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[
"indifferent",
"outrageous",
"sad",
"considerate"
] | Josh Wolf's attitude towards his case is _ . | On April 3rd a handful of supporters greeted Josh Wolf as he came out of prison in Dublin, California. He had spent more than seven months in jail for refusing to testify and turn over to federal prosecutors a videotape of a 2005 street demonstration in San Francisco. The prosecutors were investigating injury to a policeman and minor damage to a police car. It is apparently the longest an American journalist has served for protecting his sources and materials.
What makes the case odder is that Mr Wolf, who is 24, is a video-blogger as much as a freelance journalist. Moreover, the material was from a public setting and the sources have scant claim to confidentiality. He could have been protected by California's generous" shield law" for journalists, but the federal government became involved on the thinnest of pretexts: namely, that it partly finances the San Francisco Police Department. This made Mr Wolf feel that though the evidential value of his videotape was low, the federal prosecutors meant to force him to identify the masked protesters before a grand jury. This, he said, would have transformed him into an investigator for the government. So he chose jail instead.
The case raises hard issues. What are the rights of bloggers in an era when almost anyone may claim to qualify for a journalist's protection? What legal privilege do reporters enjoy to keep source material from government's prying eyes? And did federal prosecutors abuse their authority by bringing charges for small municipal offences, thereby deliberately bypassing the state's law shielding journalists?
Mr Wolf's case underscores the reality that journalists-or simply those who behave as if they were journalists, when formally they are not-have few rights to shield themselves from revealing their sources or reportorial material. Although 49 states offer certain rights （Wyomin is the exception）, only the barest protection exists at national level. Potential federal legislation, which has bipartisan support, would require prosecutors to show that the information is necessary and cannot be otherwise obtained. The debate is over how broad the shield should be. Apply it too widely and the protection will inevitably be diluted; too narrowly and many eligible people will not be covered, explains Floyd Abrams, a first-amendment lawyer. In 1972 the Supreme Court, in the Branzburg case, said that reporters had no shield. But a concurring opinion contained the remark that the government should show the" necessity" of forcing reporters to testify. Prosecutors have largely accepted this legal gloss, until the recent cases when they have attacked on the press-or on" citizen journalists" like Mr Wolf.
" The whole issue of whether or not I am a journalist is irrelevant: the first amendment was written to protect pamphleteers," says Mr Wolf. He did not have time to get a card-carrying reporter's job, since he was imprisoned two months after graduating from university. " This was my entry into the world of journalism," he says, " and a hell of an entry it was." | 533.txt | 3 |
[
"only at the national level",
"only at the state level",
"clearly at both the national and state level",
"clearly at the national level and vaguely at the state level"
] | Journalists' protection rights exist _ . | On April 3rd a handful of supporters greeted Josh Wolf as he came out of prison in Dublin, California. He had spent more than seven months in jail for refusing to testify and turn over to federal prosecutors a videotape of a 2005 street demonstration in San Francisco. The prosecutors were investigating injury to a policeman and minor damage to a police car. It is apparently the longest an American journalist has served for protecting his sources and materials.
What makes the case odder is that Mr Wolf, who is 24, is a video-blogger as much as a freelance journalist. Moreover, the material was from a public setting and the sources have scant claim to confidentiality. He could have been protected by California's generous" shield law" for journalists, but the federal government became involved on the thinnest of pretexts: namely, that it partly finances the San Francisco Police Department. This made Mr Wolf feel that though the evidential value of his videotape was low, the federal prosecutors meant to force him to identify the masked protesters before a grand jury. This, he said, would have transformed him into an investigator for the government. So he chose jail instead.
The case raises hard issues. What are the rights of bloggers in an era when almost anyone may claim to qualify for a journalist's protection? What legal privilege do reporters enjoy to keep source material from government's prying eyes? And did federal prosecutors abuse their authority by bringing charges for small municipal offences, thereby deliberately bypassing the state's law shielding journalists?
Mr Wolf's case underscores the reality that journalists-or simply those who behave as if they were journalists, when formally they are not-have few rights to shield themselves from revealing their sources or reportorial material. Although 49 states offer certain rights （Wyomin is the exception）, only the barest protection exists at national level. Potential federal legislation, which has bipartisan support, would require prosecutors to show that the information is necessary and cannot be otherwise obtained. The debate is over how broad the shield should be. Apply it too widely and the protection will inevitably be diluted; too narrowly and many eligible people will not be covered, explains Floyd Abrams, a first-amendment lawyer. In 1972 the Supreme Court, in the Branzburg case, said that reporters had no shield. But a concurring opinion contained the remark that the government should show the" necessity" of forcing reporters to testify. Prosecutors have largely accepted this legal gloss, until the recent cases when they have attacked on the press-or on" citizen journalists" like Mr Wolf.
" The whole issue of whether or not I am a journalist is irrelevant: the first amendment was written to protect pamphleteers," says Mr Wolf. He did not have time to get a card-carrying reporter's job, since he was imprisoned two months after graduating from university. " This was my entry into the world of journalism," he says, " and a hell of an entry it was." | 533.txt | 1 |
[
"people should be more concerned about whether they can enjoy journalists' protection",
"the first amendment should be given a clearer explanation on journalists' rights",
"the legislation for journalists' privilege of protecting resources has a long way to go",
"more campaigns should be launched to protest federal prosecutors' abusing authority"
] | The text intends to express the idea that _ . | On April 3rd a handful of supporters greeted Josh Wolf as he came out of prison in Dublin, California. He had spent more than seven months in jail for refusing to testify and turn over to federal prosecutors a videotape of a 2005 street demonstration in San Francisco. The prosecutors were investigating injury to a policeman and minor damage to a police car. It is apparently the longest an American journalist has served for protecting his sources and materials.
What makes the case odder is that Mr Wolf, who is 24, is a video-blogger as much as a freelance journalist. Moreover, the material was from a public setting and the sources have scant claim to confidentiality. He could have been protected by California's generous" shield law" for journalists, but the federal government became involved on the thinnest of pretexts: namely, that it partly finances the San Francisco Police Department. This made Mr Wolf feel that though the evidential value of his videotape was low, the federal prosecutors meant to force him to identify the masked protesters before a grand jury. This, he said, would have transformed him into an investigator for the government. So he chose jail instead.
The case raises hard issues. What are the rights of bloggers in an era when almost anyone may claim to qualify for a journalist's protection? What legal privilege do reporters enjoy to keep source material from government's prying eyes? And did federal prosecutors abuse their authority by bringing charges for small municipal offences, thereby deliberately bypassing the state's law shielding journalists?
Mr Wolf's case underscores the reality that journalists-or simply those who behave as if they were journalists, when formally they are not-have few rights to shield themselves from revealing their sources or reportorial material. Although 49 states offer certain rights （Wyomin is the exception）, only the barest protection exists at national level. Potential federal legislation, which has bipartisan support, would require prosecutors to show that the information is necessary and cannot be otherwise obtained. The debate is over how broad the shield should be. Apply it too widely and the protection will inevitably be diluted; too narrowly and many eligible people will not be covered, explains Floyd Abrams, a first-amendment lawyer. In 1972 the Supreme Court, in the Branzburg case, said that reporters had no shield. But a concurring opinion contained the remark that the government should show the" necessity" of forcing reporters to testify. Prosecutors have largely accepted this legal gloss, until the recent cases when they have attacked on the press-or on" citizen journalists" like Mr Wolf.
" The whole issue of whether or not I am a journalist is irrelevant: the first amendment was written to protect pamphleteers," says Mr Wolf. He did not have time to get a card-carrying reporter's job, since he was imprisoned two months after graduating from university. " This was my entry into the world of journalism," he says, " and a hell of an entry it was." | 533.txt | 2 |
[
"Some equipment is able to read human minds.",
"Some progress has been made in mind reading.",
"Test subjects have been used to make decisions.",
"Computer programs can copy brain processes."
] | What can we learn from the answer to the first question? | Ask Dr. Jeffers This month Dr. Jeffers is answering questions about the human brain and how it works.
Dear Dr. Jeffers,
One of my colleagues, Felix Moeller, told me that scientists are learning to use computer to ‘read minds'. Is there any truth to this story/
-Jane Leon, New York, USA
Dear Ms. Leon,
Well, a lot of research is being conducted in this area, but so far, the brain scanning equipment and corresponding computer programs haven't been able to actually read thoughts. In one experiment, test subjects（）were connected to scanning equipment and shown two numbers on a screen. They were then asked to choose between adding or subtracting（）the two numbers. Using this method, researchers were able to follow brain processes and make the correct assumptions（）70 percent of the time. It's not quite mind reading, but it's certainly a first step.
-Dr. J.
Dear Dr. Jeffers,
My three-year-old son loves it when I dig my fingers into his sides and tickle （）him until he laughs uncontrollably. The other day I noticed him trying to tickle himself but he couldn't do it. Why not?
-Glenn Lewis, Vancouver, Canada
Dear Mr. Lewis,
It's because of how the brain works. The brain is trained to know what to pay attention to and what to ignore. It causes us to ignore physical feelings we expect to happen, but it causes a mild panic reaction when there is an unexpected feeling. For example, you don't notice how your shoulder feels while you're walking down the street. But if someone comes up behind you and touches you lightly on the shoulder, you may jump in fear. It's that unexpected part that causes the tickle reaction.
-Dr. J. | 3771.txt | 1 |
[
"unexpected",
"expected",
"comfortable",
"uncomfortable"
] | People laugh when tickled by others because the feeling is _ . | Ask Dr. Jeffers This month Dr. Jeffers is answering questions about the human brain and how it works.
Dear Dr. Jeffers,
One of my colleagues, Felix Moeller, told me that scientists are learning to use computer to ‘read minds'. Is there any truth to this story/
-Jane Leon, New York, USA
Dear Ms. Leon,
Well, a lot of research is being conducted in this area, but so far, the brain scanning equipment and corresponding computer programs haven't been able to actually read thoughts. In one experiment, test subjects（）were connected to scanning equipment and shown two numbers on a screen. They were then asked to choose between adding or subtracting（）the two numbers. Using this method, researchers were able to follow brain processes and make the correct assumptions（）70 percent of the time. It's not quite mind reading, but it's certainly a first step.
-Dr. J.
Dear Dr. Jeffers,
My three-year-old son loves it when I dig my fingers into his sides and tickle （）him until he laughs uncontrollably. The other day I noticed him trying to tickle himself but he couldn't do it. Why not?
-Glenn Lewis, Vancouver, Canada
Dear Mr. Lewis,
It's because of how the brain works. The brain is trained to know what to pay attention to and what to ignore. It causes us to ignore physical feelings we expect to happen, but it causes a mild panic reaction when there is an unexpected feeling. For example, you don't notice how your shoulder feels while you're walking down the street. But if someone comes up behind you and touches you lightly on the shoulder, you may jump in fear. It's that unexpected part that causes the tickle reaction.
-Dr. J. | 3771.txt | 0 |
[
"Ms. Leon",
"Mr. Lewis",
"Mr. Moeller",
"Dr. Jeffers"
] | Who has got a little child according to the text? | Ask Dr. Jeffers This month Dr. Jeffers is answering questions about the human brain and how it works.
Dear Dr. Jeffers,
One of my colleagues, Felix Moeller, told me that scientists are learning to use computer to ‘read minds'. Is there any truth to this story/
-Jane Leon, New York, USA
Dear Ms. Leon,
Well, a lot of research is being conducted in this area, but so far, the brain scanning equipment and corresponding computer programs haven't been able to actually read thoughts. In one experiment, test subjects（）were connected to scanning equipment and shown two numbers on a screen. They were then asked to choose between adding or subtracting（）the two numbers. Using this method, researchers were able to follow brain processes and make the correct assumptions（）70 percent of the time. It's not quite mind reading, but it's certainly a first step.
-Dr. J.
Dear Dr. Jeffers,
My three-year-old son loves it when I dig my fingers into his sides and tickle （）him until he laughs uncontrollably. The other day I noticed him trying to tickle himself but he couldn't do it. Why not?
-Glenn Lewis, Vancouver, Canada
Dear Mr. Lewis,
It's because of how the brain works. The brain is trained to know what to pay attention to and what to ignore. It causes us to ignore physical feelings we expect to happen, but it causes a mild panic reaction when there is an unexpected feeling. For example, you don't notice how your shoulder feels while you're walking down the street. But if someone comes up behind you and touches you lightly on the shoulder, you may jump in fear. It's that unexpected part that causes the tickle reaction.
-Dr. J. | 3771.txt | 1 |
[
"a computer programmer",
"a test subject",
"a human brain expert",
"a medical doctor"
] | According to the text, Jeffers is probably _ . | Ask Dr. Jeffers This month Dr. Jeffers is answering questions about the human brain and how it works.
Dear Dr. Jeffers,
One of my colleagues, Felix Moeller, told me that scientists are learning to use computer to ‘read minds'. Is there any truth to this story/
-Jane Leon, New York, USA
Dear Ms. Leon,
Well, a lot of research is being conducted in this area, but so far, the brain scanning equipment and corresponding computer programs haven't been able to actually read thoughts. In one experiment, test subjects（）were connected to scanning equipment and shown two numbers on a screen. They were then asked to choose between adding or subtracting（）the two numbers. Using this method, researchers were able to follow brain processes and make the correct assumptions（）70 percent of the time. It's not quite mind reading, but it's certainly a first step.
-Dr. J.
Dear Dr. Jeffers,
My three-year-old son loves it when I dig my fingers into his sides and tickle （）him until he laughs uncontrollably. The other day I noticed him trying to tickle himself but he couldn't do it. Why not?
-Glenn Lewis, Vancouver, Canada
Dear Mr. Lewis,
It's because of how the brain works. The brain is trained to know what to pay attention to and what to ignore. It causes us to ignore physical feelings we expect to happen, but it causes a mild panic reaction when there is an unexpected feeling. For example, you don't notice how your shoulder feels while you're walking down the street. But if someone comes up behind you and touches you lightly on the shoulder, you may jump in fear. It's that unexpected part that causes the tickle reaction.
-Dr. J. | 3771.txt | 2 |
[
"prosperity and growth",
"efficiency and practicality",
"restraint and confidence",
"pride and faithfulness"
] | The postwar American housing style largely reflected the Americans' _ . | We tend to think of the decades immediately following World War II as a time of prosperity and growth, with soldiers returning home by the millions, going off to college on the G. I. Bill and lining up at the marriage bureaus.
But when it came to their houses, it was a time of common sense and a belief that less could truly be more. During the Depression and the war, Americans had learned to live with less, and that restraint, in combination with the postwar confidence in the future, made small, efficient housing positively stylish.
Economic condition was only a stimulus for the trend toward efficient living. The phrase "less is more" was actually first popularized by a German, the architect Ludwig Mies van der Rohe, who like other people associated with the Bauhaus, a school of design, emigrated to the United States before World War II and took up posts at American architecture schools. These designers came to exert enormous influence on the course of American architecture, but none more so that Mies.
Mies's signature phrase means that less decoration, properly organized, has more impact than a lot. Elegance, he believed, did not derive from abundance. Like other modern architects, he employed metal, glass and laminated wood---materials that we take for granted today but that in the 1940s symbolized the future. Mies's sophisticated presentation masked the fact that the spaces he designed were small and efficient, rather than big and often empty.
The apartments in the elegant towers Mies built on Chicago's Lake Shore Drive, for example, were smaller - two-bedroom units under 1,000 square feet - than those in their older neighbors along the city's Gold Coast. But they were popular because of their airy glass walls, the views they afforded and the elegance of the buildings' details and proportions, the architectural equivalent of the abstract art so popular at the time.
The trend toward "less" was not entirely foreign. In the 1930s Frank Lloyd Wright started building more modest and efficient houses - usually around 1,200 square feet - than the spreading two-story ones he had designed in the 1890s and the early 20th century.
The "Case Study Houses" commissioned from talented modern architects by California Arts & Architecture magazine between 1945 and 1962 were yet another homegrown influence on the "less is more" trend. Aesthetic effect came from the landscape, new materials and forthright detailing. In his Case Study House, Ralph Rapson may have mispredicted just how the mechanical revolution would impact everyday life - few American families acquired helicopters, though most eventually got clothes dryers - but his belief that self-sufficiency was both desirable and inevitable was widely shared. | 3884.txt | 2 |
[
"It was founded by Ludwig Mies van der Rohe.",
"Its designing concept was affected by World War II.",
"Most American architects used to be associated with it.",
"It had a great influence upon American architecture."
] | Which of the following can be inferred from Paragraph 3 about Bauhaus? | We tend to think of the decades immediately following World War II as a time of prosperity and growth, with soldiers returning home by the millions, going off to college on the G. I. Bill and lining up at the marriage bureaus.
But when it came to their houses, it was a time of common sense and a belief that less could truly be more. During the Depression and the war, Americans had learned to live with less, and that restraint, in combination with the postwar confidence in the future, made small, efficient housing positively stylish.
Economic condition was only a stimulus for the trend toward efficient living. The phrase "less is more" was actually first popularized by a German, the architect Ludwig Mies van der Rohe, who like other people associated with the Bauhaus, a school of design, emigrated to the United States before World War II and took up posts at American architecture schools. These designers came to exert enormous influence on the course of American architecture, but none more so that Mies.
Mies's signature phrase means that less decoration, properly organized, has more impact than a lot. Elegance, he believed, did not derive from abundance. Like other modern architects, he employed metal, glass and laminated wood---materials that we take for granted today but that in the 1940s symbolized the future. Mies's sophisticated presentation masked the fact that the spaces he designed were small and efficient, rather than big and often empty.
The apartments in the elegant towers Mies built on Chicago's Lake Shore Drive, for example, were smaller - two-bedroom units under 1,000 square feet - than those in their older neighbors along the city's Gold Coast. But they were popular because of their airy glass walls, the views they afforded and the elegance of the buildings' details and proportions, the architectural equivalent of the abstract art so popular at the time.
The trend toward "less" was not entirely foreign. In the 1930s Frank Lloyd Wright started building more modest and efficient houses - usually around 1,200 square feet - than the spreading two-story ones he had designed in the 1890s and the early 20th century.
The "Case Study Houses" commissioned from talented modern architects by California Arts & Architecture magazine between 1945 and 1962 were yet another homegrown influence on the "less is more" trend. Aesthetic effect came from the landscape, new materials and forthright detailing. In his Case Study House, Ralph Rapson may have mispredicted just how the mechanical revolution would impact everyday life - few American families acquired helicopters, though most eventually got clothes dryers - but his belief that self-sufficiency was both desirable and inevitable was widely shared. | 3884.txt | 3 |
[
"was related to large space",
"was identified with emptiness",
"was not reliant on abundant decoration",
"was not associated with efficiency"
] | Mies held that elegance of architectural design _ . | We tend to think of the decades immediately following World War II as a time of prosperity and growth, with soldiers returning home by the millions, going off to college on the G. I. Bill and lining up at the marriage bureaus.
But when it came to their houses, it was a time of common sense and a belief that less could truly be more. During the Depression and the war, Americans had learned to live with less, and that restraint, in combination with the postwar confidence in the future, made small, efficient housing positively stylish.
Economic condition was only a stimulus for the trend toward efficient living. The phrase "less is more" was actually first popularized by a German, the architect Ludwig Mies van der Rohe, who like other people associated with the Bauhaus, a school of design, emigrated to the United States before World War II and took up posts at American architecture schools. These designers came to exert enormous influence on the course of American architecture, but none more so that Mies.
Mies's signature phrase means that less decoration, properly organized, has more impact than a lot. Elegance, he believed, did not derive from abundance. Like other modern architects, he employed metal, glass and laminated wood---materials that we take for granted today but that in the 1940s symbolized the future. Mies's sophisticated presentation masked the fact that the spaces he designed were small and efficient, rather than big and often empty.
The apartments in the elegant towers Mies built on Chicago's Lake Shore Drive, for example, were smaller - two-bedroom units under 1,000 square feet - than those in their older neighbors along the city's Gold Coast. But they were popular because of their airy glass walls, the views they afforded and the elegance of the buildings' details and proportions, the architectural equivalent of the abstract art so popular at the time.
The trend toward "less" was not entirely foreign. In the 1930s Frank Lloyd Wright started building more modest and efficient houses - usually around 1,200 square feet - than the spreading two-story ones he had designed in the 1890s and the early 20th century.
The "Case Study Houses" commissioned from talented modern architects by California Arts & Architecture magazine between 1945 and 1962 were yet another homegrown influence on the "less is more" trend. Aesthetic effect came from the landscape, new materials and forthright detailing. In his Case Study House, Ralph Rapson may have mispredicted just how the mechanical revolution would impact everyday life - few American families acquired helicopters, though most eventually got clothes dryers - but his belief that self-sufficiency was both desirable and inevitable was widely shared. | 3884.txt | 2 |
[
"They ignored details and proportions.",
"They were built with materials popular at that time.",
"They were more spacious than neighboring buildings.",
"They shared some characteristics of abstract art."
] | What is true about the apartments Mies building Chicago's Lake Shore Drive? | We tend to think of the decades immediately following World War II as a time of prosperity and growth, with soldiers returning home by the millions, going off to college on the G. I. Bill and lining up at the marriage bureaus.
But when it came to their houses, it was a time of common sense and a belief that less could truly be more. During the Depression and the war, Americans had learned to live with less, and that restraint, in combination with the postwar confidence in the future, made small, efficient housing positively stylish.
Economic condition was only a stimulus for the trend toward efficient living. The phrase "less is more" was actually first popularized by a German, the architect Ludwig Mies van der Rohe, who like other people associated with the Bauhaus, a school of design, emigrated to the United States before World War II and took up posts at American architecture schools. These designers came to exert enormous influence on the course of American architecture, but none more so that Mies.
Mies's signature phrase means that less decoration, properly organized, has more impact than a lot. Elegance, he believed, did not derive from abundance. Like other modern architects, he employed metal, glass and laminated wood---materials that we take for granted today but that in the 1940s symbolized the future. Mies's sophisticated presentation masked the fact that the spaces he designed were small and efficient, rather than big and often empty.
The apartments in the elegant towers Mies built on Chicago's Lake Shore Drive, for example, were smaller - two-bedroom units under 1,000 square feet - than those in their older neighbors along the city's Gold Coast. But they were popular because of their airy glass walls, the views they afforded and the elegance of the buildings' details and proportions, the architectural equivalent of the abstract art so popular at the time.
The trend toward "less" was not entirely foreign. In the 1930s Frank Lloyd Wright started building more modest and efficient houses - usually around 1,200 square feet - than the spreading two-story ones he had designed in the 1890s and the early 20th century.
The "Case Study Houses" commissioned from talented modern architects by California Arts & Architecture magazine between 1945 and 1962 were yet another homegrown influence on the "less is more" trend. Aesthetic effect came from the landscape, new materials and forthright detailing. In his Case Study House, Ralph Rapson may have mispredicted just how the mechanical revolution would impact everyday life - few American families acquired helicopters, though most eventually got clothes dryers - but his belief that self-sufficiency was both desirable and inevitable was widely shared. | 3884.txt | 3 |
[
"Mechanical devices were widely used.",
"Natural scenes were taken into consideration",
"Details were sacrificed for the overall effect.",
"Eco-friendly materials were employed."
] | What can we learn about the design of the "Case Study House"? | We tend to think of the decades immediately following World War II as a time of prosperity and growth, with soldiers returning home by the millions, going off to college on the G. I. Bill and lining up at the marriage bureaus.
But when it came to their houses, it was a time of common sense and a belief that less could truly be more. During the Depression and the war, Americans had learned to live with less, and that restraint, in combination with the postwar confidence in the future, made small, efficient housing positively stylish.
Economic condition was only a stimulus for the trend toward efficient living. The phrase "less is more" was actually first popularized by a German, the architect Ludwig Mies van der Rohe, who like other people associated with the Bauhaus, a school of design, emigrated to the United States before World War II and took up posts at American architecture schools. These designers came to exert enormous influence on the course of American architecture, but none more so that Mies.
Mies's signature phrase means that less decoration, properly organized, has more impact than a lot. Elegance, he believed, did not derive from abundance. Like other modern architects, he employed metal, glass and laminated wood---materials that we take for granted today but that in the 1940s symbolized the future. Mies's sophisticated presentation masked the fact that the spaces he designed were small and efficient, rather than big and often empty.
The apartments in the elegant towers Mies built on Chicago's Lake Shore Drive, for example, were smaller - two-bedroom units under 1,000 square feet - than those in their older neighbors along the city's Gold Coast. But they were popular because of their airy glass walls, the views they afforded and the elegance of the buildings' details and proportions, the architectural equivalent of the abstract art so popular at the time.
The trend toward "less" was not entirely foreign. In the 1930s Frank Lloyd Wright started building more modest and efficient houses - usually around 1,200 square feet - than the spreading two-story ones he had designed in the 1890s and the early 20th century.
The "Case Study Houses" commissioned from talented modern architects by California Arts & Architecture magazine between 1945 and 1962 were yet another homegrown influence on the "less is more" trend. Aesthetic effect came from the landscape, new materials and forthright detailing. In his Case Study House, Ralph Rapson may have mispredicted just how the mechanical revolution would impact everyday life - few American families acquired helicopters, though most eventually got clothes dryers - but his belief that self-sufficiency was both desirable and inevitable was widely shared. | 3884.txt | 1 |
[
"Producer Vacancies, Kiss 100.",
"Mrs R. Oglivie, Palmlace Limited.",
"The Enterprise Shopping Centre",
"Wealden District Council."
] | Who should you get in touch with if you hope to work in a radio station? | Wanted, Someone for a Kiss
We're looking for producers to join us in the second of London 100FM. You'll work on the station's music programmes. Music production experience in radio is necessary, along with rich knowledge of modern dance music. Please apply in writing to Producer Vacancies, Kiss100.
Father Christmas
We're looking for a very special person preferably over 40, to fill our Father Christmas suit.
Working days: Every Saturday from November 24 to December 15 and every day from December17 to December24 except Sunday, 10:30-16:00
Excellent pay.
Please contactthe Enterprise Shopping Center, Station Parade, Eastbourne.
Accountants Assistant
When you join the them in our Revenue Administration Unit, you will be providing assistance within all parts of the Revenue Division, dealing with post and other general duties. If you are educated to GCSE grade C level we would like to talk to you. This position is equally suitable for a school leaver of for somebody who has office experience.
Wealden District Council
Software Trainer
If you are aged 24-45 and have experience in teaching and training, you could be the person we are looking for. You should be good at the computer and have some experience in programme writing. You will be allowed to make our decision, and to design courses as well as present them. Pay upwards of ￡15,000 for the right person. Please apply by sending your CV to Mrs R. Oglivie, Palmlace Limited. | 2169.txt | 0 |
[
"is aged between 24 and 40",
"may do some training work",
"should deal with general duties",
"can work for about a month"
] | We learn from the ads that the Enterprise Shopping Centre needs a person who _ . | Wanted, Someone for a Kiss
We're looking for producers to join us in the second of London 100FM. You'll work on the station's music programmes. Music production experience in radio is necessary, along with rich knowledge of modern dance music. Please apply in writing to Producer Vacancies, Kiss100.
Father Christmas
We're looking for a very special person preferably over 40, to fill our Father Christmas suit.
Working days: Every Saturday from November 24 to December 15 and every day from December17 to December24 except Sunday, 10:30-16:00
Excellent pay.
Please contactthe Enterprise Shopping Center, Station Parade, Eastbourne.
Accountants Assistant
When you join the them in our Revenue Administration Unit, you will be providing assistance within all parts of the Revenue Division, dealing with post and other general duties. If you are educated to GCSE grade C level we would like to talk to you. This position is equally suitable for a school leaver of for somebody who has office experience.
Wealden District Council
Software Trainer
If you are aged 24-45 and have experience in teaching and training, you could be the person we are looking for. You should be good at the computer and have some experience in programme writing. You will be allowed to make our decision, and to design courses as well as present them. Pay upwards of ￡15,000 for the right person. Please apply by sending your CV to Mrs R. Oglivie, Palmlace Limited. | 2169.txt | 3 |
[
"Producer,London Kiss.",
"Father Christmas.",
"Accountants Assistant",
"Software Trainer"
] | which position is open to recent school graduates? | Wanted, Someone for a Kiss
We're looking for producers to join us in the second of London 100FM. You'll work on the station's music programmes. Music production experience in radio is necessary, along with rich knowledge of modern dance music. Please apply in writing to Producer Vacancies, Kiss100.
Father Christmas
We're looking for a very special person preferably over 40, to fill our Father Christmas suit.
Working days: Every Saturday from November 24 to December 15 and every day from December17 to December24 except Sunday, 10:30-16:00
Excellent pay.
Please contactthe Enterprise Shopping Center, Station Parade, Eastbourne.
Accountants Assistant
When you join the them in our Revenue Administration Unit, you will be providing assistance within all parts of the Revenue Division, dealing with post and other general duties. If you are educated to GCSE grade C level we would like to talk to you. This position is equally suitable for a school leaver of for somebody who has office experience.
Wealden District Council
Software Trainer
If you are aged 24-45 and have experience in teaching and training, you could be the person we are looking for. You should be good at the computer and have some experience in programme writing. You will be allowed to make our decision, and to design courses as well as present them. Pay upwards of ￡15,000 for the right person. Please apply by sending your CV to Mrs R. Oglivie, Palmlace Limited. | 2169.txt | 2 |
[
"One with GCSE grade C level.",
"One with some office experience.",
"One having good computer knowledge",
"One trained in producing music programmes."
] | What kind of person would probably apply to Palmace Limited? | Wanted, Someone for a Kiss
We're looking for producers to join us in the second of London 100FM. You'll work on the station's music programmes. Music production experience in radio is necessary, along with rich knowledge of modern dance music. Please apply in writing to Producer Vacancies, Kiss100.
Father Christmas
We're looking for a very special person preferably over 40, to fill our Father Christmas suit.
Working days: Every Saturday from November 24 to December 15 and every day from December17 to December24 except Sunday, 10:30-16:00
Excellent pay.
Please contactthe Enterprise Shopping Center, Station Parade, Eastbourne.
Accountants Assistant
When you join the them in our Revenue Administration Unit, you will be providing assistance within all parts of the Revenue Division, dealing with post and other general duties. If you are educated to GCSE grade C level we would like to talk to you. This position is equally suitable for a school leaver of for somebody who has office experience.
Wealden District Council
Software Trainer
If you are aged 24-45 and have experience in teaching and training, you could be the person we are looking for. You should be good at the computer and have some experience in programme writing. You will be allowed to make our decision, and to design courses as well as present them. Pay upwards of ￡15,000 for the right person. Please apply by sending your CV to Mrs R. Oglivie, Palmlace Limited. | 2169.txt | 2 |
[
"describing subsystems of the visual system and showing their relevance to art",
"comparing three theories on how the visual system analyzes images in a work of art",
"explaining how artists use color contrasts to create particular visual effects",
"explaining how the visual system distinguishes among different colors"
] | The passage is primarily concerned with | Recent findings suggest that visual signals are fed into at least three separate processing systems in the brain, each with its own distinct function. One system appears, to process information about shape perception; a second, information about color; a third, information about movement, location, and spatial organization. An understanding of the functions and capabilities of these three systems can shed light on how artists manipulate materials to create surprising visual effects.
It is possible to summarize the functions of the three subsystems of the visual system as follows. The parvo system carries highly detailed information about stationary objects and about borders that are formed by contrasting colors. It does not, however, carry information about specific colors. Because much of the information about the shape of objects can be represented by their borders, we suspect that this system is important in shape perception. The blob system processes information about colors, but not about movement, shape discrimination, or depth. The magno system carries information about movement and depth. It is good at detecting motion but poor at scru-tinizing stationary images. In addition it appears to be colorblind; it is unable to perceive borders that are visible only on the basis of color contrast.
Cells in parvo system can distinguish between two colors at any relative brightness of the two. Cells in the color-blind magno system. on the other hand, are analogous to a black-and-white photograph in the way they function: they signal information about the brightness of surfaces but not about their colors. For any pair of colors there is a particular bright-ness ratio at which two colors, for example red and green, will appear as the same shade of gray in a black-and-white photograph, hence any border between them will vanish. Similarly at some relative red-to-green bright- ness level, the red and green will appear identical to the magno system. The red and green are then called equi-luminant. A border between two equi-luminant colors has color contrast but no luminance contrast.
Many artists have seemed to be empirically aware of these underlying principles and have used them to maximize particular effects. Some of the peculiar effects of Op Art, for example, probably arise from color combinations that are strong activators of the parvo system but are weak stimuli for the magno system. An object that is equiluminant with its background looks vibrant and unstable. The reason is that the parvo system can signal the object's shape but the magno system cannot see its borders and therefore cannot signal either the movement or the position of the object. Hence it seems to jump around, drift, or vibrate on the canvas. | 1895.txt | 0 |
[
"A watercolor in which colors are applied imprecisely to outlined shapes",
"A painting in which different shades of the same color are used to obscure the boundaries between objects",
"A black-and-white sketch in which shading is used to convey a sense of depth",
"An advertisement in which key words are at the same level of brightness as a background of contrasting color"
] | Which of the following would create visual effects most similar to those discussed in lines 43-48? | Recent findings suggest that visual signals are fed into at least three separate processing systems in the brain, each with its own distinct function. One system appears, to process information about shape perception; a second, information about color; a third, information about movement, location, and spatial organization. An understanding of the functions and capabilities of these three systems can shed light on how artists manipulate materials to create surprising visual effects.
It is possible to summarize the functions of the three subsystems of the visual system as follows. The parvo system carries highly detailed information about stationary objects and about borders that are formed by contrasting colors. It does not, however, carry information about specific colors. Because much of the information about the shape of objects can be represented by their borders, we suspect that this system is important in shape perception. The blob system processes information about colors, but not about movement, shape discrimination, or depth. The magno system carries information about movement and depth. It is good at detecting motion but poor at scru-tinizing stationary images. In addition it appears to be colorblind; it is unable to perceive borders that are visible only on the basis of color contrast.
Cells in parvo system can distinguish between two colors at any relative brightness of the two. Cells in the color-blind magno system. on the other hand, are analogous to a black-and-white photograph in the way they function: they signal information about the brightness of surfaces but not about their colors. For any pair of colors there is a particular bright-ness ratio at which two colors, for example red and green, will appear as the same shade of gray in a black-and-white photograph, hence any border between them will vanish. Similarly at some relative red-to-green bright- ness level, the red and green will appear identical to the magno system. The red and green are then called equi-luminant. A border between two equi-luminant colors has color contrast but no luminance contrast.
Many artists have seemed to be empirically aware of these underlying principles and have used them to maximize particular effects. Some of the peculiar effects of Op Art, for example, probably arise from color combinations that are strong activators of the parvo system but are weak stimuli for the magno system. An object that is equiluminant with its background looks vibrant and unstable. The reason is that the parvo system can signal the object's shape but the magno system cannot see its borders and therefore cannot signal either the movement or the position of the object. Hence it seems to jump around, drift, or vibrate on the canvas. | 1895.txt | 3 |
[
"Why the same system can process information about movement and location",
"Why the parvo system is considered to be responsible for shape perception",
"Why the blob system can process information about colors but not movement",
"The mechanism that enables the blob system to distinguish between stationary objects"
] | The passage provides information about which of the following? | Recent findings suggest that visual signals are fed into at least three separate processing systems in the brain, each with its own distinct function. One system appears, to process information about shape perception; a second, information about color; a third, information about movement, location, and spatial organization. An understanding of the functions and capabilities of these three systems can shed light on how artists manipulate materials to create surprising visual effects.
It is possible to summarize the functions of the three subsystems of the visual system as follows. The parvo system carries highly detailed information about stationary objects and about borders that are formed by contrasting colors. It does not, however, carry information about specific colors. Because much of the information about the shape of objects can be represented by their borders, we suspect that this system is important in shape perception. The blob system processes information about colors, but not about movement, shape discrimination, or depth. The magno system carries information about movement and depth. It is good at detecting motion but poor at scru-tinizing stationary images. In addition it appears to be colorblind; it is unable to perceive borders that are visible only on the basis of color contrast.
Cells in parvo system can distinguish between two colors at any relative brightness of the two. Cells in the color-blind magno system. on the other hand, are analogous to a black-and-white photograph in the way they function: they signal information about the brightness of surfaces but not about their colors. For any pair of colors there is a particular bright-ness ratio at which two colors, for example red and green, will appear as the same shade of gray in a black-and-white photograph, hence any border between them will vanish. Similarly at some relative red-to-green bright- ness level, the red and green will appear identical to the magno system. The red and green are then called equi-luminant. A border between two equi-luminant colors has color contrast but no luminance contrast.
Many artists have seemed to be empirically aware of these underlying principles and have used them to maximize particular effects. Some of the peculiar effects of Op Art, for example, probably arise from color combinations that are strong activators of the parvo system but are weak stimuli for the magno system. An object that is equiluminant with its background looks vibrant and unstable. The reason is that the parvo system can signal the object's shape but the magno system cannot see its borders and therefore cannot signal either the movement or the position of the object. Hence it seems to jump around, drift, or vibrate on the canvas. | 1895.txt | 1 |
[
"It processes visual signals in three consecutive stages.",
"It processes visual signals through separate processing systems in the brain.",
"It consists of only three separate systems.",
"It consists of a single hierarchical system rather than a multipartite system."
] | According to the passage, which of the following is true of the visual system? | Recent findings suggest that visual signals are fed into at least three separate processing systems in the brain, each with its own distinct function. One system appears, to process information about shape perception; a second, information about color; a third, information about movement, location, and spatial organization. An understanding of the functions and capabilities of these three systems can shed light on how artists manipulate materials to create surprising visual effects.
It is possible to summarize the functions of the three subsystems of the visual system as follows. The parvo system carries highly detailed information about stationary objects and about borders that are formed by contrasting colors. It does not, however, carry information about specific colors. Because much of the information about the shape of objects can be represented by their borders, we suspect that this system is important in shape perception. The blob system processes information about colors, but not about movement, shape discrimination, or depth. The magno system carries information about movement and depth. It is good at detecting motion but poor at scru-tinizing stationary images. In addition it appears to be colorblind; it is unable to perceive borders that are visible only on the basis of color contrast.
Cells in parvo system can distinguish between two colors at any relative brightness of the two. Cells in the color-blind magno system. on the other hand, are analogous to a black-and-white photograph in the way they function: they signal information about the brightness of surfaces but not about their colors. For any pair of colors there is a particular bright-ness ratio at which two colors, for example red and green, will appear as the same shade of gray in a black-and-white photograph, hence any border between them will vanish. Similarly at some relative red-to-green bright- ness level, the red and green will appear identical to the magno system. The red and green are then called equi-luminant. A border between two equi-luminant colors has color contrast but no luminance contrast.
Many artists have seemed to be empirically aware of these underlying principles and have used them to maximize particular effects. Some of the peculiar effects of Op Art, for example, probably arise from color combinations that are strong activators of the parvo system but are weak stimuli for the magno system. An object that is equiluminant with its background looks vibrant and unstable. The reason is that the parvo system can signal the object's shape but the magno system cannot see its borders and therefore cannot signal either the movement or the position of the object. Hence it seems to jump around, drift, or vibrate on the canvas. | 1895.txt | 1 |
[
"how the parvo system distinguishes between different shapes and colors",
"how the magno system uses luminosity to identify borders between objects",
"the mechanism that makes the magno system color-blind",
"why the magno system is capable of perceiving moving images"
] | The author mentions a "black-and-white photograph" (line 29) most probably in order to explain | Recent findings suggest that visual signals are fed into at least three separate processing systems in the brain, each with its own distinct function. One system appears, to process information about shape perception; a second, information about color; a third, information about movement, location, and spatial organization. An understanding of the functions and capabilities of these three systems can shed light on how artists manipulate materials to create surprising visual effects.
It is possible to summarize the functions of the three subsystems of the visual system as follows. The parvo system carries highly detailed information about stationary objects and about borders that are formed by contrasting colors. It does not, however, carry information about specific colors. Because much of the information about the shape of objects can be represented by their borders, we suspect that this system is important in shape perception. The blob system processes information about colors, but not about movement, shape discrimination, or depth. The magno system carries information about movement and depth. It is good at detecting motion but poor at scru-tinizing stationary images. In addition it appears to be colorblind; it is unable to perceive borders that are visible only on the basis of color contrast.
Cells in parvo system can distinguish between two colors at any relative brightness of the two. Cells in the color-blind magno system. on the other hand, are analogous to a black-and-white photograph in the way they function: they signal information about the brightness of surfaces but not about their colors. For any pair of colors there is a particular bright-ness ratio at which two colors, for example red and green, will appear as the same shade of gray in a black-and-white photograph, hence any border between them will vanish. Similarly at some relative red-to-green bright- ness level, the red and green will appear identical to the magno system. The red and green are then called equi-luminant. A border between two equi-luminant colors has color contrast but no luminance contrast.
Many artists have seemed to be empirically aware of these underlying principles and have used them to maximize particular effects. Some of the peculiar effects of Op Art, for example, probably arise from color combinations that are strong activators of the parvo system but are weak stimuli for the magno system. An object that is equiluminant with its background looks vibrant and unstable. The reason is that the parvo system can signal the object's shape but the magno system cannot see its borders and therefore cannot signal either the movement or the position of the object. Hence it seems to jump around, drift, or vibrate on the canvas. | 1895.txt | 1 |
[
"an example",
"definition of terms",
"contrast",
"a rhetorical question"
] | The author uses all of the following in the discussion in the third paragraph EXCEPT: | Recent findings suggest that visual signals are fed into at least three separate processing systems in the brain, each with its own distinct function. One system appears, to process information about shape perception; a second, information about color; a third, information about movement, location, and spatial organization. An understanding of the functions and capabilities of these three systems can shed light on how artists manipulate materials to create surprising visual effects.
It is possible to summarize the functions of the three subsystems of the visual system as follows. The parvo system carries highly detailed information about stationary objects and about borders that are formed by contrasting colors. It does not, however, carry information about specific colors. Because much of the information about the shape of objects can be represented by their borders, we suspect that this system is important in shape perception. The blob system processes information about colors, but not about movement, shape discrimination, or depth. The magno system carries information about movement and depth. It is good at detecting motion but poor at scru-tinizing stationary images. In addition it appears to be colorblind; it is unable to perceive borders that are visible only on the basis of color contrast.
Cells in parvo system can distinguish between two colors at any relative brightness of the two. Cells in the color-blind magno system. on the other hand, are analogous to a black-and-white photograph in the way they function: they signal information about the brightness of surfaces but not about their colors. For any pair of colors there is a particular bright-ness ratio at which two colors, for example red and green, will appear as the same shade of gray in a black-and-white photograph, hence any border between them will vanish. Similarly at some relative red-to-green bright- ness level, the red and green will appear identical to the magno system. The red and green are then called equi-luminant. A border between two equi-luminant colors has color contrast but no luminance contrast.
Many artists have seemed to be empirically aware of these underlying principles and have used them to maximize particular effects. Some of the peculiar effects of Op Art, for example, probably arise from color combinations that are strong activators of the parvo system but are weak stimuli for the magno system. An object that is equiluminant with its background looks vibrant and unstable. The reason is that the parvo system can signal the object's shape but the magno system cannot see its borders and therefore cannot signal either the movement or the position of the object. Hence it seems to jump around, drift, or vibrate on the canvas. | 1895.txt | 3 |
[
"It perceives borders on the basis of luminance contrast.",
"It perceives shapes on the basis of color contrast.",
"It is better at perceiving stationary objects than it is at detecting movement.",
"It can detect motion but it cannot signal the position of an object."
] | The passage suggests which of the following about the magno system? | Recent findings suggest that visual signals are fed into at least three separate processing systems in the brain, each with its own distinct function. One system appears, to process information about shape perception; a second, information about color; a third, information about movement, location, and spatial organization. An understanding of the functions and capabilities of these three systems can shed light on how artists manipulate materials to create surprising visual effects.
It is possible to summarize the functions of the three subsystems of the visual system as follows. The parvo system carries highly detailed information about stationary objects and about borders that are formed by contrasting colors. It does not, however, carry information about specific colors. Because much of the information about the shape of objects can be represented by their borders, we suspect that this system is important in shape perception. The blob system processes information about colors, but not about movement, shape discrimination, or depth. The magno system carries information about movement and depth. It is good at detecting motion but poor at scru-tinizing stationary images. In addition it appears to be colorblind; it is unable to perceive borders that are visible only on the basis of color contrast.
Cells in parvo system can distinguish between two colors at any relative brightness of the two. Cells in the color-blind magno system. on the other hand, are analogous to a black-and-white photograph in the way they function: they signal information about the brightness of surfaces but not about their colors. For any pair of colors there is a particular bright-ness ratio at which two colors, for example red and green, will appear as the same shade of gray in a black-and-white photograph, hence any border between them will vanish. Similarly at some relative red-to-green bright- ness level, the red and green will appear identical to the magno system. The red and green are then called equi-luminant. A border between two equi-luminant colors has color contrast but no luminance contrast.
Many artists have seemed to be empirically aware of these underlying principles and have used them to maximize particular effects. Some of the peculiar effects of Op Art, for example, probably arise from color combinations that are strong activators of the parvo system but are weak stimuli for the magno system. An object that is equiluminant with its background looks vibrant and unstable. The reason is that the parvo system can signal the object's shape but the magno system cannot see its borders and therefore cannot signal either the movement or the position of the object. Hence it seems to jump around, drift, or vibrate on the canvas. | 1895.txt | 0 |
[
"firms provide cheap cars",
"the cars people rent are better than their own",
"it costs less when taking to the roads",
"it is expensive to travel by train or bus"
] | More and more people prefer to rent a car because _ . | Shanghai: Car rentals are becomingincreasingly popular as an inexpensive way oftaking to the roads. Business people, foreigners andfamilies alike are taking advantage of thegrowing industry.
The first car rental firm opened in Shanghai in1992 and now 12 car rental players are in the game,with more than 11,500 cars on their books.
The largest player-Shanghai binshi tourism Car Rental Centre has 10,000 cars from deluxesedans and minivans to large passenger buses. Santana sedans are the bigfetteite.
Firms can attract enough customers, for 70 percent of their cars every month. This figureshoots up during holidays like National Day, Labour Day and New Year‘s Day, with somerecording 100 percent leasing.
The major market force tests in the growing population of expatriate and white-collar employers, who can afford the new service, said ZhuangYu, marketing manger ofShanghai Angel Car Rental Co. | 2519.txt | 2 |
[
"70% of the white-collar employers rent cars on their holidays",
"almost all the cars in the firms are rented on holidays",
"more and more cars are rented because the population is growing",
"people can only rent Santana sedans in car rental firms"
] | From the passage we can learn that _ . | Shanghai: Car rentals are becomingincreasingly popular as an inexpensive way oftaking to the roads. Business people, foreigners andfamilies alike are taking advantage of thegrowing industry.
The first car rental firm opened in Shanghai in1992 and now 12 car rental players are in the game,with more than 11,500 cars on their books.
The largest player-Shanghai binshi tourism Car Rental Centre has 10,000 cars from deluxesedans and minivans to large passenger buses. Santana sedans are the bigfetteite.
Firms can attract enough customers, for 70 percent of their cars every month. This figureshoots up during holidays like National Day, Labour Day and New Year‘s Day, with somerecording 100 percent leasing.
The major market force tests in the growing population of expatriate and white-collar employers, who can afford the new service, said ZhuangYu, marketing manger ofShanghai Angel Car Rental Co. | 2519.txt | 1 |
[
"Puritan tradition dominated political life.",
"intellectual interests were encouraged.",
"Politics benefited much from intellectual endeavors.",
"intellectual pursuits enjoyed a liberal environment."
] | The author notes that in the seventeenth-century New England . | The most thoroughly studied in the history of the new world are the ministers and political leaders of seventeenth-century New England. According to the standard history of American philosophy, nowhere else in colonial America was "So much important attached to intellectual pursuits " According to many books and articles, New England's leaders established the basic themes and preoccupations of an unfolding, dominant Puritan tradition in American intellectual life.
To take this approach to the New Englanders normally mean to start with the Puritans' theological innovations and their distinctive ideas about the church-important subjects that we may not neglect. But in keeping with our examination of southern intellectual life, we may consider the original Puritans as carriers of European culture adjusting to New world circumstances. The New England colonies were the scenes of important episodes in the pursuit of widely understood ideals of civility and virtuosity.
The early settlers of Massachusetts Bay included men of impressive education and influence in England. `Besides the ninety or so learned ministers who came to Massachusetts church in the decade after 1629,There were political leaders like John Winthrop, an educated gentleman, lawyer, and official of the Crown before he journeyed to Boston. There men wrote and published extensively, reaching both New World and Old World audiences, and giving New England an atmosphere of intellectual earnestness.
We should not forget , however, that most New Englanders were less well educated. While few crafts men or farmers, let alone dependents and servants, left literary compositions to be analyzed, The in thinking often had a traditional superstitions quality. A tailor named John Dane, who emigrated in the late 1630s, left an account of his reasons for leaving England that is filled with signs. sexual confusion, economic frustrations , and religious hope-all name together in a decisive moment when he opened the Bible, told his father the first line he saw would settle his fate, and read the magical words: "come out from among them, touch no unclean thing , and I will be your God and you shall be my people." One wonders what Dane thought of the careful sermons explaining the Bible that he heard in puritan churched.
Meanwhile, many settles had slighter religious commitments than Dane's, as one clergyman learned in confronting folk along the coast who mocked that they had not come to the New world for religion . "Our main end was to catch fish. | 2532.txt | 1 |
[
"experienced a comparatively peaceful early history.",
"brought with them the culture of the Old World",
"paid little attention to southern intellectual life",
"were obsessed with religious innovations"
] | It is suggested in paragraph 2 that New Englanders . | The most thoroughly studied in the history of the new world are the ministers and political leaders of seventeenth-century New England. According to the standard history of American philosophy, nowhere else in colonial America was "So much important attached to intellectual pursuits " According to many books and articles, New England's leaders established the basic themes and preoccupations of an unfolding, dominant Puritan tradition in American intellectual life.
To take this approach to the New Englanders normally mean to start with the Puritans' theological innovations and their distinctive ideas about the church-important subjects that we may not neglect. But in keeping with our examination of southern intellectual life, we may consider the original Puritans as carriers of European culture adjusting to New world circumstances. The New England colonies were the scenes of important episodes in the pursuit of widely understood ideals of civility and virtuosity.
The early settlers of Massachusetts Bay included men of impressive education and influence in England. `Besides the ninety or so learned ministers who came to Massachusetts church in the decade after 1629,There were political leaders like John Winthrop, an educated gentleman, lawyer, and official of the Crown before he journeyed to Boston. There men wrote and published extensively, reaching both New World and Old World audiences, and giving New England an atmosphere of intellectual earnestness.
We should not forget , however, that most New Englanders were less well educated. While few crafts men or farmers, let alone dependents and servants, left literary compositions to be analyzed, The in thinking often had a traditional superstitions quality. A tailor named John Dane, who emigrated in the late 1630s, left an account of his reasons for leaving England that is filled with signs. sexual confusion, economic frustrations , and religious hope-all name together in a decisive moment when he opened the Bible, told his father the first line he saw would settle his fate, and read the magical words: "come out from among them, touch no unclean thing , and I will be your God and you shall be my people." One wonders what Dane thought of the careful sermons explaining the Bible that he heard in puritan churched.
Meanwhile, many settles had slighter religious commitments than Dane's, as one clergyman learned in confronting folk along the coast who mocked that they had not come to the New world for religion . "Our main end was to catch fish. | 2532.txt | 1 |
[
"were famous in the New World for their writings",
"gained increasing importance in religious affairs",
"abandoned high positions before coming to the New World",
"created a new intellectual atmosphere in New England"
] | The early ministers and political leaders in Massachusetts Bay . | The most thoroughly studied in the history of the new world are the ministers and political leaders of seventeenth-century New England. According to the standard history of American philosophy, nowhere else in colonial America was "So much important attached to intellectual pursuits " According to many books and articles, New England's leaders established the basic themes and preoccupations of an unfolding, dominant Puritan tradition in American intellectual life.
To take this approach to the New Englanders normally mean to start with the Puritans' theological innovations and their distinctive ideas about the church-important subjects that we may not neglect. But in keeping with our examination of southern intellectual life, we may consider the original Puritans as carriers of European culture adjusting to New world circumstances. The New England colonies were the scenes of important episodes in the pursuit of widely understood ideals of civility and virtuosity.
The early settlers of Massachusetts Bay included men of impressive education and influence in England. `Besides the ninety or so learned ministers who came to Massachusetts church in the decade after 1629,There were political leaders like John Winthrop, an educated gentleman, lawyer, and official of the Crown before he journeyed to Boston. There men wrote and published extensively, reaching both New World and Old World audiences, and giving New England an atmosphere of intellectual earnestness.
We should not forget , however, that most New Englanders were less well educated. While few crafts men or farmers, let alone dependents and servants, left literary compositions to be analyzed, The in thinking often had a traditional superstitions quality. A tailor named John Dane, who emigrated in the late 1630s, left an account of his reasons for leaving England that is filled with signs. sexual confusion, economic frustrations , and religious hope-all name together in a decisive moment when he opened the Bible, told his father the first line he saw would settle his fate, and read the magical words: "come out from among them, touch no unclean thing , and I will be your God and you shall be my people." One wonders what Dane thought of the careful sermons explaining the Bible that he heard in puritan churched.
Meanwhile, many settles had slighter religious commitments than Dane's, as one clergyman learned in confronting folk along the coast who mocked that they had not come to the New world for religion . "Our main end was to catch fish. | 2532.txt | 3 |
[
"influenced by superstitions",
"troubled with religious beliefs",
"puzzled by church sermons",
"frustrated with family earnings"
] | The story of John Dane shows that less well-educated New Englanders were often . | The most thoroughly studied in the history of the new world are the ministers and political leaders of seventeenth-century New England. According to the standard history of American philosophy, nowhere else in colonial America was "So much important attached to intellectual pursuits " According to many books and articles, New England's leaders established the basic themes and preoccupations of an unfolding, dominant Puritan tradition in American intellectual life.
To take this approach to the New Englanders normally mean to start with the Puritans' theological innovations and their distinctive ideas about the church-important subjects that we may not neglect. But in keeping with our examination of southern intellectual life, we may consider the original Puritans as carriers of European culture adjusting to New world circumstances. The New England colonies were the scenes of important episodes in the pursuit of widely understood ideals of civility and virtuosity.
The early settlers of Massachusetts Bay included men of impressive education and influence in England. `Besides the ninety or so learned ministers who came to Massachusetts church in the decade after 1629,There were political leaders like John Winthrop, an educated gentleman, lawyer, and official of the Crown before he journeyed to Boston. There men wrote and published extensively, reaching both New World and Old World audiences, and giving New England an atmosphere of intellectual earnestness.
We should not forget , however, that most New Englanders were less well educated. While few crafts men or farmers, let alone dependents and servants, left literary compositions to be analyzed, The in thinking often had a traditional superstitions quality. A tailor named John Dane, who emigrated in the late 1630s, left an account of his reasons for leaving England that is filled with signs. sexual confusion, economic frustrations , and religious hope-all name together in a decisive moment when he opened the Bible, told his father the first line he saw would settle his fate, and read the magical words: "come out from among them, touch no unclean thing , and I will be your God and you shall be my people." One wonders what Dane thought of the careful sermons explaining the Bible that he heard in puritan churched.
Meanwhile, many settles had slighter religious commitments than Dane's, as one clergyman learned in confronting folk along the coast who mocked that they had not come to the New world for religion . "Our main end was to catch fish. | 2532.txt | 0 |
[
"were mostly engaged in political activities",
"were motivated by an illusory prospect",
"came from different backgrounds.",
"left few formal records for later reference"
] | The text suggests that early settlers in New England . | The most thoroughly studied in the history of the new world are the ministers and political leaders of seventeenth-century New England. According to the standard history of American philosophy, nowhere else in colonial America was "So much important attached to intellectual pursuits " According to many books and articles, New England's leaders established the basic themes and preoccupations of an unfolding, dominant Puritan tradition in American intellectual life.
To take this approach to the New Englanders normally mean to start with the Puritans' theological innovations and their distinctive ideas about the church-important subjects that we may not neglect. But in keeping with our examination of southern intellectual life, we may consider the original Puritans as carriers of European culture adjusting to New world circumstances. The New England colonies were the scenes of important episodes in the pursuit of widely understood ideals of civility and virtuosity.
The early settlers of Massachusetts Bay included men of impressive education and influence in England. `Besides the ninety or so learned ministers who came to Massachusetts church in the decade after 1629,There were political leaders like John Winthrop, an educated gentleman, lawyer, and official of the Crown before he journeyed to Boston. There men wrote and published extensively, reaching both New World and Old World audiences, and giving New England an atmosphere of intellectual earnestness.
We should not forget , however, that most New Englanders were less well educated. While few crafts men or farmers, let alone dependents and servants, left literary compositions to be analyzed, The in thinking often had a traditional superstitions quality. A tailor named John Dane, who emigrated in the late 1630s, left an account of his reasons for leaving England that is filled with signs. sexual confusion, economic frustrations , and religious hope-all name together in a decisive moment when he opened the Bible, told his father the first line he saw would settle his fate, and read the magical words: "come out from among them, touch no unclean thing , and I will be your God and you shall be my people." One wonders what Dane thought of the careful sermons explaining the Bible that he heard in puritan churched.
Meanwhile, many settles had slighter religious commitments than Dane's, as one clergyman learned in confronting folk along the coast who mocked that they had not come to the New world for religion . "Our main end was to catch fish. | 2532.txt | 2 |
[
"losing its vitality gradually",
"characterized by its diversity",
"going downhill in recent years",
"focused on tapping students' potential"
] | According to the passage, the teaching of science and math in America is ________. | Throughout the nation's more than 15,000 school districts, widely differing approaches to teaching science and math have emerged. Though there can be strength in diversity, a new international analysis suggests that this variability has instead contributed to lackluster achievement scores by U.S. children relative to their peers in other developed countries.
Indeed, concludes William H. Schmidt of Michigan State University, who led the new analysis, "no single intellectually coherent vision dominates U.S. educational practice in math or science." The reason, he said, "is because the system is deeply and fundamentally flawed."
The new analysis, released this week by the National Science Foundation in Arlington, Va., is based on data collected from about 50 nations as part of the Third International Mathematics and Science Study.
Not only do approaches to teaching science and math vary among individual U.S. communities, the report finds, but there appears to be little strategic focus within a school district's curricula, its textbooks, or its teachers' activities. This contrasts sharply with the coordinated national programs of most other countries.
On average, U.S. students study more topics within science and math than their international counterparts do. This creates an educational environment that "is a mile wide and an inch deep," Schmidt notes.
For instance, eighth graders in the United States cover about 33 topics in math versus just 19 in Japan. Among science courses, the international gap is even wider. U.S. curricula for this age level resemble those of a small group of countries including Australia, Thailand, Iceland, and Bulgaria. Schmidt asks whether the United States wants to be classed with these nations, whose educational systems "share our pattern of splintered visions" but which are not economic leaders.
The new report "couldn't come at a better time," says Gerald Wheeler, executive director of the National Science Teachers Association in Arlington. "The new National Science Education Standards provide that focused vision," including the call "to do less, but in greater depth."
Implementing the new science standards and their math counterparts will be the challenge, he and Schmidt agree, because the decentralized responsibility for education in the United States requires that any reforms be tailored and instituted one community at a time.
In fact, Schmidt argues, reforms such as these proposed national standards "face an almost impossible task, because even though they are intellectually coherent, each becomes only one more voice in the babble ." | 465.txt | 1 |
[
"it attaches too much importance to intensive study of school subjects",
"it relies heavily on the initiative of individual teachers",
"it sets a very low academic standard for students",
"it lacks a coordinated national program"
] | The fundamental flaw of American school education is that ________. | Throughout the nation's more than 15,000 school districts, widely differing approaches to teaching science and math have emerged. Though there can be strength in diversity, a new international analysis suggests that this variability has instead contributed to lackluster achievement scores by U.S. children relative to their peers in other developed countries.
Indeed, concludes William H. Schmidt of Michigan State University, who led the new analysis, "no single intellectually coherent vision dominates U.S. educational practice in math or science." The reason, he said, "is because the system is deeply and fundamentally flawed."
The new analysis, released this week by the National Science Foundation in Arlington, Va., is based on data collected from about 50 nations as part of the Third International Mathematics and Science Study.
Not only do approaches to teaching science and math vary among individual U.S. communities, the report finds, but there appears to be little strategic focus within a school district's curricula, its textbooks, or its teachers' activities. This contrasts sharply with the coordinated national programs of most other countries.
On average, U.S. students study more topics within science and math than their international counterparts do. This creates an educational environment that "is a mile wide and an inch deep," Schmidt notes.
For instance, eighth graders in the United States cover about 33 topics in math versus just 19 in Japan. Among science courses, the international gap is even wider. U.S. curricula for this age level resemble those of a small group of countries including Australia, Thailand, Iceland, and Bulgaria. Schmidt asks whether the United States wants to be classed with these nations, whose educational systems "share our pattern of splintered visions" but which are not economic leaders.
The new report "couldn't come at a better time," says Gerald Wheeler, executive director of the National Science Teachers Association in Arlington. "The new National Science Education Standards provide that focused vision," including the call "to do less, but in greater depth."
Implementing the new science standards and their math counterparts will be the challenge, he and Schmidt agree, because the decentralized responsibility for education in the United States requires that any reforms be tailored and instituted one community at a time.
In fact, Schmidt argues, reforms such as these proposed national standards "face an almost impossible task, because even though they are intellectually coherent, each becomes only one more voice in the babble ." | 465.txt | 3 |
[
"scratches the surface of a wide range of topics",
"lays stress on quality at the expense of quantity",
"encourages learning both in depth and in scope",
"offers an environment for comprehensive education"
] | By saying that the U.S. educational environment is "a mile wide and an inch deep" (Line 2, Para. 5), the author means U.S. educational practice ________. | Throughout the nation's more than 15,000 school districts, widely differing approaches to teaching science and math have emerged. Though there can be strength in diversity, a new international analysis suggests that this variability has instead contributed to lackluster achievement scores by U.S. children relative to their peers in other developed countries.
Indeed, concludes William H. Schmidt of Michigan State University, who led the new analysis, "no single intellectually coherent vision dominates U.S. educational practice in math or science." The reason, he said, "is because the system is deeply and fundamentally flawed."
The new analysis, released this week by the National Science Foundation in Arlington, Va., is based on data collected from about 50 nations as part of the Third International Mathematics and Science Study.
Not only do approaches to teaching science and math vary among individual U.S. communities, the report finds, but there appears to be little strategic focus within a school district's curricula, its textbooks, or its teachers' activities. This contrasts sharply with the coordinated national programs of most other countries.
On average, U.S. students study more topics within science and math than their international counterparts do. This creates an educational environment that "is a mile wide and an inch deep," Schmidt notes.
For instance, eighth graders in the United States cover about 33 topics in math versus just 19 in Japan. Among science courses, the international gap is even wider. U.S. curricula for this age level resemble those of a small group of countries including Australia, Thailand, Iceland, and Bulgaria. Schmidt asks whether the United States wants to be classed with these nations, whose educational systems "share our pattern of splintered visions" but which are not economic leaders.
The new report "couldn't come at a better time," says Gerald Wheeler, executive director of the National Science Teachers Association in Arlington. "The new National Science Education Standards provide that focused vision," including the call "to do less, but in greater depth."
Implementing the new science standards and their math counterparts will be the challenge, he and Schmidt agree, because the decentralized responsibility for education in the United States requires that any reforms be tailored and instituted one community at a time.
In fact, Schmidt argues, reforms such as these proposed national standards "face an almost impossible task, because even though they are intellectually coherent, each becomes only one more voice in the babble ." | 465.txt | 0 |
[
"solve most of the problems in school teaching",
"provide depth to school science education",
"quickly dominate U.S. educational practice",
"be able to meet the demands of the community"
] | The new National Science Education Standards are good news in that they will ________. | Throughout the nation's more than 15,000 school districts, widely differing approaches to teaching science and math have emerged. Though there can be strength in diversity, a new international analysis suggests that this variability has instead contributed to lackluster achievement scores by U.S. children relative to their peers in other developed countries.
Indeed, concludes William H. Schmidt of Michigan State University, who led the new analysis, "no single intellectually coherent vision dominates U.S. educational practice in math or science." The reason, he said, "is because the system is deeply and fundamentally flawed."
The new analysis, released this week by the National Science Foundation in Arlington, Va., is based on data collected from about 50 nations as part of the Third International Mathematics and Science Study.
Not only do approaches to teaching science and math vary among individual U.S. communities, the report finds, but there appears to be little strategic focus within a school district's curricula, its textbooks, or its teachers' activities. This contrasts sharply with the coordinated national programs of most other countries.
On average, U.S. students study more topics within science and math than their international counterparts do. This creates an educational environment that "is a mile wide and an inch deep," Schmidt notes.
For instance, eighth graders in the United States cover about 33 topics in math versus just 19 in Japan. Among science courses, the international gap is even wider. U.S. curricula for this age level resemble those of a small group of countries including Australia, Thailand, Iceland, and Bulgaria. Schmidt asks whether the United States wants to be classed with these nations, whose educational systems "share our pattern of splintered visions" but which are not economic leaders.
The new report "couldn't come at a better time," says Gerald Wheeler, executive director of the National Science Teachers Association in Arlington. "The new National Science Education Standards provide that focused vision," including the call "to do less, but in greater depth."
Implementing the new science standards and their math counterparts will be the challenge, he and Schmidt agree, because the decentralized responsibility for education in the United States requires that any reforms be tailored and instituted one community at a time.
In fact, Schmidt argues, reforms such as these proposed national standards "face an almost impossible task, because even though they are intellectually coherent, each becomes only one more voice in the babble ." | 465.txt | 1 |
[
"many schoolteachers challenge the acceptability of these standards",
"there is always controversy in educational circles",
"not enough educators have realized the necessity for doing so",
"school districts are responsible for making their own decisions"
] | Putting the new science and math standards into practice will prove difficult because ________. | Throughout the nation's more than 15,000 school districts, widely differing approaches to teaching science and math have emerged. Though there can be strength in diversity, a new international analysis suggests that this variability has instead contributed to lackluster achievement scores by U.S. children relative to their peers in other developed countries.
Indeed, concludes William H. Schmidt of Michigan State University, who led the new analysis, "no single intellectually coherent vision dominates U.S. educational practice in math or science." The reason, he said, "is because the system is deeply and fundamentally flawed."
The new analysis, released this week by the National Science Foundation in Arlington, Va., is based on data collected from about 50 nations as part of the Third International Mathematics and Science Study.
Not only do approaches to teaching science and math vary among individual U.S. communities, the report finds, but there appears to be little strategic focus within a school district's curricula, its textbooks, or its teachers' activities. This contrasts sharply with the coordinated national programs of most other countries.
On average, U.S. students study more topics within science and math than their international counterparts do. This creates an educational environment that "is a mile wide and an inch deep," Schmidt notes.
For instance, eighth graders in the United States cover about 33 topics in math versus just 19 in Japan. Among science courses, the international gap is even wider. U.S. curricula for this age level resemble those of a small group of countries including Australia, Thailand, Iceland, and Bulgaria. Schmidt asks whether the United States wants to be classed with these nations, whose educational systems "share our pattern of splintered visions" but which are not economic leaders.
The new report "couldn't come at a better time," says Gerald Wheeler, executive director of the National Science Teachers Association in Arlington. "The new National Science Education Standards provide that focused vision," including the call "to do less, but in greater depth."
Implementing the new science standards and their math counterparts will be the challenge, he and Schmidt agree, because the decentralized responsibility for education in the United States requires that any reforms be tailored and instituted one community at a time.
In fact, Schmidt argues, reforms such as these proposed national standards "face an almost impossible task, because even though they are intellectually coherent, each becomes only one more voice in the babble ." | 465.txt | 3 |
[
"Chimps seldom care about others' interests.",
"Chimps tend to provide food for their children.",
"Chimps like to take in their neighbors' food.",
"Chimps naturally share food with each other."
] | What can we learn from the experiment with chimps? | In the laboratory, chimps don't naturally share food either. If a chimp is put in a cage where he can pull in one plate of food for himself or, with no great effort, a plate that also provides food for a neighbor to the next cage, he will pull at random ---he just doesn't care whether his neighbor gets fed or not. Chimps are truly selfish.
Human children, on the other hand are extremely corporative. From the earliest ages, they decide to help others, to share information and to participate a achieving common goals. The psychologist Michael Tomasello has studied this cooperativeness in a series of expensive with very young children. He finds that if babies aged 18 months see an worried adult with hands full trying to open a door, almost all will immediately try to help.
There are several reasons to believe that the urges to help, inform and share are not taught.but naturally possessed in young children. One is that these instincts appear at a very young age before most parents have started to train children to behave socially. Another is that the helping behaviors are not improved if the children are rewarded. A third reason is that social intelligence. Develops in children before their general cognitiveskills, at least when compared with chimps..In tests conducted by Tomtasell, the children did no better than the chimps on the physical world tests, but were considerably better at understanding the social world
The cure of what children's minds have and chimps' don't in what Tomasello calls what. Part of this ability is that they can infer what others know or are thinking. But that, even very young children want to be part of a shared purpose. They actively seek to be part of a "we", a group that intends to work toward a shared goal. | 655.txt | 0 |
[
"have the instinct to help others",
"know how to offer help to adults",
"know the world better than chimps",
"trust adults with their hands full"
] | Michael Tomasello's tests on young children indicate that they _ . | In the laboratory, chimps don't naturally share food either. If a chimp is put in a cage where he can pull in one plate of food for himself or, with no great effort, a plate that also provides food for a neighbor to the next cage, he will pull at random ---he just doesn't care whether his neighbor gets fed or not. Chimps are truly selfish.
Human children, on the other hand are extremely corporative. From the earliest ages, they decide to help others, to share information and to participate a achieving common goals. The psychologist Michael Tomasello has studied this cooperativeness in a series of expensive with very young children. He finds that if babies aged 18 months see an worried adult with hands full trying to open a door, almost all will immediately try to help.
There are several reasons to believe that the urges to help, inform and share are not taught.but naturally possessed in young children. One is that these instincts appear at a very young age before most parents have started to train children to behave socially. Another is that the helping behaviors are not improved if the children are rewarded. A third reason is that social intelligence. Develops in children before their general cognitiveskills, at least when compared with chimps..In tests conducted by Tomtasell, the children did no better than the chimps on the physical world tests, but were considerably better at understanding the social world
The cure of what children's minds have and chimps' don't in what Tomasello calls what. Part of this ability is that they can infer what others know or are thinking. But that, even very young children want to be part of a shared purpose. They actively seek to be part of a "we", a group that intends to work toward a shared goal. | 655.txt | 0 |
[
"the helping behaviors of young children",
"ways to train children's shared intentionality",
"cooperation as a distinctive human nature",
"the development of intelligence in children"
] | The passage is mainly about _ . | In the laboratory, chimps don't naturally share food either. If a chimp is put in a cage where he can pull in one plate of food for himself or, with no great effort, a plate that also provides food for a neighbor to the next cage, he will pull at random ---he just doesn't care whether his neighbor gets fed or not. Chimps are truly selfish.
Human children, on the other hand are extremely corporative. From the earliest ages, they decide to help others, to share information and to participate a achieving common goals. The psychologist Michael Tomasello has studied this cooperativeness in a series of expensive with very young children. He finds that if babies aged 18 months see an worried adult with hands full trying to open a door, almost all will immediately try to help.
There are several reasons to believe that the urges to help, inform and share are not taught.but naturally possessed in young children. One is that these instincts appear at a very young age before most parents have started to train children to behave socially. Another is that the helping behaviors are not improved if the children are rewarded. A third reason is that social intelligence. Develops in children before their general cognitiveskills, at least when compared with chimps..In tests conducted by Tomtasell, the children did no better than the chimps on the physical world tests, but were considerably better at understanding the social world
The cure of what children's minds have and chimps' don't in what Tomasello calls what. Part of this ability is that they can infer what others know or are thinking. But that, even very young children want to be part of a shared purpose. They actively seek to be part of a "we", a group that intends to work toward a shared goal. | 655.txt | 2 |
[
".he was indifferent to the killing",
"he was afraid of the author",
"he looked clown upon the author",
"he thought the author was crazy"
] | From the Ghanaian driver's response, we can infer that _ | In a moment of personal crisis, how much help can you expect from a New York taxi driver? I began studyingthis question and found the answers interesting.
One morning I got into three different taxis and announced, "Well, it's my first day back in New York in seven years. I've been in prison." Not a single driver replied, so I tried again. "Yeah, I shot a man in Reno." I explained, hoping the driver would ask me why, but nobody asked. The only response came from a Ghanaian driver, "Reno? That is in Nevada?"
Taxi drivers were uniformly sympathetic when I said I'd just been fired. "This is America," a Haitian driver said. "One door is closed. Another is open." He argued against my plan to burn down my boss's house. A Pakistani driver even turned down a chance to profit from my loss of hope; he refused to take me to the middle of the George Washington Bridge--a $20 trip. "Why you want to go there? Go home and relax. Don't worry. Take a new job."
One very hot weekday in July, while wearing a red ski mask and holding a stuffed pillowcase with the word"BANK" on it, I tried calling a taxi five times outside different banks. The driver picked me up every tie. My ride with a Haitian driver was typical of the superb assistance I received.
"Let's go across the park." I said. "I just robbed the bank there. I got $25,000."
"$25,0007" he asked.
"Yeah, you think it was wrong to take it?"
"No, man. I work 8 hours and I don't make almost $70. If I can do that, I do it too."
As we approached 86th and Lexington, I pointed to the Chemical Bank.
"Hey, there's another bank," I said, "Could you wait here a minute while I go inside?"
"No, I can't wait. Pay me now." His reluctance may have had something to do with money--taxi drivers thinkthe rate for waiting time is too low--but I think he wanted me to learn that even a bank robber can't expect unconditional support. | 587.txt | 0 |
[
"Because he was able to help the author to find a new job.",
"Because he wanted to go home and relax.",
"Because it was far away from his home.",
"Because he thought that the author would commit suicide."
] | Why did the Pakistani driver refuse to take the author to the middle of the George Washington Bridge? | In a moment of personal crisis, how much help can you expect from a New York taxi driver? I began studyingthis question and found the answers interesting.
One morning I got into three different taxis and announced, "Well, it's my first day back in New York in seven years. I've been in prison." Not a single driver replied, so I tried again. "Yeah, I shot a man in Reno." I explained, hoping the driver would ask me why, but nobody asked. The only response came from a Ghanaian driver, "Reno? That is in Nevada?"
Taxi drivers were uniformly sympathetic when I said I'd just been fired. "This is America," a Haitian driver said. "One door is closed. Another is open." He argued against my plan to burn down my boss's house. A Pakistani driver even turned down a chance to profit from my loss of hope; he refused to take me to the middle of the George Washington Bridge--a $20 trip. "Why you want to go there? Go home and relax. Don't worry. Take a new job."
One very hot weekday in July, while wearing a red ski mask and holding a stuffed pillowcase with the word"BANK" on it, I tried calling a taxi five times outside different banks. The driver picked me up every tie. My ride with a Haitian driver was typical of the superb assistance I received.
"Let's go across the park." I said. "I just robbed the bank there. I got $25,000."
"$25,0007" he asked.
"Yeah, you think it was wrong to take it?"
"No, man. I work 8 hours and I don't make almost $70. If I can do that, I do it too."
As we approached 86th and Lexington, I pointed to the Chemical Bank.
"Hey, there's another bank," I said, "Could you wait here a minute while I go inside?"
"No, I can't wait. Pay me now." His reluctance may have had something to do with money--taxi drivers thinkthe rate for waiting time is too low--but I think he wanted me to learn that even a bank robber can't expect unconditional support. | 587.txt | 3 |
[
"The driver thought that the rate for waiting time was too low.",
"The driver thought it wrong to support a taxi rider unconditionally.",
"The driver was frightened and wanted to leave him as soon as possible.",
"The driver did not want to help a suspect to escape from a bank robbery."
] | What is the author's interpretation of the driver's reluctance "to wait outside the Chemical Bank"? | In a moment of personal crisis, how much help can you expect from a New York taxi driver? I began studyingthis question and found the answers interesting.
One morning I got into three different taxis and announced, "Well, it's my first day back in New York in seven years. I've been in prison." Not a single driver replied, so I tried again. "Yeah, I shot a man in Reno." I explained, hoping the driver would ask me why, but nobody asked. The only response came from a Ghanaian driver, "Reno? That is in Nevada?"
Taxi drivers were uniformly sympathetic when I said I'd just been fired. "This is America," a Haitian driver said. "One door is closed. Another is open." He argued against my plan to burn down my boss's house. A Pakistani driver even turned down a chance to profit from my loss of hope; he refused to take me to the middle of the George Washington Bridge--a $20 trip. "Why you want to go there? Go home and relax. Don't worry. Take a new job."
One very hot weekday in July, while wearing a red ski mask and holding a stuffed pillowcase with the word"BANK" on it, I tried calling a taxi five times outside different banks. The driver picked me up every tie. My ride with a Haitian driver was typical of the superb assistance I received.
"Let's go across the park." I said. "I just robbed the bank there. I got $25,000."
"$25,0007" he asked.
"Yeah, you think it was wrong to take it?"
"No, man. I work 8 hours and I don't make almost $70. If I can do that, I do it too."
As we approached 86th and Lexington, I pointed to the Chemical Bank.
"Hey, there's another bank," I said, "Could you wait here a minute while I go inside?"
"No, I can't wait. Pay me now." His reluctance may have had something to do with money--taxi drivers thinkthe rate for waiting time is too low--but I think he wanted me to learn that even a bank robber can't expect unconditional support. | 587.txt | 1 |
[
"They are ready to help you do whatever you want to.",
"They refuse to pick up those who would kill themselves.",
"They are sympathetic with those who are out of work.",
"They work only for money."
] | Which of the following statements is true about New York taxi drivers? | In a moment of personal crisis, how much help can you expect from a New York taxi driver? I began studyingthis question and found the answers interesting.
One morning I got into three different taxis and announced, "Well, it's my first day back in New York in seven years. I've been in prison." Not a single driver replied, so I tried again. "Yeah, I shot a man in Reno." I explained, hoping the driver would ask me why, but nobody asked. The only response came from a Ghanaian driver, "Reno? That is in Nevada?"
Taxi drivers were uniformly sympathetic when I said I'd just been fired. "This is America," a Haitian driver said. "One door is closed. Another is open." He argued against my plan to burn down my boss's house. A Pakistani driver even turned down a chance to profit from my loss of hope; he refused to take me to the middle of the George Washington Bridge--a $20 trip. "Why you want to go there? Go home and relax. Don't worry. Take a new job."
One very hot weekday in July, while wearing a red ski mask and holding a stuffed pillowcase with the word"BANK" on it, I tried calling a taxi five times outside different banks. The driver picked me up every tie. My ride with a Haitian driver was typical of the superb assistance I received.
"Let's go across the park." I said. "I just robbed the bank there. I got $25,000."
"$25,0007" he asked.
"Yeah, you think it was wrong to take it?"
"No, man. I work 8 hours and I don't make almost $70. If I can do that, I do it too."
As we approached 86th and Lexington, I pointed to the Chemical Bank.
"Hey, there's another bank," I said, "Could you wait here a minute while I go inside?"
"No, I can't wait. Pay me now." His reluctance may have had something to do with money--taxi drivers thinkthe rate for waiting time is too low--but I think he wanted me to learn that even a bank robber can't expect unconditional support. | 587.txt | 2 |
[
"how to please taxi riders",
"how to deal with taxi riders",
"the attitudes of taxi drivers towards riders in personal trouble",
"the attitudes of taxi drivers towards troublesome taxi riders"
] | The passage mainly discusses _ . | In a moment of personal crisis, how much help can you expect from a New York taxi driver? I began studyingthis question and found the answers interesting.
One morning I got into three different taxis and announced, "Well, it's my first day back in New York in seven years. I've been in prison." Not a single driver replied, so I tried again. "Yeah, I shot a man in Reno." I explained, hoping the driver would ask me why, but nobody asked. The only response came from a Ghanaian driver, "Reno? That is in Nevada?"
Taxi drivers were uniformly sympathetic when I said I'd just been fired. "This is America," a Haitian driver said. "One door is closed. Another is open." He argued against my plan to burn down my boss's house. A Pakistani driver even turned down a chance to profit from my loss of hope; he refused to take me to the middle of the George Washington Bridge--a $20 trip. "Why you want to go there? Go home and relax. Don't worry. Take a new job."
One very hot weekday in July, while wearing a red ski mask and holding a stuffed pillowcase with the word"BANK" on it, I tried calling a taxi five times outside different banks. The driver picked me up every tie. My ride with a Haitian driver was typical of the superb assistance I received.
"Let's go across the park." I said. "I just robbed the bank there. I got $25,000."
"$25,0007" he asked.
"Yeah, you think it was wrong to take it?"
"No, man. I work 8 hours and I don't make almost $70. If I can do that, I do it too."
As we approached 86th and Lexington, I pointed to the Chemical Bank.
"Hey, there's another bank," I said, "Could you wait here a minute while I go inside?"
"No, I can't wait. Pay me now." His reluctance may have had something to do with money--taxi drivers thinkthe rate for waiting time is too low--but I think he wanted me to learn that even a bank robber can't expect unconditional support. | 587.txt | 2 |
[
"who can remember large amounts of information",
"who are highly intelligent",
"whose minds are alert and receptive",
"who are good at recognizing different sounds"
] | People who are cognitively healthy are those _ . | Researchers have established that when people are mentally engaged, biochemical changes occur in the brain that allow it to act more effectively in cognitive areas such as attention and memory. This is true regardless of age.
People will be alert and receptive if they are faced with information that gets them to think about things they are interested in. And someone with a history of doing more rather than less will go into old age more cognitively sound than someone who has not had an active mind.
Many experts are so convinced of the benefits of challenging the brain that they are putting, the theory to work in their own lives. "The idea is not necessarily to learn to memorize enormous amounts of information." says James Fozard, associate director of the national Institute on Aging. "Most of us don't need that kind of skill. Such specific training is of less interest than being able to maintain mental alertness. Fozard and others say they challenge their brains with different mental skill, both because they enjoy them and because they are sure that their range of activities will help the way their brains work.
Gene Cohen, acting director of the same institute, suggests that people in their old age should engage in mental and physical activities individually as well as in groups. Cohen says that we are frequently advised to keep physically active as we age, but older people need to keep mentally active as well. Those who do are more likely to maintain their intellectual abilities and to be generally happier and better adjusted. "The point is, you need to do both," Cohen says. "Intellectual activity influences brain-cell health and size." | 3121.txt | 2 |
[
"constantly doing memory work",
"taking part in various mental activities",
"going through specific training",
"making frequent adjustments"
] | According to Fozard's argument people can make their brains work more efficiently by _ . | Researchers have established that when people are mentally engaged, biochemical changes occur in the brain that allow it to act more effectively in cognitive areas such as attention and memory. This is true regardless of age.
People will be alert and receptive if they are faced with information that gets them to think about things they are interested in. And someone with a history of doing more rather than less will go into old age more cognitively sound than someone who has not had an active mind.
Many experts are so convinced of the benefits of challenging the brain that they are putting, the theory to work in their own lives. "The idea is not necessarily to learn to memorize enormous amounts of information." says James Fozard, associate director of the national Institute on Aging. "Most of us don't need that kind of skill. Such specific training is of less interest than being able to maintain mental alertness. Fozard and others say they challenge their brains with different mental skill, both because they enjoy them and because they are sure that their range of activities will help the way their brains work.
Gene Cohen, acting director of the same institute, suggests that people in their old age should engage in mental and physical activities individually as well as in groups. Cohen says that we are frequently advised to keep physically active as we age, but older people need to keep mentally active as well. Those who do are more likely to maintain their intellectual abilities and to be generally happier and better adjusted. "The point is, you need to do both," Cohen says. "Intellectual activity influences brain-cell health and size." | 3121.txt | 1 |
[
"remain a theory to be further proved",
"have been generally accepted",
"have been challenged by many other experts",
"are practiced by the researchers themselves"
] | The findings of James and other scientists in their work _ . | Researchers have established that when people are mentally engaged, biochemical changes occur in the brain that allow it to act more effectively in cognitive areas such as attention and memory. This is true regardless of age.
People will be alert and receptive if they are faced with information that gets them to think about things they are interested in. And someone with a history of doing more rather than less will go into old age more cognitively sound than someone who has not had an active mind.
Many experts are so convinced of the benefits of challenging the brain that they are putting, the theory to work in their own lives. "The idea is not necessarily to learn to memorize enormous amounts of information." says James Fozard, associate director of the national Institute on Aging. "Most of us don't need that kind of skill. Such specific training is of less interest than being able to maintain mental alertness. Fozard and others say they challenge their brains with different mental skill, both because they enjoy them and because they are sure that their range of activities will help the way their brains work.
Gene Cohen, acting director of the same institute, suggests that people in their old age should engage in mental and physical activities individually as well as in groups. Cohen says that we are frequently advised to keep physically active as we age, but older people need to keep mentally active as well. Those who do are more likely to maintain their intellectual abilities and to be generally happier and better adjusted. "The point is, you need to do both," Cohen says. "Intellectual activity influences brain-cell health and size." | 3121.txt | 3 |
[
"keep fit by going in for physical activities",
"keep mentally active by challenging their brains",
"maintain mental alertness through specific training",
"maintain a balance between individual and group activities"
] | Older people are generally advised to _ . | Researchers have established that when people are mentally engaged, biochemical changes occur in the brain that allow it to act more effectively in cognitive areas such as attention and memory. This is true regardless of age.
People will be alert and receptive if they are faced with information that gets them to think about things they are interested in. And someone with a history of doing more rather than less will go into old age more cognitively sound than someone who has not had an active mind.
Many experts are so convinced of the benefits of challenging the brain that they are putting, the theory to work in their own lives. "The idea is not necessarily to learn to memorize enormous amounts of information." says James Fozard, associate director of the national Institute on Aging. "Most of us don't need that kind of skill. Such specific training is of less interest than being able to maintain mental alertness. Fozard and others say they challenge their brains with different mental skill, both because they enjoy them and because they are sure that their range of activities will help the way their brains work.
Gene Cohen, acting director of the same institute, suggests that people in their old age should engage in mental and physical activities individually as well as in groups. Cohen says that we are frequently advised to keep physically active as we age, but older people need to keep mentally active as well. Those who do are more likely to maintain their intellectual abilities and to be generally happier and better adjusted. "The point is, you need to do both," Cohen says. "Intellectual activity influences brain-cell health and size." | 3121.txt | 0 |
[
"How biochemical changes occur in the human brain.",
"Why people should keep active not only physically but also mentally.",
"How intellectual activities influence brain-cell health.",
"Why people should receive special mental training as they age."
] | What is the passage mainly about? | Researchers have established that when people are mentally engaged, biochemical changes occur in the brain that allow it to act more effectively in cognitive areas such as attention and memory. This is true regardless of age.
People will be alert and receptive if they are faced with information that gets them to think about things they are interested in. And someone with a history of doing more rather than less will go into old age more cognitively sound than someone who has not had an active mind.
Many experts are so convinced of the benefits of challenging the brain that they are putting, the theory to work in their own lives. "The idea is not necessarily to learn to memorize enormous amounts of information." says James Fozard, associate director of the national Institute on Aging. "Most of us don't need that kind of skill. Such specific training is of less interest than being able to maintain mental alertness. Fozard and others say they challenge their brains with different mental skill, both because they enjoy them and because they are sure that their range of activities will help the way their brains work.
Gene Cohen, acting director of the same institute, suggests that people in their old age should engage in mental and physical activities individually as well as in groups. Cohen says that we are frequently advised to keep physically active as we age, but older people need to keep mentally active as well. Those who do are more likely to maintain their intellectual abilities and to be generally happier and better adjusted. "The point is, you need to do both," Cohen says. "Intellectual activity influences brain-cell health and size." | 3121.txt | 1 |
[
"the number of people who are dying from AIDS has decreased.",
"the total size of the epidemic is shrinking in a significant extent.",
"it is only a rise in the sense of statistics, instead of a real number.",
"in the paradoxical world of AIDS bad news can turn out to be good news."
] | Though the number of infected individuals has risen, it is still worth rejoicing because _ | On the face of things, a fall in the number of people infected with HIV (the virus that causes AIDS) from 39.5m to 33.2m over the course of a single year, as reported in this year's AIDS epidemic update from the World Health Organisation (WHO) and UNAIDS, should be cause for rejoicing. Indeed, it is, for it means there are fewer people to treat, and fewer to pass the infection on, than was previously thought. But the fall is not a real fall. Rather, it is due to a change in the way the size of the epidemic is estimated.
If you factor in that change, the number of infected individuals has actually risen since last year, by 500,000. Yet even that is not necessarily bad news in the paradoxical world of AIDS. As treatment programmes are rolled out around the world, death rates are falling. According to the revised figures, the lethal peak, of 2.2m a year, was in 2005. Now the figure is 2.1m. Since the only way for an infected person to drop out of the statistics in reality (as opposed to by sleight of statistical hanD. is for him to die, such increased survivorship inevitably pushes up the total size of the epidemic.
The best news of all, however, is that the new figures confirm what had previously been suspected-that the epidemic has peaked. The highest annual number of new infections around the world was 3.4m in 1998. That figure has now fallen to 2.5m.
Both the change in the death rate and the change in the infection rate are partly a consequence of the natural flow and ebb of any epidemic infection. But they are also a reflection of the hard graft of public-health workers in many countries, who have persuaded millions of people to modify or abandon risky behaviour, such as having unprotected sex, as they have also created the medical infrastructure needed to distribute anti-retroviral drugs that can keep symptoms at bay in those who do become infected.
The revision of the figures is mainly a result of better data-collection methods, particularly in India (which accounts for half the downward revision) and five African countries (which account for another fifth). In India many more sampling points have been established, and in all countries better survey methods, relying on surveyors knocking on doors rather than asking questions at clinics, have gathered data from more representative samples.
Sceptics will feel vindicated by the revision. They have suspected for a while that the older survey methods were biased, and that the inflation thus produced was tolerated because it helped twang the heart-strings of potential donors. However, the structures for collecting and distributing money to combat AIDS are now well established, and accurate data are crucial if that money is not to be misdirected. The new information also means that the goal of treatment for all who need it will be easier and cheaper to achieve. The WHO and UNAIDS are planning to publish a report on the matter early next year, but Paul De Lay, UNAIDS's director of evidence, monitoring and policy, says that the financial requirements for 2010 will probably be about 5% less than previously estimated, and that by 2015 that figure will have risen to 10%. Good news for everyone, then, donors and sufferers alike. | 3692.txt | 0 |
[
"Any epidemic will naturally has such changes.",
"They are mainly aroused by the new statistic methods.",
"They clearly mirror of the essential achievements of public-health workers.",
"The death rate has been greatly suppressed due to massive implementation of treatment programmes."
] | About the changes in the death rate and the infection rate of HIV, which one of the following statements is NOT true? | On the face of things, a fall in the number of people infected with HIV (the virus that causes AIDS) from 39.5m to 33.2m over the course of a single year, as reported in this year's AIDS epidemic update from the World Health Organisation (WHO) and UNAIDS, should be cause for rejoicing. Indeed, it is, for it means there are fewer people to treat, and fewer to pass the infection on, than was previously thought. But the fall is not a real fall. Rather, it is due to a change in the way the size of the epidemic is estimated.
If you factor in that change, the number of infected individuals has actually risen since last year, by 500,000. Yet even that is not necessarily bad news in the paradoxical world of AIDS. As treatment programmes are rolled out around the world, death rates are falling. According to the revised figures, the lethal peak, of 2.2m a year, was in 2005. Now the figure is 2.1m. Since the only way for an infected person to drop out of the statistics in reality (as opposed to by sleight of statistical hanD. is for him to die, such increased survivorship inevitably pushes up the total size of the epidemic.
The best news of all, however, is that the new figures confirm what had previously been suspected-that the epidemic has peaked. The highest annual number of new infections around the world was 3.4m in 1998. That figure has now fallen to 2.5m.
Both the change in the death rate and the change in the infection rate are partly a consequence of the natural flow and ebb of any epidemic infection. But they are also a reflection of the hard graft of public-health workers in many countries, who have persuaded millions of people to modify or abandon risky behaviour, such as having unprotected sex, as they have also created the medical infrastructure needed to distribute anti-retroviral drugs that can keep symptoms at bay in those who do become infected.
The revision of the figures is mainly a result of better data-collection methods, particularly in India (which accounts for half the downward revision) and five African countries (which account for another fifth). In India many more sampling points have been established, and in all countries better survey methods, relying on surveyors knocking on doors rather than asking questions at clinics, have gathered data from more representative samples.
Sceptics will feel vindicated by the revision. They have suspected for a while that the older survey methods were biased, and that the inflation thus produced was tolerated because it helped twang the heart-strings of potential donors. However, the structures for collecting and distributing money to combat AIDS are now well established, and accurate data are crucial if that money is not to be misdirected. The new information also means that the goal of treatment for all who need it will be easier and cheaper to achieve. The WHO and UNAIDS are planning to publish a report on the matter early next year, but Paul De Lay, UNAIDS's director of evidence, monitoring and policy, says that the financial requirements for 2010 will probably be about 5% less than previously estimated, and that by 2015 that figure will have risen to 10%. Good news for everyone, then, donors and sufferers alike. | 3692.txt | 1 |
[
"confused.",
"clarified.",
"doubting.",
"annoyed."
] | The word "vindicatde" (Line 1, Paragraph 6) most probably means _ | On the face of things, a fall in the number of people infected with HIV (the virus that causes AIDS) from 39.5m to 33.2m over the course of a single year, as reported in this year's AIDS epidemic update from the World Health Organisation (WHO) and UNAIDS, should be cause for rejoicing. Indeed, it is, for it means there are fewer people to treat, and fewer to pass the infection on, than was previously thought. But the fall is not a real fall. Rather, it is due to a change in the way the size of the epidemic is estimated.
If you factor in that change, the number of infected individuals has actually risen since last year, by 500,000. Yet even that is not necessarily bad news in the paradoxical world of AIDS. As treatment programmes are rolled out around the world, death rates are falling. According to the revised figures, the lethal peak, of 2.2m a year, was in 2005. Now the figure is 2.1m. Since the only way for an infected person to drop out of the statistics in reality (as opposed to by sleight of statistical hanD. is for him to die, such increased survivorship inevitably pushes up the total size of the epidemic.
The best news of all, however, is that the new figures confirm what had previously been suspected-that the epidemic has peaked. The highest annual number of new infections around the world was 3.4m in 1998. That figure has now fallen to 2.5m.
Both the change in the death rate and the change in the infection rate are partly a consequence of the natural flow and ebb of any epidemic infection. But they are also a reflection of the hard graft of public-health workers in many countries, who have persuaded millions of people to modify or abandon risky behaviour, such as having unprotected sex, as they have also created the medical infrastructure needed to distribute anti-retroviral drugs that can keep symptoms at bay in those who do become infected.
The revision of the figures is mainly a result of better data-collection methods, particularly in India (which accounts for half the downward revision) and five African countries (which account for another fifth). In India many more sampling points have been established, and in all countries better survey methods, relying on surveyors knocking on doors rather than asking questions at clinics, have gathered data from more representative samples.
Sceptics will feel vindicated by the revision. They have suspected for a while that the older survey methods were biased, and that the inflation thus produced was tolerated because it helped twang the heart-strings of potential donors. However, the structures for collecting and distributing money to combat AIDS are now well established, and accurate data are crucial if that money is not to be misdirected. The new information also means that the goal of treatment for all who need it will be easier and cheaper to achieve. The WHO and UNAIDS are planning to publish a report on the matter early next year, but Paul De Lay, UNAIDS's director of evidence, monitoring and policy, says that the financial requirements for 2010 will probably be about 5% less than previously estimated, and that by 2015 that figure will have risen to 10%. Good news for everyone, then, donors and sufferers alike. | 3692.txt | 1 |
[
"have risen by 10% more than what have been previously estimated.",
"be 10% of what have been previously estimated.",
"be 10% less than previously estimated.",
"be 15% less than previously estimated."
] | By 2015, the financial requirements will _ | On the face of things, a fall in the number of people infected with HIV (the virus that causes AIDS) from 39.5m to 33.2m over the course of a single year, as reported in this year's AIDS epidemic update from the World Health Organisation (WHO) and UNAIDS, should be cause for rejoicing. Indeed, it is, for it means there are fewer people to treat, and fewer to pass the infection on, than was previously thought. But the fall is not a real fall. Rather, it is due to a change in the way the size of the epidemic is estimated.
If you factor in that change, the number of infected individuals has actually risen since last year, by 500,000. Yet even that is not necessarily bad news in the paradoxical world of AIDS. As treatment programmes are rolled out around the world, death rates are falling. According to the revised figures, the lethal peak, of 2.2m a year, was in 2005. Now the figure is 2.1m. Since the only way for an infected person to drop out of the statistics in reality (as opposed to by sleight of statistical hanD. is for him to die, such increased survivorship inevitably pushes up the total size of the epidemic.
The best news of all, however, is that the new figures confirm what had previously been suspected-that the epidemic has peaked. The highest annual number of new infections around the world was 3.4m in 1998. That figure has now fallen to 2.5m.
Both the change in the death rate and the change in the infection rate are partly a consequence of the natural flow and ebb of any epidemic infection. But they are also a reflection of the hard graft of public-health workers in many countries, who have persuaded millions of people to modify or abandon risky behaviour, such as having unprotected sex, as they have also created the medical infrastructure needed to distribute anti-retroviral drugs that can keep symptoms at bay in those who do become infected.
The revision of the figures is mainly a result of better data-collection methods, particularly in India (which accounts for half the downward revision) and five African countries (which account for another fifth). In India many more sampling points have been established, and in all countries better survey methods, relying on surveyors knocking on doors rather than asking questions at clinics, have gathered data from more representative samples.
Sceptics will feel vindicated by the revision. They have suspected for a while that the older survey methods were biased, and that the inflation thus produced was tolerated because it helped twang the heart-strings of potential donors. However, the structures for collecting and distributing money to combat AIDS are now well established, and accurate data are crucial if that money is not to be misdirected. The new information also means that the goal of treatment for all who need it will be easier and cheaper to achieve. The WHO and UNAIDS are planning to publish a report on the matter early next year, but Paul De Lay, UNAIDS's director of evidence, monitoring and policy, says that the financial requirements for 2010 will probably be about 5% less than previously estimated, and that by 2015 that figure will have risen to 10%. Good news for everyone, then, donors and sufferers alike. | 3692.txt | 2 |
[
"negative.",
"positive.",
"indifferent.",
"neutral."
] | Towards the revision, the author's attitude can be said to be _ | On the face of things, a fall in the number of people infected with HIV (the virus that causes AIDS) from 39.5m to 33.2m over the course of a single year, as reported in this year's AIDS epidemic update from the World Health Organisation (WHO) and UNAIDS, should be cause for rejoicing. Indeed, it is, for it means there are fewer people to treat, and fewer to pass the infection on, than was previously thought. But the fall is not a real fall. Rather, it is due to a change in the way the size of the epidemic is estimated.
If you factor in that change, the number of infected individuals has actually risen since last year, by 500,000. Yet even that is not necessarily bad news in the paradoxical world of AIDS. As treatment programmes are rolled out around the world, death rates are falling. According to the revised figures, the lethal peak, of 2.2m a year, was in 2005. Now the figure is 2.1m. Since the only way for an infected person to drop out of the statistics in reality (as opposed to by sleight of statistical hanD. is for him to die, such increased survivorship inevitably pushes up the total size of the epidemic.
The best news of all, however, is that the new figures confirm what had previously been suspected-that the epidemic has peaked. The highest annual number of new infections around the world was 3.4m in 1998. That figure has now fallen to 2.5m.
Both the change in the death rate and the change in the infection rate are partly a consequence of the natural flow and ebb of any epidemic infection. But they are also a reflection of the hard graft of public-health workers in many countries, who have persuaded millions of people to modify or abandon risky behaviour, such as having unprotected sex, as they have also created the medical infrastructure needed to distribute anti-retroviral drugs that can keep symptoms at bay in those who do become infected.
The revision of the figures is mainly a result of better data-collection methods, particularly in India (which accounts for half the downward revision) and five African countries (which account for another fifth). In India many more sampling points have been established, and in all countries better survey methods, relying on surveyors knocking on doors rather than asking questions at clinics, have gathered data from more representative samples.
Sceptics will feel vindicated by the revision. They have suspected for a while that the older survey methods were biased, and that the inflation thus produced was tolerated because it helped twang the heart-strings of potential donors. However, the structures for collecting and distributing money to combat AIDS are now well established, and accurate data are crucial if that money is not to be misdirected. The new information also means that the goal of treatment for all who need it will be easier and cheaper to achieve. The WHO and UNAIDS are planning to publish a report on the matter early next year, but Paul De Lay, UNAIDS's director of evidence, monitoring and policy, says that the financial requirements for 2010 will probably be about 5% less than previously estimated, and that by 2015 that figure will have risen to 10%. Good news for everyone, then, donors and sufferers alike. | 3692.txt | 1 |
[
"imagination is the mother of invention",
"ingenuity is essential for science fiction writers",
"it takes patience for humans to realize their dreams",
"dreamers have always been interested in science fiction"
] | The author mentions Cyrano de Bergerac in order to show that_________. | Space exploration has always been the province of dreamers: The human imagination readily soars where human ingenuity struggles to follow. A Voyage to the Moon,often cited as the first science fiction story, was written by Cyrano de Bergerac in 1649. Cyrano was dead and buried for a good three centuries before the first manned rockets started to fly.
In 1961, when President Kennedy declared that America would send a man to the moon by the decade?s end, those words, too, had a dreamlike quality. They resonated with optimism and ambition in much the same way as the most famous dream speech of all, delivered by Martin Luther King Jr. two years later. By the end of the decade, both visions had yielded concrete results and transformed American society. And yet in many ways the two dreams ended up at odds with each other. The fight for racial and economic equality is intensely pragmatic and immediate in its impact. The urge to explore space is just the opposite. It is figuratively and literally otherworldly in its aims.
When the dust settled, the space dreamers lost out. There was no grand follow-up to the Apollo missions. The technologically compromised space shuttle program has just come to an end, with no successor. The perpetual argument is that funds are tight, that we have more pressing problems here on Earth. Amid the current concerns about the federal deficit, reaching toward the stars seems a dispensable luxury-as if saving one-thousandth of a single year?s budget would solve our problems.
But human ingenuity struggles on. NASA is developing a series of robotic probes that will get the most bang from a buck. They will serve as modem Magellans, mapping out the solar system for whatever explorers follow, whether man or machine. On the flip side, companies like Virgin Galactic are plotting a bottom-up assault on the space dream by making it a reality to the public. Private spaceflight could lie within reach of rich civilians in a few years. Another decade or two and it could go mainstream.
The space dreamers end up benefiting all of us-not just because of the way they expand human knowledge, or because of the spin-off technologies they produce, but because the two types of dreams feed off each other. Both Martin Luther King and John Kennedy appealed to the idea that humans can transcend what were once considered inherent limitations. Today we face seeming challenges in energy, the environment, health care. Tomorrow we will transcend these as well, and the dreamers will deserve a lot of the credit. The more evidence we collect that our species is capable of greatness, the more we will actually achieve it. | 1239.txt | 0 |
[
"It symbolized the American spirit.",
"It was as urgent as racial equality.",
"It sounded very much like a dream.",
"It made an ancient dream come true."
] | How did the general public view Kennedy?s space exploration plan? | Space exploration has always been the province of dreamers: The human imagination readily soars where human ingenuity struggles to follow. A Voyage to the Moon,often cited as the first science fiction story, was written by Cyrano de Bergerac in 1649. Cyrano was dead and buried for a good three centuries before the first manned rockets started to fly.
In 1961, when President Kennedy declared that America would send a man to the moon by the decade?s end, those words, too, had a dreamlike quality. They resonated with optimism and ambition in much the same way as the most famous dream speech of all, delivered by Martin Luther King Jr. two years later. By the end of the decade, both visions had yielded concrete results and transformed American society. And yet in many ways the two dreams ended up at odds with each other. The fight for racial and economic equality is intensely pragmatic and immediate in its impact. The urge to explore space is just the opposite. It is figuratively and literally otherworldly in its aims.
When the dust settled, the space dreamers lost out. There was no grand follow-up to the Apollo missions. The technologically compromised space shuttle program has just come to an end, with no successor. The perpetual argument is that funds are tight, that we have more pressing problems here on Earth. Amid the current concerns about the federal deficit, reaching toward the stars seems a dispensable luxury-as if saving one-thousandth of a single year?s budget would solve our problems.
But human ingenuity struggles on. NASA is developing a series of robotic probes that will get the most bang from a buck. They will serve as modem Magellans, mapping out the solar system for whatever explorers follow, whether man or machine. On the flip side, companies like Virgin Galactic are plotting a bottom-up assault on the space dream by making it a reality to the public. Private spaceflight could lie within reach of rich civilians in a few years. Another decade or two and it could go mainstream.
The space dreamers end up benefiting all of us-not just because of the way they expand human knowledge, or because of the spin-off technologies they produce, but because the two types of dreams feed off each other. Both Martin Luther King and John Kennedy appealed to the idea that humans can transcend what were once considered inherent limitations. Today we face seeming challenges in energy, the environment, health care. Tomorrow we will transcend these as well, and the dreamers will deserve a lot of the credit. The more evidence we collect that our species is capable of greatness, the more we will actually achieve it. | 1239.txt | 2 |
[
"It may not bring about immediate economic gains.",
"It cannot be realized without technological innovation.",
"It will not help the realization of racial and economic equality.",
"It cannot be achieved without a good knowledge of the other worlds."
] | What does the author say about America?s aim to explore space? | Space exploration has always been the province of dreamers: The human imagination readily soars where human ingenuity struggles to follow. A Voyage to the Moon,often cited as the first science fiction story, was written by Cyrano de Bergerac in 1649. Cyrano was dead and buried for a good three centuries before the first manned rockets started to fly.
In 1961, when President Kennedy declared that America would send a man to the moon by the decade?s end, those words, too, had a dreamlike quality. They resonated with optimism and ambition in much the same way as the most famous dream speech of all, delivered by Martin Luther King Jr. two years later. By the end of the decade, both visions had yielded concrete results and transformed American society. And yet in many ways the two dreams ended up at odds with each other. The fight for racial and economic equality is intensely pragmatic and immediate in its impact. The urge to explore space is just the opposite. It is figuratively and literally otherworldly in its aims.
When the dust settled, the space dreamers lost out. There was no grand follow-up to the Apollo missions. The technologically compromised space shuttle program has just come to an end, with no successor. The perpetual argument is that funds are tight, that we have more pressing problems here on Earth. Amid the current concerns about the federal deficit, reaching toward the stars seems a dispensable luxury-as if saving one-thousandth of a single year?s budget would solve our problems.
But human ingenuity struggles on. NASA is developing a series of robotic probes that will get the most bang from a buck. They will serve as modem Magellans, mapping out the solar system for whatever explorers follow, whether man or machine. On the flip side, companies like Virgin Galactic are plotting a bottom-up assault on the space dream by making it a reality to the public. Private spaceflight could lie within reach of rich civilians in a few years. Another decade or two and it could go mainstream.
The space dreamers end up benefiting all of us-not just because of the way they expand human knowledge, or because of the spin-off technologies they produce, but because the two types of dreams feed off each other. Both Martin Luther King and John Kennedy appealed to the idea that humans can transcend what were once considered inherent limitations. Today we face seeming challenges in energy, the environment, health care. Tomorrow we will transcend these as well, and the dreamers will deserve a lot of the credit. The more evidence we collect that our species is capable of greatness, the more we will actually achieve it. | 1239.txt | 0 |
[
"Critical.",
"Reserved.",
"Unbiased.",
"Supportive."
] | What is the author?s attitude toward space programs? | Space exploration has always been the province of dreamers: The human imagination readily soars where human ingenuity struggles to follow. A Voyage to the Moon,often cited as the first science fiction story, was written by Cyrano de Bergerac in 1649. Cyrano was dead and buried for a good three centuries before the first manned rockets started to fly.
In 1961, when President Kennedy declared that America would send a man to the moon by the decade?s end, those words, too, had a dreamlike quality. They resonated with optimism and ambition in much the same way as the most famous dream speech of all, delivered by Martin Luther King Jr. two years later. By the end of the decade, both visions had yielded concrete results and transformed American society. And yet in many ways the two dreams ended up at odds with each other. The fight for racial and economic equality is intensely pragmatic and immediate in its impact. The urge to explore space is just the opposite. It is figuratively and literally otherworldly in its aims.
When the dust settled, the space dreamers lost out. There was no grand follow-up to the Apollo missions. The technologically compromised space shuttle program has just come to an end, with no successor. The perpetual argument is that funds are tight, that we have more pressing problems here on Earth. Amid the current concerns about the federal deficit, reaching toward the stars seems a dispensable luxury-as if saving one-thousandth of a single year?s budget would solve our problems.
But human ingenuity struggles on. NASA is developing a series of robotic probes that will get the most bang from a buck. They will serve as modem Magellans, mapping out the solar system for whatever explorers follow, whether man or machine. On the flip side, companies like Virgin Galactic are plotting a bottom-up assault on the space dream by making it a reality to the public. Private spaceflight could lie within reach of rich civilians in a few years. Another decade or two and it could go mainstream.
The space dreamers end up benefiting all of us-not just because of the way they expand human knowledge, or because of the spin-off technologies they produce, but because the two types of dreams feed off each other. Both Martin Luther King and John Kennedy appealed to the idea that humans can transcend what were once considered inherent limitations. Today we face seeming challenges in energy, the environment, health care. Tomorrow we will transcend these as well, and the dreamers will deserve a lot of the credit. The more evidence we collect that our species is capable of greatness, the more we will actually achieve it. | 1239.txt | 3 |
[
"They pose a serious challenge to future human existence.",
"They can be solved sooner or later with human ingenuity.",
"Their solutions need joint efforts of the public and privatesectors.",
"They can only be solved by people with optimism andambition."
] | What does the author think of the problems facing human beings? | Space exploration has always been the province of dreamers: The human imagination readily soars where human ingenuity struggles to follow. A Voyage to the Moon,often cited as the first science fiction story, was written by Cyrano de Bergerac in 1649. Cyrano was dead and buried for a good three centuries before the first manned rockets started to fly.
In 1961, when President Kennedy declared that America would send a man to the moon by the decade?s end, those words, too, had a dreamlike quality. They resonated with optimism and ambition in much the same way as the most famous dream speech of all, delivered by Martin Luther King Jr. two years later. By the end of the decade, both visions had yielded concrete results and transformed American society. And yet in many ways the two dreams ended up at odds with each other. The fight for racial and economic equality is intensely pragmatic and immediate in its impact. The urge to explore space is just the opposite. It is figuratively and literally otherworldly in its aims.
When the dust settled, the space dreamers lost out. There was no grand follow-up to the Apollo missions. The technologically compromised space shuttle program has just come to an end, with no successor. The perpetual argument is that funds are tight, that we have more pressing problems here on Earth. Amid the current concerns about the federal deficit, reaching toward the stars seems a dispensable luxury-as if saving one-thousandth of a single year?s budget would solve our problems.
But human ingenuity struggles on. NASA is developing a series of robotic probes that will get the most bang from a buck. They will serve as modem Magellans, mapping out the solar system for whatever explorers follow, whether man or machine. On the flip side, companies like Virgin Galactic are plotting a bottom-up assault on the space dream by making it a reality to the public. Private spaceflight could lie within reach of rich civilians in a few years. Another decade or two and it could go mainstream.
The space dreamers end up benefiting all of us-not just because of the way they expand human knowledge, or because of the spin-off technologies they produce, but because the two types of dreams feed off each other. Both Martin Luther King and John Kennedy appealed to the idea that humans can transcend what were once considered inherent limitations. Today we face seeming challenges in energy, the environment, health care. Tomorrow we will transcend these as well, and the dreamers will deserve a lot of the credit. The more evidence we collect that our species is capable of greatness, the more we will actually achieve it. | 1239.txt | 1 |
[
"point out that theories about how life developed on Earth have changed little since 1953",
"warn of increasing levels of hydrogen, methane, and ammonia in the Earth's atmosphere",
"describe the development since 1953 of some scientists' understanding of how life began on Earth",
"demonstrate that the synthesis of life in the laboratory is too difficult for modern technology"
] | The primary purpose of the passage is to | Since 1953, many experimental attem-pts to synthesize the chemical consti-tuents of life under "primitive Earth condi-tions" have been performed, but none of the these experiments has produced anything approaching complexity of the simplest organism. They have demonstrated, however, that a variety of the complex molecules currently making up living organisms could have been present in the early ocean and atmosphere, with only one limitation: such molecules are synthesized far less readily when oxygen-containing compounds dominate the atmosphere. Therefore some scientists postulate that the Earth's earliest atmosphere, unlike that of today, was dominated by hydrogen, methane, and ammonia.
From these studies, scientists have concluded that the surface of the primitive Earth was covered with oceans containing the molecules fundamental to life. Although, at present, scientists cannot explain how these relatively small molecules combined to produce larger, more complex molecules, some scientists have precipitously ventured hypotheses that attempt to explain the development, from lager molecules, of the earliest self-duplicating organisms. | 1872.txt | 2 |
[
"The earliest atmosphere was formed primarily of these molecules.",
"Chemical processes involving these molecules proceeded much more slowly under primitive Earth conditions.",
"The presence of these molecules would necessarily precede the existence of simple organisms.",
"Experimental techniques will never be sufficiently sophisticated to produce in the laboratory simple organisms from these chemical constituents."
] | It can be inferred from the passage that "some scientists" assume which of the following concerning "larger, more complex molecules" (line 20)? | Since 1953, many experimental attem-pts to synthesize the chemical consti-tuents of life under "primitive Earth condi-tions" have been performed, but none of the these experiments has produced anything approaching complexity of the simplest organism. They have demonstrated, however, that a variety of the complex molecules currently making up living organisms could have been present in the early ocean and atmosphere, with only one limitation: such molecules are synthesized far less readily when oxygen-containing compounds dominate the atmosphere. Therefore some scientists postulate that the Earth's earliest atmosphere, unlike that of today, was dominated by hydrogen, methane, and ammonia.
From these studies, scientists have concluded that the surface of the primitive Earth was covered with oceans containing the molecules fundamental to life. Although, at present, scientists cannot explain how these relatively small molecules combined to produce larger, more complex molecules, some scientists have precipitously ventured hypotheses that attempt to explain the development, from lager molecules, of the earliest self-duplicating organisms. | 1872.txt | 2 |
[
"enthusiasm",
"expectation",
"dismay",
"skepticism"
] | The author's reaction to the attempts that have been made to explain the development of the first self-duplication organisms can best be described as one of | Since 1953, many experimental attem-pts to synthesize the chemical consti-tuents of life under "primitive Earth condi-tions" have been performed, but none of the these experiments has produced anything approaching complexity of the simplest organism. They have demonstrated, however, that a variety of the complex molecules currently making up living organisms could have been present in the early ocean and atmosphere, with only one limitation: such molecules are synthesized far less readily when oxygen-containing compounds dominate the atmosphere. Therefore some scientists postulate that the Earth's earliest atmosphere, unlike that of today, was dominated by hydrogen, methane, and ammonia.
From these studies, scientists have concluded that the surface of the primitive Earth was covered with oceans containing the molecules fundamental to life. Although, at present, scientists cannot explain how these relatively small molecules combined to produce larger, more complex molecules, some scientists have precipitously ventured hypotheses that attempt to explain the development, from lager molecules, of the earliest self-duplicating organisms. | 1872.txt | 3 |
[
"The synthesis is unlikely to occur under current atmospheric conditions.",
"The synthesis is common in modern laboratories.",
"The synthesis occurs more readily in the atmosphere than in the ocean.",
"The synthesis easily produces the most complex organic molecules."
] | According to the passage, which of the following can be inferred about the process by which the chemical constituents of life were synthesized under primitive Earth conditions? | Since 1953, many experimental attem-pts to synthesize the chemical consti-tuents of life under "primitive Earth condi-tions" have been performed, but none of the these experiments has produced anything approaching complexity of the simplest organism. They have demonstrated, however, that a variety of the complex molecules currently making up living organisms could have been present in the early ocean and atmosphere, with only one limitation: such molecules are synthesized far less readily when oxygen-containing compounds dominate the atmosphere. Therefore some scientists postulate that the Earth's earliest atmosphere, unlike that of today, was dominated by hydrogen, methane, and ammonia.
From these studies, scientists have concluded that the surface of the primitive Earth was covered with oceans containing the molecules fundamental to life. Although, at present, scientists cannot explain how these relatively small molecules combined to produce larger, more complex molecules, some scientists have precipitously ventured hypotheses that attempt to explain the development, from lager molecules, of the earliest self-duplicating organisms. | 1872.txt | 0 |
[
"changed",
"debated",
"created",
"supported"
] | The word "championed" in the passage (paragraph 1) is closest in meaning to | In seeking to describe the origins of theater, one must rely primarily on speculation, since there is little concrete evidence on which to draw. The most widely accepted theory, championed by anthropologists in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, envisions theater as emerging out of myth and ritual. The process perceived by these anthropologists may be summarized briefly. During the early stages of its development, a society becomes aware of forces that appear to influence or control its food supply and well-being. Having little understanding of natural causes, it attributes both desirable and undesirable occurrences to supernatural or magical forces, and it searches for means to win the favor of these forces. Perceiving an apparent connection between certain actions performed by the group and the result it desires, the group repeats, refines and formalizes those actions into fixed ceremonies, or rituals.
Stories (myths) may then grow up around a ritual. Frequently the myths include representatives of those supernatural forces that the rites celebrate or hope to influence. Performers may wear costumes and masks to represent the mythical characters or supernatural forces in the rituals or in accompanying celebrations. As a person becomes more sophisticated, its conceptions of supernatural forces and causal relationships may change. As a result, it may abandon or modify some rites. But the myths that have grown up around the rites may continue as part of the group's oral tradition and may even come to be acted out under conditions divorced from these rites. When this occurs, the first step has been taken toward theater as an autonomous activity, and thereafter entertainment and aesthetic values may gradually replace the former mystical and socially efficacious concerns.
Although origin in ritual has long been the most popular, it is by no means the only theory about how the theater came into being.Storytelling has been proposed as one alternative.Under this theory, relating and listening to stories are seen as fundamental human pleasures.Thus, the recalling of an event (a hunt, battle, or other feat) is elaborated through the narrator's pantomime and impersonation and eventually through each role being assumed by a different person.
A closely related theory sees theater as evolving out of dances that are primarily pantomimic, rhythmical or gymnastic, or from imitations of animal noises and sounds. Admiration for the performer's skill, virtuosity, and grace are seen as motivation for elaborating the activities into fully realized theatrical performances.
In addition to exploring the possible antecedents of theater, scholars have also theorized about the motives that led people to develop theater. Why did theater develop, and why was it valued after it ceased to fulfill the function of ritual? Most answers fall back on the theories about the human mind and basic human needs. One, set forth by Aristotle in the fourth century B.C., sees humans as naturally imitative-as taking pleasure in imitating persons, things, and actions and in seeing such imitations. Another, advanced in the twentieth century, suggests that humans have a gift for fantasy, through which they seek to reshape reality into more satisfying forms than those encountered in daily life. Thus, fantasy or fiction (of which drama is one form) permits people to objectify their anxieties and fears, confront them, and fulfill their hopes in fiction if not fact. The theater, then, is one tool whereby people define and understand their world or escape from unpleasant realities.
But neither the human imitative instinct nor a penchant for fantasy by itself leads to an autonomous theater. Therefore, additional explanations are needed. One necessary condition seems to be a somewhat detached view of human problems. For example, one sign of this condition is the appearance of the comic vision, since comedy requires sufficient detachment to view some deviations from social norms as ridiculous rather than as serious threats to the welfare of the entire group. Another condition that contributes to the development of autonomous theater is the emergence of the aesthetic sense. For example, some early societies ceased to consider certain rites essential to their well-being and abandoned them, nevertheless, they retained as parts of their oral tradition the myths that had grown up around the rites and admired them for their artistic qualities rather than for their religious usefulness. | 1392.txt | 3 |
[
"ascribes",
"leaves",
"limits",
"contrasts"
] | The word "attributes" in the passage (paragragh 1) is closest in meaning to | In seeking to describe the origins of theater, one must rely primarily on speculation, since there is little concrete evidence on which to draw. The most widely accepted theory, championed by anthropologists in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, envisions theater as emerging out of myth and ritual. The process perceived by these anthropologists may be summarized briefly. During the early stages of its development, a society becomes aware of forces that appear to influence or control its food supply and well-being. Having little understanding of natural causes, it attributes both desirable and undesirable occurrences to supernatural or magical forces, and it searches for means to win the favor of these forces. Perceiving an apparent connection between certain actions performed by the group and the result it desires, the group repeats, refines and formalizes those actions into fixed ceremonies, or rituals.
Stories (myths) may then grow up around a ritual. Frequently the myths include representatives of those supernatural forces that the rites celebrate or hope to influence. Performers may wear costumes and masks to represent the mythical characters or supernatural forces in the rituals or in accompanying celebrations. As a person becomes more sophisticated, its conceptions of supernatural forces and causal relationships may change. As a result, it may abandon or modify some rites. But the myths that have grown up around the rites may continue as part of the group's oral tradition and may even come to be acted out under conditions divorced from these rites. When this occurs, the first step has been taken toward theater as an autonomous activity, and thereafter entertainment and aesthetic values may gradually replace the former mystical and socially efficacious concerns.
Although origin in ritual has long been the most popular, it is by no means the only theory about how the theater came into being.Storytelling has been proposed as one alternative.Under this theory, relating and listening to stories are seen as fundamental human pleasures.Thus, the recalling of an event (a hunt, battle, or other feat) is elaborated through the narrator's pantomime and impersonation and eventually through each role being assumed by a different person.
A closely related theory sees theater as evolving out of dances that are primarily pantomimic, rhythmical or gymnastic, or from imitations of animal noises and sounds. Admiration for the performer's skill, virtuosity, and grace are seen as motivation for elaborating the activities into fully realized theatrical performances.
In addition to exploring the possible antecedents of theater, scholars have also theorized about the motives that led people to develop theater. Why did theater develop, and why was it valued after it ceased to fulfill the function of ritual? Most answers fall back on the theories about the human mind and basic human needs. One, set forth by Aristotle in the fourth century B.C., sees humans as naturally imitative-as taking pleasure in imitating persons, things, and actions and in seeing such imitations. Another, advanced in the twentieth century, suggests that humans have a gift for fantasy, through which they seek to reshape reality into more satisfying forms than those encountered in daily life. Thus, fantasy or fiction (of which drama is one form) permits people to objectify their anxieties and fears, confront them, and fulfill their hopes in fiction if not fact. The theater, then, is one tool whereby people define and understand their world or escape from unpleasant realities.
But neither the human imitative instinct nor a penchant for fantasy by itself leads to an autonomous theater. Therefore, additional explanations are needed. One necessary condition seems to be a somewhat detached view of human problems. For example, one sign of this condition is the appearance of the comic vision, since comedy requires sufficient detachment to view some deviations from social norms as ridiculous rather than as serious threats to the welfare of the entire group. Another condition that contributes to the development of autonomous theater is the emergence of the aesthetic sense. For example, some early societies ceased to consider certain rites essential to their well-being and abandoned them, nevertheless, they retained as parts of their oral tradition the myths that had grown up around the rites and admired them for their artistic qualities rather than for their religious usefulness. | 1392.txt | 0 |
[
"are mainly hypothetical",
"are well supported by factual evidence",
"have rarely been agreed upon by anthropologists",
"were expressed in the early stages of theater's development"
] | According toparagraph 1, theories of the origins of theater | In seeking to describe the origins of theater, one must rely primarily on speculation, since there is little concrete evidence on which to draw. The most widely accepted theory, championed by anthropologists in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, envisions theater as emerging out of myth and ritual. The process perceived by these anthropologists may be summarized briefly. During the early stages of its development, a society becomes aware of forces that appear to influence or control its food supply and well-being. Having little understanding of natural causes, it attributes both desirable and undesirable occurrences to supernatural or magical forces, and it searches for means to win the favor of these forces. Perceiving an apparent connection between certain actions performed by the group and the result it desires, the group repeats, refines and formalizes those actions into fixed ceremonies, or rituals.
Stories (myths) may then grow up around a ritual. Frequently the myths include representatives of those supernatural forces that the rites celebrate or hope to influence. Performers may wear costumes and masks to represent the mythical characters or supernatural forces in the rituals or in accompanying celebrations. As a person becomes more sophisticated, its conceptions of supernatural forces and causal relationships may change. As a result, it may abandon or modify some rites. But the myths that have grown up around the rites may continue as part of the group's oral tradition and may even come to be acted out under conditions divorced from these rites. When this occurs, the first step has been taken toward theater as an autonomous activity, and thereafter entertainment and aesthetic values may gradually replace the former mystical and socially efficacious concerns.
Although origin in ritual has long been the most popular, it is by no means the only theory about how the theater came into being.Storytelling has been proposed as one alternative.Under this theory, relating and listening to stories are seen as fundamental human pleasures.Thus, the recalling of an event (a hunt, battle, or other feat) is elaborated through the narrator's pantomime and impersonation and eventually through each role being assumed by a different person.
A closely related theory sees theater as evolving out of dances that are primarily pantomimic, rhythmical or gymnastic, or from imitations of animal noises and sounds. Admiration for the performer's skill, virtuosity, and grace are seen as motivation for elaborating the activities into fully realized theatrical performances.
In addition to exploring the possible antecedents of theater, scholars have also theorized about the motives that led people to develop theater. Why did theater develop, and why was it valued after it ceased to fulfill the function of ritual? Most answers fall back on the theories about the human mind and basic human needs. One, set forth by Aristotle in the fourth century B.C., sees humans as naturally imitative-as taking pleasure in imitating persons, things, and actions and in seeing such imitations. Another, advanced in the twentieth century, suggests that humans have a gift for fantasy, through which they seek to reshape reality into more satisfying forms than those encountered in daily life. Thus, fantasy or fiction (of which drama is one form) permits people to objectify their anxieties and fears, confront them, and fulfill their hopes in fiction if not fact. The theater, then, is one tool whereby people define and understand their world or escape from unpleasant realities.
But neither the human imitative instinct nor a penchant for fantasy by itself leads to an autonomous theater. Therefore, additional explanations are needed. One necessary condition seems to be a somewhat detached view of human problems. For example, one sign of this condition is the appearance of the comic vision, since comedy requires sufficient detachment to view some deviations from social norms as ridiculous rather than as serious threats to the welfare of the entire group. Another condition that contributes to the development of autonomous theater is the emergence of the aesthetic sense. For example, some early societies ceased to consider certain rites essential to their well-being and abandoned them, nevertheless, they retained as parts of their oral tradition the myths that had grown up around the rites and admired them for their artistic qualities rather than for their religious usefulness. | 1392.txt | 0 |
[
"To establish a positive connection between the members of the society",
"To help society members better understand the forces controlling their food supply",
"To distinguish their beliefs from those of other societies",
"To increase the society's prosperity"
] | According toparagraph 1, why did some societies develop and repeat ceremonial actions? | In seeking to describe the origins of theater, one must rely primarily on speculation, since there is little concrete evidence on which to draw. The most widely accepted theory, championed by anthropologists in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, envisions theater as emerging out of myth and ritual. The process perceived by these anthropologists may be summarized briefly. During the early stages of its development, a society becomes aware of forces that appear to influence or control its food supply and well-being. Having little understanding of natural causes, it attributes both desirable and undesirable occurrences to supernatural or magical forces, and it searches for means to win the favor of these forces. Perceiving an apparent connection between certain actions performed by the group and the result it desires, the group repeats, refines and formalizes those actions into fixed ceremonies, or rituals.
Stories (myths) may then grow up around a ritual. Frequently the myths include representatives of those supernatural forces that the rites celebrate or hope to influence. Performers may wear costumes and masks to represent the mythical characters or supernatural forces in the rituals or in accompanying celebrations. As a person becomes more sophisticated, its conceptions of supernatural forces and causal relationships may change. As a result, it may abandon or modify some rites. But the myths that have grown up around the rites may continue as part of the group's oral tradition and may even come to be acted out under conditions divorced from these rites. When this occurs, the first step has been taken toward theater as an autonomous activity, and thereafter entertainment and aesthetic values may gradually replace the former mystical and socially efficacious concerns.
Although origin in ritual has long been the most popular, it is by no means the only theory about how the theater came into being.Storytelling has been proposed as one alternative.Under this theory, relating and listening to stories are seen as fundamental human pleasures.Thus, the recalling of an event (a hunt, battle, or other feat) is elaborated through the narrator's pantomime and impersonation and eventually through each role being assumed by a different person.
A closely related theory sees theater as evolving out of dances that are primarily pantomimic, rhythmical or gymnastic, or from imitations of animal noises and sounds. Admiration for the performer's skill, virtuosity, and grace are seen as motivation for elaborating the activities into fully realized theatrical performances.
In addition to exploring the possible antecedents of theater, scholars have also theorized about the motives that led people to develop theater. Why did theater develop, and why was it valued after it ceased to fulfill the function of ritual? Most answers fall back on the theories about the human mind and basic human needs. One, set forth by Aristotle in the fourth century B.C., sees humans as naturally imitative-as taking pleasure in imitating persons, things, and actions and in seeing such imitations. Another, advanced in the twentieth century, suggests that humans have a gift for fantasy, through which they seek to reshape reality into more satisfying forms than those encountered in daily life. Thus, fantasy or fiction (of which drama is one form) permits people to objectify their anxieties and fears, confront them, and fulfill their hopes in fiction if not fact. The theater, then, is one tool whereby people define and understand their world or escape from unpleasant realities.
But neither the human imitative instinct nor a penchant for fantasy by itself leads to an autonomous theater. Therefore, additional explanations are needed. One necessary condition seems to be a somewhat detached view of human problems. For example, one sign of this condition is the appearance of the comic vision, since comedy requires sufficient detachment to view some deviations from social norms as ridiculous rather than as serious threats to the welfare of the entire group. Another condition that contributes to the development of autonomous theater is the emergence of the aesthetic sense. For example, some early societies ceased to consider certain rites essential to their well-being and abandoned them, nevertheless, they retained as parts of their oral tradition the myths that had grown up around the rites and admired them for their artistic qualities rather than for their religious usefulness. | 1392.txt | 3 |
[
"the acting out of rites",
"the divorce of ritual performers from the rest of society",
"the separation of myths from rites",
"the celebration of supernatural forces"
] | The word "this" in the passage (paragraph 5) refers to | In seeking to describe the origins of theater, one must rely primarily on speculation, since there is little concrete evidence on which to draw. The most widely accepted theory, championed by anthropologists in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, envisions theater as emerging out of myth and ritual. The process perceived by these anthropologists may be summarized briefly. During the early stages of its development, a society becomes aware of forces that appear to influence or control its food supply and well-being. Having little understanding of natural causes, it attributes both desirable and undesirable occurrences to supernatural or magical forces, and it searches for means to win the favor of these forces. Perceiving an apparent connection between certain actions performed by the group and the result it desires, the group repeats, refines and formalizes those actions into fixed ceremonies, or rituals.
Stories (myths) may then grow up around a ritual. Frequently the myths include representatives of those supernatural forces that the rites celebrate or hope to influence. Performers may wear costumes and masks to represent the mythical characters or supernatural forces in the rituals or in accompanying celebrations. As a person becomes more sophisticated, its conceptions of supernatural forces and causal relationships may change. As a result, it may abandon or modify some rites. But the myths that have grown up around the rites may continue as part of the group's oral tradition and may even come to be acted out under conditions divorced from these rites. When this occurs, the first step has been taken toward theater as an autonomous activity, and thereafter entertainment and aesthetic values may gradually replace the former mystical and socially efficacious concerns.
Although origin in ritual has long been the most popular, it is by no means the only theory about how the theater came into being.Storytelling has been proposed as one alternative.Under this theory, relating and listening to stories are seen as fundamental human pleasures.Thus, the recalling of an event (a hunt, battle, or other feat) is elaborated through the narrator's pantomime and impersonation and eventually through each role being assumed by a different person.
A closely related theory sees theater as evolving out of dances that are primarily pantomimic, rhythmical or gymnastic, or from imitations of animal noises and sounds. Admiration for the performer's skill, virtuosity, and grace are seen as motivation for elaborating the activities into fully realized theatrical performances.
In addition to exploring the possible antecedents of theater, scholars have also theorized about the motives that led people to develop theater. Why did theater develop, and why was it valued after it ceased to fulfill the function of ritual? Most answers fall back on the theories about the human mind and basic human needs. One, set forth by Aristotle in the fourth century B.C., sees humans as naturally imitative-as taking pleasure in imitating persons, things, and actions and in seeing such imitations. Another, advanced in the twentieth century, suggests that humans have a gift for fantasy, through which they seek to reshape reality into more satisfying forms than those encountered in daily life. Thus, fantasy or fiction (of which drama is one form) permits people to objectify their anxieties and fears, confront them, and fulfill their hopes in fiction if not fact. The theater, then, is one tool whereby people define and understand their world or escape from unpleasant realities.
But neither the human imitative instinct nor a penchant for fantasy by itself leads to an autonomous theater. Therefore, additional explanations are needed. One necessary condition seems to be a somewhat detached view of human problems. For example, one sign of this condition is the appearance of the comic vision, since comedy requires sufficient detachment to view some deviations from social norms as ridiculous rather than as serious threats to the welfare of the entire group. Another condition that contributes to the development of autonomous theater is the emergence of the aesthetic sense. For example, some early societies ceased to consider certain rites essential to their well-being and abandoned them, nevertheless, they retained as parts of their oral tradition the myths that had grown up around the rites and admired them for their artistic qualities rather than for their religious usefulness. | 1392.txt | 2 |
[
"artistic",
"important",
"independent",
"established"
] | The word "autonomous" in the passage (paragraph 2) is closest in meaning to | In seeking to describe the origins of theater, one must rely primarily on speculation, since there is little concrete evidence on which to draw. The most widely accepted theory, championed by anthropologists in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, envisions theater as emerging out of myth and ritual. The process perceived by these anthropologists may be summarized briefly. During the early stages of its development, a society becomes aware of forces that appear to influence or control its food supply and well-being. Having little understanding of natural causes, it attributes both desirable and undesirable occurrences to supernatural or magical forces, and it searches for means to win the favor of these forces. Perceiving an apparent connection between certain actions performed by the group and the result it desires, the group repeats, refines and formalizes those actions into fixed ceremonies, or rituals.
Stories (myths) may then grow up around a ritual. Frequently the myths include representatives of those supernatural forces that the rites celebrate or hope to influence. Performers may wear costumes and masks to represent the mythical characters or supernatural forces in the rituals or in accompanying celebrations. As a person becomes more sophisticated, its conceptions of supernatural forces and causal relationships may change. As a result, it may abandon or modify some rites. But the myths that have grown up around the rites may continue as part of the group's oral tradition and may even come to be acted out under conditions divorced from these rites. When this occurs, the first step has been taken toward theater as an autonomous activity, and thereafter entertainment and aesthetic values may gradually replace the former mystical and socially efficacious concerns.
Although origin in ritual has long been the most popular, it is by no means the only theory about how the theater came into being.Storytelling has been proposed as one alternative.Under this theory, relating and listening to stories are seen as fundamental human pleasures.Thus, the recalling of an event (a hunt, battle, or other feat) is elaborated through the narrator's pantomime and impersonation and eventually through each role being assumed by a different person.
A closely related theory sees theater as evolving out of dances that are primarily pantomimic, rhythmical or gymnastic, or from imitations of animal noises and sounds. Admiration for the performer's skill, virtuosity, and grace are seen as motivation for elaborating the activities into fully realized theatrical performances.
In addition to exploring the possible antecedents of theater, scholars have also theorized about the motives that led people to develop theater. Why did theater develop, and why was it valued after it ceased to fulfill the function of ritual? Most answers fall back on the theories about the human mind and basic human needs. One, set forth by Aristotle in the fourth century B.C., sees humans as naturally imitative-as taking pleasure in imitating persons, things, and actions and in seeing such imitations. Another, advanced in the twentieth century, suggests that humans have a gift for fantasy, through which they seek to reshape reality into more satisfying forms than those encountered in daily life. Thus, fantasy or fiction (of which drama is one form) permits people to objectify their anxieties and fears, confront them, and fulfill their hopes in fiction if not fact. The theater, then, is one tool whereby people define and understand their world or escape from unpleasant realities.
But neither the human imitative instinct nor a penchant for fantasy by itself leads to an autonomous theater. Therefore, additional explanations are needed. One necessary condition seems to be a somewhat detached view of human problems. For example, one sign of this condition is the appearance of the comic vision, since comedy requires sufficient detachment to view some deviations from social norms as ridiculous rather than as serious threats to the welfare of the entire group. Another condition that contributes to the development of autonomous theater is the emergence of the aesthetic sense. For example, some early societies ceased to consider certain rites essential to their well-being and abandoned them, nevertheless, they retained as parts of their oral tradition the myths that had grown up around the rites and admired them for their artistic qualities rather than for their religious usefulness. | 1392.txt | 2 |
[
"Emphasizing theater as entertainment",
"Developing a new understanding of why events occur",
"Finding a more sophisticated way of representing mythical characters",
"Moving from a primarily oral tradition to a more written tradition"
] | According toparagraph 2, what may cause societies to abandon certain rites? | In seeking to describe the origins of theater, one must rely primarily on speculation, since there is little concrete evidence on which to draw. The most widely accepted theory, championed by anthropologists in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, envisions theater as emerging out of myth and ritual. The process perceived by these anthropologists may be summarized briefly. During the early stages of its development, a society becomes aware of forces that appear to influence or control its food supply and well-being. Having little understanding of natural causes, it attributes both desirable and undesirable occurrences to supernatural or magical forces, and it searches for means to win the favor of these forces. Perceiving an apparent connection between certain actions performed by the group and the result it desires, the group repeats, refines and formalizes those actions into fixed ceremonies, or rituals.
Stories (myths) may then grow up around a ritual. Frequently the myths include representatives of those supernatural forces that the rites celebrate or hope to influence. Performers may wear costumes and masks to represent the mythical characters or supernatural forces in the rituals or in accompanying celebrations. As a person becomes more sophisticated, its conceptions of supernatural forces and causal relationships may change. As a result, it may abandon or modify some rites. But the myths that have grown up around the rites may continue as part of the group's oral tradition and may even come to be acted out under conditions divorced from these rites. When this occurs, the first step has been taken toward theater as an autonomous activity, and thereafter entertainment and aesthetic values may gradually replace the former mystical and socially efficacious concerns.
Although origin in ritual has long been the most popular, it is by no means the only theory about how the theater came into being.Storytelling has been proposed as one alternative.Under this theory, relating and listening to stories are seen as fundamental human pleasures.Thus, the recalling of an event (a hunt, battle, or other feat) is elaborated through the narrator's pantomime and impersonation and eventually through each role being assumed by a different person.
A closely related theory sees theater as evolving out of dances that are primarily pantomimic, rhythmical or gymnastic, or from imitations of animal noises and sounds. Admiration for the performer's skill, virtuosity, and grace are seen as motivation for elaborating the activities into fully realized theatrical performances.
In addition to exploring the possible antecedents of theater, scholars have also theorized about the motives that led people to develop theater. Why did theater develop, and why was it valued after it ceased to fulfill the function of ritual? Most answers fall back on the theories about the human mind and basic human needs. One, set forth by Aristotle in the fourth century B.C., sees humans as naturally imitative-as taking pleasure in imitating persons, things, and actions and in seeing such imitations. Another, advanced in the twentieth century, suggests that humans have a gift for fantasy, through which they seek to reshape reality into more satisfying forms than those encountered in daily life. Thus, fantasy or fiction (of which drama is one form) permits people to objectify their anxieties and fears, confront them, and fulfill their hopes in fiction if not fact. The theater, then, is one tool whereby people define and understand their world or escape from unpleasant realities.
But neither the human imitative instinct nor a penchant for fantasy by itself leads to an autonomous theater. Therefore, additional explanations are needed. One necessary condition seems to be a somewhat detached view of human problems. For example, one sign of this condition is the appearance of the comic vision, since comedy requires sufficient detachment to view some deviations from social norms as ridiculous rather than as serious threats to the welfare of the entire group. Another condition that contributes to the development of autonomous theater is the emergence of the aesthetic sense. For example, some early societies ceased to consider certain rites essential to their well-being and abandoned them, nevertheless, they retained as parts of their oral tradition the myths that had grown up around the rites and admired them for their artistic qualities rather than for their religious usefulness. | 1392.txt | 1 |
[
"Theater allows people to face that they are afraid of.",
"Theater gives an opportunity to imagine a better reality.",
"Theater is a way to enjoy imitating other people.",
"Theater provides people the opportunity to better understand the human mind."
] | All of following are mentioned in paragraph 5 as possible reasons that led societies to develop theater EXCEPT | In seeking to describe the origins of theater, one must rely primarily on speculation, since there is little concrete evidence on which to draw. The most widely accepted theory, championed by anthropologists in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, envisions theater as emerging out of myth and ritual. The process perceived by these anthropologists may be summarized briefly. During the early stages of its development, a society becomes aware of forces that appear to influence or control its food supply and well-being. Having little understanding of natural causes, it attributes both desirable and undesirable occurrences to supernatural or magical forces, and it searches for means to win the favor of these forces. Perceiving an apparent connection between certain actions performed by the group and the result it desires, the group repeats, refines and formalizes those actions into fixed ceremonies, or rituals.
Stories (myths) may then grow up around a ritual. Frequently the myths include representatives of those supernatural forces that the rites celebrate or hope to influence. Performers may wear costumes and masks to represent the mythical characters or supernatural forces in the rituals or in accompanying celebrations. As a person becomes more sophisticated, its conceptions of supernatural forces and causal relationships may change. As a result, it may abandon or modify some rites. But the myths that have grown up around the rites may continue as part of the group's oral tradition and may even come to be acted out under conditions divorced from these rites. When this occurs, the first step has been taken toward theater as an autonomous activity, and thereafter entertainment and aesthetic values may gradually replace the former mystical and socially efficacious concerns.
Although origin in ritual has long been the most popular, it is by no means the only theory about how the theater came into being.Storytelling has been proposed as one alternative.Under this theory, relating and listening to stories are seen as fundamental human pleasures.Thus, the recalling of an event (a hunt, battle, or other feat) is elaborated through the narrator's pantomime and impersonation and eventually through each role being assumed by a different person.
A closely related theory sees theater as evolving out of dances that are primarily pantomimic, rhythmical or gymnastic, or from imitations of animal noises and sounds. Admiration for the performer's skill, virtuosity, and grace are seen as motivation for elaborating the activities into fully realized theatrical performances.
In addition to exploring the possible antecedents of theater, scholars have also theorized about the motives that led people to develop theater. Why did theater develop, and why was it valued after it ceased to fulfill the function of ritual? Most answers fall back on the theories about the human mind and basic human needs. One, set forth by Aristotle in the fourth century B.C., sees humans as naturally imitative-as taking pleasure in imitating persons, things, and actions and in seeing such imitations. Another, advanced in the twentieth century, suggests that humans have a gift for fantasy, through which they seek to reshape reality into more satisfying forms than those encountered in daily life. Thus, fantasy or fiction (of which drama is one form) permits people to objectify their anxieties and fears, confront them, and fulfill their hopes in fiction if not fact. The theater, then, is one tool whereby people define and understand their world or escape from unpleasant realities.
But neither the human imitative instinct nor a penchant for fantasy by itself leads to an autonomous theater. Therefore, additional explanations are needed. One necessary condition seems to be a somewhat detached view of human problems. For example, one sign of this condition is the appearance of the comic vision, since comedy requires sufficient detachment to view some deviations from social norms as ridiculous rather than as serious threats to the welfare of the entire group. Another condition that contributes to the development of autonomous theater is the emergence of the aesthetic sense. For example, some early societies ceased to consider certain rites essential to their well-being and abandoned them, nevertheless, they retained as parts of their oral tradition the myths that had grown up around the rites and admired them for their artistic qualities rather than for their religious usefulness. | 1392.txt | 3 |
[
"The author presents two theories for a historical phenomenon.",
"The author argues against theories expressed earlier in the passage.",
"The author argues for replacing older theories with a new one.",
"The author points out problems with two popular theories."
] | Which of the following best describes the organization of paragraph 5? | In seeking to describe the origins of theater, one must rely primarily on speculation, since there is little concrete evidence on which to draw. The most widely accepted theory, championed by anthropologists in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, envisions theater as emerging out of myth and ritual. The process perceived by these anthropologists may be summarized briefly. During the early stages of its development, a society becomes aware of forces that appear to influence or control its food supply and well-being. Having little understanding of natural causes, it attributes both desirable and undesirable occurrences to supernatural or magical forces, and it searches for means to win the favor of these forces. Perceiving an apparent connection between certain actions performed by the group and the result it desires, the group repeats, refines and formalizes those actions into fixed ceremonies, or rituals.
Stories (myths) may then grow up around a ritual. Frequently the myths include representatives of those supernatural forces that the rites celebrate or hope to influence. Performers may wear costumes and masks to represent the mythical characters or supernatural forces in the rituals or in accompanying celebrations. As a person becomes more sophisticated, its conceptions of supernatural forces and causal relationships may change. As a result, it may abandon or modify some rites. But the myths that have grown up around the rites may continue as part of the group's oral tradition and may even come to be acted out under conditions divorced from these rites. When this occurs, the first step has been taken toward theater as an autonomous activity, and thereafter entertainment and aesthetic values may gradually replace the former mystical and socially efficacious concerns.
Although origin in ritual has long been the most popular, it is by no means the only theory about how the theater came into being.Storytelling has been proposed as one alternative.Under this theory, relating and listening to stories are seen as fundamental human pleasures.Thus, the recalling of an event (a hunt, battle, or other feat) is elaborated through the narrator's pantomime and impersonation and eventually through each role being assumed by a different person.
A closely related theory sees theater as evolving out of dances that are primarily pantomimic, rhythmical or gymnastic, or from imitations of animal noises and sounds. Admiration for the performer's skill, virtuosity, and grace are seen as motivation for elaborating the activities into fully realized theatrical performances.
In addition to exploring the possible antecedents of theater, scholars have also theorized about the motives that led people to develop theater. Why did theater develop, and why was it valued after it ceased to fulfill the function of ritual? Most answers fall back on the theories about the human mind and basic human needs. One, set forth by Aristotle in the fourth century B.C., sees humans as naturally imitative-as taking pleasure in imitating persons, things, and actions and in seeing such imitations. Another, advanced in the twentieth century, suggests that humans have a gift for fantasy, through which they seek to reshape reality into more satisfying forms than those encountered in daily life. Thus, fantasy or fiction (of which drama is one form) permits people to objectify their anxieties and fears, confront them, and fulfill their hopes in fiction if not fact. The theater, then, is one tool whereby people define and understand their world or escape from unpleasant realities.
But neither the human imitative instinct nor a penchant for fantasy by itself leads to an autonomous theater. Therefore, additional explanations are needed. One necessary condition seems to be a somewhat detached view of human problems. For example, one sign of this condition is the appearance of the comic vision, since comedy requires sufficient detachment to view some deviations from social norms as ridiculous rather than as serious threats to the welfare of the entire group. Another condition that contributes to the development of autonomous theater is the emergence of the aesthetic sense. For example, some early societies ceased to consider certain rites essential to their well-being and abandoned them, nevertheless, they retained as parts of their oral tradition the myths that had grown up around the rites and admired them for their artistic qualities rather than for their religious usefulness. | 1392.txt | 0 |
[
"compromise",
"inclination",
"tradition",
"respect"
] | The word "penchant" in the passage (paragragh 6) is closest in meaning to | In seeking to describe the origins of theater, one must rely primarily on speculation, since there is little concrete evidence on which to draw. The most widely accepted theory, championed by anthropologists in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, envisions theater as emerging out of myth and ritual. The process perceived by these anthropologists may be summarized briefly. During the early stages of its development, a society becomes aware of forces that appear to influence or control its food supply and well-being. Having little understanding of natural causes, it attributes both desirable and undesirable occurrences to supernatural or magical forces, and it searches for means to win the favor of these forces. Perceiving an apparent connection between certain actions performed by the group and the result it desires, the group repeats, refines and formalizes those actions into fixed ceremonies, or rituals.
Stories (myths) may then grow up around a ritual. Frequently the myths include representatives of those supernatural forces that the rites celebrate or hope to influence. Performers may wear costumes and masks to represent the mythical characters or supernatural forces in the rituals or in accompanying celebrations. As a person becomes more sophisticated, its conceptions of supernatural forces and causal relationships may change. As a result, it may abandon or modify some rites. But the myths that have grown up around the rites may continue as part of the group's oral tradition and may even come to be acted out under conditions divorced from these rites. When this occurs, the first step has been taken toward theater as an autonomous activity, and thereafter entertainment and aesthetic values may gradually replace the former mystical and socially efficacious concerns.
Although origin in ritual has long been the most popular, it is by no means the only theory about how the theater came into being.Storytelling has been proposed as one alternative.Under this theory, relating and listening to stories are seen as fundamental human pleasures.Thus, the recalling of an event (a hunt, battle, or other feat) is elaborated through the narrator's pantomime and impersonation and eventually through each role being assumed by a different person.
A closely related theory sees theater as evolving out of dances that are primarily pantomimic, rhythmical or gymnastic, or from imitations of animal noises and sounds. Admiration for the performer's skill, virtuosity, and grace are seen as motivation for elaborating the activities into fully realized theatrical performances.
In addition to exploring the possible antecedents of theater, scholars have also theorized about the motives that led people to develop theater. Why did theater develop, and why was it valued after it ceased to fulfill the function of ritual? Most answers fall back on the theories about the human mind and basic human needs. One, set forth by Aristotle in the fourth century B.C., sees humans as naturally imitative-as taking pleasure in imitating persons, things, and actions and in seeing such imitations. Another, advanced in the twentieth century, suggests that humans have a gift for fantasy, through which they seek to reshape reality into more satisfying forms than those encountered in daily life. Thus, fantasy or fiction (of which drama is one form) permits people to objectify their anxieties and fears, confront them, and fulfill their hopes in fiction if not fact. The theater, then, is one tool whereby people define and understand their world or escape from unpleasant realities.
But neither the human imitative instinct nor a penchant for fantasy by itself leads to an autonomous theater. Therefore, additional explanations are needed. One necessary condition seems to be a somewhat detached view of human problems. For example, one sign of this condition is the appearance of the comic vision, since comedy requires sufficient detachment to view some deviations from social norms as ridiculous rather than as serious threats to the welfare of the entire group. Another condition that contributes to the development of autonomous theater is the emergence of the aesthetic sense. For example, some early societies ceased to consider certain rites essential to their well-being and abandoned them, nevertheless, they retained as parts of their oral tradition the myths that had grown up around the rites and admired them for their artistic qualities rather than for their religious usefulness. | 1392.txt | 1 |
[
"To give an example of early types of theater",
"To explain how theater helps a society respond to threats to its welfare",
"To help explain why detachment is needed for the development of theater",
"To show how theatrical performers become detached from other members of society"
] | Why does the author mention "comedy"? | In seeking to describe the origins of theater, one must rely primarily on speculation, since there is little concrete evidence on which to draw. The most widely accepted theory, championed by anthropologists in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, envisions theater as emerging out of myth and ritual. The process perceived by these anthropologists may be summarized briefly. During the early stages of its development, a society becomes aware of forces that appear to influence or control its food supply and well-being. Having little understanding of natural causes, it attributes both desirable and undesirable occurrences to supernatural or magical forces, and it searches for means to win the favor of these forces. Perceiving an apparent connection between certain actions performed by the group and the result it desires, the group repeats, refines and formalizes those actions into fixed ceremonies, or rituals.
Stories (myths) may then grow up around a ritual. Frequently the myths include representatives of those supernatural forces that the rites celebrate or hope to influence. Performers may wear costumes and masks to represent the mythical characters or supernatural forces in the rituals or in accompanying celebrations. As a person becomes more sophisticated, its conceptions of supernatural forces and causal relationships may change. As a result, it may abandon or modify some rites. But the myths that have grown up around the rites may continue as part of the group's oral tradition and may even come to be acted out under conditions divorced from these rites. When this occurs, the first step has been taken toward theater as an autonomous activity, and thereafter entertainment and aesthetic values may gradually replace the former mystical and socially efficacious concerns.
Although origin in ritual has long been the most popular, it is by no means the only theory about how the theater came into being.Storytelling has been proposed as one alternative.Under this theory, relating and listening to stories are seen as fundamental human pleasures.Thus, the recalling of an event (a hunt, battle, or other feat) is elaborated through the narrator's pantomime and impersonation and eventually through each role being assumed by a different person.
A closely related theory sees theater as evolving out of dances that are primarily pantomimic, rhythmical or gymnastic, or from imitations of animal noises and sounds. Admiration for the performer's skill, virtuosity, and grace are seen as motivation for elaborating the activities into fully realized theatrical performances.
In addition to exploring the possible antecedents of theater, scholars have also theorized about the motives that led people to develop theater. Why did theater develop, and why was it valued after it ceased to fulfill the function of ritual? Most answers fall back on the theories about the human mind and basic human needs. One, set forth by Aristotle in the fourth century B.C., sees humans as naturally imitative-as taking pleasure in imitating persons, things, and actions and in seeing such imitations. Another, advanced in the twentieth century, suggests that humans have a gift for fantasy, through which they seek to reshape reality into more satisfying forms than those encountered in daily life. Thus, fantasy or fiction (of which drama is one form) permits people to objectify their anxieties and fears, confront them, and fulfill their hopes in fiction if not fact. The theater, then, is one tool whereby people define and understand their world or escape from unpleasant realities.
But neither the human imitative instinct nor a penchant for fantasy by itself leads to an autonomous theater. Therefore, additional explanations are needed. One necessary condition seems to be a somewhat detached view of human problems. For example, one sign of this condition is the appearance of the comic vision, since comedy requires sufficient detachment to view some deviations from social norms as ridiculous rather than as serious threats to the welfare of the entire group. Another condition that contributes to the development of autonomous theater is the emergence of the aesthetic sense. For example, some early societies ceased to consider certain rites essential to their well-being and abandoned them, nevertheless, they retained as parts of their oral tradition the myths that had grown up around the rites and admired them for their artistic qualities rather than for their religious usefulness. | 1392.txt | 2 |
[
"To escape from the busy and noisy city.",
"To look for die tools used by our ancestors.",
"To experience the natural beauty of a lighthouse.",
"To learn about the living condition of lighthouse keepers."
] | What is the reason to look back into the past of a lighthouse? | Everyone should visit a lighthouse at least once.
The most important reason for such a visit is to realize how our ancestors battled nature with the basic tools they had. "They had only basic ways of creating light, and yet they found a way of using this simple technology in isolated places to save ships from hitting rocks.
Secondly, visiting lighthouses will help us to understand the lives of lighthouse keepers. By their very nature, lighthouses were built on some rocks or cliffs. Thus, the lighthouse keepers often lived lonely lives. To walk around their small home and imagine the angry storm outside beating against the walls, is to take a step towards understanding the lives they had.
The reasons for a visit to a lighthouse are not all so backward-looking in time. It is true that lighthouses were built in out-of-the-way places. But on a pleasant sunny summer day, this very isolation has a natural beauty that many people will love to experience. Therefore, with the gentle waves touching all round the lighthouse, the visitor is likely to think it 13 a world preferable to the busy and noisy modem life.
Another reason for considering a visit is that the lighthouses themselves can be very attractive buildings. Mankind could often not be content just to put up a basic structure, but felt the need, even in such an isolated place, to build with an artistic touch. The result is a view for tired eyes to enjoy.
Finally, lighthouses have a romantic attraction, summed up by the image of the oil-skin coaled keeper climbing his winding stairs to take care of the light to warn ships and save lives, | 3239.txt | 3 |
[
"to attract visitors",
"to guide passing ships",
"to give a pleasant sight",
"to remember lighthouse keepers"
] | Lighthouses were often built with an artistic touch _ . | Everyone should visit a lighthouse at least once.
The most important reason for such a visit is to realize how our ancestors battled nature with the basic tools they had. "They had only basic ways of creating light, and yet they found a way of using this simple technology in isolated places to save ships from hitting rocks.
Secondly, visiting lighthouses will help us to understand the lives of lighthouse keepers. By their very nature, lighthouses were built on some rocks or cliffs. Thus, the lighthouse keepers often lived lonely lives. To walk around their small home and imagine the angry storm outside beating against the walls, is to take a step towards understanding the lives they had.
The reasons for a visit to a lighthouse are not all so backward-looking in time. It is true that lighthouses were built in out-of-the-way places. But on a pleasant sunny summer day, this very isolation has a natural beauty that many people will love to experience. Therefore, with the gentle waves touching all round the lighthouse, the visitor is likely to think it 13 a world preferable to the busy and noisy modem life.
Another reason for considering a visit is that the lighthouses themselves can be very attractive buildings. Mankind could often not be content just to put up a basic structure, but felt the need, even in such an isolated place, to build with an artistic touch. The result is a view for tired eyes to enjoy.
Finally, lighthouses have a romantic attraction, summed up by the image of the oil-skin coaled keeper climbing his winding stairs to take care of the light to warn ships and save lives, | 3239.txt | 2 |
[
"Three.",
"Four",
"Five.",
"Six,"
] | How many reasons are mentioned for a visit to a Hothouse? | Everyone should visit a lighthouse at least once.
The most important reason for such a visit is to realize how our ancestors battled nature with the basic tools they had. "They had only basic ways of creating light, and yet they found a way of using this simple technology in isolated places to save ships from hitting rocks.
Secondly, visiting lighthouses will help us to understand the lives of lighthouse keepers. By their very nature, lighthouses were built on some rocks or cliffs. Thus, the lighthouse keepers often lived lonely lives. To walk around their small home and imagine the angry storm outside beating against the walls, is to take a step towards understanding the lives they had.
The reasons for a visit to a lighthouse are not all so backward-looking in time. It is true that lighthouses were built in out-of-the-way places. But on a pleasant sunny summer day, this very isolation has a natural beauty that many people will love to experience. Therefore, with the gentle waves touching all round the lighthouse, the visitor is likely to think it 13 a world preferable to the busy and noisy modem life.
Another reason for considering a visit is that the lighthouses themselves can be very attractive buildings. Mankind could often not be content just to put up a basic structure, but felt the need, even in such an isolated place, to build with an artistic touch. The result is a view for tired eyes to enjoy.
Finally, lighthouses have a romantic attraction, summed up by the image of the oil-skin coaled keeper climbing his winding stairs to take care of the light to warn ships and save lives, | 3239.txt | 2 |
[
"It specializes in producing old hats.",
"It aims to improve the way universities work.",
"It invests $ 6m in the development of social network.",
"It promotes the communication among classmates."
] | What do we learn from the first paragraph about Lore? | Dropping out of university to launch a start-up is old hat. The twist with Joseph Cohen, Dan Getelman and Jim Grandpre is that their start-up aims to improve how universities work. In May 2011 the three founders quit the University of Pennsvlvania. to launch Coursekit,soon renamed as Lore.whichhas already raised $ 6m to develop what Mr. Cohen, its 21-year-old chief executive, describes as a social-learning network for the classroom".
Lore is part of a trend that builds on the familiarity with social networking that has come with the success of Facebook. It customizes the rules of a network to meet the specific needs of students. Anyone teaching a class would reasonably worry that students using Facebook were gossiping rather than learning useful information from their network of friends. Lore allows teachers to control exactly who is in the network by issuing a class-membership code and to see how they are using it. They can also distribute course materials, contact students, manage tests and grades, and decide what to make public and what to keep private. Students can also interact with each other.
In the academic year after launching its first version last November, Lore was used in at least one class in 600 diversities and colleges. Its goal for its second year, about to begin, is to spread rapidly within those 600 institutions, not least to see what the effects of scale are from having lots of classes signed up within the same institution.
The firm has a fast-growing army of fans in the faculty common room. Lore, says Edward Boches, who uses it for his advertising classes at Boston University, makes teaching "more interactive, extends it beyond the classroom and stimulates students to learn from each other rather than just the professor. "
Among other challenges for the company, there remains the small matter of figuring out a business model. For the moment it has none. Mr. Cohen hopes that eventually Lore could become the primary marketplace for everything from courses to textbooks, but so far the service is free and carries no advertising. Blackboard, the industry incumbent, charges users for its course-management software. It remains to be seen how it will respond to the upstart.
The lack of a plan does not appear to bother Lore's founders or investors, who seem content to learn a lesson from another university drop-out, Mark Zuckerberg, the co-founder of Facebook: achieve critical mass in your network and the profits will follow. And after that perhaps they can expect an honorary degree from the a/ma mater. | 874.txt | 1 |
[
"Meet specific needs of students.",
"Learn useful information from friends.",
"Control the online class membership.",
"Monitor students' personal privacy."
] | What does Lore enable teachers to do? | Dropping out of university to launch a start-up is old hat. The twist with Joseph Cohen, Dan Getelman and Jim Grandpre is that their start-up aims to improve how universities work. In May 2011 the three founders quit the University of Pennsvlvania. to launch Coursekit,soon renamed as Lore.whichhas already raised $ 6m to develop what Mr. Cohen, its 21-year-old chief executive, describes as a social-learning network for the classroom".
Lore is part of a trend that builds on the familiarity with social networking that has come with the success of Facebook. It customizes the rules of a network to meet the specific needs of students. Anyone teaching a class would reasonably worry that students using Facebook were gossiping rather than learning useful information from their network of friends. Lore allows teachers to control exactly who is in the network by issuing a class-membership code and to see how they are using it. They can also distribute course materials, contact students, manage tests and grades, and decide what to make public and what to keep private. Students can also interact with each other.
In the academic year after launching its first version last November, Lore was used in at least one class in 600 diversities and colleges. Its goal for its second year, about to begin, is to spread rapidly within those 600 institutions, not least to see what the effects of scale are from having lots of classes signed up within the same institution.
The firm has a fast-growing army of fans in the faculty common room. Lore, says Edward Boches, who uses it for his advertising classes at Boston University, makes teaching "more interactive, extends it beyond the classroom and stimulates students to learn from each other rather than just the professor. "
Among other challenges for the company, there remains the small matter of figuring out a business model. For the moment it has none. Mr. Cohen hopes that eventually Lore could become the primary marketplace for everything from courses to textbooks, but so far the service is free and carries no advertising. Blackboard, the industry incumbent, charges users for its course-management software. It remains to be seen how it will respond to the upstart.
The lack of a plan does not appear to bother Lore's founders or investors, who seem content to learn a lesson from another university drop-out, Mark Zuckerberg, the co-founder of Facebook: achieve critical mass in your network and the profits will follow. And after that perhaps they can expect an honorary degree from the a/ma mater. | 874.txt | 2 |
[
"increase fans in the faculty common room",
"launch its second version in 600 universities",
"make more classes from 600 institutions signed up",
"spread its influence within the same institution"
] | For its second-year goal, Lore is to _ | Dropping out of university to launch a start-up is old hat. The twist with Joseph Cohen, Dan Getelman and Jim Grandpre is that their start-up aims to improve how universities work. In May 2011 the three founders quit the University of Pennsvlvania. to launch Coursekit,soon renamed as Lore.whichhas already raised $ 6m to develop what Mr. Cohen, its 21-year-old chief executive, describes as a social-learning network for the classroom".
Lore is part of a trend that builds on the familiarity with social networking that has come with the success of Facebook. It customizes the rules of a network to meet the specific needs of students. Anyone teaching a class would reasonably worry that students using Facebook were gossiping rather than learning useful information from their network of friends. Lore allows teachers to control exactly who is in the network by issuing a class-membership code and to see how they are using it. They can also distribute course materials, contact students, manage tests and grades, and decide what to make public and what to keep private. Students can also interact with each other.
In the academic year after launching its first version last November, Lore was used in at least one class in 600 diversities and colleges. Its goal for its second year, about to begin, is to spread rapidly within those 600 institutions, not least to see what the effects of scale are from having lots of classes signed up within the same institution.
The firm has a fast-growing army of fans in the faculty common room. Lore, says Edward Boches, who uses it for his advertising classes at Boston University, makes teaching "more interactive, extends it beyond the classroom and stimulates students to learn from each other rather than just the professor. "
Among other challenges for the company, there remains the small matter of figuring out a business model. For the moment it has none. Mr. Cohen hopes that eventually Lore could become the primary marketplace for everything from courses to textbooks, but so far the service is free and carries no advertising. Blackboard, the industry incumbent, charges users for its course-management software. It remains to be seen how it will respond to the upstart.
The lack of a plan does not appear to bother Lore's founders or investors, who seem content to learn a lesson from another university drop-out, Mark Zuckerberg, the co-founder of Facebook: achieve critical mass in your network and the profits will follow. And after that perhaps they can expect an honorary degree from the a/ma mater. | 874.txt | 2 |
[
"confront with Blackboard as an equal",
"offer free service to the advertisers",
"cover businesses from courses to textbooks",
"Develop its own come-management software"
] | Concerning the prospect of Lore, Mr. Cohen expects it to | Dropping out of university to launch a start-up is old hat. The twist with Joseph Cohen, Dan Getelman and Jim Grandpre is that their start-up aims to improve how universities work. In May 2011 the three founders quit the University of Pennsvlvania. to launch Coursekit,soon renamed as Lore.whichhas already raised $ 6m to develop what Mr. Cohen, its 21-year-old chief executive, describes as a social-learning network for the classroom".
Lore is part of a trend that builds on the familiarity with social networking that has come with the success of Facebook. It customizes the rules of a network to meet the specific needs of students. Anyone teaching a class would reasonably worry that students using Facebook were gossiping rather than learning useful information from their network of friends. Lore allows teachers to control exactly who is in the network by issuing a class-membership code and to see how they are using it. They can also distribute course materials, contact students, manage tests and grades, and decide what to make public and what to keep private. Students can also interact with each other.
In the academic year after launching its first version last November, Lore was used in at least one class in 600 diversities and colleges. Its goal for its second year, about to begin, is to spread rapidly within those 600 institutions, not least to see what the effects of scale are from having lots of classes signed up within the same institution.
The firm has a fast-growing army of fans in the faculty common room. Lore, says Edward Boches, who uses it for his advertising classes at Boston University, makes teaching "more interactive, extends it beyond the classroom and stimulates students to learn from each other rather than just the professor. "
Among other challenges for the company, there remains the small matter of figuring out a business model. For the moment it has none. Mr. Cohen hopes that eventually Lore could become the primary marketplace for everything from courses to textbooks, but so far the service is free and carries no advertising. Blackboard, the industry incumbent, charges users for its course-management software. It remains to be seen how it will respond to the upstart.
The lack of a plan does not appear to bother Lore's founders or investors, who seem content to learn a lesson from another university drop-out, Mark Zuckerberg, the co-founder of Facebook: achieve critical mass in your network and the profits will follow. And after that perhaps they can expect an honorary degree from the a/ma mater. | 874.txt | 2 |
[
"They can't be bothered to design a business model.",
"They learn a lesson from the success of Facebook.",
"They will not make profits without drawing mass users.",
"They desire to receive an honorary degree from the alma mater."
] | What do we learn about Lore's founders? | Dropping out of university to launch a start-up is old hat. The twist with Joseph Cohen, Dan Getelman and Jim Grandpre is that their start-up aims to improve how universities work. In May 2011 the three founders quit the University of Pennsvlvania. to launch Coursekit,soon renamed as Lore.whichhas already raised $ 6m to develop what Mr. Cohen, its 21-year-old chief executive, describes as a social-learning network for the classroom".
Lore is part of a trend that builds on the familiarity with social networking that has come with the success of Facebook. It customizes the rules of a network to meet the specific needs of students. Anyone teaching a class would reasonably worry that students using Facebook were gossiping rather than learning useful information from their network of friends. Lore allows teachers to control exactly who is in the network by issuing a class-membership code and to see how they are using it. They can also distribute course materials, contact students, manage tests and grades, and decide what to make public and what to keep private. Students can also interact with each other.
In the academic year after launching its first version last November, Lore was used in at least one class in 600 diversities and colleges. Its goal for its second year, about to begin, is to spread rapidly within those 600 institutions, not least to see what the effects of scale are from having lots of classes signed up within the same institution.
The firm has a fast-growing army of fans in the faculty common room. Lore, says Edward Boches, who uses it for his advertising classes at Boston University, makes teaching "more interactive, extends it beyond the classroom and stimulates students to learn from each other rather than just the professor. "
Among other challenges for the company, there remains the small matter of figuring out a business model. For the moment it has none. Mr. Cohen hopes that eventually Lore could become the primary marketplace for everything from courses to textbooks, but so far the service is free and carries no advertising. Blackboard, the industry incumbent, charges users for its course-management software. It remains to be seen how it will respond to the upstart.
The lack of a plan does not appear to bother Lore's founders or investors, who seem content to learn a lesson from another university drop-out, Mark Zuckerberg, the co-founder of Facebook: achieve critical mass in your network and the profits will follow. And after that perhaps they can expect an honorary degree from the a/ma mater. | 874.txt | 1 |
[
"the summit of Mount Llullaillaco was not hostile in the past",
"ancient Incans used to hold sacrificial rituals on top of the mountain",
"burying children alive was a common practice in ancient Incan society",
"the three children made the mountain climbing by themselves"
] | From the first paragraph we learn that _ . | By modern standards, the hostile summit of Mount Llullaillaco, in the Argentine Andes, is no place fro kids. The ancient Inca saw things differently though, and so it was that one day, some 500 years ago, three children ascended the frigid and treacherous upper slopes of the 22,000-ft. peak. The three had spent time at the 17,000-ft. level, taking part in rituals that can only be guessed at. Now, accompanied by a retinue of adults, they moved steadily upward. They would not return. Once at the summit, the children-two girls and a boy, between eight and 15 years old-would be ritually sacrificed and entombed beneath 5 ft. of rocky rubble. They may even have been buried alive.
And there the story might have ended but for the tireless efforts of Johan Reinhard, an independent archaeologist funded by the National Geographic Society. Reinhard's specialty is scaling the Andes in search of sacrificial remains; he had already located 15 bodies, including the famed ice maiden he found in 1995. But these three, whose discovery he announced last week, are by far the most impressive. They were frozen solid within hours of their burial. Two of the bodies are almost perfectly preserved; the third was evidently damaged by lightening. The children's internal organs are not only intact but also still contain blood. Says Craig Morris, an expert on Andean archaeology at New York City's American Museum of Natural History: "It is truly a fantastic discovery."
What makes it so fantastic is not just the bodies themselves, but also the wealth of artifacts that were buried along with them: 36 gold and silver statues, small woven bags, a ceramic vessel, leather sandals, a small llama figure and seashell necklaces. One of the girls, says Reinhard, "Has a beautiful yellow, geometrically designed cover laid over her." Her head sports a plume of feathers and a golden mask.
Some of the bodies were provisioned with bundles of food wrapped in alpaca skin, which indicates that the children came from the Incan social elite-not surprising, since only people of high status would have been considered worthy of sacrifice. Little is known about the sacrificial ceremony itself; these objects, along with others found at the lower camp, should tell archaeologists plenty.
The preserved bodies, meanwhile, will give scientists an unprecedented look at Incan physiology. Reinhard and his team took care to pack the children in plastic, snow and insulating foam before hauling them down the mountain, and the Argentine military whisked them off to the nearby town of Salta. There, experts will analyze their stomachs to find out what they ate for their last meal, their organs for clues about their diet and their DNA to try and establish their relationship to other ethnic groups. Reinhard will head back into the mountains. There is no telling how many more bodies remain to be found. | 777.txt | 1 |
[
"Johan Reinhard works with the National Geographic Society.",
"Archaeological discoveries depend on the independent work of archaeologists.",
"The Andes is a treasure for archaeologists in search of sacrificial remain.",
"Andean archaeology focuses on unearthing human bodies."
] | Which of the following statements is true according to the text? | By modern standards, the hostile summit of Mount Llullaillaco, in the Argentine Andes, is no place fro kids. The ancient Inca saw things differently though, and so it was that one day, some 500 years ago, three children ascended the frigid and treacherous upper slopes of the 22,000-ft. peak. The three had spent time at the 17,000-ft. level, taking part in rituals that can only be guessed at. Now, accompanied by a retinue of adults, they moved steadily upward. They would not return. Once at the summit, the children-two girls and a boy, between eight and 15 years old-would be ritually sacrificed and entombed beneath 5 ft. of rocky rubble. They may even have been buried alive.
And there the story might have ended but for the tireless efforts of Johan Reinhard, an independent archaeologist funded by the National Geographic Society. Reinhard's specialty is scaling the Andes in search of sacrificial remains; he had already located 15 bodies, including the famed ice maiden he found in 1995. But these three, whose discovery he announced last week, are by far the most impressive. They were frozen solid within hours of their burial. Two of the bodies are almost perfectly preserved; the third was evidently damaged by lightening. The children's internal organs are not only intact but also still contain blood. Says Craig Morris, an expert on Andean archaeology at New York City's American Museum of Natural History: "It is truly a fantastic discovery."
What makes it so fantastic is not just the bodies themselves, but also the wealth of artifacts that were buried along with them: 36 gold and silver statues, small woven bags, a ceramic vessel, leather sandals, a small llama figure and seashell necklaces. One of the girls, says Reinhard, "Has a beautiful yellow, geometrically designed cover laid over her." Her head sports a plume of feathers and a golden mask.
Some of the bodies were provisioned with bundles of food wrapped in alpaca skin, which indicates that the children came from the Incan social elite-not surprising, since only people of high status would have been considered worthy of sacrifice. Little is known about the sacrificial ceremony itself; these objects, along with others found at the lower camp, should tell archaeologists plenty.
The preserved bodies, meanwhile, will give scientists an unprecedented look at Incan physiology. Reinhard and his team took care to pack the children in plastic, snow and insulating foam before hauling them down the mountain, and the Argentine military whisked them off to the nearby town of Salta. There, experts will analyze their stomachs to find out what they ate for their last meal, their organs for clues about their diet and their DNA to try and establish their relationship to other ethnic groups. Reinhard will head back into the mountains. There is no telling how many more bodies remain to be found. | 777.txt | 2 |
[
"ancient Incans were masters of body-preservation",
"the children suffered a lot before they were buried",
"Incan children from rich families were often made sacrifices",
"ancient Incans had grasped a high level of craftsmanship"
] | Rehinhard's discovery shows that _ . | By modern standards, the hostile summit of Mount Llullaillaco, in the Argentine Andes, is no place fro kids. The ancient Inca saw things differently though, and so it was that one day, some 500 years ago, three children ascended the frigid and treacherous upper slopes of the 22,000-ft. peak. The three had spent time at the 17,000-ft. level, taking part in rituals that can only be guessed at. Now, accompanied by a retinue of adults, they moved steadily upward. They would not return. Once at the summit, the children-two girls and a boy, between eight and 15 years old-would be ritually sacrificed and entombed beneath 5 ft. of rocky rubble. They may even have been buried alive.
And there the story might have ended but for the tireless efforts of Johan Reinhard, an independent archaeologist funded by the National Geographic Society. Reinhard's specialty is scaling the Andes in search of sacrificial remains; he had already located 15 bodies, including the famed ice maiden he found in 1995. But these three, whose discovery he announced last week, are by far the most impressive. They were frozen solid within hours of their burial. Two of the bodies are almost perfectly preserved; the third was evidently damaged by lightening. The children's internal organs are not only intact but also still contain blood. Says Craig Morris, an expert on Andean archaeology at New York City's American Museum of Natural History: "It is truly a fantastic discovery."
What makes it so fantastic is not just the bodies themselves, but also the wealth of artifacts that were buried along with them: 36 gold and silver statues, small woven bags, a ceramic vessel, leather sandals, a small llama figure and seashell necklaces. One of the girls, says Reinhard, "Has a beautiful yellow, geometrically designed cover laid over her." Her head sports a plume of feathers and a golden mask.
Some of the bodies were provisioned with bundles of food wrapped in alpaca skin, which indicates that the children came from the Incan social elite-not surprising, since only people of high status would have been considered worthy of sacrifice. Little is known about the sacrificial ceremony itself; these objects, along with others found at the lower camp, should tell archaeologists plenty.
The preserved bodies, meanwhile, will give scientists an unprecedented look at Incan physiology. Reinhard and his team took care to pack the children in plastic, snow and insulating foam before hauling them down the mountain, and the Argentine military whisked them off to the nearby town of Salta. There, experts will analyze their stomachs to find out what they ate for their last meal, their organs for clues about their diet and their DNA to try and establish their relationship to other ethnic groups. Reinhard will head back into the mountains. There is no telling how many more bodies remain to be found. | 777.txt | 3 |
[
"unexampled",
"unusual",
"precious",
"unpredictable"
] | Which of the following best define the word "unprecedented"(line 1, paragraph 5)? | By modern standards, the hostile summit of Mount Llullaillaco, in the Argentine Andes, is no place fro kids. The ancient Inca saw things differently though, and so it was that one day, some 500 years ago, three children ascended the frigid and treacherous upper slopes of the 22,000-ft. peak. The three had spent time at the 17,000-ft. level, taking part in rituals that can only be guessed at. Now, accompanied by a retinue of adults, they moved steadily upward. They would not return. Once at the summit, the children-two girls and a boy, between eight and 15 years old-would be ritually sacrificed and entombed beneath 5 ft. of rocky rubble. They may even have been buried alive.
And there the story might have ended but for the tireless efforts of Johan Reinhard, an independent archaeologist funded by the National Geographic Society. Reinhard's specialty is scaling the Andes in search of sacrificial remains; he had already located 15 bodies, including the famed ice maiden he found in 1995. But these three, whose discovery he announced last week, are by far the most impressive. They were frozen solid within hours of their burial. Two of the bodies are almost perfectly preserved; the third was evidently damaged by lightening. The children's internal organs are not only intact but also still contain blood. Says Craig Morris, an expert on Andean archaeology at New York City's American Museum of Natural History: "It is truly a fantastic discovery."
What makes it so fantastic is not just the bodies themselves, but also the wealth of artifacts that were buried along with them: 36 gold and silver statues, small woven bags, a ceramic vessel, leather sandals, a small llama figure and seashell necklaces. One of the girls, says Reinhard, "Has a beautiful yellow, geometrically designed cover laid over her." Her head sports a plume of feathers and a golden mask.
Some of the bodies were provisioned with bundles of food wrapped in alpaca skin, which indicates that the children came from the Incan social elite-not surprising, since only people of high status would have been considered worthy of sacrifice. Little is known about the sacrificial ceremony itself; these objects, along with others found at the lower camp, should tell archaeologists plenty.
The preserved bodies, meanwhile, will give scientists an unprecedented look at Incan physiology. Reinhard and his team took care to pack the children in plastic, snow and insulating foam before hauling them down the mountain, and the Argentine military whisked them off to the nearby town of Salta. There, experts will analyze their stomachs to find out what they ate for their last meal, their organs for clues about their diet and their DNA to try and establish their relationship to other ethnic groups. Reinhard will head back into the mountains. There is no telling how many more bodies remain to be found. | 777.txt | 0 |
[
"Johan Reinhard's discovery will shed light on the study of ancient Incans",
"Reinhard will find a lot more bodies in the future",
"Experts can now describe the sacrificial ceremony in detail",
"Argentine military are also interested in archaeological activities"
] | We can draw a conclusion from the text that _ . | By modern standards, the hostile summit of Mount Llullaillaco, in the Argentine Andes, is no place fro kids. The ancient Inca saw things differently though, and so it was that one day, some 500 years ago, three children ascended the frigid and treacherous upper slopes of the 22,000-ft. peak. The three had spent time at the 17,000-ft. level, taking part in rituals that can only be guessed at. Now, accompanied by a retinue of adults, they moved steadily upward. They would not return. Once at the summit, the children-two girls and a boy, between eight and 15 years old-would be ritually sacrificed and entombed beneath 5 ft. of rocky rubble. They may even have been buried alive.
And there the story might have ended but for the tireless efforts of Johan Reinhard, an independent archaeologist funded by the National Geographic Society. Reinhard's specialty is scaling the Andes in search of sacrificial remains; he had already located 15 bodies, including the famed ice maiden he found in 1995. But these three, whose discovery he announced last week, are by far the most impressive. They were frozen solid within hours of their burial. Two of the bodies are almost perfectly preserved; the third was evidently damaged by lightening. The children's internal organs are not only intact but also still contain blood. Says Craig Morris, an expert on Andean archaeology at New York City's American Museum of Natural History: "It is truly a fantastic discovery."
What makes it so fantastic is not just the bodies themselves, but also the wealth of artifacts that were buried along with them: 36 gold and silver statues, small woven bags, a ceramic vessel, leather sandals, a small llama figure and seashell necklaces. One of the girls, says Reinhard, "Has a beautiful yellow, geometrically designed cover laid over her." Her head sports a plume of feathers and a golden mask.
Some of the bodies were provisioned with bundles of food wrapped in alpaca skin, which indicates that the children came from the Incan social elite-not surprising, since only people of high status would have been considered worthy of sacrifice. Little is known about the sacrificial ceremony itself; these objects, along with others found at the lower camp, should tell archaeologists plenty.
The preserved bodies, meanwhile, will give scientists an unprecedented look at Incan physiology. Reinhard and his team took care to pack the children in plastic, snow and insulating foam before hauling them down the mountain, and the Argentine military whisked them off to the nearby town of Salta. There, experts will analyze their stomachs to find out what they ate for their last meal, their organs for clues about their diet and their DNA to try and establish their relationship to other ethnic groups. Reinhard will head back into the mountains. There is no telling how many more bodies remain to be found. | 777.txt | 0 |
[
"generally possess certain inspiring characteristics",
"probably share some weaknesses of ordinary people",
"are often influenced by previous generations",
"all unknowingly attract a large number of fans"
] | Although heroes may come from different cultures, they _ . | Like many of my generation, I have a weakness for hero worship. At some point, however, we all begin to question our heroes and our need for them. This leads us to ask: What is a hero?
Despite immense differences in cultures, heroes around the world generally share a number of characteristics that instruct and inspire people.
A hero does something worth talking about. A hero has a story of adventure to tell and a community who will listen. But a hero goes beyond mere fame.
Heroes serve powers or principles larger than themselves. Like high-voltage transformers, heroes take the energy of higher powers and step it down so that it can be used by ordinary people.
The hero lives a life worthy of imitation. Those who imitate a genuine hero experience life with new depth, enthusiasm, and meaning. A sure test for would-be heroes is what or whom do they serve? What are they willing to live and die for? If the answer or evidence suggests they serve only their own fame, they may be famous persons but not heroes. Madonna and Michael Jackson are famous, but who would claim that their fans find life more abundant?
Heroes are catalysts for change. They have a vision from the mountaintop. They have the skill and the charm to move the masses. They create new possibilities. Without , might still be part of the . Without Rosa Parks and Martin Luther King, Jr., we might still have segregated buses, restaurants, and parks. It may be possible for large-scale change to occur without leaders with magnetic personalities, but the pace of change would be slow, the vision uncertain, and the committee meetings endless. | 1190.txt | 0 |
[
"they have a vision from the mountaintop",
"they have warm feelings and emotions",
"they can serve as concrete examples of noble principles",
"they can make people feel stronger and more confident"
] | According to the passage, heroes are compared to high-voltage transformers in that _ . | Like many of my generation, I have a weakness for hero worship. At some point, however, we all begin to question our heroes and our need for them. This leads us to ask: What is a hero?
Despite immense differences in cultures, heroes around the world generally share a number of characteristics that instruct and inspire people.
A hero does something worth talking about. A hero has a story of adventure to tell and a community who will listen. But a hero goes beyond mere fame.
Heroes serve powers or principles larger than themselves. Like high-voltage transformers, heroes take the energy of higher powers and step it down so that it can be used by ordinary people.
The hero lives a life worthy of imitation. Those who imitate a genuine hero experience life with new depth, enthusiasm, and meaning. A sure test for would-be heroes is what or whom do they serve? What are they willing to live and die for? If the answer or evidence suggests they serve only their own fame, they may be famous persons but not heroes. Madonna and Michael Jackson are famous, but who would claim that their fans find life more abundant?
Heroes are catalysts for change. They have a vision from the mountaintop. They have the skill and the charm to move the masses. They create new possibilities. Without , might still be part of the . Without Rosa Parks and Martin Luther King, Jr., we might still have segregated buses, restaurants, and parks. It may be possible for large-scale change to occur without leaders with magnetic personalities, but the pace of change would be slow, the vision uncertain, and the committee meetings endless. | 1190.txt | 2 |
[
"they are popular only among certain groups of people",
"their performances do not improve their fans morally",
"their primary concern is their own financial interests",
"they are not clear about the principles they should follow"
] | Madonna and Michael Jackson are not considered heroes because _ . | Like many of my generation, I have a weakness for hero worship. At some point, however, we all begin to question our heroes and our need for them. This leads us to ask: What is a hero?
Despite immense differences in cultures, heroes around the world generally share a number of characteristics that instruct and inspire people.
A hero does something worth talking about. A hero has a story of adventure to tell and a community who will listen. But a hero goes beyond mere fame.
Heroes serve powers or principles larger than themselves. Like high-voltage transformers, heroes take the energy of higher powers and step it down so that it can be used by ordinary people.
The hero lives a life worthy of imitation. Those who imitate a genuine hero experience life with new depth, enthusiasm, and meaning. A sure test for would-be heroes is what or whom do they serve? What are they willing to live and die for? If the answer or evidence suggests they serve only their own fame, they may be famous persons but not heroes. Madonna and Michael Jackson are famous, but who would claim that their fans find life more abundant?
Heroes are catalysts for change. They have a vision from the mountaintop. They have the skill and the charm to move the masses. They create new possibilities. Without , might still be part of the . Without Rosa Parks and Martin Luther King, Jr., we might still have segregated buses, restaurants, and parks. It may be possible for large-scale change to occur without leaders with magnetic personalities, but the pace of change would be slow, the vision uncertain, and the committee meetings endless. | 1190.txt | 1 |
[
"are good at demonstrating their charming characters",
"can move the masses with their forceful speeches",
"are capable of meeting all challenges and hardships",
"can provide an answer to the problems of their people"
] | Gandhi and Martin Luther King are typical examples of outstanding leaders who _ . | Like many of my generation, I have a weakness for hero worship. At some point, however, we all begin to question our heroes and our need for them. This leads us to ask: What is a hero?
Despite immense differences in cultures, heroes around the world generally share a number of characteristics that instruct and inspire people.
A hero does something worth talking about. A hero has a story of adventure to tell and a community who will listen. But a hero goes beyond mere fame.
Heroes serve powers or principles larger than themselves. Like high-voltage transformers, heroes take the energy of higher powers and step it down so that it can be used by ordinary people.
The hero lives a life worthy of imitation. Those who imitate a genuine hero experience life with new depth, enthusiasm, and meaning. A sure test for would-be heroes is what or whom do they serve? What are they willing to live and die for? If the answer or evidence suggests they serve only their own fame, they may be famous persons but not heroes. Madonna and Michael Jackson are famous, but who would claim that their fans find life more abundant?
Heroes are catalysts for change. They have a vision from the mountaintop. They have the skill and the charm to move the masses. They create new possibilities. Without , might still be part of the . Without Rosa Parks and Martin Luther King, Jr., we might still have segregated buses, restaurants, and parks. It may be possible for large-scale change to occur without leaders with magnetic personalities, but the pace of change would be slow, the vision uncertain, and the committee meetings endless. | 1190.txt | 1 |
[
"be delayed without leaders with inspiring personal qualities",
"not happen without heroes making the necessary sacrifices",
"take place ff there were heroes to lead the people",
"produce leaders with attractive personalities"
] | The author concludes that historical changes would _ . | Like many of my generation, I have a weakness for hero worship. At some point, however, we all begin to question our heroes and our need for them. This leads us to ask: What is a hero?
Despite immense differences in cultures, heroes around the world generally share a number of characteristics that instruct and inspire people.
A hero does something worth talking about. A hero has a story of adventure to tell and a community who will listen. But a hero goes beyond mere fame.
Heroes serve powers or principles larger than themselves. Like high-voltage transformers, heroes take the energy of higher powers and step it down so that it can be used by ordinary people.
The hero lives a life worthy of imitation. Those who imitate a genuine hero experience life with new depth, enthusiasm, and meaning. A sure test for would-be heroes is what or whom do they serve? What are they willing to live and die for? If the answer or evidence suggests they serve only their own fame, they may be famous persons but not heroes. Madonna and Michael Jackson are famous, but who would claim that their fans find life more abundant?
Heroes are catalysts for change. They have a vision from the mountaintop. They have the skill and the charm to move the masses. They create new possibilities. Without , might still be part of the . Without Rosa Parks and Martin Luther King, Jr., we might still have segregated buses, restaurants, and parks. It may be possible for large-scale change to occur without leaders with magnetic personalities, but the pace of change would be slow, the vision uncertain, and the committee meetings endless. | 1190.txt | 0 |
[
"2 teaspoonfuls",
"3 teaspoonfuls",
"4 teaspoonfuls",
"1 teaspoonful"
] | John should take _ a day. | Look at the instructions on the bottle of the medicine and then choose the right answers.
John is twelve years old. He had a bad cold and coughed day and night. He went to see a doctor. The doctor gave him some cough medicine.
Cough Medicine
Shake it well before use.
Take it three times each day before meals.
Dose :
Age: over 14 2 teaspoonfuls
8-13 1 teaspoonful
4-7 1／2 teaspoonful
Not right for children below the age of three. Put it in a cold place. Use it before December 1st 2002. | 695.txt | 1 |
[
"a fridge",
"hot water",
"any place",
"the sun"
] | The medicine should be kept in _ . | Look at the instructions on the bottle of the medicine and then choose the right answers.
John is twelve years old. He had a bad cold and coughed day and night. He went to see a doctor. The doctor gave him some cough medicine.
Cough Medicine
Shake it well before use.
Take it three times each day before meals.
Dose :
Age: over 14 2 teaspoonfuls
8-13 1 teaspoonful
4-7 1／2 teaspoonful
Not right for children below the age of three. Put it in a cold place. Use it before December 1st 2002. | 695.txt | 0 |
[
"shake the medicine well",
"eat nothing",
"do some exercise",
"drink a cup of tea"
] | John should _ before he takes it. | Look at the instructions on the bottle of the medicine and then choose the right answers.
John is twelve years old. He had a bad cold and coughed day and night. He went to see a doctor. The doctor gave him some cough medicine.
Cough Medicine
Shake it well before use.
Take it three times each day before meals.
Dose :
Age: over 14 2 teaspoonfuls
8-13 1 teaspoonful
4-7 1／2 teaspoonful
Not right for children below the age of three. Put it in a cold place. Use it before December 1st 2002. | 695.txt | 0 |
[
"eighty",
"thirty",
"two",
"twelve"
] | When people are _ years old, they cannot take this medicine. | Look at the instructions on the bottle of the medicine and then choose the right answers.
John is twelve years old. He had a bad cold and coughed day and night. He went to see a doctor. The doctor gave him some cough medicine.
Cough Medicine
Shake it well before use.
Take it three times each day before meals.
Dose :
Age: over 14 2 teaspoonfuls
8-13 1 teaspoonful
4-7 1／2 teaspoonful
Not right for children below the age of three. Put it in a cold place. Use it before December 1st 2002. | 695.txt | 2 |
[
"throw away",
"stop to take",
"take once",
"take six times more"
] | John will _ the medicine when it is left after Dec.1st, 2002. | Look at the instructions on the bottle of the medicine and then choose the right answers.
John is twelve years old. He had a bad cold and coughed day and night. He went to see a doctor. The doctor gave him some cough medicine.
Cough Medicine
Shake it well before use.
Take it three times each day before meals.
Dose :
Age: over 14 2 teaspoonfuls
8-13 1 teaspoonful
4-7 1／2 teaspoonful
Not right for children below the age of three. Put it in a cold place. Use it before December 1st 2002. | 695.txt | 0 |
[
"They disagree on which kind of mental disease religion belongs to.",
"Fincher hypothesizes that religion results from how people react to disease.",
"Fincher thinks it is inappropriate to compare religion with computer virus.",
"Dawkins opposes the viewpoint that religion is a response to disease."
] | What can we know about the views of Richard Dawkins and Corey Fincher from the first two paragraphs? | Some people, notably Richard Dawkins, an evolutionary biologist at Oxford University, regard religion as a disease. It spreads, they suggest, like a virus, except that the" viruses" are similar to those infecting computers-bits of cultural software that take over the hardware of the brain and make it do irrational things.
Corey Fincher, of the University of New Mexico, has a different hypothesis for the origin of religious diversity. He thinks not that religions are like disease but that they are responses to disease-or, rather, to the threat of disease. If he is right, then people who believe that their religion protects them from harm may be correct, although the protection is of a different sort from the supernatural one they perceive.
Mr. Fincher is not arguing that disease-protection is religion's main function. Biologists have different hypotheses for that. Not all follow Dr Dawkins in thinking it pathological. Some see it either as a way of promoting group solidarity in a hostile world, or as an accidental consequence of the predisposition to such solidarity. This solidarity-promotion is one of Mr. Fincher's starting points. The other is that bacteria, viruses and other parasites are powerful drivers of evolution. Many biologists think that sex, for example, is a response to parasitism. The continual mixing of genes that it promotes means that at least some offspring of any pair of parents are likely to be immune to a given disease.
Mr. Fincher and his colleague Randy Thornhill wondered if disease might be driving important aspects of human social behaviour, too. Their hypothesis is that in places where disease is rampant, it behoves groups not to mix with one another more than is strictly necessary, in order to reduce the risk of contagion. They therefore predict that patterns of behaviour which promote group exclusivity will be stronger in disease-ridden areas. Since religious differences are certainly in that category, they specifically predict that the number of different religions in a place will vary with the disease load.
Proving the point involved collating a lot of previous research. Even defining what constitutes a religion is fraught with difficulty. But using accepted definitions of uniqueness, exclusivity, autonomy and superiority to other religions they calculated that the average number of religions per country is 31. The range, though, is enormous-from 3 to 643. Cte d'lvoire, for example, has 76 while Norway has 13, and Brazil has 159 while Canada has 15. They then did the same thing for the number of parasitic diseases found in each country. The average here was 200, with a range from 178 to 248.
Obviously, some of the differences between countries are caused by differences in their areas and populations. But these can be accounted for statistically. When they have been, the correlation between the number of religions in a place and how disease-ridden it is looks impressive. There is less than one chance in 10,000 that it has come about accidentally.
The two researchers also looked at anthropological data on how much people in" traditional" （i.e., non-urban）societies move around in different parts of the world. They found that in more religiously diverse（and more disease-ridden）places people move shorter distances than in healthier, religiously monotonous societies. The implication is that religious diversity causes people to keep themselves to themselves, and thus makes it harder for them to catch germs from infidels.
Of course, correlation is not causation. But religion is not the only cultural phenomenon that stops groups of people from mixing. Language has the same effect, and in another, as yet unpublished study Mr. Fincher and Dr Thornhill found a similar relationship there too. Moreover, their search of the literature turned up work which suggests that xenophobia is linked psychologically with fear of disease （the dirty foreigner...）. Perhaps, then, the underlying reason why there is so much hostility between ethnic groups is nothing to do with the groups themselves, but instead with the diseases they may bring. | 586.txt | 1 |
[
"Group survival and immunity.",
"Group solidarity and genetic mutation.",
"Group connection and parasitism drive.",
"Group hostility and parenting."
] | Which of the following best describes the two starting points of Mr. Fincher's hypothesis? | Some people, notably Richard Dawkins, an evolutionary biologist at Oxford University, regard religion as a disease. It spreads, they suggest, like a virus, except that the" viruses" are similar to those infecting computers-bits of cultural software that take over the hardware of the brain and make it do irrational things.
Corey Fincher, of the University of New Mexico, has a different hypothesis for the origin of religious diversity. He thinks not that religions are like disease but that they are responses to disease-or, rather, to the threat of disease. If he is right, then people who believe that their religion protects them from harm may be correct, although the protection is of a different sort from the supernatural one they perceive.
Mr. Fincher is not arguing that disease-protection is religion's main function. Biologists have different hypotheses for that. Not all follow Dr Dawkins in thinking it pathological. Some see it either as a way of promoting group solidarity in a hostile world, or as an accidental consequence of the predisposition to such solidarity. This solidarity-promotion is one of Mr. Fincher's starting points. The other is that bacteria, viruses and other parasites are powerful drivers of evolution. Many biologists think that sex, for example, is a response to parasitism. The continual mixing of genes that it promotes means that at least some offspring of any pair of parents are likely to be immune to a given disease.
Mr. Fincher and his colleague Randy Thornhill wondered if disease might be driving important aspects of human social behaviour, too. Their hypothesis is that in places where disease is rampant, it behoves groups not to mix with one another more than is strictly necessary, in order to reduce the risk of contagion. They therefore predict that patterns of behaviour which promote group exclusivity will be stronger in disease-ridden areas. Since religious differences are certainly in that category, they specifically predict that the number of different religions in a place will vary with the disease load.
Proving the point involved collating a lot of previous research. Even defining what constitutes a religion is fraught with difficulty. But using accepted definitions of uniqueness, exclusivity, autonomy and superiority to other religions they calculated that the average number of religions per country is 31. The range, though, is enormous-from 3 to 643. Cte d'lvoire, for example, has 76 while Norway has 13, and Brazil has 159 while Canada has 15. They then did the same thing for the number of parasitic diseases found in each country. The average here was 200, with a range from 178 to 248.
Obviously, some of the differences between countries are caused by differences in their areas and populations. But these can be accounted for statistically. When they have been, the correlation between the number of religions in a place and how disease-ridden it is looks impressive. There is less than one chance in 10,000 that it has come about accidentally.
The two researchers also looked at anthropological data on how much people in" traditional" （i.e., non-urban）societies move around in different parts of the world. They found that in more religiously diverse（and more disease-ridden）places people move shorter distances than in healthier, religiously monotonous societies. The implication is that religious diversity causes people to keep themselves to themselves, and thus makes it harder for them to catch germs from infidels.
Of course, correlation is not causation. But religion is not the only cultural phenomenon that stops groups of people from mixing. Language has the same effect, and in another, as yet unpublished study Mr. Fincher and Dr Thornhill found a similar relationship there too. Moreover, their search of the literature turned up work which suggests that xenophobia is linked psychologically with fear of disease （the dirty foreigner...）. Perhaps, then, the underlying reason why there is so much hostility between ethnic groups is nothing to do with the groups themselves, but instead with the diseases they may bring. | 586.txt | 2 |
[
"driven by diseases",
"with relatively fewer diseases",
"rife with various diseases",
"featured with incurable diseases"
] | By saying the areas are" disease-ridden" （Line 5, Paragraph 4）, the author means those areas are _ . | Some people, notably Richard Dawkins, an evolutionary biologist at Oxford University, regard religion as a disease. It spreads, they suggest, like a virus, except that the" viruses" are similar to those infecting computers-bits of cultural software that take over the hardware of the brain and make it do irrational things.
Corey Fincher, of the University of New Mexico, has a different hypothesis for the origin of religious diversity. He thinks not that religions are like disease but that they are responses to disease-or, rather, to the threat of disease. If he is right, then people who believe that their religion protects them from harm may be correct, although the protection is of a different sort from the supernatural one they perceive.
Mr. Fincher is not arguing that disease-protection is religion's main function. Biologists have different hypotheses for that. Not all follow Dr Dawkins in thinking it pathological. Some see it either as a way of promoting group solidarity in a hostile world, or as an accidental consequence of the predisposition to such solidarity. This solidarity-promotion is one of Mr. Fincher's starting points. The other is that bacteria, viruses and other parasites are powerful drivers of evolution. Many biologists think that sex, for example, is a response to parasitism. The continual mixing of genes that it promotes means that at least some offspring of any pair of parents are likely to be immune to a given disease.
Mr. Fincher and his colleague Randy Thornhill wondered if disease might be driving important aspects of human social behaviour, too. Their hypothesis is that in places where disease is rampant, it behoves groups not to mix with one another more than is strictly necessary, in order to reduce the risk of contagion. They therefore predict that patterns of behaviour which promote group exclusivity will be stronger in disease-ridden areas. Since religious differences are certainly in that category, they specifically predict that the number of different religions in a place will vary with the disease load.
Proving the point involved collating a lot of previous research. Even defining what constitutes a religion is fraught with difficulty. But using accepted definitions of uniqueness, exclusivity, autonomy and superiority to other religions they calculated that the average number of religions per country is 31. The range, though, is enormous-from 3 to 643. Cte d'lvoire, for example, has 76 while Norway has 13, and Brazil has 159 while Canada has 15. They then did the same thing for the number of parasitic diseases found in each country. The average here was 200, with a range from 178 to 248.
Obviously, some of the differences between countries are caused by differences in their areas and populations. But these can be accounted for statistically. When they have been, the correlation between the number of religions in a place and how disease-ridden it is looks impressive. There is less than one chance in 10,000 that it has come about accidentally.
The two researchers also looked at anthropological data on how much people in" traditional" （i.e., non-urban）societies move around in different parts of the world. They found that in more religiously diverse（and more disease-ridden）places people move shorter distances than in healthier, religiously monotonous societies. The implication is that religious diversity causes people to keep themselves to themselves, and thus makes it harder for them to catch germs from infidels.
Of course, correlation is not causation. But religion is not the only cultural phenomenon that stops groups of people from mixing. Language has the same effect, and in another, as yet unpublished study Mr. Fincher and Dr Thornhill found a similar relationship there too. Moreover, their search of the literature turned up work which suggests that xenophobia is linked psychologically with fear of disease （the dirty foreigner...）. Perhaps, then, the underlying reason why there is so much hostility between ethnic groups is nothing to do with the groups themselves, but instead with the diseases they may bring. | 586.txt | 2 |
[
"the sanitation of an area is closely relevant to the number of its religions",
"it is strongly convincing that religious diversity restricts people from traveling",
"people who live in healthier areas are aware that religious diversity brings disease",
"religious and language work together to cause xenophobia"
] | The anthropological data that they studied demonstrates that _ . | Some people, notably Richard Dawkins, an evolutionary biologist at Oxford University, regard religion as a disease. It spreads, they suggest, like a virus, except that the" viruses" are similar to those infecting computers-bits of cultural software that take over the hardware of the brain and make it do irrational things.
Corey Fincher, of the University of New Mexico, has a different hypothesis for the origin of religious diversity. He thinks not that religions are like disease but that they are responses to disease-or, rather, to the threat of disease. If he is right, then people who believe that their religion protects them from harm may be correct, although the protection is of a different sort from the supernatural one they perceive.
Mr. Fincher is not arguing that disease-protection is religion's main function. Biologists have different hypotheses for that. Not all follow Dr Dawkins in thinking it pathological. Some see it either as a way of promoting group solidarity in a hostile world, or as an accidental consequence of the predisposition to such solidarity. This solidarity-promotion is one of Mr. Fincher's starting points. The other is that bacteria, viruses and other parasites are powerful drivers of evolution. Many biologists think that sex, for example, is a response to parasitism. The continual mixing of genes that it promotes means that at least some offspring of any pair of parents are likely to be immune to a given disease.
Mr. Fincher and his colleague Randy Thornhill wondered if disease might be driving important aspects of human social behaviour, too. Their hypothesis is that in places where disease is rampant, it behoves groups not to mix with one another more than is strictly necessary, in order to reduce the risk of contagion. They therefore predict that patterns of behaviour which promote group exclusivity will be stronger in disease-ridden areas. Since religious differences are certainly in that category, they specifically predict that the number of different religions in a place will vary with the disease load.
Proving the point involved collating a lot of previous research. Even defining what constitutes a religion is fraught with difficulty. But using accepted definitions of uniqueness, exclusivity, autonomy and superiority to other religions they calculated that the average number of religions per country is 31. The range, though, is enormous-from 3 to 643. Cte d'lvoire, for example, has 76 while Norway has 13, and Brazil has 159 while Canada has 15. They then did the same thing for the number of parasitic diseases found in each country. The average here was 200, with a range from 178 to 248.
Obviously, some of the differences between countries are caused by differences in their areas and populations. But these can be accounted for statistically. When they have been, the correlation between the number of religions in a place and how disease-ridden it is looks impressive. There is less than one chance in 10,000 that it has come about accidentally.
The two researchers also looked at anthropological data on how much people in" traditional" （i.e., non-urban）societies move around in different parts of the world. They found that in more religiously diverse（and more disease-ridden）places people move shorter distances than in healthier, religiously monotonous societies. The implication is that religious diversity causes people to keep themselves to themselves, and thus makes it harder for them to catch germs from infidels.
Of course, correlation is not causation. But religion is not the only cultural phenomenon that stops groups of people from mixing. Language has the same effect, and in another, as yet unpublished study Mr. Fincher and Dr Thornhill found a similar relationship there too. Moreover, their search of the literature turned up work which suggests that xenophobia is linked psychologically with fear of disease （the dirty foreigner...）. Perhaps, then, the underlying reason why there is so much hostility between ethnic groups is nothing to do with the groups themselves, but instead with the diseases they may bring. | 586.txt | 0 |
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