President Andrew Johnson, who argued that the Thirteenth Amendment, which abolished slavery, did not provide Congress with the authority to extend citizenship and equal protection to the freed slaves. Although Congress promptly overrode Johnson's veto,supporters of the act sought to ensure its constitutional foundations with the passage of the Fourteenth Amendment.The broad language of the amendment strongly suggests that its framers were proposing to write into the Constitution not a laundry list of specific civil rights but a principle of equal citizenship that forbids organized society from treating any individual as a member of an inferior class. Yet for the first eight decades of the amendment's existence, the Supreme Court's interpretation of the amendment betrayed this ideal of equality. In the Civil Rights Cases of 1883, for example, the Court invented the "state action" limitation, which asserts that "private" decisions by owners of public accommodations and other commercial businesses to segregate their facilities are insulated from the reach of the Fourteenth Amendment's guarantee of equal protection under the law.
After the Second World War, a judicial climate more hospitable to equal protection claims culminated in the Supreme Court's ruling in Brown v. Board of Education that racially segregated schools violated the equal protection clause of the Fourteenth Amendment. Two doctrines embraced by the Supreme Court during this period extended the amendment's reach. First, the Court required especially strict scrutiny of legislation that employed a "suspect classification," meaning discrimination against a group on grounds that could be construed as racial. This doctrine has broadened the application of the Fourteenth Amendment to other, nonracial forms of discrimination, for while some justices have refused to find, any legislative classification other than race to be constitutionally disfavored, most have been receptive to arguments that at least some nonracial discriminations. sexual Discrimination in particular, are "suspect" and deserve this heightened scrutiny by the courts. Second, the Court relaxed the state action limitation on the Fourteenth Amendment bringing new forms of private conduct within the amendment's reach. | 1900.txt | 2 |
[
"allow some discriminatory practices to continue unimpeded by the Fourteenth Amendment",
"influence the Supreme Court's ruling in Brown v, Board of Education",
"provide expanded guidelines describing prohibited actions",
"prohibit states from enacting laws that violated the intent of the Civil Rights Act of 1866"
] | The passage suggests that the principal effect of the state action limitation was to | The Fourteenth Amendment to the United States Constitution, ratified in 1868,prohibits state governments from denying citizens the "equal protection of the laws." Although precisely what the framers of the amendment meant by this equal protection clause remains unclear, all interpreters agree that the framers' immediate objective was to provide a constitutional warrant for the Civil Rights Act of 1866, which guaranteed the citizenship of all persons born in the United States and subject to United States jurisdiction. This declaration, which was echoed in the text of the Fourteenth Amendment, was designed primarily to counter the Supreme Court's ruling in Dred Scott v.Sandford that Black people in the United States could be denied citizenship. The act was vetoed by President Andrew Johnson, who argued that the Thirteenth Amendment, which abolished slavery, did not provide Congress with the authority to extend citizenship and equal protection to the freed slaves. Although Congress promptly overrode Johnson's veto,supporters of the act sought to ensure its constitutional foundations with the passage of the Fourteenth Amendment.The broad language of the amendment strongly suggests that its framers were proposing to write into the Constitution not a laundry list of specific civil rights but a principle of equal citizenship that forbids organized society from treating any individual as a member of an inferior class. Yet for the first eight decades of the amendment's existence, the Supreme Court's interpretation of the amendment betrayed this ideal of equality. In the Civil Rights Cases of 1883, for example, the Court invented the "state action" limitation, which asserts that "private" decisions by owners of public accommodations and other commercial businesses to segregate their facilities are insulated from the reach of the Fourteenth Amendment's guarantee of equal protection under the law.
After the Second World War, a judicial climate more hospitable to equal protection claims culminated in the Supreme Court's ruling in Brown v. Board of Education that racially segregated schools violated the equal protection clause of the Fourteenth Amendment. Two doctrines embraced by the Supreme Court during this period extended the amendment's reach. First, the Court required especially strict scrutiny of legislation that employed a "suspect classification," meaning discrimination against a group on grounds that could be construed as racial. This doctrine has broadened the application of the Fourteenth Amendment to other, nonracial forms of discrimination, for while some justices have refused to find, any legislative classification other than race to be constitutionally disfavored, most have been receptive to arguments that at least some nonracial discriminations. sexual Discrimination in particular, are "suspect" and deserve this heightened scrutiny by the courts. Second, the Court relaxed the state action limitation on the Fourteenth Amendment bringing new forms of private conduct within the amendment's reach. | 1900.txt | 0 |
[
"The framers had anticipated state action limitations as they are described in the passage.",
"The framers had merely sought to prevent discriminatory acts by federal officials.",
"The framers were concerned that the Civil Rights Act of 1866 would be overturned by the Supreme Court.",
"The framers were aware that the phrase \"equal protection of the laws\" had broad implications."
] | The author's position regarding the intent of the framers of the Fourteenth Amendment would be most seriously undermined if which of the following were true? | The Fourteenth Amendment to the United States Constitution, ratified in 1868,prohibits state governments from denying citizens the "equal protection of the laws." Although precisely what the framers of the amendment meant by this equal protection clause remains unclear, all interpreters agree that the framers' immediate objective was to provide a constitutional warrant for the Civil Rights Act of 1866, which guaranteed the citizenship of all persons born in the United States and subject to United States jurisdiction. This declaration, which was echoed in the text of the Fourteenth Amendment, was designed primarily to counter the Supreme Court's ruling in Dred Scott v.Sandford that Black people in the United States could be denied citizenship. The act was vetoed by President Andrew Johnson, who argued that the Thirteenth Amendment, which abolished slavery, did not provide Congress with the authority to extend citizenship and equal protection to the freed slaves. Although Congress promptly overrode Johnson's veto,supporters of the act sought to ensure its constitutional foundations with the passage of the Fourteenth Amendment.The broad language of the amendment strongly suggests that its framers were proposing to write into the Constitution not a laundry list of specific civil rights but a principle of equal citizenship that forbids organized society from treating any individual as a member of an inferior class. Yet for the first eight decades of the amendment's existence, the Supreme Court's interpretation of the amendment betrayed this ideal of equality. In the Civil Rights Cases of 1883, for example, the Court invented the "state action" limitation, which asserts that "private" decisions by owners of public accommodations and other commercial businesses to segregate their facilities are insulated from the reach of the Fourteenth Amendment's guarantee of equal protection under the law.
After the Second World War, a judicial climate more hospitable to equal protection claims culminated in the Supreme Court's ruling in Brown v. Board of Education that racially segregated schools violated the equal protection clause of the Fourteenth Amendment. Two doctrines embraced by the Supreme Court during this period extended the amendment's reach. First, the Court required especially strict scrutiny of legislation that employed a "suspect classification," meaning discrimination against a group on grounds that could be construed as racial. This doctrine has broadened the application of the Fourteenth Amendment to other, nonracial forms of discrimination, for while some justices have refused to find, any legislative classification other than race to be constitutionally disfavored, most have been receptive to arguments that at least some nonracial discriminations. sexual Discrimination in particular, are "suspect" and deserve this heightened scrutiny by the courts. Second, the Court relaxed the state action limitation on the Fourteenth Amendment bringing new forms of private conduct within the amendment's reach. | 1900.txt | 1 |
[
"detailing the rights afforded by the principle of equal citizenship",
"providing support in the Constitution for equal protection for all citizens of the United States",
"closing a loophole that could be used to deny individuals the right to sue for enforcement of their civil rights",
"asserting that the civil rights protected by the Constitution included nonracial discrimination as well as racial discrimination"
] | According to the passage, the original proponents of the Fourteenth Amendment were primarily concerned with | The Fourteenth Amendment to the United States Constitution, ratified in 1868,prohibits state governments from denying citizens the "equal protection of the laws." Although precisely what the framers of the amendment meant by this equal protection clause remains unclear, all interpreters agree that the framers' immediate objective was to provide a constitutional warrant for the Civil Rights Act of 1866, which guaranteed the citizenship of all persons born in the United States and subject to United States jurisdiction. This declaration, which was echoed in the text of the Fourteenth Amendment, was designed primarily to counter the Supreme Court's ruling in Dred Scott v.Sandford that Black people in the United States could be denied citizenship. The act was vetoed by President Andrew Johnson, who argued that the Thirteenth Amendment, which abolished slavery, did not provide Congress with the authority to extend citizenship and equal protection to the freed slaves. Although Congress promptly overrode Johnson's veto,supporters of the act sought to ensure its constitutional foundations with the passage of the Fourteenth Amendment.The broad language of the amendment strongly suggests that its framers were proposing to write into the Constitution not a laundry list of specific civil rights but a principle of equal citizenship that forbids organized society from treating any individual as a member of an inferior class. Yet for the first eight decades of the amendment's existence, the Supreme Court's interpretation of the amendment betrayed this ideal of equality. In the Civil Rights Cases of 1883, for example, the Court invented the "state action" limitation, which asserts that "private" decisions by owners of public accommodations and other commercial businesses to segregate their facilities are insulated from the reach of the Fourteenth Amendment's guarantee of equal protection under the law.
After the Second World War, a judicial climate more hospitable to equal protection claims culminated in the Supreme Court's ruling in Brown v. Board of Education that racially segregated schools violated the equal protection clause of the Fourteenth Amendment. Two doctrines embraced by the Supreme Court during this period extended the amendment's reach. First, the Court required especially strict scrutiny of legislation that employed a "suspect classification," meaning discrimination against a group on grounds that could be construed as racial. This doctrine has broadened the application of the Fourteenth Amendment to other, nonracial forms of discrimination, for while some justices have refused to find, any legislative classification other than race to be constitutionally disfavored, most have been receptive to arguments that at least some nonracial discriminations. sexual Discrimination in particular, are "suspect" and deserve this heightened scrutiny by the courts. Second, the Court relaxed the state action limitation on the Fourteenth Amendment bringing new forms of private conduct within the amendment's reach. | 1900.txt | 1 |
[
"Congress' authority with regard to legislating civil rights had not been challenged",
"he framers had anticipated the Supreme Court's ruling in Brown v. Board of Education",
"the framers had believed that it would be used in deciding cases of discrimination involving non-racial groups",
"most state governments had been willing to protect citizens' civil rights"
] | The author implies that the Fourteenth Amendment might not have been enacted if | The Fourteenth Amendment to the United States Constitution, ratified in 1868,prohibits state governments from denying citizens the "equal protection of the laws." Although precisely what the framers of the amendment meant by this equal protection clause remains unclear, all interpreters agree that the framers' immediate objective was to provide a constitutional warrant for the Civil Rights Act of 1866, which guaranteed the citizenship of all persons born in the United States and subject to United States jurisdiction. This declaration, which was echoed in the text of the Fourteenth Amendment, was designed primarily to counter the Supreme Court's ruling in Dred Scott v.Sandford that Black people in the United States could be denied citizenship. The act was vetoed by President Andrew Johnson, who argued that the Thirteenth Amendment, which abolished slavery, did not provide Congress with the authority to extend citizenship and equal protection to the freed slaves. Although Congress promptly overrode Johnson's veto,supporters of the act sought to ensure its constitutional foundations with the passage of the Fourteenth Amendment.The broad language of the amendment strongly suggests that its framers were proposing to write into the Constitution not a laundry list of specific civil rights but a principle of equal citizenship that forbids organized society from treating any individual as a member of an inferior class. Yet for the first eight decades of the amendment's existence, the Supreme Court's interpretation of the amendment betrayed this ideal of equality. In the Civil Rights Cases of 1883, for example, the Court invented the "state action" limitation, which asserts that "private" decisions by owners of public accommodations and other commercial businesses to segregate their facilities are insulated from the reach of the Fourteenth Amendment's guarantee of equal protection under the law.
After the Second World War, a judicial climate more hospitable to equal protection claims culminated in the Supreme Court's ruling in Brown v. Board of Education that racially segregated schools violated the equal protection clause of the Fourteenth Amendment. Two doctrines embraced by the Supreme Court during this period extended the amendment's reach. First, the Court required especially strict scrutiny of legislation that employed a "suspect classification," meaning discrimination against a group on grounds that could be construed as racial. This doctrine has broadened the application of the Fourteenth Amendment to other, nonracial forms of discrimination, for while some justices have refused to find, any legislative classification other than race to be constitutionally disfavored, most have been receptive to arguments that at least some nonracial discriminations. sexual Discrimination in particular, are "suspect" and deserve this heightened scrutiny by the courts. Second, the Court relaxed the state action limitation on the Fourteenth Amendment bringing new forms of private conduct within the amendment's reach. | 1900.txt | 0 |
[
"I, II, III, IV",
"I, IV, II, III",
"I, IV, III, II",
"II, I, IV, III"
] | According to the passage, which of the following most accurately indicates the sequence of the events listed below?I. Civil Rights Act of 1866 II. Dred Scott v. Sandford III. Fourteenth Amendment IV. Veto by President Johnson | The Fourteenth Amendment to the United States Constitution, ratified in 1868,prohibits state governments from denying citizens the "equal protection of the laws." Although precisely what the framers of the amendment meant by this equal protection clause remains unclear, all interpreters agree that the framers' immediate objective was to provide a constitutional warrant for the Civil Rights Act of 1866, which guaranteed the citizenship of all persons born in the United States and subject to United States jurisdiction. This declaration, which was echoed in the text of the Fourteenth Amendment, was designed primarily to counter the Supreme Court's ruling in Dred Scott v.Sandford that Black people in the United States could be denied citizenship. The act was vetoed by President Andrew Johnson, who argued that the Thirteenth Amendment, which abolished slavery, did not provide Congress with the authority to extend citizenship and equal protection to the freed slaves. Although Congress promptly overrode Johnson's veto,supporters of the act sought to ensure its constitutional foundations with the passage of the Fourteenth Amendment.The broad language of the amendment strongly suggests that its framers were proposing to write into the Constitution not a laundry list of specific civil rights but a principle of equal citizenship that forbids organized society from treating any individual as a member of an inferior class. Yet for the first eight decades of the amendment's existence, the Supreme Court's interpretation of the amendment betrayed this ideal of equality. In the Civil Rights Cases of 1883, for example, the Court invented the "state action" limitation, which asserts that "private" decisions by owners of public accommodations and other commercial businesses to segregate their facilities are insulated from the reach of the Fourteenth Amendment's guarantee of equal protection under the law.
After the Second World War, a judicial climate more hospitable to equal protection claims culminated in the Supreme Court's ruling in Brown v. Board of Education that racially segregated schools violated the equal protection clause of the Fourteenth Amendment. Two doctrines embraced by the Supreme Court during this period extended the amendment's reach. First, the Court required especially strict scrutiny of legislation that employed a "suspect classification," meaning discrimination against a group on grounds that could be construed as racial. This doctrine has broadened the application of the Fourteenth Amendment to other, nonracial forms of discrimination, for while some justices have refused to find, any legislative classification other than race to be constitutionally disfavored, most have been receptive to arguments that at least some nonracial discriminations. sexual Discrimination in particular, are "suspect" and deserve this heightened scrutiny by the courts. Second, the Court relaxed the state action limitation on the Fourteenth Amendment bringing new forms of private conduct within the amendment's reach. | 1900.txt | 3 |
[
"It caused some justices to rule that all types of discrimination are prohibited by the Constitution.",
"It shifted the focus of the Supreme Court from racial to nonracial discrimination.",
"It narrowed the concern of the Supreme Court to legislation that employed a suspect classification.",
"It made it more difficult for commercial businesses to practice racial discrimination."
] | Which of the following can be inferred about the second of the two doctrines referred to in lines 39-41 of the passage? | The Fourteenth Amendment to the United States Constitution, ratified in 1868,prohibits state governments from denying citizens the "equal protection of the laws." Although precisely what the framers of the amendment meant by this equal protection clause remains unclear, all interpreters agree that the framers' immediate objective was to provide a constitutional warrant for the Civil Rights Act of 1866, which guaranteed the citizenship of all persons born in the United States and subject to United States jurisdiction. This declaration, which was echoed in the text of the Fourteenth Amendment, was designed primarily to counter the Supreme Court's ruling in Dred Scott v.Sandford that Black people in the United States could be denied citizenship. The act was vetoed by President Andrew Johnson, who argued that the Thirteenth Amendment, which abolished slavery, did not provide Congress with the authority to extend citizenship and equal protection to the freed slaves. Although Congress promptly overrode Johnson's veto,supporters of the act sought to ensure its constitutional foundations with the passage of the Fourteenth Amendment.The broad language of the amendment strongly suggests that its framers were proposing to write into the Constitution not a laundry list of specific civil rights but a principle of equal citizenship that forbids organized society from treating any individual as a member of an inferior class. Yet for the first eight decades of the amendment's existence, the Supreme Court's interpretation of the amendment betrayed this ideal of equality. In the Civil Rights Cases of 1883, for example, the Court invented the "state action" limitation, which asserts that "private" decisions by owners of public accommodations and other commercial businesses to segregate their facilities are insulated from the reach of the Fourteenth Amendment's guarantee of equal protection under the law.
After the Second World War, a judicial climate more hospitable to equal protection claims culminated in the Supreme Court's ruling in Brown v. Board of Education that racially segregated schools violated the equal protection clause of the Fourteenth Amendment. Two doctrines embraced by the Supreme Court during this period extended the amendment's reach. First, the Court required especially strict scrutiny of legislation that employed a "suspect classification," meaning discrimination against a group on grounds that could be construed as racial. This doctrine has broadened the application of the Fourteenth Amendment to other, nonracial forms of discrimination, for while some justices have refused to find, any legislative classification other than race to be constitutionally disfavored, most have been receptive to arguments that at least some nonracial discriminations. sexual Discrimination in particular, are "suspect" and deserve this heightened scrutiny by the courts. Second, the Court relaxed the state action limitation on the Fourteenth Amendment bringing new forms of private conduct within the amendment's reach. | 1900.txt | 3 |
[
"They consider the generic-drugs industry as a savior.",
"They are under the double pressure of aging group and financial crisis.",
"Health-care spending has accounted too large proportion.",
"Health-care spending has cost taxpayers too much income."
] | Why are governments around the world seeking ways to reduce their health-care spending? | Caught in a squeeze between the health needs of aging populations on one hand and the financial crisis on the other, governments everywhere are looking for ways to slow the growth in health-care spending. Increasingly, they are looking to the generic-drugs industry as a savior. In November Japan's finance ministry issued a report complaining that the country's use of generics was less than a third of that in America or Britain. In the same month Canada's competition watchdog criticized the country's pharmacies for failing to pass on the savings made possible by the use of generic drugs. That greed, it reckoned, costs taxpayers nearly C$1 billion a year.
Then on November 28th the European Commission issued the preliminary results of its year-long probe into drug giants in the European Union. The report reached a damning~, though provisional, conclusion: the drugs firms use a variety of unfair strategies to protect their expensive drugs by delaying the entry of cheaper generic opponents. Though this initial report does not carry the force of law (a final report is due early next year), it has caused much controversy. Neelie Kroes, the EU's competition commissioner, says she is ready to take legal action if the evidence allows.
One strategy the investigators criticize is the use of the "patent duster". A firm keen to defend its drug due to go off-patent may file dozens or hundreds of new patents, often of dubious merit, to confuse and terrify potential copycats and maintain its monopoly. An unnamed drugs firm once took out 1,300 patents across the EU on a single drug. The report also suggests that out-of-court settlements between makers of patented drags and generics firms may be a strategy used by the former to delay market entry by the latter.
According to EU officials, such misdeeds -have delayed the arrival of generic competition and the accompanying savings. On average, rite report estimates, generics arrived seven months after a patented drug lost its protection, though where the drug was a big seller the lag was four months. The report says taxpayers paid about q 3 billion more than they would have-had the generics gone on sale immediately.
But hang on a minute, Though many of the charges of bad behavior leveled at the patented-drugs industry by EU investigators may well be true, the report seems to let the generics industry off the hook too lightly. After all, if the drugs giants stand accused, in effect, of bribing opponents to delay the launch of cheap generics, shouldn't the companies that accepted those "bribes" also share the blame? | 890.txt | 1 |
[
"Drug firm will use just ways to protect their drags.",
"Cheaper generic drugs are easy to enter market,",
"The report has come to an ultimate conclusion.",
"The final report may lead to commissioner's legal action."
] | What can we learn from the report issued by the European Commission? | Caught in a squeeze between the health needs of aging populations on one hand and the financial crisis on the other, governments everywhere are looking for ways to slow the growth in health-care spending. Increasingly, they are looking to the generic-drugs industry as a savior. In November Japan's finance ministry issued a report complaining that the country's use of generics was less than a third of that in America or Britain. In the same month Canada's competition watchdog criticized the country's pharmacies for failing to pass on the savings made possible by the use of generic drugs. That greed, it reckoned, costs taxpayers nearly C$1 billion a year.
Then on November 28th the European Commission issued the preliminary results of its year-long probe into drug giants in the European Union. The report reached a damning~, though provisional, conclusion: the drugs firms use a variety of unfair strategies to protect their expensive drugs by delaying the entry of cheaper generic opponents. Though this initial report does not carry the force of law (a final report is due early next year), it has caused much controversy. Neelie Kroes, the EU's competition commissioner, says she is ready to take legal action if the evidence allows.
One strategy the investigators criticize is the use of the "patent duster". A firm keen to defend its drug due to go off-patent may file dozens or hundreds of new patents, often of dubious merit, to confuse and terrify potential copycats and maintain its monopoly. An unnamed drugs firm once took out 1,300 patents across the EU on a single drug. The report also suggests that out-of-court settlements between makers of patented drags and generics firms may be a strategy used by the former to delay market entry by the latter.
According to EU officials, such misdeeds -have delayed the arrival of generic competition and the accompanying savings. On average, rite report estimates, generics arrived seven months after a patented drug lost its protection, though where the drug was a big seller the lag was four months. The report says taxpayers paid about q 3 billion more than they would have-had the generics gone on sale immediately.
But hang on a minute, Though many of the charges of bad behavior leveled at the patented-drugs industry by EU investigators may well be true, the report seems to let the generics industry off the hook too lightly. After all, if the drugs giants stand accused, in effect, of bribing opponents to delay the launch of cheap generics, shouldn't the companies that accepted those "bribes" also share the blame? | 890.txt | 3 |
[
"they do not let their opponents to resort to the comet",
"they use clusters of patents to protect their products",
"they bribe the cheaper generic opponents",
"trey do not pass on the savings made by use of generic drugs"
] | The investigators seriously condemned the drug firms for _ . | Caught in a squeeze between the health needs of aging populations on one hand and the financial crisis on the other, governments everywhere are looking for ways to slow the growth in health-care spending. Increasingly, they are looking to the generic-drugs industry as a savior. In November Japan's finance ministry issued a report complaining that the country's use of generics was less than a third of that in America or Britain. In the same month Canada's competition watchdog criticized the country's pharmacies for failing to pass on the savings made possible by the use of generic drugs. That greed, it reckoned, costs taxpayers nearly C$1 billion a year.
Then on November 28th the European Commission issued the preliminary results of its year-long probe into drug giants in the European Union. The report reached a damning~, though provisional, conclusion: the drugs firms use a variety of unfair strategies to protect their expensive drugs by delaying the entry of cheaper generic opponents. Though this initial report does not carry the force of law (a final report is due early next year), it has caused much controversy. Neelie Kroes, the EU's competition commissioner, says she is ready to take legal action if the evidence allows.
One strategy the investigators criticize is the use of the "patent duster". A firm keen to defend its drug due to go off-patent may file dozens or hundreds of new patents, often of dubious merit, to confuse and terrify potential copycats and maintain its monopoly. An unnamed drugs firm once took out 1,300 patents across the EU on a single drug. The report also suggests that out-of-court settlements between makers of patented drags and generics firms may be a strategy used by the former to delay market entry by the latter.
According to EU officials, such misdeeds -have delayed the arrival of generic competition and the accompanying savings. On average, rite report estimates, generics arrived seven months after a patented drug lost its protection, though where the drug was a big seller the lag was four months. The report says taxpayers paid about q 3 billion more than they would have-had the generics gone on sale immediately.
But hang on a minute, Though many of the charges of bad behavior leveled at the patented-drugs industry by EU investigators may well be true, the report seems to let the generics industry off the hook too lightly. After all, if the drugs giants stand accused, in effect, of bribing opponents to delay the launch of cheap generics, shouldn't the companies that accepted those "bribes" also share the blame? | 890.txt | 1 |
[
"seven months",
"three months",
"four months",
"eleven months"
] | On average, the genetics will be delayed to enter the market by _ . | Caught in a squeeze between the health needs of aging populations on one hand and the financial crisis on the other, governments everywhere are looking for ways to slow the growth in health-care spending. Increasingly, they are looking to the generic-drugs industry as a savior. In November Japan's finance ministry issued a report complaining that the country's use of generics was less than a third of that in America or Britain. In the same month Canada's competition watchdog criticized the country's pharmacies for failing to pass on the savings made possible by the use of generic drugs. That greed, it reckoned, costs taxpayers nearly C$1 billion a year.
Then on November 28th the European Commission issued the preliminary results of its year-long probe into drug giants in the European Union. The report reached a damning~, though provisional, conclusion: the drugs firms use a variety of unfair strategies to protect their expensive drugs by delaying the entry of cheaper generic opponents. Though this initial report does not carry the force of law (a final report is due early next year), it has caused much controversy. Neelie Kroes, the EU's competition commissioner, says she is ready to take legal action if the evidence allows.
One strategy the investigators criticize is the use of the "patent duster". A firm keen to defend its drug due to go off-patent may file dozens or hundreds of new patents, often of dubious merit, to confuse and terrify potential copycats and maintain its monopoly. An unnamed drugs firm once took out 1,300 patents across the EU on a single drug. The report also suggests that out-of-court settlements between makers of patented drags and generics firms may be a strategy used by the former to delay market entry by the latter.
According to EU officials, such misdeeds -have delayed the arrival of generic competition and the accompanying savings. On average, rite report estimates, generics arrived seven months after a patented drug lost its protection, though where the drug was a big seller the lag was four months. The report says taxpayers paid about q 3 billion more than they would have-had the generics gone on sale immediately.
But hang on a minute, Though many of the charges of bad behavior leveled at the patented-drugs industry by EU investigators may well be true, the report seems to let the generics industry off the hook too lightly. After all, if the drugs giants stand accused, in effect, of bribing opponents to delay the launch of cheap generics, shouldn't the companies that accepted those "bribes" also share the blame? | 890.txt | 0 |
[
"Charges on patented-drug industry are anything but true.",
"Generics industry is a sheer victim in the competition.",
"Only drug giants are to blame.",
"Exclusion of generics industry from taking responsibility is questionable."
] | Which of the following accords with the author's view? | Caught in a squeeze between the health needs of aging populations on one hand and the financial crisis on the other, governments everywhere are looking for ways to slow the growth in health-care spending. Increasingly, they are looking to the generic-drugs industry as a savior. In November Japan's finance ministry issued a report complaining that the country's use of generics was less than a third of that in America or Britain. In the same month Canada's competition watchdog criticized the country's pharmacies for failing to pass on the savings made possible by the use of generic drugs. That greed, it reckoned, costs taxpayers nearly C$1 billion a year.
Then on November 28th the European Commission issued the preliminary results of its year-long probe into drug giants in the European Union. The report reached a damning~, though provisional, conclusion: the drugs firms use a variety of unfair strategies to protect their expensive drugs by delaying the entry of cheaper generic opponents. Though this initial report does not carry the force of law (a final report is due early next year), it has caused much controversy. Neelie Kroes, the EU's competition commissioner, says she is ready to take legal action if the evidence allows.
One strategy the investigators criticize is the use of the "patent duster". A firm keen to defend its drug due to go off-patent may file dozens or hundreds of new patents, often of dubious merit, to confuse and terrify potential copycats and maintain its monopoly. An unnamed drugs firm once took out 1,300 patents across the EU on a single drug. The report also suggests that out-of-court settlements between makers of patented drags and generics firms may be a strategy used by the former to delay market entry by the latter.
According to EU officials, such misdeeds -have delayed the arrival of generic competition and the accompanying savings. On average, rite report estimates, generics arrived seven months after a patented drug lost its protection, though where the drug was a big seller the lag was four months. The report says taxpayers paid about q 3 billion more than they would have-had the generics gone on sale immediately.
But hang on a minute, Though many of the charges of bad behavior leveled at the patented-drugs industry by EU investigators may well be true, the report seems to let the generics industry off the hook too lightly. After all, if the drugs giants stand accused, in effect, of bribing opponents to delay the launch of cheap generics, shouldn't the companies that accepted those "bribes" also share the blame? | 890.txt | 3 |
[
"an increasing number of cars are being produced",
"the cost of cars is getting cheaper with the development of technology",
"lots of countries have become more developed",
"the use of cars has proved to be more economical"
] | More and more people can afford to buy and use cars because . | The use of the motor is becoming more and more widespread in the twentieth century; as an increasing number of countries develop both technically and economically, so a larger proportion of the world's population is able to buy and use a car. Possessing a car gives a much greater degree of mobility, enabling the driver to move around freely. The owner of a car is no longer forced to rely on public transport and is, therefore, not compelled to work locally. He can choose from different jobs and probably changes his work more frequently as he is not restricted to a choice within a small radius. Travelling to work by car is also more comfortable than having to use public transport; the driver can adjust the heating in winter and the air conditioning in the summer to suit his own needs and preference. There is no irritation caused by waiting for trains, buses or underground trains, standing in long patient queues, or sitting on windy platforms, for as long as half an hour sometimes. With the building of good, fast motorways long distances can be covered rapidly and pleasantly. For the first time in this century also, many people are now able to enjoy their leisure time to the full by making trips to the country or seaside at the weekends, instead of being confined to their immediate neighbourhood. This feeling of independence, and the freedom to go where you please, is perhaps the greatest advantage of the car.
When considering the drawbacks, perhaps pollution is of prime importance. As more and more cars are produced and used, so the emission from their exhaust-pipes contains an ever larger volume of poisonous gas. Some of the contents of this gas, such as lead, not only pollute the atmosphere but cause actual harm to the health of people. Many of the minor illnesses of modern industrial society, headaches, tiredness, and stomach upsets are thought to arise from breathing polluted air; doctors' surgeries are full of people suffering from illnesses caused by pollution. It is also becoming increasingly difficult to deal with the problem of traffic in towns; most of the important cities of the world suffer from traffic congestion. In fact any advantage gained in comfort is often cancelled out in city driving by the frustration caused by traffic jams: endless queues of cars crawling one after another through all the main streets. As an increasing number of traffic regulation schemes are devised, the poor bewildered driver finds himself diverted and forced into one-way systems which cause even greater delays than the traffic jams they are supposed to prevent. The mounting cost of petrol and the increased license fees and road tax all add to the driver's worries. In fact, he must sometimes wonder if the motor car is such a blessing and not just a menace. | 1569.txt | 2 |
[
"freedom in choosing his job",
"comfort during the travels",
"enjoyment of his leisure time",
"feeling of self-reliance"
] | The advantages of having a car are best experienced in the driver's . | The use of the motor is becoming more and more widespread in the twentieth century; as an increasing number of countries develop both technically and economically, so a larger proportion of the world's population is able to buy and use a car. Possessing a car gives a much greater degree of mobility, enabling the driver to move around freely. The owner of a car is no longer forced to rely on public transport and is, therefore, not compelled to work locally. He can choose from different jobs and probably changes his work more frequently as he is not restricted to a choice within a small radius. Travelling to work by car is also more comfortable than having to use public transport; the driver can adjust the heating in winter and the air conditioning in the summer to suit his own needs and preference. There is no irritation caused by waiting for trains, buses or underground trains, standing in long patient queues, or sitting on windy platforms, for as long as half an hour sometimes. With the building of good, fast motorways long distances can be covered rapidly and pleasantly. For the first time in this century also, many people are now able to enjoy their leisure time to the full by making trips to the country or seaside at the weekends, instead of being confined to their immediate neighbourhood. This feeling of independence, and the freedom to go where you please, is perhaps the greatest advantage of the car.
When considering the drawbacks, perhaps pollution is of prime importance. As more and more cars are produced and used, so the emission from their exhaust-pipes contains an ever larger volume of poisonous gas. Some of the contents of this gas, such as lead, not only pollute the atmosphere but cause actual harm to the health of people. Many of the minor illnesses of modern industrial society, headaches, tiredness, and stomach upsets are thought to arise from breathing polluted air; doctors' surgeries are full of people suffering from illnesses caused by pollution. It is also becoming increasingly difficult to deal with the problem of traffic in towns; most of the important cities of the world suffer from traffic congestion. In fact any advantage gained in comfort is often cancelled out in city driving by the frustration caused by traffic jams: endless queues of cars crawling one after another through all the main streets. As an increasing number of traffic regulation schemes are devised, the poor bewildered driver finds himself diverted and forced into one-way systems which cause even greater delays than the traffic jams they are supposed to prevent. The mounting cost of petrol and the increased license fees and road tax all add to the driver's worries. In fact, he must sometimes wonder if the motor car is such a blessing and not just a menace. | 1569.txt | 3 |
[
"air pollution",
"traffic jams",
"fatal diseases",
"high cost"
] | What is considered by the writer as the greatest menace to the people caused by the widespread use of motor cars? | The use of the motor is becoming more and more widespread in the twentieth century; as an increasing number of countries develop both technically and economically, so a larger proportion of the world's population is able to buy and use a car. Possessing a car gives a much greater degree of mobility, enabling the driver to move around freely. The owner of a car is no longer forced to rely on public transport and is, therefore, not compelled to work locally. He can choose from different jobs and probably changes his work more frequently as he is not restricted to a choice within a small radius. Travelling to work by car is also more comfortable than having to use public transport; the driver can adjust the heating in winter and the air conditioning in the summer to suit his own needs and preference. There is no irritation caused by waiting for trains, buses or underground trains, standing in long patient queues, or sitting on windy platforms, for as long as half an hour sometimes. With the building of good, fast motorways long distances can be covered rapidly and pleasantly. For the first time in this century also, many people are now able to enjoy their leisure time to the full by making trips to the country or seaside at the weekends, instead of being confined to their immediate neighbourhood. This feeling of independence, and the freedom to go where you please, is perhaps the greatest advantage of the car.
When considering the drawbacks, perhaps pollution is of prime importance. As more and more cars are produced and used, so the emission from their exhaust-pipes contains an ever larger volume of poisonous gas. Some of the contents of this gas, such as lead, not only pollute the atmosphere but cause actual harm to the health of people. Many of the minor illnesses of modern industrial society, headaches, tiredness, and stomach upsets are thought to arise from breathing polluted air; doctors' surgeries are full of people suffering from illnesses caused by pollution. It is also becoming increasingly difficult to deal with the problem of traffic in towns; most of the important cities of the world suffer from traffic congestion. In fact any advantage gained in comfort is often cancelled out in city driving by the frustration caused by traffic jams: endless queues of cars crawling one after another through all the main streets. As an increasing number of traffic regulation schemes are devised, the poor bewildered driver finds himself diverted and forced into one-way systems which cause even greater delays than the traffic jams they are supposed to prevent. The mounting cost of petrol and the increased license fees and road tax all add to the driver's worries. In fact, he must sometimes wonder if the motor car is such a blessing and not just a menace. | 1569.txt | 0 |
[
"wrong",
"oversimplified",
"misleading",
"unclear"
] | In the eyes of the author, conventional opinion on conflict is ________. | Conventional wisdom about conflict seems pretty much cut and dried. Too little conflict breeds apathy and stagnation . Too much conflict leads to divisiveness and hostility. Moderate levels of conflict, however, can spark creativity and motivate people in a healthy and competitive way.
Recent research by Professor Charles R. Schwenk, however, suggests that the optimal level of conflict may be more complex to determine than these simple generalizations. He studied perceptions of conflict among a sample of executives. Some of the executives worked for profit-seeking organizations and others for not-for-profit organizations.
Somewhat surprisingly, Schwenk found that opinions about conflict varied systematically as a function of the type of organization. Specifically, managers in not-for-profit organizations strongly believed that conflict was beneficial to their organizations and that it promoted higher quality decision making than might be achieved in the absence of conflict.
Managers of for-profit organizations saw a different picture. They believed that conflict generally was damaging and usually led to poor-quality decision making in their organizations. Schwenk interpreted these results in terms of the criteria for effective decision making suggested by the executives. In the profit-seeking organizations, decision-making effectiveness was most often assessed in financial terms. The executives believed that consensus rather than conflict enhanced financial indicators.
In the not-for-profit organizations, decision-making effectiveness was defined from the perspective of satisfying constituents. Given the complexities and ambiguities associated with satisfying many diverse constituents executives perceived that conflict led to more considered and acceptable decisions. | 3618.txt | 1 |
[
"the advantages and disadvantages of conflict",
"the real value of conflict",
"the difficulty in determining the optimal level of conflict",
"the complexity of defining the roles of conflict"
] | Professor Charles R. Schwenk's research shows ________. | Conventional wisdom about conflict seems pretty much cut and dried. Too little conflict breeds apathy and stagnation . Too much conflict leads to divisiveness and hostility. Moderate levels of conflict, however, can spark creativity and motivate people in a healthy and competitive way.
Recent research by Professor Charles R. Schwenk, however, suggests that the optimal level of conflict may be more complex to determine than these simple generalizations. He studied perceptions of conflict among a sample of executives. Some of the executives worked for profit-seeking organizations and others for not-for-profit organizations.
Somewhat surprisingly, Schwenk found that opinions about conflict varied systematically as a function of the type of organization. Specifically, managers in not-for-profit organizations strongly believed that conflict was beneficial to their organizations and that it promoted higher quality decision making than might be achieved in the absence of conflict.
Managers of for-profit organizations saw a different picture. They believed that conflict generally was damaging and usually led to poor-quality decision making in their organizations. Schwenk interpreted these results in terms of the criteria for effective decision making suggested by the executives. In the profit-seeking organizations, decision-making effectiveness was most often assessed in financial terms. The executives believed that consensus rather than conflict enhanced financial indicators.
In the not-for-profit organizations, decision-making effectiveness was defined from the perspective of satisfying constituents. Given the complexities and ambiguities associated with satisfying many diverse constituents executives perceived that conflict led to more considered and acceptable decisions. | 3618.txt | 2 |
[
"a person's view of conflict is influenced by the purpose of his organization",
"conflict is necessary for managers of for-profit organizations",
"different people resolve conflicts in different ways",
"it is impossible for people to avoid conflict"
] | We can learn from Schwenk's research that ________. | Conventional wisdom about conflict seems pretty much cut and dried. Too little conflict breeds apathy and stagnation . Too much conflict leads to divisiveness and hostility. Moderate levels of conflict, however, can spark creativity and motivate people in a healthy and competitive way.
Recent research by Professor Charles R. Schwenk, however, suggests that the optimal level of conflict may be more complex to determine than these simple generalizations. He studied perceptions of conflict among a sample of executives. Some of the executives worked for profit-seeking organizations and others for not-for-profit organizations.
Somewhat surprisingly, Schwenk found that opinions about conflict varied systematically as a function of the type of organization. Specifically, managers in not-for-profit organizations strongly believed that conflict was beneficial to their organizations and that it promoted higher quality decision making than might be achieved in the absence of conflict.
Managers of for-profit organizations saw a different picture. They believed that conflict generally was damaging and usually led to poor-quality decision making in their organizations. Schwenk interpreted these results in terms of the criteria for effective decision making suggested by the executives. In the profit-seeking organizations, decision-making effectiveness was most often assessed in financial terms. The executives believed that consensus rather than conflict enhanced financial indicators.
In the not-for-profit organizations, decision-making effectiveness was defined from the perspective of satisfying constituents. Given the complexities and ambiguities associated with satisfying many diverse constituents executives perceived that conflict led to more considered and acceptable decisions. | 3618.txt | 0 |
[
"there is no end of conflict",
"expression of different opinions is encouraged",
"decisions must be justifiable",
"success lies in general agreement"
] | The passage suggests that in for-profit organizations ________. | Conventional wisdom about conflict seems pretty much cut and dried. Too little conflict breeds apathy and stagnation . Too much conflict leads to divisiveness and hostility. Moderate levels of conflict, however, can spark creativity and motivate people in a healthy and competitive way.
Recent research by Professor Charles R. Schwenk, however, suggests that the optimal level of conflict may be more complex to determine than these simple generalizations. He studied perceptions of conflict among a sample of executives. Some of the executives worked for profit-seeking organizations and others for not-for-profit organizations.
Somewhat surprisingly, Schwenk found that opinions about conflict varied systematically as a function of the type of organization. Specifically, managers in not-for-profit organizations strongly believed that conflict was beneficial to their organizations and that it promoted higher quality decision making than might be achieved in the absence of conflict.
Managers of for-profit organizations saw a different picture. They believed that conflict generally was damaging and usually led to poor-quality decision making in their organizations. Schwenk interpreted these results in terms of the criteria for effective decision making suggested by the executives. In the profit-seeking organizations, decision-making effectiveness was most often assessed in financial terms. The executives believed that consensus rather than conflict enhanced financial indicators.
In the not-for-profit organizations, decision-making effectiveness was defined from the perspective of satisfying constituents. Given the complexities and ambiguities associated with satisfying many diverse constituents executives perceived that conflict led to more considered and acceptable decisions. | 3618.txt | 3 |
[
"seem to be difficult to satisfy",
"are free to express diverse opinions",
"are less effective in making decisions",
"find it easier to reach agreement"
] | People working in a not-for-profit organization ________. | Conventional wisdom about conflict seems pretty much cut and dried. Too little conflict breeds apathy and stagnation . Too much conflict leads to divisiveness and hostility. Moderate levels of conflict, however, can spark creativity and motivate people in a healthy and competitive way.
Recent research by Professor Charles R. Schwenk, however, suggests that the optimal level of conflict may be more complex to determine than these simple generalizations. He studied perceptions of conflict among a sample of executives. Some of the executives worked for profit-seeking organizations and others for not-for-profit organizations.
Somewhat surprisingly, Schwenk found that opinions about conflict varied systematically as a function of the type of organization. Specifically, managers in not-for-profit organizations strongly believed that conflict was beneficial to their organizations and that it promoted higher quality decision making than might be achieved in the absence of conflict.
Managers of for-profit organizations saw a different picture. They believed that conflict generally was damaging and usually led to poor-quality decision making in their organizations. Schwenk interpreted these results in terms of the criteria for effective decision making suggested by the executives. In the profit-seeking organizations, decision-making effectiveness was most often assessed in financial terms. The executives believed that consensus rather than conflict enhanced financial indicators.
In the not-for-profit organizations, decision-making effectiveness was defined from the perspective of satisfying constituents. Given the complexities and ambiguities associated with satisfying many diverse constituents executives perceived that conflict led to more considered and acceptable decisions. | 3618.txt | 1 |
[
"Efforts made in vain.",
"Getting injured in his work.",
"Feeling uncertain about his future.",
"Creatures forced out of their homes."
] | What is unavoidable in the author's rescue work according to paragraph 1? | I work with Volunteers for Wildlife, a rescue and education organization at Bailey Arboretum in Locust Valley. Trying to help injured, displaced or sick creatures can be heartbreaking; survival is never certain. However, when it works, it is simply beautiful.
I got a rescue call from a woman in Muttontown. She had found a young owl on the ground. When I arrived, I saw a 2-to 3-week-old owl. It had already been placed in a carrier for safety.
I examined the chick and it seemed fine. If I could locate the nest, I might have been able to put it back, but no luck. My next work was to construct a nest and anchor it in a tree.
The homeowner was very helpful. A wire basket was found. I put some pine branches into the basket to make this nest safe and comfortable. I placed the chick in the nest, and it quickly calmed down.
Now all that was needed were the parents, but they were absent. I gave the homeowner a recording of the hunger screams of owl chicks. These advertise the presence of chicks to adults; they might also encourage our chick to start calling as well. I gave the owner as much information as possible and headed home to see what news the night might bring.
A nervous night to be sure,but sometimes the spirits of nature smile on us all! The homeowner called to say that the parents had responded to the recordings.I drove over and saw the chick in the nest looking healthy and active.And it was accompanied in the nest by zxxk the greatest sight of all - LUNCH! The parents had done their duty and would probably continue to do so. | 3809.txt | 0 |
[
"To rescue a woman.",
"To take care of a woman.",
"To look at a baby owl.",
"To cure a young owl."
] | Why was the author called to Muttontown? | I work with Volunteers for Wildlife, a rescue and education organization at Bailey Arboretum in Locust Valley. Trying to help injured, displaced or sick creatures can be heartbreaking; survival is never certain. However, when it works, it is simply beautiful.
I got a rescue call from a woman in Muttontown. She had found a young owl on the ground. When I arrived, I saw a 2-to 3-week-old owl. It had already been placed in a carrier for safety.
I examined the chick and it seemed fine. If I could locate the nest, I might have been able to put it back, but no luck. My next work was to construct a nest and anchor it in a tree.
The homeowner was very helpful. A wire basket was found. I put some pine branches into the basket to make this nest safe and comfortable. I placed the chick in the nest, and it quickly calmed down.
Now all that was needed were the parents, but they were absent. I gave the homeowner a recording of the hunger screams of owl chicks. These advertise the presence of chicks to adults; they might also encourage our chick to start calling as well. I gave the owner as much information as possible and headed home to see what news the night might bring.
A nervous night to be sure,but sometimes the spirits of nature smile on us all! The homeowner called to say that the parents had responded to the recordings.I drove over and saw the chick in the nest looking healthy and active.And it was accompanied in the nest by zxxk the greatest sight of all - LUNCH! The parents had done their duty and would probably continue to do so. | 3809.txt | 2 |
[
"A new nest.",
"Some food.",
"A recording.",
"Its parents."
] | What made the chick calm down? | I work with Volunteers for Wildlife, a rescue and education organization at Bailey Arboretum in Locust Valley. Trying to help injured, displaced or sick creatures can be heartbreaking; survival is never certain. However, when it works, it is simply beautiful.
I got a rescue call from a woman in Muttontown. She had found a young owl on the ground. When I arrived, I saw a 2-to 3-week-old owl. It had already been placed in a carrier for safety.
I examined the chick and it seemed fine. If I could locate the nest, I might have been able to put it back, but no luck. My next work was to construct a nest and anchor it in a tree.
The homeowner was very helpful. A wire basket was found. I put some pine branches into the basket to make this nest safe and comfortable. I placed the chick in the nest, and it quickly calmed down.
Now all that was needed were the parents, but they were absent. I gave the homeowner a recording of the hunger screams of owl chicks. These advertise the presence of chicks to adults; they might also encourage our chick to start calling as well. I gave the owner as much information as possible and headed home to see what news the night might bring.
A nervous night to be sure,but sometimes the spirits of nature smile on us all! The homeowner called to say that the parents had responded to the recordings.I drove over and saw the chick in the nest looking healthy and active.And it was accompanied in the nest by zxxk the greatest sight of all - LUNCH! The parents had done their duty and would probably continue to do so. | 3809.txt | 0 |
[
"It's unexpected.",
"It's beautiful.",
"It's humorous.",
"It's discouraging."
] | How would the author feel about the outcome of the event? | I work with Volunteers for Wildlife, a rescue and education organization at Bailey Arboretum in Locust Valley. Trying to help injured, displaced or sick creatures can be heartbreaking; survival is never certain. However, when it works, it is simply beautiful.
I got a rescue call from a woman in Muttontown. She had found a young owl on the ground. When I arrived, I saw a 2-to 3-week-old owl. It had already been placed in a carrier for safety.
I examined the chick and it seemed fine. If I could locate the nest, I might have been able to put it back, but no luck. My next work was to construct a nest and anchor it in a tree.
The homeowner was very helpful. A wire basket was found. I put some pine branches into the basket to make this nest safe and comfortable. I placed the chick in the nest, and it quickly calmed down.
Now all that was needed were the parents, but they were absent. I gave the homeowner a recording of the hunger screams of owl chicks. These advertise the presence of chicks to adults; they might also encourage our chick to start calling as well. I gave the owner as much information as possible and headed home to see what news the night might bring.
A nervous night to be sure,but sometimes the spirits of nature smile on us all! The homeowner called to say that the parents had responded to the recordings.I drove over and saw the chick in the nest looking healthy and active.And it was accompanied in the nest by zxxk the greatest sight of all - LUNCH! The parents had done their duty and would probably continue to do so. | 3809.txt | 1 |
[
"A social worker.",
"A fireman.",
"A gardener.",
"A teacher."
] | Who earns most according to the text? | As nanny,cook,cleaner,shopper,driver,and gardener,she has one of the most demanding jobs in Britain today.And paying someone else to do the choreswhich take the average housewife 71 hours a week would cost 349.
At over 18,000 a year that's more than the earnings of 70 percent of the population,including train drivers,firemen,prison officers,and social workers.
Looking after a baby less than a year old takes a housewife into an even higher pay league.According to a study,she earns 457 a week-at nearly 24,000 a year,the same as teachers,engineers,and chemists.
Researchers put a price on each chore,then tried to find out how long the average person takes doing them.They found housewives spend an average 70.7 hours a week on housework-with looking after the children(17.9 hours)and cooking and cleaning (12.3 hours each) the most time-consuming.
A wife with a part-time job still works an average of 59 hours a week at home.Those in full-time employment put in longer hours at home than in the workplace.The good news is that these hours drop sharply as children get older.While the average mother with a child under one puts in 90 hours weekly,the figure drops to 80 hours from one to four and to 66 hours from five to ten.
Mother of four Karen Williams from London said,"Paying the housewives may not be practical,but the government should recognize the value of housework, perhaps through the tax.Running a house takes a lot of time and most husbands don't understand this.For example,my husband only puts a shelf up now and again.He never cleans the kitchen-that's the real test." | 3415.txt | 3 |
[
"takes more time than doing any other housework",
"means more duties than being a teacher",
"requires the mother to be well-educated",
"prevents the mother from working outside"
] | We learn from the text that looking after children. | As nanny,cook,cleaner,shopper,driver,and gardener,she has one of the most demanding jobs in Britain today.And paying someone else to do the choreswhich take the average housewife 71 hours a week would cost 349.
At over 18,000 a year that's more than the earnings of 70 percent of the population,including train drivers,firemen,prison officers,and social workers.
Looking after a baby less than a year old takes a housewife into an even higher pay league.According to a study,she earns 457 a week-at nearly 24,000 a year,the same as teachers,engineers,and chemists.
Researchers put a price on each chore,then tried to find out how long the average person takes doing them.They found housewives spend an average 70.7 hours a week on housework-with looking after the children(17.9 hours)and cooking and cleaning (12.3 hours each) the most time-consuming.
A wife with a part-time job still works an average of 59 hours a week at home.Those in full-time employment put in longer hours at home than in the workplace.The good news is that these hours drop sharply as children get older.While the average mother with a child under one puts in 90 hours weekly,the figure drops to 80 hours from one to four and to 66 hours from five to ten.
Mother of four Karen Williams from London said,"Paying the housewives may not be practical,but the government should recognize the value of housework, perhaps through the tax.Running a house takes a lot of time and most husbands don't understand this.For example,my husband only puts a shelf up now and again.He never cleans the kitchen-that's the real test." | 3415.txt | 0 |
[
"66 hours a week",
"71 hours a week",
"80 hours a week",
"90 hours a week"
] | According to the text,a housewife with a baby less than one year old may work. | As nanny,cook,cleaner,shopper,driver,and gardener,she has one of the most demanding jobs in Britain today.And paying someone else to do the choreswhich take the average housewife 71 hours a week would cost 349.
At over 18,000 a year that's more than the earnings of 70 percent of the population,including train drivers,firemen,prison officers,and social workers.
Looking after a baby less than a year old takes a housewife into an even higher pay league.According to a study,she earns 457 a week-at nearly 24,000 a year,the same as teachers,engineers,and chemists.
Researchers put a price on each chore,then tried to find out how long the average person takes doing them.They found housewives spend an average 70.7 hours a week on housework-with looking after the children(17.9 hours)and cooking and cleaning (12.3 hours each) the most time-consuming.
A wife with a part-time job still works an average of 59 hours a week at home.Those in full-time employment put in longer hours at home than in the workplace.The good news is that these hours drop sharply as children get older.While the average mother with a child under one puts in 90 hours weekly,the figure drops to 80 hours from one to four and to 66 hours from five to ten.
Mother of four Karen Williams from London said,"Paying the housewives may not be practical,but the government should recognize the value of housework, perhaps through the tax.Running a house takes a lot of time and most husbands don't understand this.For example,my husband only puts a shelf up now and again.He never cleans the kitchen-that's the real test." | 3415.txt | 3 |
[
"housework is no easy job",
"her husband has no time to clean the kitchen",
"a housewife needs to be paid for cleaning",
"the kitchen is hard to clean"
] | By mentioning her husband,Karen Williams wants to show that. | As nanny,cook,cleaner,shopper,driver,and gardener,she has one of the most demanding jobs in Britain today.And paying someone else to do the choreswhich take the average housewife 71 hours a week would cost 349.
At over 18,000 a year that's more than the earnings of 70 percent of the population,including train drivers,firemen,prison officers,and social workers.
Looking after a baby less than a year old takes a housewife into an even higher pay league.According to a study,she earns 457 a week-at nearly 24,000 a year,the same as teachers,engineers,and chemists.
Researchers put a price on each chore,then tried to find out how long the average person takes doing them.They found housewives spend an average 70.7 hours a week on housework-with looking after the children(17.9 hours)and cooking and cleaning (12.3 hours each) the most time-consuming.
A wife with a part-time job still works an average of 59 hours a week at home.Those in full-time employment put in longer hours at home than in the workplace.The good news is that these hours drop sharply as children get older.While the average mother with a child under one puts in 90 hours weekly,the figure drops to 80 hours from one to four and to 66 hours from five to ten.
Mother of four Karen Williams from London said,"Paying the housewives may not be practical,but the government should recognize the value of housework, perhaps through the tax.Running a house takes a lot of time and most husbands don't understand this.For example,my husband only puts a shelf up now and again.He never cleans the kitchen-that's the real test." | 3415.txt | 0 |
[
"what he wears",
"how tall he is",
"how happy he is",
"what color he dyes his hair"
] | According to the passage, if we perceive a person, we are likely to be interested in | The process of perceiving others is rarely translated (to ourselves or others) into cold, objective terms. "She was 5 feet 8 inches tall, had fair hair, and wore a colored skirt. " More often, we try to get inside the other person to pinpoint ( ) his or her attitudes, emotions, motivations, abilities, ideas, and characters. Furthermore, we sometimes behave as if we can accomplish this difficult job very quickly-perhaps with a two-second glance.
We try to obtain information about others in many ways. Berger suggests several methods for reducing uncertainties about others; who are known to you so you can compare the observed person's behavior with the known others' behavior, observing a person in a situation where social behavior is relatively unrestrained or where a wide variety of behavioral responses are called for, deliberately structuring the physical or social environment so as to observe the person's responses to specific stimuli , asking people who have had or have frequent contact with the person about him or her, and using various strategies in face-to-face interaction to uncover information about another person-question, self-disclosures, and so on.
Getting to know someone is a never-ending task, largely because people are constantly changing and the methods we use to obtain information are often imprecise. You may have known someone for ten years and still know very little about him. If we accept the idea that we won't ever fully know another person, it enables us to deal more easily with those things that get in the way of accurate knowledge such as secrets and deceptions. It will also keep us from being too surprised or shocked by seemingly inconsistent behavior. Ironically, those things that keep us from knowing another person too well(e. g. secrets and deceptions) may be just as important to the development of a satisfying relationship as those things that enable us to obtain accurate knowledge about a person (e. g. disclosures and truthful statement). | 2476.txt | 2 |
[
"some people are more emotional than others",
"some people are not aware of the fact that we will never completely know another person",
"some people are sensitive enough to sense the change of other people's attitudes",
"some people choose to keep to themselves"
] | Some people are often surprised by what other people do. According to Berger, that is mainly because _ . | The process of perceiving others is rarely translated (to ourselves or others) into cold, objective terms. "She was 5 feet 8 inches tall, had fair hair, and wore a colored skirt. " More often, we try to get inside the other person to pinpoint ( ) his or her attitudes, emotions, motivations, abilities, ideas, and characters. Furthermore, we sometimes behave as if we can accomplish this difficult job very quickly-perhaps with a two-second glance.
We try to obtain information about others in many ways. Berger suggests several methods for reducing uncertainties about others; who are known to you so you can compare the observed person's behavior with the known others' behavior, observing a person in a situation where social behavior is relatively unrestrained or where a wide variety of behavioral responses are called for, deliberately structuring the physical or social environment so as to observe the person's responses to specific stimuli , asking people who have had or have frequent contact with the person about him or her, and using various strategies in face-to-face interaction to uncover information about another person-question, self-disclosures, and so on.
Getting to know someone is a never-ending task, largely because people are constantly changing and the methods we use to obtain information are often imprecise. You may have known someone for ten years and still know very little about him. If we accept the idea that we won't ever fully know another person, it enables us to deal more easily with those things that get in the way of accurate knowledge such as secrets and deceptions. It will also keep us from being too surprised or shocked by seemingly inconsistent behavior. Ironically, those things that keep us from knowing another person too well(e. g. secrets and deceptions) may be just as important to the development of a satisfying relationship as those things that enable us to obtain accurate knowledge about a person (e. g. disclosures and truthful statement). | 2476.txt | 1 |
[
"we don't accept the idea that we might never fully know another person",
"we often get information in a casual and inexact way",
"we pay more attention to other people's motivations and emotions • 62 •",
"we often have face-to-face conversation with him"
] | We may have known someone for ten years and still know very little about him because _ . | The process of perceiving others is rarely translated (to ourselves or others) into cold, objective terms. "She was 5 feet 8 inches tall, had fair hair, and wore a colored skirt. " More often, we try to get inside the other person to pinpoint ( ) his or her attitudes, emotions, motivations, abilities, ideas, and characters. Furthermore, we sometimes behave as if we can accomplish this difficult job very quickly-perhaps with a two-second glance.
We try to obtain information about others in many ways. Berger suggests several methods for reducing uncertainties about others; who are known to you so you can compare the observed person's behavior with the known others' behavior, observing a person in a situation where social behavior is relatively unrestrained or where a wide variety of behavioral responses are called for, deliberately structuring the physical or social environment so as to observe the person's responses to specific stimuli , asking people who have had or have frequent contact with the person about him or her, and using various strategies in face-to-face interaction to uncover information about another person-question, self-disclosures, and so on.
Getting to know someone is a never-ending task, largely because people are constantly changing and the methods we use to obtain information are often imprecise. You may have known someone for ten years and still know very little about him. If we accept the idea that we won't ever fully know another person, it enables us to deal more easily with those things that get in the way of accurate knowledge such as secrets and deceptions. It will also keep us from being too surprised or shocked by seemingly inconsistent behavior. Ironically, those things that keep us from knowing another person too well(e. g. secrets and deceptions) may be just as important to the development of a satisfying relationship as those things that enable us to obtain accurate knowledge about a person (e. g. disclosures and truthful statement). | 2476.txt | 1 |
[
"disclosures",
"deceptions",
"stimuli",
"interactions"
] | There are things that we find preventing us from knowing others. These things are | The process of perceiving others is rarely translated (to ourselves or others) into cold, objective terms. "She was 5 feet 8 inches tall, had fair hair, and wore a colored skirt. " More often, we try to get inside the other person to pinpoint ( ) his or her attitudes, emotions, motivations, abilities, ideas, and characters. Furthermore, we sometimes behave as if we can accomplish this difficult job very quickly-perhaps with a two-second glance.
We try to obtain information about others in many ways. Berger suggests several methods for reducing uncertainties about others; who are known to you so you can compare the observed person's behavior with the known others' behavior, observing a person in a situation where social behavior is relatively unrestrained or where a wide variety of behavioral responses are called for, deliberately structuring the physical or social environment so as to observe the person's responses to specific stimuli , asking people who have had or have frequent contact with the person about him or her, and using various strategies in face-to-face interaction to uncover information about another person-question, self-disclosures, and so on.
Getting to know someone is a never-ending task, largely because people are constantly changing and the methods we use to obtain information are often imprecise. You may have known someone for ten years and still know very little about him. If we accept the idea that we won't ever fully know another person, it enables us to deal more easily with those things that get in the way of accurate knowledge such as secrets and deceptions. It will also keep us from being too surprised or shocked by seemingly inconsistent behavior. Ironically, those things that keep us from knowing another person too well(e. g. secrets and deceptions) may be just as important to the development of a satisfying relationship as those things that enable us to obtain accurate knowledge about a person (e. g. disclosures and truthful statement). | 2476.txt | 1 |
[
"the relationship between people",
"the perception of other people",
"secrets and deceptions of people",
"people's attitudes and characters"
] | This passage mainly concerns _ . | The process of perceiving others is rarely translated (to ourselves or others) into cold, objective terms. "She was 5 feet 8 inches tall, had fair hair, and wore a colored skirt. " More often, we try to get inside the other person to pinpoint ( ) his or her attitudes, emotions, motivations, abilities, ideas, and characters. Furthermore, we sometimes behave as if we can accomplish this difficult job very quickly-perhaps with a two-second glance.
We try to obtain information about others in many ways. Berger suggests several methods for reducing uncertainties about others; who are known to you so you can compare the observed person's behavior with the known others' behavior, observing a person in a situation where social behavior is relatively unrestrained or where a wide variety of behavioral responses are called for, deliberately structuring the physical or social environment so as to observe the person's responses to specific stimuli , asking people who have had or have frequent contact with the person about him or her, and using various strategies in face-to-face interaction to uncover information about another person-question, self-disclosures, and so on.
Getting to know someone is a never-ending task, largely because people are constantly changing and the methods we use to obtain information are often imprecise. You may have known someone for ten years and still know very little about him. If we accept the idea that we won't ever fully know another person, it enables us to deal more easily with those things that get in the way of accurate knowledge such as secrets and deceptions. It will also keep us from being too surprised or shocked by seemingly inconsistent behavior. Ironically, those things that keep us from knowing another person too well(e. g. secrets and deceptions) may be just as important to the development of a satisfying relationship as those things that enable us to obtain accurate knowledge about a person (e. g. disclosures and truthful statement). | 2476.txt | 1 |
[
"people feel cool when they are near a lake or an ocean",
"scientists can explain everything we want to know",
"scientists can explain many things but not everything",
"the salt in the ocean comes from rocks"
] | The main idea of the passage is _ . | When the weather is hot, you go to a lake or an ocean and may feel cool. Why? The sun makes the earth hot, but it cannot make the water very hot. Although the air over the earth becomes hot, the air over the water stays cool. The hot air over the earth rises. Then the cool air over the water moves in and takes the place of the hot air. When you are near a lake or an ocean, you feel the cool air when it moves in. You feel the wind, which makes you cool.
Of course, scientists cannot answer all of our questions. If we ask, "Why is the ocean full of salt?" scientists will say that the salt comes from rocks. When a rock gets very hot or very cold, it cracks. Rain falls into the cracks. The rain then carries the salt into the earth and into the rivers. The rivers carry the salt into the ocean. But then we ask, "What happens to the salt in the ocean? The ocean does not get more salty every year." Scientists are not sure about the answer to this question. We know a lot about our world. But there are still many answers that we do not have and we are curious. | 710.txt | 2 |
[
"the water is cold",
"the earth is hot",
"the water is colder than the earth",
"the cool air from the water moves towards the land"
] | You feel cool when you are near a lake or an ocean because _ . | When the weather is hot, you go to a lake or an ocean and may feel cool. Why? The sun makes the earth hot, but it cannot make the water very hot. Although the air over the earth becomes hot, the air over the water stays cool. The hot air over the earth rises. Then the cool air over the water moves in and takes the place of the hot air. When you are near a lake or an ocean, you feel the cool air when it moves in. You feel the wind, which makes you cool.
Of course, scientists cannot answer all of our questions. If we ask, "Why is the ocean full of salt?" scientists will say that the salt comes from rocks. When a rock gets very hot or very cold, it cracks. Rain falls into the cracks. The rain then carries the salt into the earth and into the rivers. The rivers carry the salt into the ocean. But then we ask, "What happens to the salt in the ocean? The ocean does not get more salty every year." Scientists are not sure about the answer to this question. We know a lot about our world. But there are still many answers that we do not have and we are curious. | 710.txt | 3 |
[
"what makes people feel cool near a lake or an ocean in summer",
"everything about the ocean",
"why the ocean does not get more and more salty",
"what happens to the salt in the ocean"
] | Now scientists know _ . | When the weather is hot, you go to a lake or an ocean and may feel cool. Why? The sun makes the earth hot, but it cannot make the water very hot. Although the air over the earth becomes hot, the air over the water stays cool. The hot air over the earth rises. Then the cool air over the water moves in and takes the place of the hot air. When you are near a lake or an ocean, you feel the cool air when it moves in. You feel the wind, which makes you cool.
Of course, scientists cannot answer all of our questions. If we ask, "Why is the ocean full of salt?" scientists will say that the salt comes from rocks. When a rock gets very hot or very cold, it cracks. Rain falls into the cracks. The rain then carries the salt into the earth and into the rivers. The rivers carry the salt into the ocean. But then we ask, "What happens to the salt in the ocean? The ocean does not get more salty every year." Scientists are not sure about the answer to this question. We know a lot about our world. But there are still many answers that we do not have and we are curious. | 710.txt | 0 |
Subsets and Splits
No community queries yet
The top public SQL queries from the community will appear here once available.