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[
"gathering",
"promotion",
"expression",
"influence"
] | The word "convergence" in line 26 is closest in meaning to | The Harlem Renaissance, a movement of the 1920's, marked the twentieth century's first period of intense activity by African Americans in the field of literature, art, and music in the United States. The philosophy of the movement combined realism, ethnic consciousness, and Americanism. Encouraged by the example of certain Americans of European descent such as Thomas Eakins, Robert Henri, and George Luks, who had included persons of African descent in their paintings as serious studies rather than as trivial or sentimental stereotypes, African American artists of this period set about creating a new portrayal of themselves and their lives in the United States. As they began to strive for social and cultural independence. Their attitudes toward themselves changed, and, to some extent, other segments of American society began to change their attitudes toward them. Thus, though the Harlem Renaissance was a short-lived movement, its impact on American art and culture continues to the present.
The district in New York City known as Harlem was the capital of the movement. In 1925 an issue of Survey Graphic magazine devoted exclusively to Harlem and edited by philosopher Alain Locke became the manifesto of the African American artistic movement. Locke strongly suggested that individuals, while accepting their Americanism, take pride in their African ancestral arts and urged artists to look to Africa for substance and inspiration. Far from advocating a withdrawal from American culture, as did some of his contemporaries, Locke recommended a cultural pluralism through which artists could enrich the culture of America. African Americans were urged by Locke to be collaborators and participators with other Americans in art, literature, and music; and at the same time to preserve, enhance, and promote their own cultural heritage.
Artists and intellectuals from many parts of the United States and the Caribbean had been attracted to Harlem by the pulse and beat of its unique and dynamic culture. From this unity created by the convergence of artists from various social and geographical backgrounds came a new spirit, which, particularly in densely populated Harlem, was to result in greater group awareness and self-determination. African American graphic artists took their place beside the poets and writers of the Harlem Renaissance and carried on efforts to increase and promote the visual arts. | 372.txt | 0 |
[
"Some Caribbean artists and intellectuals lived there.",
"It attracted people from various regions of United States.",
"It was one of the most expensive neighborhoods in New York City.",
"It was a unique cultural center."
] | According to the passage , all of the following were true of Harlem in the 1920's EXCEPT: | The Harlem Renaissance, a movement of the 1920's, marked the twentieth century's first period of intense activity by African Americans in the field of literature, art, and music in the United States. The philosophy of the movement combined realism, ethnic consciousness, and Americanism. Encouraged by the example of certain Americans of European descent such as Thomas Eakins, Robert Henri, and George Luks, who had included persons of African descent in their paintings as serious studies rather than as trivial or sentimental stereotypes, African American artists of this period set about creating a new portrayal of themselves and their lives in the United States. As they began to strive for social and cultural independence. Their attitudes toward themselves changed, and, to some extent, other segments of American society began to change their attitudes toward them. Thus, though the Harlem Renaissance was a short-lived movement, its impact on American art and culture continues to the present.
The district in New York City known as Harlem was the capital of the movement. In 1925 an issue of Survey Graphic magazine devoted exclusively to Harlem and edited by philosopher Alain Locke became the manifesto of the African American artistic movement. Locke strongly suggested that individuals, while accepting their Americanism, take pride in their African ancestral arts and urged artists to look to Africa for substance and inspiration. Far from advocating a withdrawal from American culture, as did some of his contemporaries, Locke recommended a cultural pluralism through which artists could enrich the culture of America. African Americans were urged by Locke to be collaborators and participators with other Americans in art, literature, and music; and at the same time to preserve, enhance, and promote their own cultural heritage.
Artists and intellectuals from many parts of the United States and the Caribbean had been attracted to Harlem by the pulse and beat of its unique and dynamic culture. From this unity created by the convergence of artists from various social and geographical backgrounds came a new spirit, which, particularly in densely populated Harlem, was to result in greater group awareness and self-determination. African American graphic artists took their place beside the poets and writers of the Harlem Renaissance and carried on efforts to increase and promote the visual arts. | 372.txt | 2 |
[
"continued",
"praised",
"transformed",
"connected"
] | The phrase "carried on" in line 30 is closest in meaning to | The Harlem Renaissance, a movement of the 1920's, marked the twentieth century's first period of intense activity by African Americans in the field of literature, art, and music in the United States. The philosophy of the movement combined realism, ethnic consciousness, and Americanism. Encouraged by the example of certain Americans of European descent such as Thomas Eakins, Robert Henri, and George Luks, who had included persons of African descent in their paintings as serious studies rather than as trivial or sentimental stereotypes, African American artists of this period set about creating a new portrayal of themselves and their lives in the United States. As they began to strive for social and cultural independence. Their attitudes toward themselves changed, and, to some extent, other segments of American society began to change their attitudes toward them. Thus, though the Harlem Renaissance was a short-lived movement, its impact on American art and culture continues to the present.
The district in New York City known as Harlem was the capital of the movement. In 1925 an issue of Survey Graphic magazine devoted exclusively to Harlem and edited by philosopher Alain Locke became the manifesto of the African American artistic movement. Locke strongly suggested that individuals, while accepting their Americanism, take pride in their African ancestral arts and urged artists to look to Africa for substance and inspiration. Far from advocating a withdrawal from American culture, as did some of his contemporaries, Locke recommended a cultural pluralism through which artists could enrich the culture of America. African Americans were urged by Locke to be collaborators and participators with other Americans in art, literature, and music; and at the same time to preserve, enhance, and promote their own cultural heritage.
Artists and intellectuals from many parts of the United States and the Caribbean had been attracted to Harlem by the pulse and beat of its unique and dynamic culture. From this unity created by the convergence of artists from various social and geographical backgrounds came a new spirit, which, particularly in densely populated Harlem, was to result in greater group awareness and self-determination. African American graphic artists took their place beside the poets and writers of the Harlem Renaissance and carried on efforts to increase and promote the visual arts. | 372.txt | 0 |
[
"Mainz and Heldelberg",
"Mainz and Frankfurt",
"Mainz and Worms",
"Mainz, Worms and Heldelberg"
] | The towns of Koblenz, are on the Rhine. | The famous Lorelel rock--a well-known scenic spot in Germany, lies between the towns of Koblenz and Mainz. At Koblenz the River Marco joins the Rhine and the River Main does the same at Mainz. The largest town on the Main is Frankfurt, while Heldelberg is a famous town on the Nickar. Upstream on the Rhine is the town of Worms in the part of Germany called the Rhineland. Further upstream in the northern part of the Black forest is the resort of Baden-Baden. The River Rhine forms the border between Germany and France in the west, and Germany and Switzerland in the south. | 1193.txt | 2 |
[
"in the Rhineland",
"in the northern part",
"where the Main joins the Rhine",
"in the Black Forest"
] | The town of Mainz lies. | The famous Lorelel rock--a well-known scenic spot in Germany, lies between the towns of Koblenz and Mainz. At Koblenz the River Marco joins the Rhine and the River Main does the same at Mainz. The largest town on the Main is Frankfurt, while Heldelberg is a famous town on the Nickar. Upstream on the Rhine is the town of Worms in the part of Germany called the Rhineland. Further upstream in the northern part of the Black forest is the resort of Baden-Baden. The River Rhine forms the border between Germany and France in the west, and Germany and Switzerland in the south. | 1193.txt | 2 |
[
"Germany lies south of Switzerland",
"France lies to the west of the Rhine",
"Switzerland lies to the south of the Rhine",
"Germany lies to the north of the Rhine"
] | Which of the following statements in NOT true? | The famous Lorelel rock--a well-known scenic spot in Germany, lies between the towns of Koblenz and Mainz. At Koblenz the River Marco joins the Rhine and the River Main does the same at Mainz. The largest town on the Main is Frankfurt, while Heldelberg is a famous town on the Nickar. Upstream on the Rhine is the town of Worms in the part of Germany called the Rhineland. Further upstream in the northern part of the Black forest is the resort of Baden-Baden. The River Rhine forms the border between Germany and France in the west, and Germany and Switzerland in the south. | 1193.txt | 0 |
[
"river",
"scenic spot in Germany",
"town on the Main",
"town on the border between Germany and France"
] | The Nickar is the name of a. | The famous Lorelel rock--a well-known scenic spot in Germany, lies between the towns of Koblenz and Mainz. At Koblenz the River Marco joins the Rhine and the River Main does the same at Mainz. The largest town on the Main is Frankfurt, while Heldelberg is a famous town on the Nickar. Upstream on the Rhine is the town of Worms in the part of Germany called the Rhineland. Further upstream in the northern part of the Black forest is the resort of Baden-Baden. The River Rhine forms the border between Germany and France in the west, and Germany and Switzerland in the south. | 1193.txt | 0 |
[
"The Agriculatural Trends of 1950's",
"The Unemployment Rate of 1950's",
"U.S. Economy in the 50's",
"The Federal Budget of 1952"
] | What is the best title of the passage? | The economy of the United states after 1952 was the econnomy of a well-fed,almost fully employed people. Despit occasional alarms, the country escaped any postwar depression and lived in a state of boom. A n economic survey of the year 1955, a typical year of the 1950's, may be typical as illustrating the rapid economic growth of the decade. The national output was value at 10 percent above that of 1954 (1955 output was estimated at 392 billion dollars). The production of manufacturers was about 40 percent more than it had averaged in the years immediately following World War 2. The country's business spent about 30billion dollars for new factories and machinery. National income available for spending was almost a third greater than it had been it had been in 1950. Consumers spent about 256 billion dollars; that is about 700 million dollars a day ,or about twenty-five million dollars every hour , all round the clock. Sixty-five million people held jobs and only a little more than two million wanted jobs but could not find them . Only agriculture complained that it was not sharing in the room. To some observers this was an ominous echo of the mid-1920's . As farmer's shre of their products declined , marketing costs rose. But there were , among the observers of the national economy, a few who were not as confident as the majority . Those few seemed to fear that the boom could not last and would eventually lead to the oppsite-depression. | 1623.txt | 2 |
[
"nearby explosion",
"thunderous noise",
"general public support",
"rapid economic growth"
] | In Line 4 , the word "boom" could best be replaced by_ . | The economy of the United states after 1952 was the econnomy of a well-fed,almost fully employed people. Despit occasional alarms, the country escaped any postwar depression and lived in a state of boom. A n economic survey of the year 1955, a typical year of the 1950's, may be typical as illustrating the rapid economic growth of the decade. The national output was value at 10 percent above that of 1954 (1955 output was estimated at 392 billion dollars). The production of manufacturers was about 40 percent more than it had averaged in the years immediately following World War 2. The country's business spent about 30billion dollars for new factories and machinery. National income available for spending was almost a third greater than it had been it had been in 1950. Consumers spent about 256 billion dollars; that is about 700 million dollars a day ,or about twenty-five million dollars every hour , all round the clock. Sixty-five million people held jobs and only a little more than two million wanted jobs but could not find them . Only agriculture complained that it was not sharing in the room. To some observers this was an ominous echo of the mid-1920's . As farmer's shre of their products declined , marketing costs rose. But there were , among the observers of the national economy, a few who were not as confident as the majority . Those few seemed to fear that the boom could not last and would eventually lead to the oppsite-depression. | 1623.txt | 3 |
[
"confidence",
"confusion",
"disappointment",
"suspicion"
] | It can be inferred the national from the passage that most people in the United States in 1955 viewed the national economy with an air of _ . | The economy of the United states after 1952 was the econnomy of a well-fed,almost fully employed people. Despit occasional alarms, the country escaped any postwar depression and lived in a state of boom. A n economic survey of the year 1955, a typical year of the 1950's, may be typical as illustrating the rapid economic growth of the decade. The national output was value at 10 percent above that of 1954 (1955 output was estimated at 392 billion dollars). The production of manufacturers was about 40 percent more than it had averaged in the years immediately following World War 2. The country's business spent about 30billion dollars for new factories and machinery. National income available for spending was almost a third greater than it had been it had been in 1950. Consumers spent about 256 billion dollars; that is about 700 million dollars a day ,or about twenty-five million dollars every hour , all round the clock. Sixty-five million people held jobs and only a little more than two million wanted jobs but could not find them . Only agriculture complained that it was not sharing in the room. To some observers this was an ominous echo of the mid-1920's . As farmer's shre of their products declined , marketing costs rose. But there were , among the observers of the national economy, a few who were not as confident as the majority . Those few seemed to fear that the boom could not last and would eventually lead to the oppsite-depression. | 1623.txt | 0 |
[
"Economists",
"Frmaers",
"Politicians",
"Steelworkers"
] | Which of the following were LEAST satisfied with the national economy in the 1950's? | The economy of the United states after 1952 was the econnomy of a well-fed,almost fully employed people. Despit occasional alarms, the country escaped any postwar depression and lived in a state of boom. A n economic survey of the year 1955, a typical year of the 1950's, may be typical as illustrating the rapid economic growth of the decade. The national output was value at 10 percent above that of 1954 (1955 output was estimated at 392 billion dollars). The production of manufacturers was about 40 percent more than it had averaged in the years immediately following World War 2. The country's business spent about 30billion dollars for new factories and machinery. National income available for spending was almost a third greater than it had been it had been in 1950. Consumers spent about 256 billion dollars; that is about 700 million dollars a day ,or about twenty-five million dollars every hour , all round the clock. Sixty-five million people held jobs and only a little more than two million wanted jobs but could not find them . Only agriculture complained that it was not sharing in the room. To some observers this was an ominous echo of the mid-1920's . As farmer's shre of their products declined , marketing costs rose. But there were , among the observers of the national economy, a few who were not as confident as the majority . Those few seemed to fear that the boom could not last and would eventually lead to the oppsite-depression. | 1623.txt | 1 |
[
"60％",
"50％",
"33％",
"90％"
] | The passage states that incom available for spending in the U.S. was greater in 1955 than in 1950 . How much was it ? | The economy of the United states after 1952 was the econnomy of a well-fed,almost fully employed people. Despit occasional alarms, the country escaped any postwar depression and lived in a state of boom. A n economic survey of the year 1955, a typical year of the 1950's, may be typical as illustrating the rapid economic growth of the decade. The national output was value at 10 percent above that of 1954 (1955 output was estimated at 392 billion dollars). The production of manufacturers was about 40 percent more than it had averaged in the years immediately following World War 2. The country's business spent about 30billion dollars for new factories and machinery. National income available for spending was almost a third greater than it had been it had been in 1950. Consumers spent about 256 billion dollars; that is about 700 million dollars a day ,or about twenty-five million dollars every hour , all round the clock. Sixty-five million people held jobs and only a little more than two million wanted jobs but could not find them . Only agriculture complained that it was not sharing in the room. To some observers this was an ominous echo of the mid-1920's . As farmer's shre of their products declined , marketing costs rose. But there were , among the observers of the national economy, a few who were not as confident as the majority . Those few seemed to fear that the boom could not last and would eventually lead to the oppsite-depression. | 1623.txt | 2 |
[
"initiate a debate over two approaches to analyzing a field of study",
"describe how one field of knowledge can be applied to another field",
"point out the contradictions between two distinct theories",
"define and elaborate on an accepted scientific principle"
] | The primary purpose of the passage is to | Analyzing the physics of dance can add fundamentally to a dancer's skill. Although dancers seldom see themselves totally in physical terms-as body mass moving through space under the influence of well-known forces and obeying physical laws-neither can they afford to ignore the physics of movement.For example, no matter how much a dancer wishes to leap off the floor and then start turning, the law of conservation of angular momentum absolutely prevents such a movement.
Some movements involving primarily vertical or horizontal motions of the body as a whole, in which rotations can be ignored, can be studied using simple equations of linear motion in three dimensions. However, rotational motions require more complex approaches that involve analyses of the way the body's mass is distributed, the axes of rotation involved in different types of movement, and the sources of the forces that produce the rotational movement. | 1909.txt | 1 |
[
"the law of conservation of angular momentum",
"analyses of the way in which the body's mass is distributed",
"equations of linear motion in three dimensions",
"the technical terms for movements such as leaps and turns"
] | The author mentions all of the following as contributing to an understanding of the physics of dance EXCEPT | Analyzing the physics of dance can add fundamentally to a dancer's skill. Although dancers seldom see themselves totally in physical terms-as body mass moving through space under the influence of well-known forces and obeying physical laws-neither can they afford to ignore the physics of movement.For example, no matter how much a dancer wishes to leap off the floor and then start turning, the law of conservation of angular momentum absolutely prevents such a movement.
Some movements involving primarily vertical or horizontal motions of the body as a whole, in which rotations can be ignored, can be studied using simple equations of linear motion in three dimensions. However, rotational motions require more complex approaches that involve analyses of the way the body's mass is distributed, the axes of rotation involved in different types of movement, and the sources of the forces that produce the rotational movement. | 1909.txt | 3 |
[
"Ignoring rotational movements",
"Understanding the forces that permit various movements",
"Solving simple linear equations",
"Learning the technical terms utilized by choreographers"
] | The author implies that dancers can become more skilled by doing which of the following? | Analyzing the physics of dance can add fundamentally to a dancer's skill. Although dancers seldom see themselves totally in physical terms-as body mass moving through space under the influence of well-known forces and obeying physical laws-neither can they afford to ignore the physics of movement.For example, no matter how much a dancer wishes to leap off the floor and then start turning, the law of conservation of angular momentum absolutely prevents such a movement.
Some movements involving primarily vertical or horizontal motions of the body as a whole, in which rotations can be ignored, can be studied using simple equations of linear motion in three dimensions. However, rotational motions require more complex approaches that involve analyses of the way the body's mass is distributed, the axes of rotation involved in different types of movement, and the sources of the forces that produce the rotational movement. | 1909.txt | 1 |
[
"A long leap across space",
"A short jump upward with a return to the same place",
"A sustained and controlled turn in place",
"Short, rapid steps forward and then backward without turning"
] | Analysis of which of the following would require the kind of complex approach described in lines 14-19? | Analyzing the physics of dance can add fundamentally to a dancer's skill. Although dancers seldom see themselves totally in physical terms-as body mass moving through space under the influence of well-known forces and obeying physical laws-neither can they afford to ignore the physics of movement.For example, no matter how much a dancer wishes to leap off the floor and then start turning, the law of conservation of angular momentum absolutely prevents such a movement.
Some movements involving primarily vertical or horizontal motions of the body as a whole, in which rotations can be ignored, can be studied using simple equations of linear motion in three dimensions. However, rotational motions require more complex approaches that involve analyses of the way the body's mass is distributed, the axes of rotation involved in different types of movement, and the sources of the forces that produce the rotational movement. | 1909.txt | 2 |
[
"how to hunt whales for their oil and meat.",
"the hard and dangerous lives that whalers had to live.",
"the duties of each man on a whaling ship.",
"a man who was swallowed by a whale and lived."
] | This passage is mainly about | There has been, in history, a man who wasswallowed by a whale and lived to tell the tale. Theman's name is James Bartley.
The records to prove his unusual experience arein the British Admiralty.
Bartley was making his first trip on the whalingship Star of the East. Suddenly the lookout found ahuge whale. The whalers knew it was a huge whale by the size of the spray it blew into theair. They lowered their small boats. James Bartley was in the first longboat. The men roweduntil they were close to the whale. A harpoon was thrown and it found its mark. It sankinto the whale' s flesh. The maddened beast jumped out of the water and broke the boat intopieces. When the survivors were picked up, James Bartley was missing.
Shortly before sunset, the whale was finally caught. The sailors tied the whale' s carcass tothe side of the ship.
Because of the hot weather it was important that they cut up the whale right away.Otherwise, the meat would begin to rot and the oil would begin to spoil. When they got to thestomach, they felt something moving about wildly. They thought it would be a big fish still aliveinside. But when they opened the stomach they found James Bartley. After this trip, Bartleysettled in Gloucester, England, and never returned to sea. | 2502.txt | 3 |
[
"they could feel it moving about wildly.",
"the whale seemed very heavy.",
"the whale was bulging at one spot.",
"the captain heard Bartley crying for help."
] | The sailors knew that something was in the whale' s stomach because | There has been, in history, a man who wasswallowed by a whale and lived to tell the tale. Theman's name is James Bartley.
The records to prove his unusual experience arein the British Admiralty.
Bartley was making his first trip on the whalingship Star of the East. Suddenly the lookout found ahuge whale. The whalers knew it was a huge whale by the size of the spray it blew into theair. They lowered their small boats. James Bartley was in the first longboat. The men roweduntil they were close to the whale. A harpoon was thrown and it found its mark. It sankinto the whale' s flesh. The maddened beast jumped out of the water and broke the boat intopieces. When the survivors were picked up, James Bartley was missing.
Shortly before sunset, the whale was finally caught. The sailors tied the whale' s carcass tothe side of the ship.
Because of the hot weather it was important that they cut up the whale right away.Otherwise, the meat would begin to rot and the oil would begin to spoil. When they got to thestomach, they felt something moving about wildly. They thought it would be a big fish still aliveinside. But when they opened the stomach they found James Bartley. After this trip, Bartleysettled in Gloucester, England, and never returned to sea. | 2502.txt | 0 |
[
"he wanted different kinds of adventures",
"of fright and shock.",
"he was hurt by the whale.",
"he often got seasick."
] | James Bartley never went to sea again because | There has been, in history, a man who wasswallowed by a whale and lived to tell the tale. Theman's name is James Bartley.
The records to prove his unusual experience arein the British Admiralty.
Bartley was making his first trip on the whalingship Star of the East. Suddenly the lookout found ahuge whale. The whalers knew it was a huge whale by the size of the spray it blew into theair. They lowered their small boats. James Bartley was in the first longboat. The men roweduntil they were close to the whale. A harpoon was thrown and it found its mark. It sankinto the whale' s flesh. The maddened beast jumped out of the water and broke the boat intopieces. When the survivors were picked up, James Bartley was missing.
Shortly before sunset, the whale was finally caught. The sailors tied the whale' s carcass tothe side of the ship.
Because of the hot weather it was important that they cut up the whale right away.Otherwise, the meat would begin to rot and the oil would begin to spoil. When they got to thestomach, they felt something moving about wildly. They thought it would be a big fish still aliveinside. But when they opened the stomach they found James Bartley. After this trip, Bartleysettled in Gloucester, England, and never returned to sea. | 2502.txt | 1 |
[
"making us laugh",
"talking about whaling in general.",
"comparing whaling to other fishing.",
"dramatically telling what happened."
] | The author, in telling James Bartley's story, gives us information by | There has been, in history, a man who wasswallowed by a whale and lived to tell the tale. Theman's name is James Bartley.
The records to prove his unusual experience arein the British Admiralty.
Bartley was making his first trip on the whalingship Star of the East. Suddenly the lookout found ahuge whale. The whalers knew it was a huge whale by the size of the spray it blew into theair. They lowered their small boats. James Bartley was in the first longboat. The men roweduntil they were close to the whale. A harpoon was thrown and it found its mark. It sankinto the whale' s flesh. The maddened beast jumped out of the water and broke the boat intopieces. When the survivors were picked up, James Bartley was missing.
Shortly before sunset, the whale was finally caught. The sailors tied the whale' s carcass tothe side of the ship.
Because of the hot weather it was important that they cut up the whale right away.Otherwise, the meat would begin to rot and the oil would begin to spoil. When they got to thestomach, they felt something moving about wildly. They thought it would be a big fish still aliveinside. But when they opened the stomach they found James Bartley. After this trip, Bartleysettled in Gloucester, England, and never returned to sea. | 2502.txt | 3 |
[
"whale' s tail.",
"whale' s stomach.",
"dead body of the whale.",
"whale' s side"
] | The word carcass refers to the | There has been, in history, a man who wasswallowed by a whale and lived to tell the tale. Theman's name is James Bartley.
The records to prove his unusual experience arein the British Admiralty.
Bartley was making his first trip on the whalingship Star of the East. Suddenly the lookout found ahuge whale. The whalers knew it was a huge whale by the size of the spray it blew into theair. They lowered their small boats. James Bartley was in the first longboat. The men roweduntil they were close to the whale. A harpoon was thrown and it found its mark. It sankinto the whale' s flesh. The maddened beast jumped out of the water and broke the boat intopieces. When the survivors were picked up, James Bartley was missing.
Shortly before sunset, the whale was finally caught. The sailors tied the whale' s carcass tothe side of the ship.
Because of the hot weather it was important that they cut up the whale right away.Otherwise, the meat would begin to rot and the oil would begin to spoil. When they got to thestomach, they felt something moving about wildly. They thought it would be a big fish still aliveinside. But when they opened the stomach they found James Bartley. After this trip, Bartleysettled in Gloucester, England, and never returned to sea. | 2502.txt | 2 |
[
"Because they spent much time reading it.",
"Because they had read the novel before.",
"Because they came from a public school. ,",
"Because they had similar life experiences."
] | Why were the students able to understand the novel Of Mice and Men? | Franz Kafka wrote that "a book must be the ax for the frozen sea inside us. " I once shared this sentence with a class of seventh graders, and it didn't seem to require any explanation.
We'd just finished John Steinbeck's novel Of Mice and Men. When we read the end together out loud in class, my toughest boy, a star basketball player, wept a little, and so did I. "Are you crying?" one girl asked, as she got out of her chair to take a closer look. "I am," I told her, "and the funny thing is I've read it many times. "
But they understood. When George shoots Lennie, the tragedy is that we realize it was always going to happen. In my 14 years of teaching in a New York City public middle school, I've taught kids with imprisoned parents, abusive parents, irresponsible parents; kids who are parents themselves; kids who are homeless; kids who grew up in violent neighborhoods. They understand, more than I ever will, the novel's terrible logic-the giving way of dreams to fate .
For the last seven years, I have worked as a reading enrichment teacher, reading classic works of literature with small groups of students from grades six to eight. I originally proposed this idea to my headmaster after learning that a former excellent student of mine had transferred out of a selective high school--one that often attracts the literary-minded children of Manhattan's upper classes-into a less competitive setting. The daughter of immigrants, with a father in prison, she perhaps felt uncomfortable with her new classmates. I thought additional "cultural capital" could help students like her develop better in high school, where they would unavoidably meet, perhaps for the first time, students who came from homes lined with bookshelves, whose parents had earned Ph.D.'s.
Along with Of Mice and Men, my groups read: Sounder, The Red Pony, Lord of the Flies, Romeo and Juliet and Macbeth. The students didn't always read from the expected point of view. About The Red Pony, one student said, "it's about being a man, it's about manliness. " I had never before seen the parallels between Scarface and Macbeth, nor had I heard Lady Macbeth's soliloquies read as raps , but both made sense; the interpretations were playful, but serious. Once introduced to Steinbeck's writing, one boy went on to read The Grapes of Wrath and told me repeatedly how amazing it was that "all these people hate each other, and they're all white. " His historical view was broadening, his sense of his own country deepening. Year after year former students visited and told me how prepared they had felt in their first year in college as a result of the classes.
Year after year, however, we are increasing the number of practice tests. We are trying to teach students to read increasingly complex texts, not for emotional punch but for text complexity. Yet, we cannot enrich the minds of our students by testing them on texts that ignore their hearts. We are teaching them that words do no. amaze but confuse. We mav succeed in raising test scores, but we will fail to teach that reading can be transformative and that it belongs to them. | 3734.txt | 3 |
[
"she was a literary-minded girl",
"her parents were immigrants",
"she couldn't fit in with her class",
"her father was then in prison"
] | The girl left the selective high school possibly because _ . | Franz Kafka wrote that "a book must be the ax for the frozen sea inside us. " I once shared this sentence with a class of seventh graders, and it didn't seem to require any explanation.
We'd just finished John Steinbeck's novel Of Mice and Men. When we read the end together out loud in class, my toughest boy, a star basketball player, wept a little, and so did I. "Are you crying?" one girl asked, as she got out of her chair to take a closer look. "I am," I told her, "and the funny thing is I've read it many times. "
But they understood. When George shoots Lennie, the tragedy is that we realize it was always going to happen. In my 14 years of teaching in a New York City public middle school, I've taught kids with imprisoned parents, abusive parents, irresponsible parents; kids who are parents themselves; kids who are homeless; kids who grew up in violent neighborhoods. They understand, more than I ever will, the novel's terrible logic-the giving way of dreams to fate .
For the last seven years, I have worked as a reading enrichment teacher, reading classic works of literature with small groups of students from grades six to eight. I originally proposed this idea to my headmaster after learning that a former excellent student of mine had transferred out of a selective high school--one that often attracts the literary-minded children of Manhattan's upper classes-into a less competitive setting. The daughter of immigrants, with a father in prison, she perhaps felt uncomfortable with her new classmates. I thought additional "cultural capital" could help students like her develop better in high school, where they would unavoidably meet, perhaps for the first time, students who came from homes lined with bookshelves, whose parents had earned Ph.D.'s.
Along with Of Mice and Men, my groups read: Sounder, The Red Pony, Lord of the Flies, Romeo and Juliet and Macbeth. The students didn't always read from the expected point of view. About The Red Pony, one student said, "it's about being a man, it's about manliness. " I had never before seen the parallels between Scarface and Macbeth, nor had I heard Lady Macbeth's soliloquies read as raps , but both made sense; the interpretations were playful, but serious. Once introduced to Steinbeck's writing, one boy went on to read The Grapes of Wrath and told me repeatedly how amazing it was that "all these people hate each other, and they're all white. " His historical view was broadening, his sense of his own country deepening. Year after year former students visited and told me how prepared they had felt in their first year in college as a result of the classes.
Year after year, however, we are increasing the number of practice tests. We are trying to teach students to read increasingly complex texts, not for emotional punch but for text complexity. Yet, we cannot enrich the minds of our students by testing them on texts that ignore their hearts. We are teaching them that words do no. amaze but confuse. We mav succeed in raising test scores, but we will fail to teach that reading can be transformative and that it belongs to them. | 3734.txt | 2 |
[
"creatively",
"passively",
"repeatedly",
"carelessly"
] | To the author's surprise, the students read the novels _ . | Franz Kafka wrote that "a book must be the ax for the frozen sea inside us. " I once shared this sentence with a class of seventh graders, and it didn't seem to require any explanation.
We'd just finished John Steinbeck's novel Of Mice and Men. When we read the end together out loud in class, my toughest boy, a star basketball player, wept a little, and so did I. "Are you crying?" one girl asked, as she got out of her chair to take a closer look. "I am," I told her, "and the funny thing is I've read it many times. "
But they understood. When George shoots Lennie, the tragedy is that we realize it was always going to happen. In my 14 years of teaching in a New York City public middle school, I've taught kids with imprisoned parents, abusive parents, irresponsible parents; kids who are parents themselves; kids who are homeless; kids who grew up in violent neighborhoods. They understand, more than I ever will, the novel's terrible logic-the giving way of dreams to fate .
For the last seven years, I have worked as a reading enrichment teacher, reading classic works of literature with small groups of students from grades six to eight. I originally proposed this idea to my headmaster after learning that a former excellent student of mine had transferred out of a selective high school--one that often attracts the literary-minded children of Manhattan's upper classes-into a less competitive setting. The daughter of immigrants, with a father in prison, she perhaps felt uncomfortable with her new classmates. I thought additional "cultural capital" could help students like her develop better in high school, where they would unavoidably meet, perhaps for the first time, students who came from homes lined with bookshelves, whose parents had earned Ph.D.'s.
Along with Of Mice and Men, my groups read: Sounder, The Red Pony, Lord of the Flies, Romeo and Juliet and Macbeth. The students didn't always read from the expected point of view. About The Red Pony, one student said, "it's about being a man, it's about manliness. " I had never before seen the parallels between Scarface and Macbeth, nor had I heard Lady Macbeth's soliloquies read as raps , but both made sense; the interpretations were playful, but serious. Once introduced to Steinbeck's writing, one boy went on to read The Grapes of Wrath and told me repeatedly how amazing it was that "all these people hate each other, and they're all white. " His historical view was broadening, his sense of his own country deepening. Year after year former students visited and told me how prepared they had felt in their first year in college as a result of the classes.
Year after year, however, we are increasing the number of practice tests. We are trying to teach students to read increasingly complex texts, not for emotional punch but for text complexity. Yet, we cannot enrich the minds of our students by testing them on texts that ignore their hearts. We are teaching them that words do no. amaze but confuse. We mav succeed in raising test scores, but we will fail to teach that reading can be transformative and that it belongs to them. | 3734.txt | 0 |
[
"introduce classic works of literature",
"advocate teaching literature to touch the heart",
"argue for equality among high school students",
"defend the current testing system"
] | The author writes the passage mainly to _ . | Franz Kafka wrote that "a book must be the ax for the frozen sea inside us. " I once shared this sentence with a class of seventh graders, and it didn't seem to require any explanation.
We'd just finished John Steinbeck's novel Of Mice and Men. When we read the end together out loud in class, my toughest boy, a star basketball player, wept a little, and so did I. "Are you crying?" one girl asked, as she got out of her chair to take a closer look. "I am," I told her, "and the funny thing is I've read it many times. "
But they understood. When George shoots Lennie, the tragedy is that we realize it was always going to happen. In my 14 years of teaching in a New York City public middle school, I've taught kids with imprisoned parents, abusive parents, irresponsible parents; kids who are parents themselves; kids who are homeless; kids who grew up in violent neighborhoods. They understand, more than I ever will, the novel's terrible logic-the giving way of dreams to fate .
For the last seven years, I have worked as a reading enrichment teacher, reading classic works of literature with small groups of students from grades six to eight. I originally proposed this idea to my headmaster after learning that a former excellent student of mine had transferred out of a selective high school--one that often attracts the literary-minded children of Manhattan's upper classes-into a less competitive setting. The daughter of immigrants, with a father in prison, she perhaps felt uncomfortable with her new classmates. I thought additional "cultural capital" could help students like her develop better in high school, where they would unavoidably meet, perhaps for the first time, students who came from homes lined with bookshelves, whose parents had earned Ph.D.'s.
Along with Of Mice and Men, my groups read: Sounder, The Red Pony, Lord of the Flies, Romeo and Juliet and Macbeth. The students didn't always read from the expected point of view. About The Red Pony, one student said, "it's about being a man, it's about manliness. " I had never before seen the parallels between Scarface and Macbeth, nor had I heard Lady Macbeth's soliloquies read as raps , but both made sense; the interpretations were playful, but serious. Once introduced to Steinbeck's writing, one boy went on to read The Grapes of Wrath and told me repeatedly how amazing it was that "all these people hate each other, and they're all white. " His historical view was broadening, his sense of his own country deepening. Year after year former students visited and told me how prepared they had felt in their first year in college as a result of the classes.
Year after year, however, we are increasing the number of practice tests. We are trying to teach students to read increasingly complex texts, not for emotional punch but for text complexity. Yet, we cannot enrich the minds of our students by testing them on texts that ignore their hearts. We are teaching them that words do no. amaze but confuse. We mav succeed in raising test scores, but we will fail to teach that reading can be transformative and that it belongs to them. | 3734.txt | 1 |
[
"both of them have a similar prospect in China and India.",
"both industries in India are still lacking core technology.",
"drug-making in India is like making peripherals for desktops.",
"the two industries have a similar operation in India."
] | Arvind Atignal draws an analogy between desktops and drugs because _ | China makes computers, but imports most of its chips. India makes drugs, but copies almost all of the compounds; it writes software, but rarely owns the result. The bolder claims made for all three industries thus have a similar, hollow ring. They have flourished, but mostly on the back of other countries' technology. "We are not at the stage of Intel Inside," admits Arvind Atignal of Clinigene, a clinical-research firm, drawing his own analogy between desktops and drugs. "We are the keyboard, screens and peripherals."
How much does this matter? Joseph Xie of SMIC, the Chinese chipmaker, spent seven years working inside Intel. Its strategy, he says, was simple: "get there first; make most of the money; let the second guy get the change." That is certainly one way to run a technology firm. But competing in that race is expensive and exhausting. Few of Intel's rivals still try to keep up with it, nanometre by nanometre.
Countries of China's and India's heft and ambition cherish the idea of pushing back the limits of technology. But that push is risky, costly, frustrating work. A country shouldn't do it unless it has to. Although China and India could devote their considerable intellectual resources to solving the problems faced by economies on the technological frontier, why cross that bridge until you reach it? Seen in this light, India's generic drugmakers are models not laggards. They invest in just enough know-how to exploit the rest of the world's discoveries. Thanks to them, Indians enjoy some of the world's cheapest medicines.
Under the WTO's Trade-Related Intellectual Property Rights agreement (TRIPS), India has ceded the right to free-ride foreign advances. It now grants 20 years of patent protection to inventions hatched after 1995. In return, it hopes tighter laws will inspire Indians to new exploits in innovation, and reassure foreigners wary of inventing or making original products in the country.
The tougher laws may yet succeed. A recent study by Bruce Abramson of the World Bank expresses high hopes. A "patent chic" is already detectable in the country, he reports. He has even heard of Indian farmers calling lawyers in the hope of patenting their prize vegetables.
But, as yet, the new regime has not proved its worth. Over 17,000 patent applications were filed in India in 2004-05, almost 40% more than the year before. But only 3,500 were by Indians. Of the 49 most prolific filers in the past decade, 44 are either foreign companies or subsidiaries. Of the five Indian firms, all are either government-sponsored institutes or generic-drug companies, which did fine before TRIPS.
The new regime will be costly to run, if India takes it seriously. But the larger cost lies in the opportunities for unabashed imitation that India has now forgone. These lost opportunities might be quite big. Had Indian firms been prevented from copying fluoroquinolones, for example, the Indian public would have been worse off by the equivalent of $255m a year, reckons a study of the antibiotics market by Shubham Chaudhuri of the World Bank, Pinelopi Goldberg of Yale and Panle Jia of the Massachusetts Institute of Technology. | 3467.txt | 2 |
[
"to do the best they could.",
"to solve the technological problems to the best of their ability.",
"to go beyond the limits of technology.",
"to do what they have to."
] | The idea maintained by countries like China and India is _ | China makes computers, but imports most of its chips. India makes drugs, but copies almost all of the compounds; it writes software, but rarely owns the result. The bolder claims made for all three industries thus have a similar, hollow ring. They have flourished, but mostly on the back of other countries' technology. "We are not at the stage of Intel Inside," admits Arvind Atignal of Clinigene, a clinical-research firm, drawing his own analogy between desktops and drugs. "We are the keyboard, screens and peripherals."
How much does this matter? Joseph Xie of SMIC, the Chinese chipmaker, spent seven years working inside Intel. Its strategy, he says, was simple: "get there first; make most of the money; let the second guy get the change." That is certainly one way to run a technology firm. But competing in that race is expensive and exhausting. Few of Intel's rivals still try to keep up with it, nanometre by nanometre.
Countries of China's and India's heft and ambition cherish the idea of pushing back the limits of technology. But that push is risky, costly, frustrating work. A country shouldn't do it unless it has to. Although China and India could devote their considerable intellectual resources to solving the problems faced by economies on the technological frontier, why cross that bridge until you reach it? Seen in this light, India's generic drugmakers are models not laggards. They invest in just enough know-how to exploit the rest of the world's discoveries. Thanks to them, Indians enjoy some of the world's cheapest medicines.
Under the WTO's Trade-Related Intellectual Property Rights agreement (TRIPS), India has ceded the right to free-ride foreign advances. It now grants 20 years of patent protection to inventions hatched after 1995. In return, it hopes tighter laws will inspire Indians to new exploits in innovation, and reassure foreigners wary of inventing or making original products in the country.
The tougher laws may yet succeed. A recent study by Bruce Abramson of the World Bank expresses high hopes. A "patent chic" is already detectable in the country, he reports. He has even heard of Indian farmers calling lawyers in the hope of patenting their prize vegetables.
But, as yet, the new regime has not proved its worth. Over 17,000 patent applications were filed in India in 2004-05, almost 40% more than the year before. But only 3,500 were by Indians. Of the 49 most prolific filers in the past decade, 44 are either foreign companies or subsidiaries. Of the five Indian firms, all are either government-sponsored institutes or generic-drug companies, which did fine before TRIPS.
The new regime will be costly to run, if India takes it seriously. But the larger cost lies in the opportunities for unabashed imitation that India has now forgone. These lost opportunities might be quite big. Had Indian firms been prevented from copying fluoroquinolones, for example, the Indian public would have been worse off by the equivalent of $255m a year, reckons a study of the antibiotics market by Shubham Chaudhuri of the World Bank, Pinelopi Goldberg of Yale and Panle Jia of the Massachusetts Institute of Technology. | 3467.txt | 3 |
[
"it wants to push back the limits of technology.",
"it is in accordance with TRIPS.",
"it wants to inspire Indians to making innovation.",
"it wants to protect the inventions by the foreigners."
] | India has ceded the right to free-ride foreign advances because _ | China makes computers, but imports most of its chips. India makes drugs, but copies almost all of the compounds; it writes software, but rarely owns the result. The bolder claims made for all three industries thus have a similar, hollow ring. They have flourished, but mostly on the back of other countries' technology. "We are not at the stage of Intel Inside," admits Arvind Atignal of Clinigene, a clinical-research firm, drawing his own analogy between desktops and drugs. "We are the keyboard, screens and peripherals."
How much does this matter? Joseph Xie of SMIC, the Chinese chipmaker, spent seven years working inside Intel. Its strategy, he says, was simple: "get there first; make most of the money; let the second guy get the change." That is certainly one way to run a technology firm. But competing in that race is expensive and exhausting. Few of Intel's rivals still try to keep up with it, nanometre by nanometre.
Countries of China's and India's heft and ambition cherish the idea of pushing back the limits of technology. But that push is risky, costly, frustrating work. A country shouldn't do it unless it has to. Although China and India could devote their considerable intellectual resources to solving the problems faced by economies on the technological frontier, why cross that bridge until you reach it? Seen in this light, India's generic drugmakers are models not laggards. They invest in just enough know-how to exploit the rest of the world's discoveries. Thanks to them, Indians enjoy some of the world's cheapest medicines.
Under the WTO's Trade-Related Intellectual Property Rights agreement (TRIPS), India has ceded the right to free-ride foreign advances. It now grants 20 years of patent protection to inventions hatched after 1995. In return, it hopes tighter laws will inspire Indians to new exploits in innovation, and reassure foreigners wary of inventing or making original products in the country.
The tougher laws may yet succeed. A recent study by Bruce Abramson of the World Bank expresses high hopes. A "patent chic" is already detectable in the country, he reports. He has even heard of Indian farmers calling lawyers in the hope of patenting their prize vegetables.
But, as yet, the new regime has not proved its worth. Over 17,000 patent applications were filed in India in 2004-05, almost 40% more than the year before. But only 3,500 were by Indians. Of the 49 most prolific filers in the past decade, 44 are either foreign companies or subsidiaries. Of the five Indian firms, all are either government-sponsored institutes or generic-drug companies, which did fine before TRIPS.
The new regime will be costly to run, if India takes it seriously. But the larger cost lies in the opportunities for unabashed imitation that India has now forgone. These lost opportunities might be quite big. Had Indian firms been prevented from copying fluoroquinolones, for example, the Indian public would have been worse off by the equivalent of $255m a year, reckons a study of the antibiotics market by Shubham Chaudhuri of the World Bank, Pinelopi Goldberg of Yale and Panle Jia of the Massachusetts Institute of Technology. | 3467.txt | 1 |
[
"the tougher laws are not successful since it failed to raise Indians' enthusiasm for patents.",
"Indians are not so inventive as the foreign counterparts measured by patent application.",
"Indians' inventions are negligible because most firms are funded by the government and thus lack incentive.",
"Indians are still left behind in inventions even under the system that encourage patenting."
] | From the data of the sixth paragraph, it can be inferred that _ | China makes computers, but imports most of its chips. India makes drugs, but copies almost all of the compounds; it writes software, but rarely owns the result. The bolder claims made for all three industries thus have a similar, hollow ring. They have flourished, but mostly on the back of other countries' technology. "We are not at the stage of Intel Inside," admits Arvind Atignal of Clinigene, a clinical-research firm, drawing his own analogy between desktops and drugs. "We are the keyboard, screens and peripherals."
How much does this matter? Joseph Xie of SMIC, the Chinese chipmaker, spent seven years working inside Intel. Its strategy, he says, was simple: "get there first; make most of the money; let the second guy get the change." That is certainly one way to run a technology firm. But competing in that race is expensive and exhausting. Few of Intel's rivals still try to keep up with it, nanometre by nanometre.
Countries of China's and India's heft and ambition cherish the idea of pushing back the limits of technology. But that push is risky, costly, frustrating work. A country shouldn't do it unless it has to. Although China and India could devote their considerable intellectual resources to solving the problems faced by economies on the technological frontier, why cross that bridge until you reach it? Seen in this light, India's generic drugmakers are models not laggards. They invest in just enough know-how to exploit the rest of the world's discoveries. Thanks to them, Indians enjoy some of the world's cheapest medicines.
Under the WTO's Trade-Related Intellectual Property Rights agreement (TRIPS), India has ceded the right to free-ride foreign advances. It now grants 20 years of patent protection to inventions hatched after 1995. In return, it hopes tighter laws will inspire Indians to new exploits in innovation, and reassure foreigners wary of inventing or making original products in the country.
The tougher laws may yet succeed. A recent study by Bruce Abramson of the World Bank expresses high hopes. A "patent chic" is already detectable in the country, he reports. He has even heard of Indian farmers calling lawyers in the hope of patenting their prize vegetables.
But, as yet, the new regime has not proved its worth. Over 17,000 patent applications were filed in India in 2004-05, almost 40% more than the year before. But only 3,500 were by Indians. Of the 49 most prolific filers in the past decade, 44 are either foreign companies or subsidiaries. Of the five Indian firms, all are either government-sponsored institutes or generic-drug companies, which did fine before TRIPS.
The new regime will be costly to run, if India takes it seriously. But the larger cost lies in the opportunities for unabashed imitation that India has now forgone. These lost opportunities might be quite big. Had Indian firms been prevented from copying fluoroquinolones, for example, the Indian public would have been worse off by the equivalent of $255m a year, reckons a study of the antibiotics market by Shubham Chaudhuri of the World Bank, Pinelopi Goldberg of Yale and Panle Jia of the Massachusetts Institute of Technology. | 3467.txt | 3 |
[
"pessimistic.",
"optimistic.",
"dubious.",
"objective."
] | Towards the future of the new regime, the author's attitude can be said to be _ | China makes computers, but imports most of its chips. India makes drugs, but copies almost all of the compounds; it writes software, but rarely owns the result. The bolder claims made for all three industries thus have a similar, hollow ring. They have flourished, but mostly on the back of other countries' technology. "We are not at the stage of Intel Inside," admits Arvind Atignal of Clinigene, a clinical-research firm, drawing his own analogy between desktops and drugs. "We are the keyboard, screens and peripherals."
How much does this matter? Joseph Xie of SMIC, the Chinese chipmaker, spent seven years working inside Intel. Its strategy, he says, was simple: "get there first; make most of the money; let the second guy get the change." That is certainly one way to run a technology firm. But competing in that race is expensive and exhausting. Few of Intel's rivals still try to keep up with it, nanometre by nanometre.
Countries of China's and India's heft and ambition cherish the idea of pushing back the limits of technology. But that push is risky, costly, frustrating work. A country shouldn't do it unless it has to. Although China and India could devote their considerable intellectual resources to solving the problems faced by economies on the technological frontier, why cross that bridge until you reach it? Seen in this light, India's generic drugmakers are models not laggards. They invest in just enough know-how to exploit the rest of the world's discoveries. Thanks to them, Indians enjoy some of the world's cheapest medicines.
Under the WTO's Trade-Related Intellectual Property Rights agreement (TRIPS), India has ceded the right to free-ride foreign advances. It now grants 20 years of patent protection to inventions hatched after 1995. In return, it hopes tighter laws will inspire Indians to new exploits in innovation, and reassure foreigners wary of inventing or making original products in the country.
The tougher laws may yet succeed. A recent study by Bruce Abramson of the World Bank expresses high hopes. A "patent chic" is already detectable in the country, he reports. He has even heard of Indian farmers calling lawyers in the hope of patenting their prize vegetables.
But, as yet, the new regime has not proved its worth. Over 17,000 patent applications were filed in India in 2004-05, almost 40% more than the year before. But only 3,500 were by Indians. Of the 49 most prolific filers in the past decade, 44 are either foreign companies or subsidiaries. Of the five Indian firms, all are either government-sponsored institutes or generic-drug companies, which did fine before TRIPS.
The new regime will be costly to run, if India takes it seriously. But the larger cost lies in the opportunities for unabashed imitation that India has now forgone. These lost opportunities might be quite big. Had Indian firms been prevented from copying fluoroquinolones, for example, the Indian public would have been worse off by the equivalent of $255m a year, reckons a study of the antibiotics market by Shubham Chaudhuri of the World Bank, Pinelopi Goldberg of Yale and Panle Jia of the Massachusetts Institute of Technology. | 3467.txt | 0 |
[
"was one of the first tools",
"developed human capabilities",
"led to the invention of machines",
"was crucial to the development of mankind"
] | The stone chip is thought to be the most important tool because it _ . | Human beings have used tools for a very long time. In some parts of the world you can still find tools that people used more than two million years ago. They made these tools by hitting one stone against another. In this way, they broke off pieces from one of the stones. These chips of stone were usually sharp on one side. People used them for cutting meat and skin from dead animals, and also for making other tools out of wood.
Human beings needed to use tools because they did not have sharp teeth like other meat eating animals, such as lions and tigers. Tools helped people to get food more easily. Working with tools also helped to develop human intelligence. The human brain grew bigger, and human beings began to invent more and more tools and machines. The stone chip was one of the first tools that people used, and perhaps it is the most important. Some scientists say that it was the key to success of mankind. | 30.txt | 3 |
[
"disastrous",
"unpredictable",
"exciting",
"colorful"
] | At the end of the passage the author seems to suggest that life in future is _ . | Human beings have used tools for a very long time. In some parts of the world you can still find tools that people used more than two million years ago. They made these tools by hitting one stone against another. In this way, they broke off pieces from one of the stones. These chips of stone were usually sharp on one side. People used them for cutting meat and skin from dead animals, and also for making other tools out of wood.
Human beings needed to use tools because they did not have sharp teeth like other meat eating animals, such as lions and tigers. Tools helped people to get food more easily. Working with tools also helped to develop human intelligence. The human brain grew bigger, and human beings began to invent more and more tools and machines. The stone chip was one of the first tools that people used, and perhaps it is the most important. Some scientists say that it was the key to success of mankind. | 30.txt | 1 |
[
"Equality of opportunity in the twentieth century has not destroyed the class system.",
"Equality means money.",
"There is no such society as classless society.",
"Nature can't give you a classless society."
] | What is the main idea of this passage? | Equality of Opportunity
These days we hear a lot of nonsense about the ‘great classless society'. The idea that the twentieth century is the age of the common man has become one of the great clichés of our time. The same old arguments are put forward in evidence. Here are some of them: monarchy as a system of government has been completely discredited. The monarchies that survive have been deprived of all political power. Inherited wealth has been savagely reduced by taxation and, in time, the great fortunes will disappear altogether. In a number of countries the victory has been complete. The people rule; the great millennium has become a political reality. But has it? Close examination doesn't bear out the claim.
It is a fallacy to suppose that all men are equal and that society will be leveled out if you provide everybody with the same educational opportunities. (It is debatable whether you can ever provide everyone with the same educational opportunities, but that is another question.) The fact is that nature dispenses brains and ability with a total disregard for the principle of equality. The old rules of the jungle, ‘survival of the fittest', and ‘might is right' are still with us. The spread of education has destroyed the old class system and created a new one. Rewards are based on merit. For ‘aristocracy' read ‘meritocracy'; in other respects, society remains unaltered: the class system is rigidly maintained.
Genuine ability, animal cunning, skill, the knack of seizing opportunities, all bring material rewards. And what is the first thing people do when they become rich? They use their wealth to secure the best possible opportunities for their children, to give them ‘a good start in life'. For all the lip service we pay to the idea of equality, we do not consider this wrong in the western world. Private schools which offer unfair advantages over state schools are not banned because one of the principles in a democracy is that people should be free to choose how they will educate their children. In this way, the new meritocracy can perpetuate itself to a certain extent: an able child from a wealthy home can succeed far more rapidly than his poorer counterpart. Wealth is also used indiscriminately to further political ends. It would be almost impossible to become the leader of a democracy without massive financial backing. Money is as powerful a weapon as ever it was.
In societies wholly dedicated to the principle of social equality, privileged private education is forbidden. But even here people are rewarded according to their abilities. In fact, so great is the need for skilled workers that the least able may be neglected. Bright children are carefully and expensively trained to become future rulers. In the end, all political ideologies boil down to the same thing: class divisions persist whether you are ruled by a feudal king or an educated peasant. | 228.txt | 0 |
[
"the principle ‘survival of the fittest' exists.",
"Nature ignores equality in dispensing brains and ability.",
"Material rewards are for genuine ability.",
"People have the freedom how to educate their children."
] | According to the author, the same educational opportunities can't get rid of inequality because | Equality of Opportunity
These days we hear a lot of nonsense about the ‘great classless society'. The idea that the twentieth century is the age of the common man has become one of the great clichés of our time. The same old arguments are put forward in evidence. Here are some of them: monarchy as a system of government has been completely discredited. The monarchies that survive have been deprived of all political power. Inherited wealth has been savagely reduced by taxation and, in time, the great fortunes will disappear altogether. In a number of countries the victory has been complete. The people rule; the great millennium has become a political reality. But has it? Close examination doesn't bear out the claim.
It is a fallacy to suppose that all men are equal and that society will be leveled out if you provide everybody with the same educational opportunities. (It is debatable whether you can ever provide everyone with the same educational opportunities, but that is another question.) The fact is that nature dispenses brains and ability with a total disregard for the principle of equality. The old rules of the jungle, ‘survival of the fittest', and ‘might is right' are still with us. The spread of education has destroyed the old class system and created a new one. Rewards are based on merit. For ‘aristocracy' read ‘meritocracy'; in other respects, society remains unaltered: the class system is rigidly maintained.
Genuine ability, animal cunning, skill, the knack of seizing opportunities, all bring material rewards. And what is the first thing people do when they become rich? They use their wealth to secure the best possible opportunities for their children, to give them ‘a good start in life'. For all the lip service we pay to the idea of equality, we do not consider this wrong in the western world. Private schools which offer unfair advantages over state schools are not banned because one of the principles in a democracy is that people should be free to choose how they will educate their children. In this way, the new meritocracy can perpetuate itself to a certain extent: an able child from a wealthy home can succeed far more rapidly than his poorer counterpart. Wealth is also used indiscriminately to further political ends. It would be almost impossible to become the leader of a democracy without massive financial backing. Money is as powerful a weapon as ever it was.
In societies wholly dedicated to the principle of social equality, privileged private education is forbidden. But even here people are rewarded according to their abilities. In fact, so great is the need for skilled workers that the least able may be neglected. Bright children are carefully and expensively trained to become future rulers. In the end, all political ideologies boil down to the same thing: class divisions persist whether you are ruled by a feudal king or an educated peasant. | 228.txt | 1 |
[
"those with wealth.",
"Those with the best brains.",
"Those with the best opportunities.",
"Those who have the ability to catch at opportunities."
] | Who can obtain more rapid success | Equality of Opportunity
These days we hear a lot of nonsense about the ‘great classless society'. The idea that the twentieth century is the age of the common man has become one of the great clichés of our time. The same old arguments are put forward in evidence. Here are some of them: monarchy as a system of government has been completely discredited. The monarchies that survive have been deprived of all political power. Inherited wealth has been savagely reduced by taxation and, in time, the great fortunes will disappear altogether. In a number of countries the victory has been complete. The people rule; the great millennium has become a political reality. But has it? Close examination doesn't bear out the claim.
It is a fallacy to suppose that all men are equal and that society will be leveled out if you provide everybody with the same educational opportunities. (It is debatable whether you can ever provide everyone with the same educational opportunities, but that is another question.) The fact is that nature dispenses brains and ability with a total disregard for the principle of equality. The old rules of the jungle, ‘survival of the fittest', and ‘might is right' are still with us. The spread of education has destroyed the old class system and created a new one. Rewards are based on merit. For ‘aristocracy' read ‘meritocracy'; in other respects, society remains unaltered: the class system is rigidly maintained.
Genuine ability, animal cunning, skill, the knack of seizing opportunities, all bring material rewards. And what is the first thing people do when they become rich? They use their wealth to secure the best possible opportunities for their children, to give them ‘a good start in life'. For all the lip service we pay to the idea of equality, we do not consider this wrong in the western world. Private schools which offer unfair advantages over state schools are not banned because one of the principles in a democracy is that people should be free to choose how they will educate their children. In this way, the new meritocracy can perpetuate itself to a certain extent: an able child from a wealthy home can succeed far more rapidly than his poorer counterpart. Wealth is also used indiscriminately to further political ends. It would be almost impossible to become the leader of a democracy without massive financial backing. Money is as powerful a weapon as ever it was.
In societies wholly dedicated to the principle of social equality, privileged private education is forbidden. But even here people are rewarded according to their abilities. In fact, so great is the need for skilled workers that the least able may be neglected. Bright children are carefully and expensively trained to become future rulers. In the end, all political ideologies boil down to the same thing: class divisions persist whether you are ruled by a feudal king or an educated peasant. | 228.txt | 0 |
[
"money decides everything.",
"Private schools offer advantages over state schools.",
"People are free to choose the way of educating their children.",
"Wealth is used for political ends."
] | Why does the author say the new meritocracy can perpetuate itself to a certain extent? Because | Equality of Opportunity
These days we hear a lot of nonsense about the ‘great classless society'. The idea that the twentieth century is the age of the common man has become one of the great clichés of our time. The same old arguments are put forward in evidence. Here are some of them: monarchy as a system of government has been completely discredited. The monarchies that survive have been deprived of all political power. Inherited wealth has been savagely reduced by taxation and, in time, the great fortunes will disappear altogether. In a number of countries the victory has been complete. The people rule; the great millennium has become a political reality. But has it? Close examination doesn't bear out the claim.
It is a fallacy to suppose that all men are equal and that society will be leveled out if you provide everybody with the same educational opportunities. (It is debatable whether you can ever provide everyone with the same educational opportunities, but that is another question.) The fact is that nature dispenses brains and ability with a total disregard for the principle of equality. The old rules of the jungle, ‘survival of the fittest', and ‘might is right' are still with us. The spread of education has destroyed the old class system and created a new one. Rewards are based on merit. For ‘aristocracy' read ‘meritocracy'; in other respects, society remains unaltered: the class system is rigidly maintained.
Genuine ability, animal cunning, skill, the knack of seizing opportunities, all bring material rewards. And what is the first thing people do when they become rich? They use their wealth to secure the best possible opportunities for their children, to give them ‘a good start in life'. For all the lip service we pay to the idea of equality, we do not consider this wrong in the western world. Private schools which offer unfair advantages over state schools are not banned because one of the principles in a democracy is that people should be free to choose how they will educate their children. In this way, the new meritocracy can perpetuate itself to a certain extent: an able child from a wealthy home can succeed far more rapidly than his poorer counterpart. Wealth is also used indiscriminately to further political ends. It would be almost impossible to become the leader of a democracy without massive financial backing. Money is as powerful a weapon as ever it was.
In societies wholly dedicated to the principle of social equality, privileged private education is forbidden. But even here people are rewarded according to their abilities. In fact, so great is the need for skilled workers that the least able may be neglected. Bright children are carefully and expensively trained to become future rulers. In the end, all political ideologies boil down to the same thing: class divisions persist whether you are ruled by a feudal king or an educated peasant. | 228.txt | 0 |
[
"the rich and the poor.",
"Different opportunities for people.",
"Oppressor and the oppressed.",
"Genius and stupidity."
] | According to the author, ‘class divisions' refers to | Equality of Opportunity
These days we hear a lot of nonsense about the ‘great classless society'. The idea that the twentieth century is the age of the common man has become one of the great clichés of our time. The same old arguments are put forward in evidence. Here are some of them: monarchy as a system of government has been completely discredited. The monarchies that survive have been deprived of all political power. Inherited wealth has been savagely reduced by taxation and, in time, the great fortunes will disappear altogether. In a number of countries the victory has been complete. The people rule; the great millennium has become a political reality. But has it? Close examination doesn't bear out the claim.
It is a fallacy to suppose that all men are equal and that society will be leveled out if you provide everybody with the same educational opportunities. (It is debatable whether you can ever provide everyone with the same educational opportunities, but that is another question.) The fact is that nature dispenses brains and ability with a total disregard for the principle of equality. The old rules of the jungle, ‘survival of the fittest', and ‘might is right' are still with us. The spread of education has destroyed the old class system and created a new one. Rewards are based on merit. For ‘aristocracy' read ‘meritocracy'; in other respects, society remains unaltered: the class system is rigidly maintained.
Genuine ability, animal cunning, skill, the knack of seizing opportunities, all bring material rewards. And what is the first thing people do when they become rich? They use their wealth to secure the best possible opportunities for their children, to give them ‘a good start in life'. For all the lip service we pay to the idea of equality, we do not consider this wrong in the western world. Private schools which offer unfair advantages over state schools are not banned because one of the principles in a democracy is that people should be free to choose how they will educate their children. In this way, the new meritocracy can perpetuate itself to a certain extent: an able child from a wealthy home can succeed far more rapidly than his poorer counterpart. Wealth is also used indiscriminately to further political ends. It would be almost impossible to become the leader of a democracy without massive financial backing. Money is as powerful a weapon as ever it was.
In societies wholly dedicated to the principle of social equality, privileged private education is forbidden. But even here people are rewarded according to their abilities. In fact, so great is the need for skilled workers that the least able may be neglected. Bright children are carefully and expensively trained to become future rulers. In the end, all political ideologies boil down to the same thing: class divisions persist whether you are ruled by a feudal king or an educated peasant. | 228.txt | 0 |
[
"Happy 1st Birthday",
"One Year Old",
"Our OneYearOld Son",
"We Love You"
] | What would be the best title for the first advertisement? | Here are some advertisements taken from a newspaper.
(1)
Dear Drew Carter,
Your first year on this earth has been a pleasure ride for all of us.We love you! Love, Dad and Mom and many friends.
(2)
Lawlis-Clarke
The Doctors Virgil and Marjorie Lawlis are pleased to announce theengagement of their daughter Diane Susan to Mr Robert Brent Clarke,son of Mr and MrsJames Clarke of Herford,Texas.
A spring wedding is planned in Houston.
(3)
Isbell-Foss
Mr and Mrs Davis K.Isbell announce the marriage of their daughter Dang to Mr Stanley Foss,sonof Mrs John Sipe of Ada,Minnesota.
The wedding will be early April at Abiding Love Lutheran Church.
(4)
StoryKurio
Miss Stephanie Story and Mr Warren Kurio were married on February 5,at half pastseven o'clock in the evening at Highland Park Presbyterian Church in Dallas,Texas.The brideis the daughter of Mr and Mrs Herbert Brule Story Jr of Dallas.The groom is the son of Mr and Mrs Gerald Stanley Kurio of Austin. | 3541.txt | 0 |
[
"where Clarke's parents live",
"against their parents' will",
"to Lawlis's parents'joy",
"in a church"
] | Lawlis and Clarke are going to get married-- | Here are some advertisements taken from a newspaper.
(1)
Dear Drew Carter,
Your first year on this earth has been a pleasure ride for all of us.We love you! Love, Dad and Mom and many friends.
(2)
Lawlis-Clarke
The Doctors Virgil and Marjorie Lawlis are pleased to announce theengagement of their daughter Diane Susan to Mr Robert Brent Clarke,son of Mr and MrsJames Clarke of Herford,Texas.
A spring wedding is planned in Houston.
(3)
Isbell-Foss
Mr and Mrs Davis K.Isbell announce the marriage of their daughter Dang to Mr Stanley Foss,sonof Mrs John Sipe of Ada,Minnesota.
The wedding will be early April at Abiding Love Lutheran Church.
(4)
StoryKurio
Miss Stephanie Story and Mr Warren Kurio were married on February 5,at half pastseven o'clock in the evening at Highland Park Presbyterian Church in Dallas,Texas.The brideis the daughter of Mr and Mrs Herbert Brule Story Jr of Dallas.The groom is the son of Mr and Mrs Gerald Stanley Kurio of Austin. | 3541.txt | 2 |
[
"Neither Lawlis and Clarke nor Isbell and Foss.",
"Either Isbell and Foss or Story and Kurio.",
"Neither Lawlis and Clarke nor Story and Kurio.",
"Not only Lawlis and Clarke but also Isbell and Foss."
] | Who got or will get married in spring? | Here are some advertisements taken from a newspaper.
(1)
Dear Drew Carter,
Your first year on this earth has been a pleasure ride for all of us.We love you! Love, Dad and Mom and many friends.
(2)
Lawlis-Clarke
The Doctors Virgil and Marjorie Lawlis are pleased to announce theengagement of their daughter Diane Susan to Mr Robert Brent Clarke,son of Mr and MrsJames Clarke of Herford,Texas.
A spring wedding is planned in Houston.
(3)
Isbell-Foss
Mr and Mrs Davis K.Isbell announce the marriage of their daughter Dang to Mr Stanley Foss,sonof Mrs John Sipe of Ada,Minnesota.
The wedding will be early April at Abiding Love Lutheran Church.
(4)
StoryKurio
Miss Stephanie Story and Mr Warren Kurio were married on February 5,at half pastseven o'clock in the evening at Highland Park Presbyterian Church in Dallas,Texas.The brideis the daughter of Mr and Mrs Herbert Brule Story Jr of Dallas.The groom is the son of Mr and Mrs Gerald Stanley Kurio of Austin. | 3541.txt | 3 |
[
"Dang Isbell and Foss.",
"Story and Kurio.",
"The text doesn't say.",
"Lawlis and Clarke."
] | Who are now a married couple? | Here are some advertisements taken from a newspaper.
(1)
Dear Drew Carter,
Your first year on this earth has been a pleasure ride for all of us.We love you! Love, Dad and Mom and many friends.
(2)
Lawlis-Clarke
The Doctors Virgil and Marjorie Lawlis are pleased to announce theengagement of their daughter Diane Susan to Mr Robert Brent Clarke,son of Mr and MrsJames Clarke of Herford,Texas.
A spring wedding is planned in Houston.
(3)
Isbell-Foss
Mr and Mrs Davis K.Isbell announce the marriage of their daughter Dang to Mr Stanley Foss,sonof Mrs John Sipe of Ada,Minnesota.
The wedding will be early April at Abiding Love Lutheran Church.
(4)
StoryKurio
Miss Stephanie Story and Mr Warren Kurio were married on February 5,at half pastseven o'clock in the evening at Highland Park Presbyterian Church in Dallas,Texas.The brideis the daughter of Mr and Mrs Herbert Brule Story Jr of Dallas.The groom is the son of Mr and Mrs Gerald Stanley Kurio of Austin. | 3541.txt | 1 |
[
"deprived the federal police of Constitutional powers.",
"disturbed the power balance between different states.",
"overstepped the authority of federal immigration law.",
"contradicted both the federal and state policies."
] | Three provisions of Arizona's plan were overturned because they | On a five to three vote, the Supreme Court knocked out much of Arizona's immigration law Monday-a modest policy victory for the Obama Administration. But on the more important matter of the Constitution, the decision was an 8-0 defeat for the Administration's effort to upset the balance of power between the federal government and the states.
In Arizona v. United States, the majority overturned three of the four contested provisions of Arizona's controversial plan to have state and local police enforce federal immigration law. The Constitutional principles that Washington alone has the power to "establish a uniform Rule of Naturalization" and that federal laws precede state laws are noncontroversial. Arizona had attempted to fashion state policies that ran parallel to the existing federal ones.
Justice Anthony Kennedy, joined by Chief Justice John Roberts and the Court's liberals, ruled that the state flew too close to the federal sun. On the overturned provisions the majority held the Congress had deliberately "occupied the field" and Arizona had thus intruded on the federal's privileged powers.
However, the Justices said that Arizona police would be allowed to verify the legal status of people who come in contact with law enforcement. That's because Congress has always envisioned joint federal-state immigration enforcement and explicitly encourages state officers to share information and cooperate with federal colleagues.
Two of the three objecting Justices-Samuel Alito and Clarence Thomas-agreed with this Constitutional logic but disagreed about which Arizona rules conflicted with the federal statute. The only major objection came from Justice Antonin Scalia, who offered an even more robust defense of state privileges going back to the Alien and Sedition Acts.
The 8-0 objection to President Obama turns on what Justice Samuel Alito describes in his objection as "a shocking assertion of federal executive power". The White House argued that Arizona's laws conflicted with its enforcement priorities, even if state laws complied with federal statutes to the letter. In effect, the White House claimed that it could invalidate any otherwise legitimate state law that it disagrees with.
Some powers do belong exclusively to the federal government, and control of citizenship and the borders is among them. But if Congress wanted to prevent states from using their own resources to check immigration status, it could. It never did so. The Administration was in essence asserting that because it didn't want to carry out Congress's immigration wishes, no state should be allowed to do so either. Every Justice rightly rejected this remarkable claim. | 1337.txt | 2 |
[
"Federal officers' duty to withhold immigrants' information.",
"States' independence from federal immigration law.",
"States' legitimate role in immigration enforcement.",
"Congress's intervention in immigration enforcement."
] | On which of the following did the Justices agree, according to Paragraph 4? | On a five to three vote, the Supreme Court knocked out much of Arizona's immigration law Monday-a modest policy victory for the Obama Administration. But on the more important matter of the Constitution, the decision was an 8-0 defeat for the Administration's effort to upset the balance of power between the federal government and the states.
In Arizona v. United States, the majority overturned three of the four contested provisions of Arizona's controversial plan to have state and local police enforce federal immigration law. The Constitutional principles that Washington alone has the power to "establish a uniform Rule of Naturalization" and that federal laws precede state laws are noncontroversial. Arizona had attempted to fashion state policies that ran parallel to the existing federal ones.
Justice Anthony Kennedy, joined by Chief Justice John Roberts and the Court's liberals, ruled that the state flew too close to the federal sun. On the overturned provisions the majority held the Congress had deliberately "occupied the field" and Arizona had thus intruded on the federal's privileged powers.
However, the Justices said that Arizona police would be allowed to verify the legal status of people who come in contact with law enforcement. That's because Congress has always envisioned joint federal-state immigration enforcement and explicitly encourages state officers to share information and cooperate with federal colleagues.
Two of the three objecting Justices-Samuel Alito and Clarence Thomas-agreed with this Constitutional logic but disagreed about which Arizona rules conflicted with the federal statute. The only major objection came from Justice Antonin Scalia, who offered an even more robust defense of state privileges going back to the Alien and Sedition Acts.
The 8-0 objection to President Obama turns on what Justice Samuel Alito describes in his objection as "a shocking assertion of federal executive power". The White House argued that Arizona's laws conflicted with its enforcement priorities, even if state laws complied with federal statutes to the letter. In effect, the White House claimed that it could invalidate any otherwise legitimate state law that it disagrees with.
Some powers do belong exclusively to the federal government, and control of citizenship and the borders is among them. But if Congress wanted to prevent states from using their own resources to check immigration status, it could. It never did so. The Administration was in essence asserting that because it didn't want to carry out Congress's immigration wishes, no state should be allowed to do so either. Every Justice rightly rejected this remarkable claim. | 1337.txt | 2 |
[
"violated the Constitution.",
"undermined the states' interests.",
"supported the federal statute.",
"stood in favor of the states."
] | It can be inferred from Paragraph 5 that the Alien and Sedition Acts | On a five to three vote, the Supreme Court knocked out much of Arizona's immigration law Monday-a modest policy victory for the Obama Administration. But on the more important matter of the Constitution, the decision was an 8-0 defeat for the Administration's effort to upset the balance of power between the federal government and the states.
In Arizona v. United States, the majority overturned three of the four contested provisions of Arizona's controversial plan to have state and local police enforce federal immigration law. The Constitutional principles that Washington alone has the power to "establish a uniform Rule of Naturalization" and that federal laws precede state laws are noncontroversial. Arizona had attempted to fashion state policies that ran parallel to the existing federal ones.
Justice Anthony Kennedy, joined by Chief Justice John Roberts and the Court's liberals, ruled that the state flew too close to the federal sun. On the overturned provisions the majority held the Congress had deliberately "occupied the field" and Arizona had thus intruded on the federal's privileged powers.
However, the Justices said that Arizona police would be allowed to verify the legal status of people who come in contact with law enforcement. That's because Congress has always envisioned joint federal-state immigration enforcement and explicitly encourages state officers to share information and cooperate with federal colleagues.
Two of the three objecting Justices-Samuel Alito and Clarence Thomas-agreed with this Constitutional logic but disagreed about which Arizona rules conflicted with the federal statute. The only major objection came from Justice Antonin Scalia, who offered an even more robust defense of state privileges going back to the Alien and Sedition Acts.
The 8-0 objection to President Obama turns on what Justice Samuel Alito describes in his objection as "a shocking assertion of federal executive power". The White House argued that Arizona's laws conflicted with its enforcement priorities, even if state laws complied with federal statutes to the letter. In effect, the White House claimed that it could invalidate any otherwise legitimate state law that it disagrees with.
Some powers do belong exclusively to the federal government, and control of citizenship and the borders is among them. But if Congress wanted to prevent states from using their own resources to check immigration status, it could. It never did so. The Administration was in essence asserting that because it didn't want to carry out Congress's immigration wishes, no state should be allowed to do so either. Every Justice rightly rejected this remarkable claim. | 1337.txt | 3 |
[
"outweighs that held by the states.",
"is dependent on the states' support.",
"is established by federal statutes.",
"rarely goes against state laws."
] | The White House claims that its power of enforcement | On a five to three vote, the Supreme Court knocked out much of Arizona's immigration law Monday-a modest policy victory for the Obama Administration. But on the more important matter of the Constitution, the decision was an 8-0 defeat for the Administration's effort to upset the balance of power between the federal government and the states.
In Arizona v. United States, the majority overturned three of the four contested provisions of Arizona's controversial plan to have state and local police enforce federal immigration law. The Constitutional principles that Washington alone has the power to "establish a uniform Rule of Naturalization" and that federal laws precede state laws are noncontroversial. Arizona had attempted to fashion state policies that ran parallel to the existing federal ones.
Justice Anthony Kennedy, joined by Chief Justice John Roberts and the Court's liberals, ruled that the state flew too close to the federal sun. On the overturned provisions the majority held the Congress had deliberately "occupied the field" and Arizona had thus intruded on the federal's privileged powers.
However, the Justices said that Arizona police would be allowed to verify the legal status of people who come in contact with law enforcement. That's because Congress has always envisioned joint federal-state immigration enforcement and explicitly encourages state officers to share information and cooperate with federal colleagues.
Two of the three objecting Justices-Samuel Alito and Clarence Thomas-agreed with this Constitutional logic but disagreed about which Arizona rules conflicted with the federal statute. The only major objection came from Justice Antonin Scalia, who offered an even more robust defense of state privileges going back to the Alien and Sedition Acts.
The 8-0 objection to President Obama turns on what Justice Samuel Alito describes in his objection as "a shocking assertion of federal executive power". The White House argued that Arizona's laws conflicted with its enforcement priorities, even if state laws complied with federal statutes to the letter. In effect, the White House claimed that it could invalidate any otherwise legitimate state law that it disagrees with.
Some powers do belong exclusively to the federal government, and control of citizenship and the borders is among them. But if Congress wanted to prevent states from using their own resources to check immigration status, it could. It never did so. The Administration was in essence asserting that because it didn't want to carry out Congress's immigration wishes, no state should be allowed to do so either. Every Justice rightly rejected this remarkable claim. | 1337.txt | 0 |
[
"Immigration issues are usually decided by Congress.",
"Justices intended to check the power of the Administration.",
"Justices wanted to strengthen their coordination with Congress.",
"The Administration is dominant over immigration issues."
] | What can be learned from the last paragraph? | On a five to three vote, the Supreme Court knocked out much of Arizona's immigration law Monday-a modest policy victory for the Obama Administration. But on the more important matter of the Constitution, the decision was an 8-0 defeat for the Administration's effort to upset the balance of power between the federal government and the states.
In Arizona v. United States, the majority overturned three of the four contested provisions of Arizona's controversial plan to have state and local police enforce federal immigration law. The Constitutional principles that Washington alone has the power to "establish a uniform Rule of Naturalization" and that federal laws precede state laws are noncontroversial. Arizona had attempted to fashion state policies that ran parallel to the existing federal ones.
Justice Anthony Kennedy, joined by Chief Justice John Roberts and the Court's liberals, ruled that the state flew too close to the federal sun. On the overturned provisions the majority held the Congress had deliberately "occupied the field" and Arizona had thus intruded on the federal's privileged powers.
However, the Justices said that Arizona police would be allowed to verify the legal status of people who come in contact with law enforcement. That's because Congress has always envisioned joint federal-state immigration enforcement and explicitly encourages state officers to share information and cooperate with federal colleagues.
Two of the three objecting Justices-Samuel Alito and Clarence Thomas-agreed with this Constitutional logic but disagreed about which Arizona rules conflicted with the federal statute. The only major objection came from Justice Antonin Scalia, who offered an even more robust defense of state privileges going back to the Alien and Sedition Acts.
The 8-0 objection to President Obama turns on what Justice Samuel Alito describes in his objection as "a shocking assertion of federal executive power". The White House argued that Arizona's laws conflicted with its enforcement priorities, even if state laws complied with federal statutes to the letter. In effect, the White House claimed that it could invalidate any otherwise legitimate state law that it disagrees with.
Some powers do belong exclusively to the federal government, and control of citizenship and the borders is among them. But if Congress wanted to prevent states from using their own resources to check immigration status, it could. It never did so. The Administration was in essence asserting that because it didn't want to carry out Congress's immigration wishes, no state should be allowed to do so either. Every Justice rightly rejected this remarkable claim. | 1337.txt | 1 |
[
"It strengthened her family ties.",
"It improved her living conditions.",
"It enabled her make more friends.",
"It helped her know more new places."
] | Why was Garza's move a success? | Grandparents Answer a Call
As a third-generation native of Brownsville, Texas, Mildred Garza never planned to move away. Even when her daughter and son asked her to move to San Antonio to help with their children, she politely refused. Only after a year of friendly discussion did Ms. Garza finally say yes. That was four years ago. Today all three generations regard the move as a success,giving them a closer relationship than they would have had in separate cities.
No statistics show the number of grandparents like Garza who are moving closer to adult children and grandchildren. Yet there is evidence suggesting that the trend is growing. Even President Obama's mother-in-law, Marian Robinson, has agreed to leave Chicago and move into the White House to help care for her granddaughters. According to a study by grandparents.com, 83 percent of the people said Mrs. Robinson's decision will influencegrandparents in the American family. Two-thirds believe more families will follow the example of Obama's family.
"In the 1960s we were all a little wild and couldn't get away from home far enough or fast enough to prove we could do it on our own," says Christine Crosby, publisher of Grand,a magazine for grandparents. "We now realize how important family is and how important it is to be near them, especially when you're raising children."
Moving is not for everyone. Almost every grandparent wants to be with his or her grandchildren and is willing to make sacrifices, but sometimes it is wiser to say no and visit frequently instead. Having your grandchildren far away is hard, especially knowing your adult child is struggling, but giving up the life you know may be harder. | 399.txt | 0 |
[
"17% expressed their support for it.",
"Few people responded sympathetically.",
"83% believed it had a bad influence.",
"The majority thought it was a trend."
] | What was the reaction of the public to Mrs. Robinson's decision? | Grandparents Answer a Call
As a third-generation native of Brownsville, Texas, Mildred Garza never planned to move away. Even when her daughter and son asked her to move to San Antonio to help with their children, she politely refused. Only after a year of friendly discussion did Ms. Garza finally say yes. That was four years ago. Today all three generations regard the move as a success,giving them a closer relationship than they would have had in separate cities.
No statistics show the number of grandparents like Garza who are moving closer to adult children and grandchildren. Yet there is evidence suggesting that the trend is growing. Even President Obama's mother-in-law, Marian Robinson, has agreed to leave Chicago and move into the White House to help care for her granddaughters. According to a study by grandparents.com, 83 percent of the people said Mrs. Robinson's decision will influencegrandparents in the American family. Two-thirds believe more families will follow the example of Obama's family.
"In the 1960s we were all a little wild and couldn't get away from home far enough or fast enough to prove we could do it on our own," says Christine Crosby, publisher of Grand,a magazine for grandparents. "We now realize how important family is and how important it is to be near them, especially when you're raising children."
Moving is not for everyone. Almost every grandparent wants to be with his or her grandchildren and is willing to make sacrifices, but sometimes it is wiser to say no and visit frequently instead. Having your grandchildren far away is hard, especially knowing your adult child is struggling, but giving up the life you know may be harder. | 399.txt | 3 |
[
"They were unsure of themselves.",
"They were eager to raise more children.",
"They wanted to live away from their parents.",
"They had little respect for their grandparents."
] | What did Crosby say about people in the 1960s? | Grandparents Answer a Call
As a third-generation native of Brownsville, Texas, Mildred Garza never planned to move away. Even when her daughter and son asked her to move to San Antonio to help with their children, she politely refused. Only after a year of friendly discussion did Ms. Garza finally say yes. That was four years ago. Today all three generations regard the move as a success,giving them a closer relationship than they would have had in separate cities.
No statistics show the number of grandparents like Garza who are moving closer to adult children and grandchildren. Yet there is evidence suggesting that the trend is growing. Even President Obama's mother-in-law, Marian Robinson, has agreed to leave Chicago and move into the White House to help care for her granddaughters. According to a study by grandparents.com, 83 percent of the people said Mrs. Robinson's decision will influencegrandparents in the American family. Two-thirds believe more families will follow the example of Obama's family.
"In the 1960s we were all a little wild and couldn't get away from home far enough or fast enough to prove we could do it on our own," says Christine Crosby, publisher of Grand,a magazine for grandparents. "We now realize how important family is and how important it is to be near them, especially when you're raising children."
Moving is not for everyone. Almost every grandparent wants to be with his or her grandchildren and is willing to make sacrifices, but sometimes it is wiser to say no and visit frequently instead. Having your grandchildren far away is hard, especially knowing your adult child is struggling, but giving up the life you know may be harder. | 399.txt | 2 |
[
"Make decisions in the best interestsof their own.",
"Ask their children to pay more visits to them.",
"Sacrifice for their struggling children.",
"Get to know themselves better."
] | What does the author suggest the grandparents do in the last paragraph? | Grandparents Answer a Call
As a third-generation native of Brownsville, Texas, Mildred Garza never planned to move away. Even when her daughter and son asked her to move to San Antonio to help with their children, she politely refused. Only after a year of friendly discussion did Ms. Garza finally say yes. That was four years ago. Today all three generations regard the move as a success,giving them a closer relationship than they would have had in separate cities.
No statistics show the number of grandparents like Garza who are moving closer to adult children and grandchildren. Yet there is evidence suggesting that the trend is growing. Even President Obama's mother-in-law, Marian Robinson, has agreed to leave Chicago and move into the White House to help care for her granddaughters. According to a study by grandparents.com, 83 percent of the people said Mrs. Robinson's decision will influencegrandparents in the American family. Two-thirds believe more families will follow the example of Obama's family.
"In the 1960s we were all a little wild and couldn't get away from home far enough or fast enough to prove we could do it on our own," says Christine Crosby, publisher of Grand,a magazine for grandparents. "We now realize how important family is and how important it is to be near them, especially when you're raising children."
Moving is not for everyone. Almost every grandparent wants to be with his or her grandchildren and is willing to make sacrifices, but sometimes it is wiser to say no and visit frequently instead. Having your grandchildren far away is hard, especially knowing your adult child is struggling, but giving up the life you know may be harder. | 399.txt | 0 |
[
"Swedish kid helps FBI find out the most wanted cyber criminals",
"Jonathan is really a quiet,gentle and ordinary boy",
"many companies want the young computer expert to join in",
"any cyber criminals will surely be found out wherever they are"
] | The passage mainly wants to tell us that _ | Jonathan James looks like just another kid about to graduate from high school.But this 19yearold Swede is anything but ordinary,from the computer in his parents' home he helps the US Federal Bureau of Investigation(FBI) find out the world's most wanted cyber criminals.
Jonathan first made headlines when he and another Swede,Fredrik Bjoerck,found out the maker of the"Melissa" virusin March 1999.He came to the aid of the FBI again on May 7,finding out the suspected s ender of the dangerous I LOVE YOU" virus.The suspect was caught in Manila on May 8.
Jonathan's special skills are in hot demand as officials around the world express alarm at the"virtual"crimewave.In between studying for final exams,hanging out with friend s and refereeing his younger brother's football matches,the quiet,gentle teenager also gives lessons on esecurity to large companies.He reads a lot and exchanges information with other computer experts to know much about the latest tricks of the hacker trade.
Many companies have already tried to employ him,but he is not interested at the moment.Instead,he plans to begin law school in the autumn at Sweden's Uppsala University and start up his own e-security company.
Although he works with the FBI now,his family insists he's just"a regular kid."Jonathan is a great kid,he has his friends and he does a lot more than just p
lay with the computer,"his little sister Tessa said,adding that he helps the FBI because "he likes to help",not because he's looking for fame and recognition.
When the world was hit by the "Love Bug"virus,Jonathan was too busy preparing a speech on e-security to look into the problem"Finally on May 7,I had some free time,so I began looking."Within a few hours,he had found thesuspect and emailed his method and results to the FBI.He said his work on the "Melissa"virus,which took three weeks to solve,was a big help in finding the suspect so quickly"This time I knew exactly where to start,I knew what to disregard and what to look at." | 3131.txt | 0 |
[
"his helping the US FBI to find out the sender of the dangerous\"I LOVE YOU\"virus",
"his work together with Fredrik Bjoerck to find out the maker of the \"Melissa\"virus",
"his little sister's talk about his good qualities as a regular kid and a good programmer",
"his speech on e security to many computer companies after his fight against hackers"
] | The public started to know something about Jonathan just from _ | Jonathan James looks like just another kid about to graduate from high school.But this 19yearold Swede is anything but ordinary,from the computer in his parents' home he helps the US Federal Bureau of Investigation(FBI) find out the world's most wanted cyber criminals.
Jonathan first made headlines when he and another Swede,Fredrik Bjoerck,found out the maker of the"Melissa" virusin March 1999.He came to the aid of the FBI again on May 7,finding out the suspected s ender of the dangerous I LOVE YOU" virus.The suspect was caught in Manila on May 8.
Jonathan's special skills are in hot demand as officials around the world express alarm at the"virtual"crimewave.In between studying for final exams,hanging out with friend s and refereeing his younger brother's football matches,the quiet,gentle teenager also gives lessons on esecurity to large companies.He reads a lot and exchanges information with other computer experts to know much about the latest tricks of the hacker trade.
Many companies have already tried to employ him,but he is not interested at the moment.Instead,he plans to begin law school in the autumn at Sweden's Uppsala University and start up his own e-security company.
Although he works with the FBI now,his family insists he's just"a regular kid."Jonathan is a great kid,he has his friends and he does a lot more than just p
lay with the computer,"his little sister Tessa said,adding that he helps the FBI because "he likes to help",not because he's looking for fame and recognition.
When the world was hit by the "Love Bug"virus,Jonathan was too busy preparing a speech on e-security to look into the problem"Finally on May 7,I had some free time,so I began looking."Within a few hours,he had found thesuspect and emailed his method and results to the FBI.He said his work on the "Melissa"virus,which took three weeks to solve,was a big help in finding the suspect so quickly"This time I knew exactly where to start,I knew what to disregard and what to look at." | 3131.txt | 1 |
[
"where there's a will,there's a way",
"experience is knowledge",
"hard work leads to success",
"failure is the mother of success"
] | From Jonathan's success in finding out the sender of the d angerous"I LOVE YOU"virus we caninfer that _ . | Jonathan James looks like just another kid about to graduate from high school.But this 19yearold Swede is anything but ordinary,from the computer in his parents' home he helps the US Federal Bureau of Investigation(FBI) find out the world's most wanted cyber criminals.
Jonathan first made headlines when he and another Swede,Fredrik Bjoerck,found out the maker of the"Melissa" virusin March 1999.He came to the aid of the FBI again on May 7,finding out the suspected s ender of the dangerous I LOVE YOU" virus.The suspect was caught in Manila on May 8.
Jonathan's special skills are in hot demand as officials around the world express alarm at the"virtual"crimewave.In between studying for final exams,hanging out with friend s and refereeing his younger brother's football matches,the quiet,gentle teenager also gives lessons on esecurity to large companies.He reads a lot and exchanges information with other computer experts to know much about the latest tricks of the hacker trade.
Many companies have already tried to employ him,but he is not interested at the moment.Instead,he plans to begin law school in the autumn at Sweden's Uppsala University and start up his own e-security company.
Although he works with the FBI now,his family insists he's just"a regular kid."Jonathan is a great kid,he has his friends and he does a lot more than just p
lay with the computer,"his little sister Tessa said,adding that he helps the FBI because "he likes to help",not because he's looking for fame and recognition.
When the world was hit by the "Love Bug"virus,Jonathan was too busy preparing a speech on e-security to look into the problem"Finally on May 7,I had some free time,so I began looking."Within a few hours,he had found thesuspect and emailed his method and results to the FBI.He said his work on the "Melissa"virus,which took three weeks to solve,was a big help in finding the suspect so quickly"This time I knew exactly where to start,I knew what to disregard and what to look at." | 3131.txt | 1 |
[
"He is a good fame hunter with various abilities.",
"He is such a brave fighter that any criminal will feel afraid.",
"He is an expert on security,not interested in running a company.",
"He is a regular kid but does something unusual."
] | What do we know about Jonathan? | Jonathan James looks like just another kid about to graduate from high school.But this 19yearold Swede is anything but ordinary,from the computer in his parents' home he helps the US Federal Bureau of Investigation(FBI) find out the world's most wanted cyber criminals.
Jonathan first made headlines when he and another Swede,Fredrik Bjoerck,found out the maker of the"Melissa" virusin March 1999.He came to the aid of the FBI again on May 7,finding out the suspected s ender of the dangerous I LOVE YOU" virus.The suspect was caught in Manila on May 8.
Jonathan's special skills are in hot demand as officials around the world express alarm at the"virtual"crimewave.In between studying for final exams,hanging out with friend s and refereeing his younger brother's football matches,the quiet,gentle teenager also gives lessons on esecurity to large companies.He reads a lot and exchanges information with other computer experts to know much about the latest tricks of the hacker trade.
Many companies have already tried to employ him,but he is not interested at the moment.Instead,he plans to begin law school in the autumn at Sweden's Uppsala University and start up his own e-security company.
Although he works with the FBI now,his family insists he's just"a regular kid."Jonathan is a great kid,he has his friends and he does a lot more than just p
lay with the computer,"his little sister Tessa said,adding that he helps the FBI because "he likes to help",not because he's looking for fame and recognition.
When the world was hit by the "Love Bug"virus,Jonathan was too busy preparing a speech on e-security to look into the problem"Finally on May 7,I had some free time,so I began looking."Within a few hours,he had found thesuspect and emailed his method and results to the FBI.He said his work on the "Melissa"virus,which took three weeks to solve,was a big help in finding the suspect so quickly"This time I knew exactly where to start,I knew what to disregard and what to look at." | 3131.txt | 3 |
[
"Why statistics don't tell the truth about the economy.",
"Why affluence doesn't guarantee happiness.",
"How happiness can be promoted today.",
"What lies behind an economic boom."
] | What question does John Kenneth Galbraith raise in his book The Affluent Society? | You hear the refrain all the time: the U.S. economy looks good statistically, but it doesn't feel good. Why doesn't ever-greater wealth promote ever-greater happiness? It is a question that dates at least to the appearance in 1958 of The Affluent Society by John Kenneth Galbraith, who died recently at 97.
The Affluent Society is a modern classic because it helped define a new moment in the human condition. For most of history, "hunger, sickness, and cold" threatened nearly everyone, Galbraith wrote. "Poverty was found everywhere in that world. Obviously it is not of ours." After World War II, the dread of another Great Depression gave way to an economic boom. In the 1930s unemployment had averaged 18.2 percent; in the 1950s it was 4.5 percent.
To Galbraith, materialism had gone mad and would breed discontent. Through advertising, companies conditioned consumers to buy things they didn't really want or need. Because so much spending was artificial, it would be unfulfilling. Meanwhile, government spending that would make everyone better off was being cut down because people instinctively-and wrongly-labeled government only as "a necessary evil."
It's often said that only the rich are getting ahead; everyone else is standing still or falling behind. Well, there are many undeserving rich-overpaid chief executives, for instance. But over any meaningful period, most people's incomes are increasing. From 1995 to 2004, inflation-adjusted average family income rose 14.3 percent, to $43,200. people feel "squeezed" because their rising incomes often don't satisfy their rising wants-for bigger homes, more health care, more education, faster Internet connections.
The other great frustration is that it has not eliminated insecurity. People regard job stability as part of their standard of living. As corporate layoffs increased, that part has eroded. More workers fear they've become "the disposable American," as Louis Uchitelle puts it in his book by the same name.
Because so much previous suffering and social conflict stemmed from poverty, the arrival of widespread affluence suggested utopian possibilities. Up to a point, affluence succeeds. There is much les physical misery than before. People are better off. Unfortunately, affluence also creates new complaints and contradictions.
Advanced societies need economic growth to satisfy the multiplying wants of their citizens. But the quest for growth lets loose new anxieties and economic conflicts that disturb the social order. Affluence liberates the individual, promising that everyone can choose a unique way to self-fulfillment. But the promise is so extravagant that it predestines many disappointments and sometimes inspires choices that have anti-social consequences, including family breakdown and obesity . Statistical indicators of happiness have not risen with incomes.
Should we be surprised? Not really. We've simply reaffirmed an old truth: the pursuit of affluence does not always end with happiness. | 830.txt | 1 |
[
"public spending hasn't been cut down as expected",
"the government has proved to be a necessary evil",
"they are in fear of another Great Depression",
"materialism has run wild in modern society"
] | According to Galbraith, people feel discontented because ________. | You hear the refrain all the time: the U.S. economy looks good statistically, but it doesn't feel good. Why doesn't ever-greater wealth promote ever-greater happiness? It is a question that dates at least to the appearance in 1958 of The Affluent Society by John Kenneth Galbraith, who died recently at 97.
The Affluent Society is a modern classic because it helped define a new moment in the human condition. For most of history, "hunger, sickness, and cold" threatened nearly everyone, Galbraith wrote. "Poverty was found everywhere in that world. Obviously it is not of ours." After World War II, the dread of another Great Depression gave way to an economic boom. In the 1930s unemployment had averaged 18.2 percent; in the 1950s it was 4.5 percent.
To Galbraith, materialism had gone mad and would breed discontent. Through advertising, companies conditioned consumers to buy things they didn't really want or need. Because so much spending was artificial, it would be unfulfilling. Meanwhile, government spending that would make everyone better off was being cut down because people instinctively-and wrongly-labeled government only as "a necessary evil."
It's often said that only the rich are getting ahead; everyone else is standing still or falling behind. Well, there are many undeserving rich-overpaid chief executives, for instance. But over any meaningful period, most people's incomes are increasing. From 1995 to 2004, inflation-adjusted average family income rose 14.3 percent, to $43,200. people feel "squeezed" because their rising incomes often don't satisfy their rising wants-for bigger homes, more health care, more education, faster Internet connections.
The other great frustration is that it has not eliminated insecurity. People regard job stability as part of their standard of living. As corporate layoffs increased, that part has eroded. More workers fear they've become "the disposable American," as Louis Uchitelle puts it in his book by the same name.
Because so much previous suffering and social conflict stemmed from poverty, the arrival of widespread affluence suggested utopian possibilities. Up to a point, affluence succeeds. There is much les physical misery than before. People are better off. Unfortunately, affluence also creates new complaints and contradictions.
Advanced societies need economic growth to satisfy the multiplying wants of their citizens. But the quest for growth lets loose new anxieties and economic conflicts that disturb the social order. Affluence liberates the individual, promising that everyone can choose a unique way to self-fulfillment. But the promise is so extravagant that it predestines many disappointments and sometimes inspires choices that have anti-social consequences, including family breakdown and obesity . Statistical indicators of happiness have not risen with incomes.
Should we be surprised? Not really. We've simply reaffirmed an old truth: the pursuit of affluence does not always end with happiness. | 830.txt | 3 |
[
"Their material pursuits have gone far ahead of their earnings.",
"Their purchasing power has dropped markedly with inflation.",
"The distribution of wealth is uneven between the r5ich and the poor.",
"Health care and educational cost have somehow gone out of control."
] | Why do people feel squeezed when their average income rises considerably? | You hear the refrain all the time: the U.S. economy looks good statistically, but it doesn't feel good. Why doesn't ever-greater wealth promote ever-greater happiness? It is a question that dates at least to the appearance in 1958 of The Affluent Society by John Kenneth Galbraith, who died recently at 97.
The Affluent Society is a modern classic because it helped define a new moment in the human condition. For most of history, "hunger, sickness, and cold" threatened nearly everyone, Galbraith wrote. "Poverty was found everywhere in that world. Obviously it is not of ours." After World War II, the dread of another Great Depression gave way to an economic boom. In the 1930s unemployment had averaged 18.2 percent; in the 1950s it was 4.5 percent.
To Galbraith, materialism had gone mad and would breed discontent. Through advertising, companies conditioned consumers to buy things they didn't really want or need. Because so much spending was artificial, it would be unfulfilling. Meanwhile, government spending that would make everyone better off was being cut down because people instinctively-and wrongly-labeled government only as "a necessary evil."
It's often said that only the rich are getting ahead; everyone else is standing still or falling behind. Well, there are many undeserving rich-overpaid chief executives, for instance. But over any meaningful period, most people's incomes are increasing. From 1995 to 2004, inflation-adjusted average family income rose 14.3 percent, to $43,200. people feel "squeezed" because their rising incomes often don't satisfy their rising wants-for bigger homes, more health care, more education, faster Internet connections.
The other great frustration is that it has not eliminated insecurity. People regard job stability as part of their standard of living. As corporate layoffs increased, that part has eroded. More workers fear they've become "the disposable American," as Louis Uchitelle puts it in his book by the same name.
Because so much previous suffering and social conflict stemmed from poverty, the arrival of widespread affluence suggested utopian possibilities. Up to a point, affluence succeeds. There is much les physical misery than before. People are better off. Unfortunately, affluence also creates new complaints and contradictions.
Advanced societies need economic growth to satisfy the multiplying wants of their citizens. But the quest for growth lets loose new anxieties and economic conflicts that disturb the social order. Affluence liberates the individual, promising that everyone can choose a unique way to self-fulfillment. But the promise is so extravagant that it predestines many disappointments and sometimes inspires choices that have anti-social consequences, including family breakdown and obesity . Statistical indicators of happiness have not risen with incomes.
Should we be surprised? Not really. We've simply reaffirmed an old truth: the pursuit of affluence does not always end with happiness. | 830.txt | 0 |
[
"Those who see job stability as part of their living standard.",
"People full of utopian ideas resulting from affluence.",
"People who have little say in American politics.",
"Workers who no longer have secure jobs."
] | What does Louis Uchitelle mean by "the disposable American" (Line 3, Para. 5)? | You hear the refrain all the time: the U.S. economy looks good statistically, but it doesn't feel good. Why doesn't ever-greater wealth promote ever-greater happiness? It is a question that dates at least to the appearance in 1958 of The Affluent Society by John Kenneth Galbraith, who died recently at 97.
The Affluent Society is a modern classic because it helped define a new moment in the human condition. For most of history, "hunger, sickness, and cold" threatened nearly everyone, Galbraith wrote. "Poverty was found everywhere in that world. Obviously it is not of ours." After World War II, the dread of another Great Depression gave way to an economic boom. In the 1930s unemployment had averaged 18.2 percent; in the 1950s it was 4.5 percent.
To Galbraith, materialism had gone mad and would breed discontent. Through advertising, companies conditioned consumers to buy things they didn't really want or need. Because so much spending was artificial, it would be unfulfilling. Meanwhile, government spending that would make everyone better off was being cut down because people instinctively-and wrongly-labeled government only as "a necessary evil."
It's often said that only the rich are getting ahead; everyone else is standing still or falling behind. Well, there are many undeserving rich-overpaid chief executives, for instance. But over any meaningful period, most people's incomes are increasing. From 1995 to 2004, inflation-adjusted average family income rose 14.3 percent, to $43,200. people feel "squeezed" because their rising incomes often don't satisfy their rising wants-for bigger homes, more health care, more education, faster Internet connections.
The other great frustration is that it has not eliminated insecurity. People regard job stability as part of their standard of living. As corporate layoffs increased, that part has eroded. More workers fear they've become "the disposable American," as Louis Uchitelle puts it in his book by the same name.
Because so much previous suffering and social conflict stemmed from poverty, the arrival of widespread affluence suggested utopian possibilities. Up to a point, affluence succeeds. There is much les physical misery than before. People are better off. Unfortunately, affluence also creates new complaints and contradictions.
Advanced societies need economic growth to satisfy the multiplying wants of their citizens. But the quest for growth lets loose new anxieties and economic conflicts that disturb the social order. Affluence liberates the individual, promising that everyone can choose a unique way to self-fulfillment. But the promise is so extravagant that it predestines many disappointments and sometimes inspires choices that have anti-social consequences, including family breakdown and obesity . Statistical indicators of happiness have not risen with incomes.
Should we be surprised? Not really. We've simply reaffirmed an old truth: the pursuit of affluence does not always end with happiness. | 830.txt | 3 |
[
"Renewed economic security.",
"A sense of self-fulfillment.",
"New conflicts and complaints.",
"Misery and anti-social behavior."
] | What has affluence brought to American society? | You hear the refrain all the time: the U.S. economy looks good statistically, but it doesn't feel good. Why doesn't ever-greater wealth promote ever-greater happiness? It is a question that dates at least to the appearance in 1958 of The Affluent Society by John Kenneth Galbraith, who died recently at 97.
The Affluent Society is a modern classic because it helped define a new moment in the human condition. For most of history, "hunger, sickness, and cold" threatened nearly everyone, Galbraith wrote. "Poverty was found everywhere in that world. Obviously it is not of ours." After World War II, the dread of another Great Depression gave way to an economic boom. In the 1930s unemployment had averaged 18.2 percent; in the 1950s it was 4.5 percent.
To Galbraith, materialism had gone mad and would breed discontent. Through advertising, companies conditioned consumers to buy things they didn't really want or need. Because so much spending was artificial, it would be unfulfilling. Meanwhile, government spending that would make everyone better off was being cut down because people instinctively-and wrongly-labeled government only as "a necessary evil."
It's often said that only the rich are getting ahead; everyone else is standing still or falling behind. Well, there are many undeserving rich-overpaid chief executives, for instance. But over any meaningful period, most people's incomes are increasing. From 1995 to 2004, inflation-adjusted average family income rose 14.3 percent, to $43,200. people feel "squeezed" because their rising incomes often don't satisfy their rising wants-for bigger homes, more health care, more education, faster Internet connections.
The other great frustration is that it has not eliminated insecurity. People regard job stability as part of their standard of living. As corporate layoffs increased, that part has eroded. More workers fear they've become "the disposable American," as Louis Uchitelle puts it in his book by the same name.
Because so much previous suffering and social conflict stemmed from poverty, the arrival of widespread affluence suggested utopian possibilities. Up to a point, affluence succeeds. There is much les physical misery than before. People are better off. Unfortunately, affluence also creates new complaints and contradictions.
Advanced societies need economic growth to satisfy the multiplying wants of their citizens. But the quest for growth lets loose new anxieties and economic conflicts that disturb the social order. Affluence liberates the individual, promising that everyone can choose a unique way to self-fulfillment. But the promise is so extravagant that it predestines many disappointments and sometimes inspires choices that have anti-social consequences, including family breakdown and obesity . Statistical indicators of happiness have not risen with incomes.
Should we be surprised? Not really. We've simply reaffirmed an old truth: the pursuit of affluence does not always end with happiness. | 830.txt | 2 |
[
"Agricultural productivity declined.",
"There was relatively little economicgrowth.",
"The general level of prosperity declined.",
"Foreign trade began to play an importantrole in the economy."
] | According to paragraph 1, what was trueof Europe during the medieval period? | In the late sixteenth century and into the seventeenth, Europe continued the growth that had lifted it out of the relatively less prosperous medieval period (from the mid 400s to the late 1400s). Among the key factors behind this growth were increased agricultural productivity and an expansion of trade.
Populations cannot grow unless the rural economy can produce enough additional food to feed more people. During the sixteenth century, farmers brought more land into cultivation at the expense of forests and fens (low-lying wetlands). Dutch land reclamation in the Netherlands in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries provides the most spectacular example of the expansion of farmland: the Dutch reclaimed more than 36.000 acres from 1590 to 1615 alone.
Much of the potential for European economic development lay in what at first glance would seem to have been only sleepy villages. Such villages, however, generally lay in regions of relatively advanced agricultural production, permitting not only the survival of peasants but also the accumulation of an agricultural surplus for investment. They had access to urban merchants, markets, and trade routes.
Increased agricultural production in turn facilitated rural industry, an intrinsic part of the expansion of industry. Woolens and textile manufacturers, in particular, utilized rural cottage (in-home) production, which took advantage of cheap and plentiful rural labor. In the German states, the ravages of the Thirty Years' War (1618-1648) further moved textile production into the countryside. Members of poor peasant families spun or wove cloth and linens at home for scant remuneration in an attempt to supplement meager family income.
More extended trading networks also helped develop Europe's economy in this period. English and Dutch ships carrying rye from the Baltic states reached Spain and Portugal. Population growth generated an expansion of small-scale manufacturing, particularly of handicrafts, textiles, and metal production in England, Flanders, parts of northern Italy, the southwestern German states, and parts of Spain. Only iron smelting and mining required marshaling a significant amount of capital (wealth invested to create more wealth).
The development of banking and other financial services contributed to the expansion of trade. By the middle of the sixteenth century, financiers and traders commonly accepted bills of exchange in place of gold or silver for other goods. Bills of exchange, which had their origins in medieval Italy, were promissory notes (written promises to pay a specified amount of money by a certain date) that could be sold to third parties. In this way, they provided credit.At mid-century, an Antwerp financier only slightly exaggerated when he claimed, "0ne can no more trade without bills of exchange than sail without water." Merchants no longer had to carry gold and silver over long, dangerous journeys.An Amsterdam merchant purchasing soap from a merchant in Marseille could go to an exchanger and pay the exchanger the equivalent sum in guilders, the Dutch currency.The exchanger would then send a bill of exchange to a colleague in Marseille, authorizing the colleague to pay the Marseille merchant in the merchant's own currency after the actual exchange of goods had taken place.
Bills of exchange contributed to the development of banks, as exchangers began to provide loans. Not until the eighteenth century, however, did such banks as the Bank of Amsterdam and the Bank of England begin to provide capital for business investment. Their principal function was to provide funds for the state.
The rapid expansion in international trade also benefitted from an infusion of capital, stemming largely from gold and silver brought by Spanish vessels from the Americas. This capital financed the production of goods, storage, trade, and even credit across Europe and overseas. Moreover an increased credit supply was generated by investments and loans by bankers and wealthy merchants to states and by joint-stock partnerships-an English innovation (the first major company began in 1600). Unlike short-term financial cooperation between investors for a single commercial undertaking, joint-stock companies provided permanent funding of capital by drawing on the investments of merchants and other investors who purchased shares in the company. | 965.txt | 1 |
[
"historical",
"many",
"important",
"hidden"
] | The word key in the passage(Paragraph1)is closest in meaning to | In the late sixteenth century and into the seventeenth, Europe continued the growth that had lifted it out of the relatively less prosperous medieval period (from the mid 400s to the late 1400s). Among the key factors behind this growth were increased agricultural productivity and an expansion of trade.
Populations cannot grow unless the rural economy can produce enough additional food to feed more people. During the sixteenth century, farmers brought more land into cultivation at the expense of forests and fens (low-lying wetlands). Dutch land reclamation in the Netherlands in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries provides the most spectacular example of the expansion of farmland: the Dutch reclaimed more than 36.000 acres from 1590 to 1615 alone.
Much of the potential for European economic development lay in what at first glance would seem to have been only sleepy villages. Such villages, however, generally lay in regions of relatively advanced agricultural production, permitting not only the survival of peasants but also the accumulation of an agricultural surplus for investment. They had access to urban merchants, markets, and trade routes.
Increased agricultural production in turn facilitated rural industry, an intrinsic part of the expansion of industry. Woolens and textile manufacturers, in particular, utilized rural cottage (in-home) production, which took advantage of cheap and plentiful rural labor. In the German states, the ravages of the Thirty Years' War (1618-1648) further moved textile production into the countryside. Members of poor peasant families spun or wove cloth and linens at home for scant remuneration in an attempt to supplement meager family income.
More extended trading networks also helped develop Europe's economy in this period. English and Dutch ships carrying rye from the Baltic states reached Spain and Portugal. Population growth generated an expansion of small-scale manufacturing, particularly of handicrafts, textiles, and metal production in England, Flanders, parts of northern Italy, the southwestern German states, and parts of Spain. Only iron smelting and mining required marshaling a significant amount of capital (wealth invested to create more wealth).
The development of banking and other financial services contributed to the expansion of trade. By the middle of the sixteenth century, financiers and traders commonly accepted bills of exchange in place of gold or silver for other goods. Bills of exchange, which had their origins in medieval Italy, were promissory notes (written promises to pay a specified amount of money by a certain date) that could be sold to third parties. In this way, they provided credit.At mid-century, an Antwerp financier only slightly exaggerated when he claimed, "0ne can no more trade without bills of exchange than sail without water." Merchants no longer had to carry gold and silver over long, dangerous journeys.An Amsterdam merchant purchasing soap from a merchant in Marseille could go to an exchanger and pay the exchanger the equivalent sum in guilders, the Dutch currency.The exchanger would then send a bill of exchange to a colleague in Marseille, authorizing the colleague to pay the Marseille merchant in the merchant's own currency after the actual exchange of goods had taken place.
Bills of exchange contributed to the development of banks, as exchangers began to provide loans. Not until the eighteenth century, however, did such banks as the Bank of Amsterdam and the Bank of England begin to provide capital for business investment. Their principal function was to provide funds for the state.
The rapid expansion in international trade also benefitted from an infusion of capital, stemming largely from gold and silver brought by Spanish vessels from the Americas. This capital financed the production of goods, storage, trade, and even credit across Europe and overseas. Moreover an increased credit supply was generated by investments and loans by bankers and wealthy merchants to states and by joint-stock partnerships-an English innovation (the first major company began in 1600). Unlike short-term financial cooperation between investors for a single commercial undertaking, joint-stock companies provided permanent funding of capital by drawing on the investments of merchants and other investors who purchased shares in the company. | 965.txt | 2 |
[
"land was cultivated in a different way",
"more farmers were needed",
"the rural economy was weakened",
"forests and wetlands were used forfarming"
] | According to paragraph 2, one effect ofthe desire to increase food production was that | In the late sixteenth century and into the seventeenth, Europe continued the growth that had lifted it out of the relatively less prosperous medieval period (from the mid 400s to the late 1400s). Among the key factors behind this growth were increased agricultural productivity and an expansion of trade.
Populations cannot grow unless the rural economy can produce enough additional food to feed more people. During the sixteenth century, farmers brought more land into cultivation at the expense of forests and fens (low-lying wetlands). Dutch land reclamation in the Netherlands in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries provides the most spectacular example of the expansion of farmland: the Dutch reclaimed more than 36.000 acres from 1590 to 1615 alone.
Much of the potential for European economic development lay in what at first glance would seem to have been only sleepy villages. Such villages, however, generally lay in regions of relatively advanced agricultural production, permitting not only the survival of peasants but also the accumulation of an agricultural surplus for investment. They had access to urban merchants, markets, and trade routes.
Increased agricultural production in turn facilitated rural industry, an intrinsic part of the expansion of industry. Woolens and textile manufacturers, in particular, utilized rural cottage (in-home) production, which took advantage of cheap and plentiful rural labor. In the German states, the ravages of the Thirty Years' War (1618-1648) further moved textile production into the countryside. Members of poor peasant families spun or wove cloth and linens at home for scant remuneration in an attempt to supplement meager family income.
More extended trading networks also helped develop Europe's economy in this period. English and Dutch ships carrying rye from the Baltic states reached Spain and Portugal. Population growth generated an expansion of small-scale manufacturing, particularly of handicrafts, textiles, and metal production in England, Flanders, parts of northern Italy, the southwestern German states, and parts of Spain. Only iron smelting and mining required marshaling a significant amount of capital (wealth invested to create more wealth).
The development of banking and other financial services contributed to the expansion of trade. By the middle of the sixteenth century, financiers and traders commonly accepted bills of exchange in place of gold or silver for other goods. Bills of exchange, which had their origins in medieval Italy, were promissory notes (written promises to pay a specified amount of money by a certain date) that could be sold to third parties. In this way, they provided credit.At mid-century, an Antwerp financier only slightly exaggerated when he claimed, "0ne can no more trade without bills of exchange than sail without water." Merchants no longer had to carry gold and silver over long, dangerous journeys.An Amsterdam merchant purchasing soap from a merchant in Marseille could go to an exchanger and pay the exchanger the equivalent sum in guilders, the Dutch currency.The exchanger would then send a bill of exchange to a colleague in Marseille, authorizing the colleague to pay the Marseille merchant in the merchant's own currency after the actual exchange of goods had taken place.
Bills of exchange contributed to the development of banks, as exchangers began to provide loans. Not until the eighteenth century, however, did such banks as the Bank of Amsterdam and the Bank of England begin to provide capital for business investment. Their principal function was to provide funds for the state.
The rapid expansion in international trade also benefitted from an infusion of capital, stemming largely from gold and silver brought by Spanish vessels from the Americas. This capital financed the production of goods, storage, trade, and even credit across Europe and overseas. Moreover an increased credit supply was generated by investments and loans by bankers and wealthy merchants to states and by joint-stock partnerships-an English innovation (the first major company began in 1600). Unlike short-term financial cooperation between investors for a single commercial undertaking, joint-stock companies provided permanent funding of capital by drawing on the investments of merchants and other investors who purchased shares in the company. | 965.txt | 3 |
[
"Villages were located in regions whereagricultural production was relatively advanced.",
"Villages were relatively small inpopulation and size compared with urban areas.",
"Some village inhabitants made investmentsin industrial development.",
"Village inhabitants established markets withintheir villages."
] | According to paragraph 3, what was onereason villages had such great economic potential? | In the late sixteenth century and into the seventeenth, Europe continued the growth that had lifted it out of the relatively less prosperous medieval period (from the mid 400s to the late 1400s). Among the key factors behind this growth were increased agricultural productivity and an expansion of trade.
Populations cannot grow unless the rural economy can produce enough additional food to feed more people. During the sixteenth century, farmers brought more land into cultivation at the expense of forests and fens (low-lying wetlands). Dutch land reclamation in the Netherlands in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries provides the most spectacular example of the expansion of farmland: the Dutch reclaimed more than 36.000 acres from 1590 to 1615 alone.
Much of the potential for European economic development lay in what at first glance would seem to have been only sleepy villages. Such villages, however, generally lay in regions of relatively advanced agricultural production, permitting not only the survival of peasants but also the accumulation of an agricultural surplus for investment. They had access to urban merchants, markets, and trade routes.
Increased agricultural production in turn facilitated rural industry, an intrinsic part of the expansion of industry. Woolens and textile manufacturers, in particular, utilized rural cottage (in-home) production, which took advantage of cheap and plentiful rural labor. In the German states, the ravages of the Thirty Years' War (1618-1648) further moved textile production into the countryside. Members of poor peasant families spun or wove cloth and linens at home for scant remuneration in an attempt to supplement meager family income.
More extended trading networks also helped develop Europe's economy in this period. English and Dutch ships carrying rye from the Baltic states reached Spain and Portugal. Population growth generated an expansion of small-scale manufacturing, particularly of handicrafts, textiles, and metal production in England, Flanders, parts of northern Italy, the southwestern German states, and parts of Spain. Only iron smelting and mining required marshaling a significant amount of capital (wealth invested to create more wealth).
The development of banking and other financial services contributed to the expansion of trade. By the middle of the sixteenth century, financiers and traders commonly accepted bills of exchange in place of gold or silver for other goods. Bills of exchange, which had their origins in medieval Italy, were promissory notes (written promises to pay a specified amount of money by a certain date) that could be sold to third parties. In this way, they provided credit.At mid-century, an Antwerp financier only slightly exaggerated when he claimed, "0ne can no more trade without bills of exchange than sail without water." Merchants no longer had to carry gold and silver over long, dangerous journeys.An Amsterdam merchant purchasing soap from a merchant in Marseille could go to an exchanger and pay the exchanger the equivalent sum in guilders, the Dutch currency.The exchanger would then send a bill of exchange to a colleague in Marseille, authorizing the colleague to pay the Marseille merchant in the merchant's own currency after the actual exchange of goods had taken place.
Bills of exchange contributed to the development of banks, as exchangers began to provide loans. Not until the eighteenth century, however, did such banks as the Bank of Amsterdam and the Bank of England begin to provide capital for business investment. Their principal function was to provide funds for the state.
The rapid expansion in international trade also benefitted from an infusion of capital, stemming largely from gold and silver brought by Spanish vessels from the Americas. This capital financed the production of goods, storage, trade, and even credit across Europe and overseas. Moreover an increased credit supply was generated by investments and loans by bankers and wealthy merchants to states and by joint-stock partnerships-an English innovation (the first major company began in 1600). Unlike short-term financial cooperation between investors for a single commercial undertaking, joint-stock companies provided permanent funding of capital by drawing on the investments of merchants and other investors who purchased shares in the company. | 965.txt | 0 |
[
"increased the number of available workersin rural areas",
"provided new types of raw materials foruse by industry",
"resulted in an improvement in the healthof the rural cottage workers used by manufacturers",
"helped repair some of the ravages of theThirty Years' War"
] | Paragraph 4 supports the idea thatincreased agricultural production was important for the expansion of industryprimarily because it | In the late sixteenth century and into the seventeenth, Europe continued the growth that had lifted it out of the relatively less prosperous medieval period (from the mid 400s to the late 1400s). Among the key factors behind this growth were increased agricultural productivity and an expansion of trade.
Populations cannot grow unless the rural economy can produce enough additional food to feed more people. During the sixteenth century, farmers brought more land into cultivation at the expense of forests and fens (low-lying wetlands). Dutch land reclamation in the Netherlands in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries provides the most spectacular example of the expansion of farmland: the Dutch reclaimed more than 36.000 acres from 1590 to 1615 alone.
Much of the potential for European economic development lay in what at first glance would seem to have been only sleepy villages. Such villages, however, generally lay in regions of relatively advanced agricultural production, permitting not only the survival of peasants but also the accumulation of an agricultural surplus for investment. They had access to urban merchants, markets, and trade routes.
Increased agricultural production in turn facilitated rural industry, an intrinsic part of the expansion of industry. Woolens and textile manufacturers, in particular, utilized rural cottage (in-home) production, which took advantage of cheap and plentiful rural labor. In the German states, the ravages of the Thirty Years' War (1618-1648) further moved textile production into the countryside. Members of poor peasant families spun or wove cloth and linens at home for scant remuneration in an attempt to supplement meager family income.
More extended trading networks also helped develop Europe's economy in this period. English and Dutch ships carrying rye from the Baltic states reached Spain and Portugal. Population growth generated an expansion of small-scale manufacturing, particularly of handicrafts, textiles, and metal production in England, Flanders, parts of northern Italy, the southwestern German states, and parts of Spain. Only iron smelting and mining required marshaling a significant amount of capital (wealth invested to create more wealth).
The development of banking and other financial services contributed to the expansion of trade. By the middle of the sixteenth century, financiers and traders commonly accepted bills of exchange in place of gold or silver for other goods. Bills of exchange, which had their origins in medieval Italy, were promissory notes (written promises to pay a specified amount of money by a certain date) that could be sold to third parties. In this way, they provided credit.At mid-century, an Antwerp financier only slightly exaggerated when he claimed, "0ne can no more trade without bills of exchange than sail without water." Merchants no longer had to carry gold and silver over long, dangerous journeys.An Amsterdam merchant purchasing soap from a merchant in Marseille could go to an exchanger and pay the exchanger the equivalent sum in guilders, the Dutch currency.The exchanger would then send a bill of exchange to a colleague in Marseille, authorizing the colleague to pay the Marseille merchant in the merchant's own currency after the actual exchange of goods had taken place.
Bills of exchange contributed to the development of banks, as exchangers began to provide loans. Not until the eighteenth century, however, did such banks as the Bank of Amsterdam and the Bank of England begin to provide capital for business investment. Their principal function was to provide funds for the state.
The rapid expansion in international trade also benefitted from an infusion of capital, stemming largely from gold and silver brought by Spanish vessels from the Americas. This capital financed the production of goods, storage, trade, and even credit across Europe and overseas. Moreover an increased credit supply was generated by investments and loans by bankers and wealthy merchants to states and by joint-stock partnerships-an English innovation (the first major company began in 1600). Unlike short-term financial cooperation between investors for a single commercial undertaking, joint-stock companies provided permanent funding of capital by drawing on the investments of merchants and other investors who purchased shares in the company. | 965.txt | 0 |
[
"very necessary",
"very low",
"traditional",
"primary"
] | The word "meager" in thepassage(Paragraph 4)is closest in meaning to | In the late sixteenth century and into the seventeenth, Europe continued the growth that had lifted it out of the relatively less prosperous medieval period (from the mid 400s to the late 1400s). Among the key factors behind this growth were increased agricultural productivity and an expansion of trade.
Populations cannot grow unless the rural economy can produce enough additional food to feed more people. During the sixteenth century, farmers brought more land into cultivation at the expense of forests and fens (low-lying wetlands). Dutch land reclamation in the Netherlands in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries provides the most spectacular example of the expansion of farmland: the Dutch reclaimed more than 36.000 acres from 1590 to 1615 alone.
Much of the potential for European economic development lay in what at first glance would seem to have been only sleepy villages. Such villages, however, generally lay in regions of relatively advanced agricultural production, permitting not only the survival of peasants but also the accumulation of an agricultural surplus for investment. They had access to urban merchants, markets, and trade routes.
Increased agricultural production in turn facilitated rural industry, an intrinsic part of the expansion of industry. Woolens and textile manufacturers, in particular, utilized rural cottage (in-home) production, which took advantage of cheap and plentiful rural labor. In the German states, the ravages of the Thirty Years' War (1618-1648) further moved textile production into the countryside. Members of poor peasant families spun or wove cloth and linens at home for scant remuneration in an attempt to supplement meager family income.
More extended trading networks also helped develop Europe's economy in this period. English and Dutch ships carrying rye from the Baltic states reached Spain and Portugal. Population growth generated an expansion of small-scale manufacturing, particularly of handicrafts, textiles, and metal production in England, Flanders, parts of northern Italy, the southwestern German states, and parts of Spain. Only iron smelting and mining required marshaling a significant amount of capital (wealth invested to create more wealth).
The development of banking and other financial services contributed to the expansion of trade. By the middle of the sixteenth century, financiers and traders commonly accepted bills of exchange in place of gold or silver for other goods. Bills of exchange, which had their origins in medieval Italy, were promissory notes (written promises to pay a specified amount of money by a certain date) that could be sold to third parties. In this way, they provided credit.At mid-century, an Antwerp financier only slightly exaggerated when he claimed, "0ne can no more trade without bills of exchange than sail without water." Merchants no longer had to carry gold and silver over long, dangerous journeys.An Amsterdam merchant purchasing soap from a merchant in Marseille could go to an exchanger and pay the exchanger the equivalent sum in guilders, the Dutch currency.The exchanger would then send a bill of exchange to a colleague in Marseille, authorizing the colleague to pay the Marseille merchant in the merchant's own currency after the actual exchange of goods had taken place.
Bills of exchange contributed to the development of banks, as exchangers began to provide loans. Not until the eighteenth century, however, did such banks as the Bank of Amsterdam and the Bank of England begin to provide capital for business investment. Their principal function was to provide funds for the state.
The rapid expansion in international trade also benefitted from an infusion of capital, stemming largely from gold and silver brought by Spanish vessels from the Americas. This capital financed the production of goods, storage, trade, and even credit across Europe and overseas. Moreover an increased credit supply was generated by investments and loans by bankers and wealthy merchants to states and by joint-stock partnerships-an English innovation (the first major company began in 1600). Unlike short-term financial cooperation between investors for a single commercial undertaking, joint-stock companies provided permanent funding of capital by drawing on the investments of merchants and other investors who purchased shares in the company. | 965.txt | 1 |
[
"To suggest that England and theNetherlands were the two most important trading nations in seventeenth-centuryEurope",
"To suggest how extensive tradingrelations were",
"To contrast the importance ofagricultural products with manufactured products",
"To argue that shipping introduced a rangeof new products"
] | Why does the author mention that "Englishand Dutch ships carrying rye from the Baltic states reached Spain andPortugal"(Paragraph 5)? | In the late sixteenth century and into the seventeenth, Europe continued the growth that had lifted it out of the relatively less prosperous medieval period (from the mid 400s to the late 1400s). Among the key factors behind this growth were increased agricultural productivity and an expansion of trade.
Populations cannot grow unless the rural economy can produce enough additional food to feed more people. During the sixteenth century, farmers brought more land into cultivation at the expense of forests and fens (low-lying wetlands). Dutch land reclamation in the Netherlands in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries provides the most spectacular example of the expansion of farmland: the Dutch reclaimed more than 36.000 acres from 1590 to 1615 alone.
Much of the potential for European economic development lay in what at first glance would seem to have been only sleepy villages. Such villages, however, generally lay in regions of relatively advanced agricultural production, permitting not only the survival of peasants but also the accumulation of an agricultural surplus for investment. They had access to urban merchants, markets, and trade routes.
Increased agricultural production in turn facilitated rural industry, an intrinsic part of the expansion of industry. Woolens and textile manufacturers, in particular, utilized rural cottage (in-home) production, which took advantage of cheap and plentiful rural labor. In the German states, the ravages of the Thirty Years' War (1618-1648) further moved textile production into the countryside. Members of poor peasant families spun or wove cloth and linens at home for scant remuneration in an attempt to supplement meager family income.
More extended trading networks also helped develop Europe's economy in this period. English and Dutch ships carrying rye from the Baltic states reached Spain and Portugal. Population growth generated an expansion of small-scale manufacturing, particularly of handicrafts, textiles, and metal production in England, Flanders, parts of northern Italy, the southwestern German states, and parts of Spain. Only iron smelting and mining required marshaling a significant amount of capital (wealth invested to create more wealth).
The development of banking and other financial services contributed to the expansion of trade. By the middle of the sixteenth century, financiers and traders commonly accepted bills of exchange in place of gold or silver for other goods. Bills of exchange, which had their origins in medieval Italy, were promissory notes (written promises to pay a specified amount of money by a certain date) that could be sold to third parties. In this way, they provided credit.At mid-century, an Antwerp financier only slightly exaggerated when he claimed, "0ne can no more trade without bills of exchange than sail without water." Merchants no longer had to carry gold and silver over long, dangerous journeys.An Amsterdam merchant purchasing soap from a merchant in Marseille could go to an exchanger and pay the exchanger the equivalent sum in guilders, the Dutch currency.The exchanger would then send a bill of exchange to a colleague in Marseille, authorizing the colleague to pay the Marseille merchant in the merchant's own currency after the actual exchange of goods had taken place.
Bills of exchange contributed to the development of banks, as exchangers began to provide loans. Not until the eighteenth century, however, did such banks as the Bank of Amsterdam and the Bank of England begin to provide capital for business investment. Their principal function was to provide funds for the state.
The rapid expansion in international trade also benefitted from an infusion of capital, stemming largely from gold and silver brought by Spanish vessels from the Americas. This capital financed the production of goods, storage, trade, and even credit across Europe and overseas. Moreover an increased credit supply was generated by investments and loans by bankers and wealthy merchants to states and by joint-stock partnerships-an English innovation (the first major company began in 1600). Unlike short-term financial cooperation between investors for a single commercial undertaking, joint-stock companies provided permanent funding of capital by drawing on the investments of merchants and other investors who purchased shares in the company. | 965.txt | 1 |
[
"sailing was an important aspect of theeconomy",
"increasing the number of water routesmade trade possible",
"bills of exchange were necessary forsuccessful trading",
"financiers often exaggerated the need forbills of exchange"
] | By including the quotation in paragraph 6by the financier from Antwerp, the author is emphasizing that | In the late sixteenth century and into the seventeenth, Europe continued the growth that had lifted it out of the relatively less prosperous medieval period (from the mid 400s to the late 1400s). Among the key factors behind this growth were increased agricultural productivity and an expansion of trade.
Populations cannot grow unless the rural economy can produce enough additional food to feed more people. During the sixteenth century, farmers brought more land into cultivation at the expense of forests and fens (low-lying wetlands). Dutch land reclamation in the Netherlands in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries provides the most spectacular example of the expansion of farmland: the Dutch reclaimed more than 36.000 acres from 1590 to 1615 alone.
Much of the potential for European economic development lay in what at first glance would seem to have been only sleepy villages. Such villages, however, generally lay in regions of relatively advanced agricultural production, permitting not only the survival of peasants but also the accumulation of an agricultural surplus for investment. They had access to urban merchants, markets, and trade routes.
Increased agricultural production in turn facilitated rural industry, an intrinsic part of the expansion of industry. Woolens and textile manufacturers, in particular, utilized rural cottage (in-home) production, which took advantage of cheap and plentiful rural labor. In the German states, the ravages of the Thirty Years' War (1618-1648) further moved textile production into the countryside. Members of poor peasant families spun or wove cloth and linens at home for scant remuneration in an attempt to supplement meager family income.
More extended trading networks also helped develop Europe's economy in this period. English and Dutch ships carrying rye from the Baltic states reached Spain and Portugal. Population growth generated an expansion of small-scale manufacturing, particularly of handicrafts, textiles, and metal production in England, Flanders, parts of northern Italy, the southwestern German states, and parts of Spain. Only iron smelting and mining required marshaling a significant amount of capital (wealth invested to create more wealth).
The development of banking and other financial services contributed to the expansion of trade. By the middle of the sixteenth century, financiers and traders commonly accepted bills of exchange in place of gold or silver for other goods. Bills of exchange, which had their origins in medieval Italy, were promissory notes (written promises to pay a specified amount of money by a certain date) that could be sold to third parties. In this way, they provided credit.At mid-century, an Antwerp financier only slightly exaggerated when he claimed, "0ne can no more trade without bills of exchange than sail without water." Merchants no longer had to carry gold and silver over long, dangerous journeys.An Amsterdam merchant purchasing soap from a merchant in Marseille could go to an exchanger and pay the exchanger the equivalent sum in guilders, the Dutch currency.The exchanger would then send a bill of exchange to a colleague in Marseille, authorizing the colleague to pay the Marseille merchant in the merchant's own currency after the actual exchange of goods had taken place.
Bills of exchange contributed to the development of banks, as exchangers began to provide loans. Not until the eighteenth century, however, did such banks as the Bank of Amsterdam and the Bank of England begin to provide capital for business investment. Their principal function was to provide funds for the state.
The rapid expansion in international trade also benefitted from an infusion of capital, stemming largely from gold and silver brought by Spanish vessels from the Americas. This capital financed the production of goods, storage, trade, and even credit across Europe and overseas. Moreover an increased credit supply was generated by investments and loans by bankers and wealthy merchants to states and by joint-stock partnerships-an English innovation (the first major company began in 1600). Unlike short-term financial cooperation between investors for a single commercial undertaking, joint-stock companies provided permanent funding of capital by drawing on the investments of merchants and other investors who purchased shares in the company. | 965.txt | 2 |
[
"using third parties in Marseille to buygoods for them",
"doing all their business by using Dutchcurrency",
"paying for their purchases through billsof exchange",
"waiting to pay for goods until the goodshad been delivered"
] | According to paragraph 6, merchants wereable to avoid the risk of carrying large amounts of gold and silver by | In the late sixteenth century and into the seventeenth, Europe continued the growth that had lifted it out of the relatively less prosperous medieval period (from the mid 400s to the late 1400s). Among the key factors behind this growth were increased agricultural productivity and an expansion of trade.
Populations cannot grow unless the rural economy can produce enough additional food to feed more people. During the sixteenth century, farmers brought more land into cultivation at the expense of forests and fens (low-lying wetlands). Dutch land reclamation in the Netherlands in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries provides the most spectacular example of the expansion of farmland: the Dutch reclaimed more than 36.000 acres from 1590 to 1615 alone.
Much of the potential for European economic development lay in what at first glance would seem to have been only sleepy villages. Such villages, however, generally lay in regions of relatively advanced agricultural production, permitting not only the survival of peasants but also the accumulation of an agricultural surplus for investment. They had access to urban merchants, markets, and trade routes.
Increased agricultural production in turn facilitated rural industry, an intrinsic part of the expansion of industry. Woolens and textile manufacturers, in particular, utilized rural cottage (in-home) production, which took advantage of cheap and plentiful rural labor. In the German states, the ravages of the Thirty Years' War (1618-1648) further moved textile production into the countryside. Members of poor peasant families spun or wove cloth and linens at home for scant remuneration in an attempt to supplement meager family income.
More extended trading networks also helped develop Europe's economy in this period. English and Dutch ships carrying rye from the Baltic states reached Spain and Portugal. Population growth generated an expansion of small-scale manufacturing, particularly of handicrafts, textiles, and metal production in England, Flanders, parts of northern Italy, the southwestern German states, and parts of Spain. Only iron smelting and mining required marshaling a significant amount of capital (wealth invested to create more wealth).
The development of banking and other financial services contributed to the expansion of trade. By the middle of the sixteenth century, financiers and traders commonly accepted bills of exchange in place of gold or silver for other goods. Bills of exchange, which had their origins in medieval Italy, were promissory notes (written promises to pay a specified amount of money by a certain date) that could be sold to third parties. In this way, they provided credit.At mid-century, an Antwerp financier only slightly exaggerated when he claimed, "0ne can no more trade without bills of exchange than sail without water." Merchants no longer had to carry gold and silver over long, dangerous journeys.An Amsterdam merchant purchasing soap from a merchant in Marseille could go to an exchanger and pay the exchanger the equivalent sum in guilders, the Dutch currency.The exchanger would then send a bill of exchange to a colleague in Marseille, authorizing the colleague to pay the Marseille merchant in the merchant's own currency after the actual exchange of goods had taken place.
Bills of exchange contributed to the development of banks, as exchangers began to provide loans. Not until the eighteenth century, however, did such banks as the Bank of Amsterdam and the Bank of England begin to provide capital for business investment. Their principal function was to provide funds for the state.
The rapid expansion in international trade also benefitted from an infusion of capital, stemming largely from gold and silver brought by Spanish vessels from the Americas. This capital financed the production of goods, storage, trade, and even credit across Europe and overseas. Moreover an increased credit supply was generated by investments and loans by bankers and wealthy merchants to states and by joint-stock partnerships-an English innovation (the first major company began in 1600). Unlike short-term financial cooperation between investors for a single commercial undertaking, joint-stock companies provided permanent funding of capital by drawing on the investments of merchants and other investors who purchased shares in the company. | 965.txt | 2 |
[
"Bills of exchange",
"Exchangers who took loans",
"Banks",
"Business investment"
] | According to paragraph 7, until theeighteenth century, it was the principal function of which of the following toprovide funds for the state? | In the late sixteenth century and into the seventeenth, Europe continued the growth that had lifted it out of the relatively less prosperous medieval period (from the mid 400s to the late 1400s). Among the key factors behind this growth were increased agricultural productivity and an expansion of trade.
Populations cannot grow unless the rural economy can produce enough additional food to feed more people. During the sixteenth century, farmers brought more land into cultivation at the expense of forests and fens (low-lying wetlands). Dutch land reclamation in the Netherlands in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries provides the most spectacular example of the expansion of farmland: the Dutch reclaimed more than 36.000 acres from 1590 to 1615 alone.
Much of the potential for European economic development lay in what at first glance would seem to have been only sleepy villages. Such villages, however, generally lay in regions of relatively advanced agricultural production, permitting not only the survival of peasants but also the accumulation of an agricultural surplus for investment. They had access to urban merchants, markets, and trade routes.
Increased agricultural production in turn facilitated rural industry, an intrinsic part of the expansion of industry. Woolens and textile manufacturers, in particular, utilized rural cottage (in-home) production, which took advantage of cheap and plentiful rural labor. In the German states, the ravages of the Thirty Years' War (1618-1648) further moved textile production into the countryside. Members of poor peasant families spun or wove cloth and linens at home for scant remuneration in an attempt to supplement meager family income.
More extended trading networks also helped develop Europe's economy in this period. English and Dutch ships carrying rye from the Baltic states reached Spain and Portugal. Population growth generated an expansion of small-scale manufacturing, particularly of handicrafts, textiles, and metal production in England, Flanders, parts of northern Italy, the southwestern German states, and parts of Spain. Only iron smelting and mining required marshaling a significant amount of capital (wealth invested to create more wealth).
The development of banking and other financial services contributed to the expansion of trade. By the middle of the sixteenth century, financiers and traders commonly accepted bills of exchange in place of gold or silver for other goods. Bills of exchange, which had their origins in medieval Italy, were promissory notes (written promises to pay a specified amount of money by a certain date) that could be sold to third parties. In this way, they provided credit.At mid-century, an Antwerp financier only slightly exaggerated when he claimed, "0ne can no more trade without bills of exchange than sail without water." Merchants no longer had to carry gold and silver over long, dangerous journeys.An Amsterdam merchant purchasing soap from a merchant in Marseille could go to an exchanger and pay the exchanger the equivalent sum in guilders, the Dutch currency.The exchanger would then send a bill of exchange to a colleague in Marseille, authorizing the colleague to pay the Marseille merchant in the merchant's own currency after the actual exchange of goods had taken place.
Bills of exchange contributed to the development of banks, as exchangers began to provide loans. Not until the eighteenth century, however, did such banks as the Bank of Amsterdam and the Bank of England begin to provide capital for business investment. Their principal function was to provide funds for the state.
The rapid expansion in international trade also benefitted from an infusion of capital, stemming largely from gold and silver brought by Spanish vessels from the Americas. This capital financed the production of goods, storage, trade, and even credit across Europe and overseas. Moreover an increased credit supply was generated by investments and loans by bankers and wealthy merchants to states and by joint-stock partnerships-an English innovation (the first major company began in 1600). Unlike short-term financial cooperation between investors for a single commercial undertaking, joint-stock companies provided permanent funding of capital by drawing on the investments of merchants and other investors who purchased shares in the company. | 965.txt | 2 |
[
"a new development introduced by the English",
"an arrangement found only in England",
"a type of agreement negotiated inEnglish",
"a type of partnership based on Englishlaw"
] | The phrase "an English innovation" inthe passage(Paragraph 8)is closest in meaning to | In the late sixteenth century and into the seventeenth, Europe continued the growth that had lifted it out of the relatively less prosperous medieval period (from the mid 400s to the late 1400s). Among the key factors behind this growth were increased agricultural productivity and an expansion of trade.
Populations cannot grow unless the rural economy can produce enough additional food to feed more people. During the sixteenth century, farmers brought more land into cultivation at the expense of forests and fens (low-lying wetlands). Dutch land reclamation in the Netherlands in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries provides the most spectacular example of the expansion of farmland: the Dutch reclaimed more than 36.000 acres from 1590 to 1615 alone.
Much of the potential for European economic development lay in what at first glance would seem to have been only sleepy villages. Such villages, however, generally lay in regions of relatively advanced agricultural production, permitting not only the survival of peasants but also the accumulation of an agricultural surplus for investment. They had access to urban merchants, markets, and trade routes.
Increased agricultural production in turn facilitated rural industry, an intrinsic part of the expansion of industry. Woolens and textile manufacturers, in particular, utilized rural cottage (in-home) production, which took advantage of cheap and plentiful rural labor. In the German states, the ravages of the Thirty Years' War (1618-1648) further moved textile production into the countryside. Members of poor peasant families spun or wove cloth and linens at home for scant remuneration in an attempt to supplement meager family income.
More extended trading networks also helped develop Europe's economy in this period. English and Dutch ships carrying rye from the Baltic states reached Spain and Portugal. Population growth generated an expansion of small-scale manufacturing, particularly of handicrafts, textiles, and metal production in England, Flanders, parts of northern Italy, the southwestern German states, and parts of Spain. Only iron smelting and mining required marshaling a significant amount of capital (wealth invested to create more wealth).
The development of banking and other financial services contributed to the expansion of trade. By the middle of the sixteenth century, financiers and traders commonly accepted bills of exchange in place of gold or silver for other goods. Bills of exchange, which had their origins in medieval Italy, were promissory notes (written promises to pay a specified amount of money by a certain date) that could be sold to third parties. In this way, they provided credit.At mid-century, an Antwerp financier only slightly exaggerated when he claimed, "0ne can no more trade without bills of exchange than sail without water." Merchants no longer had to carry gold and silver over long, dangerous journeys.An Amsterdam merchant purchasing soap from a merchant in Marseille could go to an exchanger and pay the exchanger the equivalent sum in guilders, the Dutch currency.The exchanger would then send a bill of exchange to a colleague in Marseille, authorizing the colleague to pay the Marseille merchant in the merchant's own currency after the actual exchange of goods had taken place.
Bills of exchange contributed to the development of banks, as exchangers began to provide loans. Not until the eighteenth century, however, did such banks as the Bank of Amsterdam and the Bank of England begin to provide capital for business investment. Their principal function was to provide funds for the state.
The rapid expansion in international trade also benefitted from an infusion of capital, stemming largely from gold and silver brought by Spanish vessels from the Americas. This capital financed the production of goods, storage, trade, and even credit across Europe and overseas. Moreover an increased credit supply was generated by investments and loans by bankers and wealthy merchants to states and by joint-stock partnerships-an English innovation (the first major company began in 1600). Unlike short-term financial cooperation between investors for a single commercial undertaking, joint-stock companies provided permanent funding of capital by drawing on the investments of merchants and other investors who purchased shares in the company. | 965.txt | 0 |
[
"groups of investors engaged in short-termfinancial cooperation",
"the state",
"wealthy merchants",
"joint-stock companies"
] | According to paragraph 8, each of the following was a source of funds used to finance economic expansion EXCEPT | In the late sixteenth century and into the seventeenth, Europe continued the growth that had lifted it out of the relatively less prosperous medieval period (from the mid 400s to the late 1400s). Among the key factors behind this growth were increased agricultural productivity and an expansion of trade.
Populations cannot grow unless the rural economy can produce enough additional food to feed more people. During the sixteenth century, farmers brought more land into cultivation at the expense of forests and fens (low-lying wetlands). Dutch land reclamation in the Netherlands in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries provides the most spectacular example of the expansion of farmland: the Dutch reclaimed more than 36.000 acres from 1590 to 1615 alone.
Much of the potential for European economic development lay in what at first glance would seem to have been only sleepy villages. Such villages, however, generally lay in regions of relatively advanced agricultural production, permitting not only the survival of peasants but also the accumulation of an agricultural surplus for investment. They had access to urban merchants, markets, and trade routes.
Increased agricultural production in turn facilitated rural industry, an intrinsic part of the expansion of industry. Woolens and textile manufacturers, in particular, utilized rural cottage (in-home) production, which took advantage of cheap and plentiful rural labor. In the German states, the ravages of the Thirty Years' War (1618-1648) further moved textile production into the countryside. Members of poor peasant families spun or wove cloth and linens at home for scant remuneration in an attempt to supplement meager family income.
More extended trading networks also helped develop Europe's economy in this period. English and Dutch ships carrying rye from the Baltic states reached Spain and Portugal. Population growth generated an expansion of small-scale manufacturing, particularly of handicrafts, textiles, and metal production in England, Flanders, parts of northern Italy, the southwestern German states, and parts of Spain. Only iron smelting and mining required marshaling a significant amount of capital (wealth invested to create more wealth).
The development of banking and other financial services contributed to the expansion of trade. By the middle of the sixteenth century, financiers and traders commonly accepted bills of exchange in place of gold or silver for other goods. Bills of exchange, which had their origins in medieval Italy, were promissory notes (written promises to pay a specified amount of money by a certain date) that could be sold to third parties. In this way, they provided credit.At mid-century, an Antwerp financier only slightly exaggerated when he claimed, "0ne can no more trade without bills of exchange than sail without water." Merchants no longer had to carry gold and silver over long, dangerous journeys.An Amsterdam merchant purchasing soap from a merchant in Marseille could go to an exchanger and pay the exchanger the equivalent sum in guilders, the Dutch currency.The exchanger would then send a bill of exchange to a colleague in Marseille, authorizing the colleague to pay the Marseille merchant in the merchant's own currency after the actual exchange of goods had taken place.
Bills of exchange contributed to the development of banks, as exchangers began to provide loans. Not until the eighteenth century, however, did such banks as the Bank of Amsterdam and the Bank of England begin to provide capital for business investment. Their principal function was to provide funds for the state.
The rapid expansion in international trade also benefitted from an infusion of capital, stemming largely from gold and silver brought by Spanish vessels from the Americas. This capital financed the production of goods, storage, trade, and even credit across Europe and overseas. Moreover an increased credit supply was generated by investments and loans by bankers and wealthy merchants to states and by joint-stock partnerships-an English innovation (the first major company began in 1600). Unlike short-term financial cooperation between investors for a single commercial undertaking, joint-stock companies provided permanent funding of capital by drawing on the investments of merchants and other investors who purchased shares in the company. | 965.txt | 1 |
[
"The ever-rising childcare prices.",
"The budgeting of family expenses.",
"The balance between work and family.",
"The selection of a good daycare center."
] | What problem do parents of small kids have to face? | Children are a delight. They are our future. But sadly, hiring someone to take care of them while you go to work is getting more expensive by the year.
Earlier this month, it was reported that the cost of enrolling an infant or small kid at a childcare center rose 3% in 2012, faster than the overall cost of living. There are now large strips of the country where daycare for an infant costs more than a tenth of the average married couple's income.
This is not necessarily a new trend, but it is a somewhat puzzling one. The price of professional childcare has been rising since the 1980s. Yet during that time, pay for professional childcare workers has stood still. Actually caregivers make less today, in real terms, than they did in 1990. Considering that labor costs are responsible for up to 80% of a daycare center's expenses, one would expect flat wages to have meant flat prices.
So who's to blame for higher childcare costs?
Childcare is a carefully regulated industry. States lay down rules about how many children each employee is allowed to watch over, the space care centers need per child, and other minute details. And the stricter the regulations, the higher the costs. If it has to hire a caregiver for every two children, it can't really achieve any economies of scale on labor to save money when other expenses go up. In Massachusetts, where childcare centers must hire one teacher for every three infants, the price of care averaged more than $16,000 per year. In Mississippi, where centers must hire one teacher for every five infants, the price of care averaged less than $5,000.
Unfortunately, I don't have all the daycare-center regulations handy. But I wouldn't be surprised if as the rules have become more elaborate, prices have risen. The tradeoff might be worth it in some cases; after all, the health and safety of children should probably come before cheap service. But certainly, it doesn't seem to be an accident that some of the cheapest daycare available is in the least regulated South. | 2503.txt | 0 |
[
"Why the prices of childcare vary greatly from state to state.",
"Why increased childcare prices have not led to better service.",
"Why childcare workers' pay has not increased with the rising childcare costs.",
"Why there is a severe shortage of childcare professional in a number of states."
] | What does the author feel puzzled about? | Children are a delight. They are our future. But sadly, hiring someone to take care of them while you go to work is getting more expensive by the year.
Earlier this month, it was reported that the cost of enrolling an infant or small kid at a childcare center rose 3% in 2012, faster than the overall cost of living. There are now large strips of the country where daycare for an infant costs more than a tenth of the average married couple's income.
This is not necessarily a new trend, but it is a somewhat puzzling one. The price of professional childcare has been rising since the 1980s. Yet during that time, pay for professional childcare workers has stood still. Actually caregivers make less today, in real terms, than they did in 1990. Considering that labor costs are responsible for up to 80% of a daycare center's expenses, one would expect flat wages to have meant flat prices.
So who's to blame for higher childcare costs?
Childcare is a carefully regulated industry. States lay down rules about how many children each employee is allowed to watch over, the space care centers need per child, and other minute details. And the stricter the regulations, the higher the costs. If it has to hire a caregiver for every two children, it can't really achieve any economies of scale on labor to save money when other expenses go up. In Massachusetts, where childcare centers must hire one teacher for every three infants, the price of care averaged more than $16,000 per year. In Mississippi, where centers must hire one teacher for every five infants, the price of care averaged less than $5,000.
Unfortunately, I don't have all the daycare-center regulations handy. But I wouldn't be surprised if as the rules have become more elaborate, prices have risen. The tradeoff might be worth it in some cases; after all, the health and safety of children should probably come before cheap service. But certainly, it doesn't seem to be an accident that some of the cheapest daycare available is in the least regulated South. | 2503.txt | 2 |
[
"Steady increase in labor costs.",
"Strict government regulations.",
"Lack of support from the state.",
"High administrative expenses."
] | What prevent childcare centers from saving money? | Children are a delight. They are our future. But sadly, hiring someone to take care of them while you go to work is getting more expensive by the year.
Earlier this month, it was reported that the cost of enrolling an infant or small kid at a childcare center rose 3% in 2012, faster than the overall cost of living. There are now large strips of the country where daycare for an infant costs more than a tenth of the average married couple's income.
This is not necessarily a new trend, but it is a somewhat puzzling one. The price of professional childcare has been rising since the 1980s. Yet during that time, pay for professional childcare workers has stood still. Actually caregivers make less today, in real terms, than they did in 1990. Considering that labor costs are responsible for up to 80% of a daycare center's expenses, one would expect flat wages to have meant flat prices.
So who's to blame for higher childcare costs?
Childcare is a carefully regulated industry. States lay down rules about how many children each employee is allowed to watch over, the space care centers need per child, and other minute details. And the stricter the regulations, the higher the costs. If it has to hire a caregiver for every two children, it can't really achieve any economies of scale on labor to save money when other expenses go up. In Massachusetts, where childcare centers must hire one teacher for every three infants, the price of care averaged more than $16,000 per year. In Mississippi, where centers must hire one teacher for every five infants, the price of care averaged less than $5,000.
Unfortunately, I don't have all the daycare-center regulations handy. But I wouldn't be surprised if as the rules have become more elaborate, prices have risen. The tradeoff might be worth it in some cases; after all, the health and safety of children should probably come before cheap service. But certainly, it doesn't seem to be an accident that some of the cheapest daycare available is in the least regulated South. | 2503.txt | 1 |
[
"The overall quality of service is not as good.",
"Payments for caregivers there are not as high.",
"Living expenses there are comparatively low.",
"Each teacher is allowed to care for more kids."
] | Why is the average cost of childcare in Mississippi much lower than in Massachusetts? | Children are a delight. They are our future. But sadly, hiring someone to take care of them while you go to work is getting more expensive by the year.
Earlier this month, it was reported that the cost of enrolling an infant or small kid at a childcare center rose 3% in 2012, faster than the overall cost of living. There are now large strips of the country where daycare for an infant costs more than a tenth of the average married couple's income.
This is not necessarily a new trend, but it is a somewhat puzzling one. The price of professional childcare has been rising since the 1980s. Yet during that time, pay for professional childcare workers has stood still. Actually caregivers make less today, in real terms, than they did in 1990. Considering that labor costs are responsible for up to 80% of a daycare center's expenses, one would expect flat wages to have meant flat prices.
So who's to blame for higher childcare costs?
Childcare is a carefully regulated industry. States lay down rules about how many children each employee is allowed to watch over, the space care centers need per child, and other minute details. And the stricter the regulations, the higher the costs. If it has to hire a caregiver for every two children, it can't really achieve any economies of scale on labor to save money when other expenses go up. In Massachusetts, where childcare centers must hire one teacher for every three infants, the price of care averaged more than $16,000 per year. In Mississippi, where centers must hire one teacher for every five infants, the price of care averaged less than $5,000.
Unfortunately, I don't have all the daycare-center regulations handy. But I wouldn't be surprised if as the rules have become more elaborate, prices have risen. The tradeoff might be worth it in some cases; after all, the health and safety of children should probably come before cheap service. But certainly, it doesn't seem to be an accident that some of the cheapest daycare available is in the least regulated South. | 2503.txt | 3 |
[
"Caregivers should receive regular professional training.",
"Less elaborate rules about childcare might lower costs.",
"It is crucial to strike a balance between quality and costs.",
"It is better for different states to learn from each other."
] | What is the author's view on daycare service? | Children are a delight. They are our future. But sadly, hiring someone to take care of them while you go to work is getting more expensive by the year.
Earlier this month, it was reported that the cost of enrolling an infant or small kid at a childcare center rose 3% in 2012, faster than the overall cost of living. There are now large strips of the country where daycare for an infant costs more than a tenth of the average married couple's income.
This is not necessarily a new trend, but it is a somewhat puzzling one. The price of professional childcare has been rising since the 1980s. Yet during that time, pay for professional childcare workers has stood still. Actually caregivers make less today, in real terms, than they did in 1990. Considering that labor costs are responsible for up to 80% of a daycare center's expenses, one would expect flat wages to have meant flat prices.
So who's to blame for higher childcare costs?
Childcare is a carefully regulated industry. States lay down rules about how many children each employee is allowed to watch over, the space care centers need per child, and other minute details. And the stricter the regulations, the higher the costs. If it has to hire a caregiver for every two children, it can't really achieve any economies of scale on labor to save money when other expenses go up. In Massachusetts, where childcare centers must hire one teacher for every three infants, the price of care averaged more than $16,000 per year. In Mississippi, where centers must hire one teacher for every five infants, the price of care averaged less than $5,000.
Unfortunately, I don't have all the daycare-center regulations handy. But I wouldn't be surprised if as the rules have become more elaborate, prices have risen. The tradeoff might be worth it in some cases; after all, the health and safety of children should probably come before cheap service. But certainly, it doesn't seem to be an accident that some of the cheapest daycare available is in the least regulated South. | 2503.txt | 1 |
[
"were merely national athletic festivals",
"were in the nature of a national event with a strong religious colour",
"had rules which put foreign participants in a disadvantageous position",
"were primarily national events with few foreign participants"
] | In ancient Greece, the Olympic Games . | In ancient Greece athletic festivals were very important and had strong religious associations. The Olympian athletic festival held every four years in honor of Zeus, king of the Olympian Gods, eventually lost its local character, became first a national event and then, after the rules against foreign competitors had been abolished, international. No one knows exactly how far back the Olympic Games go, but some official records date from 776 B.C. The games took place in August on the plain by Mount Olympus. Many thousands of spectators gathered from all parts of Greece, but no married woman was admitted even as a spectator. Slaves, women and dishonored persons were not allowed to compete. The exact sequence of events uncertain, but events included boy's gymnastics, boxing, wrestling, horse racing and field events, though there were fewer sports involved than in the modern Olympic Games.
On the last day of the Games, all the winners were honored by having a ring of holy olive leaves placed on their heads. So great was the honor that the winner of the foot race gave his name to the year of his victory. Although Olympic winners received no prize money, they were, in fact, richly rewarded by their state authorities. How their results compared with modern standards, we unfortunately have no means of telling.
After an uninterrupted history of almost 1,200 years, the Games were suspended by the Romans in 394 A.D. They continued for such a long time because people believed in the philosophy behind the Olympics: the idea that a healthy body produced a healthy mind, and that the spirit of competition in sports and games was preferable to the competition that caused wars. It was over 1,500 years before another such international athletic gathering took place in Athens in 1896.
Nowadays, the Games are held in different countries in turn. The host country provides vast facilities, including a stadium, swimming pools and living accommodation, but competing courtiers pay their own athletes' expenses.
The Olympics start with the arrival in the stadium of a torch, lighted on Mount Olympus by the sun's rays. It is carried by a succession of runners to the stadium. The torch symbolized the continuation of the ancient Greek athletic ideals, and it burns throughout the Games until the closing ceremony. The well-known Olympic flag, however, is a modern conception: the five interlocking rings symbolize the uniting of all five continents participating in the Games. | 3783.txt | 1 |
[
"only male Greek athletes were allowed to participate in the games",
"all Greeks, irrespective of sex, religion or social status, were allowed to take part",
"all Greeks, with the exception of women, were allowed to compete in Games",
"all male Greeks were qualified to compete in the Games"
] | In the early days of ancient Olympic Games . | In ancient Greece athletic festivals were very important and had strong religious associations. The Olympian athletic festival held every four years in honor of Zeus, king of the Olympian Gods, eventually lost its local character, became first a national event and then, after the rules against foreign competitors had been abolished, international. No one knows exactly how far back the Olympic Games go, but some official records date from 776 B.C. The games took place in August on the plain by Mount Olympus. Many thousands of spectators gathered from all parts of Greece, but no married woman was admitted even as a spectator. Slaves, women and dishonored persons were not allowed to compete. The exact sequence of events uncertain, but events included boy's gymnastics, boxing, wrestling, horse racing and field events, though there were fewer sports involved than in the modern Olympic Games.
On the last day of the Games, all the winners were honored by having a ring of holy olive leaves placed on their heads. So great was the honor that the winner of the foot race gave his name to the year of his victory. Although Olympic winners received no prize money, they were, in fact, richly rewarded by their state authorities. How their results compared with modern standards, we unfortunately have no means of telling.
After an uninterrupted history of almost 1,200 years, the Games were suspended by the Romans in 394 A.D. They continued for such a long time because people believed in the philosophy behind the Olympics: the idea that a healthy body produced a healthy mind, and that the spirit of competition in sports and games was preferable to the competition that caused wars. It was over 1,500 years before another such international athletic gathering took place in Athens in 1896.
Nowadays, the Games are held in different countries in turn. The host country provides vast facilities, including a stadium, swimming pools and living accommodation, but competing courtiers pay their own athletes' expenses.
The Olympics start with the arrival in the stadium of a torch, lighted on Mount Olympus by the sun's rays. It is carried by a succession of runners to the stadium. The torch symbolized the continuation of the ancient Greek athletic ideals, and it burns throughout the Games until the closing ceremony. The well-known Olympic flag, however, is a modern conception: the five interlocking rings symbolize the uniting of all five continents participating in the Games. | 3783.txt | 0 |
[
"has not definitely been established",
"varied according to the number of foreign competitors",
"was decided by Zeus, in whose honor the Games were held",
"was considered unimportant"
] | The order of athletic events at the ancient Olympics . | In ancient Greece athletic festivals were very important and had strong religious associations. The Olympian athletic festival held every four years in honor of Zeus, king of the Olympian Gods, eventually lost its local character, became first a national event and then, after the rules against foreign competitors had been abolished, international. No one knows exactly how far back the Olympic Games go, but some official records date from 776 B.C. The games took place in August on the plain by Mount Olympus. Many thousands of spectators gathered from all parts of Greece, but no married woman was admitted even as a spectator. Slaves, women and dishonored persons were not allowed to compete. The exact sequence of events uncertain, but events included boy's gymnastics, boxing, wrestling, horse racing and field events, though there were fewer sports involved than in the modern Olympic Games.
On the last day of the Games, all the winners were honored by having a ring of holy olive leaves placed on their heads. So great was the honor that the winner of the foot race gave his name to the year of his victory. Although Olympic winners received no prize money, they were, in fact, richly rewarded by their state authorities. How their results compared with modern standards, we unfortunately have no means of telling.
After an uninterrupted history of almost 1,200 years, the Games were suspended by the Romans in 394 A.D. They continued for such a long time because people believed in the philosophy behind the Olympics: the idea that a healthy body produced a healthy mind, and that the spirit of competition in sports and games was preferable to the competition that caused wars. It was over 1,500 years before another such international athletic gathering took place in Athens in 1896.
Nowadays, the Games are held in different countries in turn. The host country provides vast facilities, including a stadium, swimming pools and living accommodation, but competing courtiers pay their own athletes' expenses.
The Olympics start with the arrival in the stadium of a torch, lighted on Mount Olympus by the sun's rays. It is carried by a succession of runners to the stadium. The torch symbolized the continuation of the ancient Greek athletic ideals, and it burns throughout the Games until the closing ceremony. The well-known Olympic flag, however, is a modern conception: the five interlocking rings symbolize the uniting of all five continents participating in the Games. | 3783.txt | 0 |
[
"the Greeks had no means of recording the results",
"they are much better",
"details such as the time were not recorded in the past",
"they are much worse"
] | Modern athletes' results cannot be compared with those of ancient runners because . | In ancient Greece athletic festivals were very important and had strong religious associations. The Olympian athletic festival held every four years in honor of Zeus, king of the Olympian Gods, eventually lost its local character, became first a national event and then, after the rules against foreign competitors had been abolished, international. No one knows exactly how far back the Olympic Games go, but some official records date from 776 B.C. The games took place in August on the plain by Mount Olympus. Many thousands of spectators gathered from all parts of Greece, but no married woman was admitted even as a spectator. Slaves, women and dishonored persons were not allowed to compete. The exact sequence of events uncertain, but events included boy's gymnastics, boxing, wrestling, horse racing and field events, though there were fewer sports involved than in the modern Olympic Games.
On the last day of the Games, all the winners were honored by having a ring of holy olive leaves placed on their heads. So great was the honor that the winner of the foot race gave his name to the year of his victory. Although Olympic winners received no prize money, they were, in fact, richly rewarded by their state authorities. How their results compared with modern standards, we unfortunately have no means of telling.
After an uninterrupted history of almost 1,200 years, the Games were suspended by the Romans in 394 A.D. They continued for such a long time because people believed in the philosophy behind the Olympics: the idea that a healthy body produced a healthy mind, and that the spirit of competition in sports and games was preferable to the competition that caused wars. It was over 1,500 years before another such international athletic gathering took place in Athens in 1896.
Nowadays, the Games are held in different countries in turn. The host country provides vast facilities, including a stadium, swimming pools and living accommodation, but competing courtiers pay their own athletes' expenses.
The Olympics start with the arrival in the stadium of a torch, lighted on Mount Olympus by the sun's rays. It is carried by a succession of runners to the stadium. The torch symbolized the continuation of the ancient Greek athletic ideals, and it burns throughout the Games until the closing ceremony. The well-known Olympic flag, however, is a modern conception: the five interlocking rings symbolize the uniting of all five continents participating in the Games. | 3783.txt | 2 |
[
"out of the prize money of the winners",
"out of the funds raised by the competing nations",
"by the athletes themselves",
"by contributions"
] | Nowadays, the athletes' expenses are paid for . | In ancient Greece athletic festivals were very important and had strong religious associations. The Olympian athletic festival held every four years in honor of Zeus, king of the Olympian Gods, eventually lost its local character, became first a national event and then, after the rules against foreign competitors had been abolished, international. No one knows exactly how far back the Olympic Games go, but some official records date from 776 B.C. The games took place in August on the plain by Mount Olympus. Many thousands of spectators gathered from all parts of Greece, but no married woman was admitted even as a spectator. Slaves, women and dishonored persons were not allowed to compete. The exact sequence of events uncertain, but events included boy's gymnastics, boxing, wrestling, horse racing and field events, though there were fewer sports involved than in the modern Olympic Games.
On the last day of the Games, all the winners were honored by having a ring of holy olive leaves placed on their heads. So great was the honor that the winner of the foot race gave his name to the year of his victory. Although Olympic winners received no prize money, they were, in fact, richly rewarded by their state authorities. How their results compared with modern standards, we unfortunately have no means of telling.
After an uninterrupted history of almost 1,200 years, the Games were suspended by the Romans in 394 A.D. They continued for such a long time because people believed in the philosophy behind the Olympics: the idea that a healthy body produced a healthy mind, and that the spirit of competition in sports and games was preferable to the competition that caused wars. It was over 1,500 years before another such international athletic gathering took place in Athens in 1896.
Nowadays, the Games are held in different countries in turn. The host country provides vast facilities, including a stadium, swimming pools and living accommodation, but competing courtiers pay their own athletes' expenses.
The Olympics start with the arrival in the stadium of a torch, lighted on Mount Olympus by the sun's rays. It is carried by a succession of runners to the stadium. The torch symbolized the continuation of the ancient Greek athletic ideals, and it burns throughout the Games until the closing ceremony. The well-known Olympic flag, however, is a modern conception: the five interlocking rings symbolize the uniting of all five continents participating in the Games. | 3783.txt | 1 |
[
"Plays based on science fiction stories.",
"Plays based on non-fiction stories.",
"The daytime serial dramas on TV.",
"Popular documentary films on TV."
] | What is soap opera? | It has been reported that in colleges across the United States, the daytime serial drama known as the soap opera has suddenly become " in" . Between the hours of 11 a. m. and 4:30 p. m., college television lounges are filled with soap opera fans who can't wait to see the next episode in the lives of their favorite characters.
Actually, soaps are more than a college favorite; they're a youth favorite. When school is out, high-school students are in front of their TV sets. One young working woman admitted that she turned down a higher paying job rather than give up watching her favorite serials. During the 1960's, it was uncommon for young people to watch soap operas. The mood of the sixties was very different from now. It was a time of seriousness, and talk was about social issues of great importance.
Now, seriousness has been replaced by fun. Young people want to be happy. It may seem strange that they should turn to soap opera, which is known for showing trouble in people's lives. But soap opera is enjoyment. Young people can identify with the soap opera character, who, like the college-age viewer, is looking for happy love, and probably not finding it. And soap opera gives young people a chance to feel close to people without having to bear any responsibility for their problems. | 727.txt | 2 |
[
"College student viewers.",
"Favorite TV serials.",
"Soap opera fans.",
"College-age viewers."
] | What can be the best title of the passage? | It has been reported that in colleges across the United States, the daytime serial drama known as the soap opera has suddenly become " in" . Between the hours of 11 a. m. and 4:30 p. m., college television lounges are filled with soap opera fans who can't wait to see the next episode in the lives of their favorite characters.
Actually, soaps are more than a college favorite; they're a youth favorite. When school is out, high-school students are in front of their TV sets. One young working woman admitted that she turned down a higher paying job rather than give up watching her favorite serials. During the 1960's, it was uncommon for young people to watch soap operas. The mood of the sixties was very different from now. It was a time of seriousness, and talk was about social issues of great importance.
Now, seriousness has been replaced by fun. Young people want to be happy. It may seem strange that they should turn to soap opera, which is known for showing trouble in people's lives. But soap opera is enjoyment. Young people can identify with the soap opera character, who, like the college-age viewer, is looking for happy love, and probably not finding it. And soap opera gives young people a chance to feel close to people without having to bear any responsibility for their problems. | 727.txt | 2 |
[
"Because the viewers want to be happy and to enjoy themselves.",
"Because the soap opera makes young people feel close to their people.",
"Because the viewers can find themselves in the soap opera characters.",
"Because the young people have to bear the responsibilities for their troubles."
] | Which are not the reasons why the soap opera suddenly becomes " in" according to the passage? | It has been reported that in colleges across the United States, the daytime serial drama known as the soap opera has suddenly become " in" . Between the hours of 11 a. m. and 4:30 p. m., college television lounges are filled with soap opera fans who can't wait to see the next episode in the lives of their favorite characters.
Actually, soaps are more than a college favorite; they're a youth favorite. When school is out, high-school students are in front of their TV sets. One young working woman admitted that she turned down a higher paying job rather than give up watching her favorite serials. During the 1960's, it was uncommon for young people to watch soap operas. The mood of the sixties was very different from now. It was a time of seriousness, and talk was about social issues of great importance.
Now, seriousness has been replaced by fun. Young people want to be happy. It may seem strange that they should turn to soap opera, which is known for showing trouble in people's lives. But soap opera is enjoyment. Young people can identify with the soap opera character, who, like the college-age viewer, is looking for happy love, and probably not finding it. And soap opera gives young people a chance to feel close to people without having to bear any responsibility for their problems. | 727.txt | 3 |
[
"College students like soap operas more than any other social groups.",
"Young people of sixties like soap operas more than people today.",
"Young viewers have turned themselves from the seriousness of sixties to enjoyment now.",
"The young as a whole are trying to look for happy love but in vain."
] | What can learn from the passage? | It has been reported that in colleges across the United States, the daytime serial drama known as the soap opera has suddenly become " in" . Between the hours of 11 a. m. and 4:30 p. m., college television lounges are filled with soap opera fans who can't wait to see the next episode in the lives of their favorite characters.
Actually, soaps are more than a college favorite; they're a youth favorite. When school is out, high-school students are in front of their TV sets. One young working woman admitted that she turned down a higher paying job rather than give up watching her favorite serials. During the 1960's, it was uncommon for young people to watch soap operas. The mood of the sixties was very different from now. It was a time of seriousness, and talk was about social issues of great importance.
Now, seriousness has been replaced by fun. Young people want to be happy. It may seem strange that they should turn to soap opera, which is known for showing trouble in people's lives. But soap opera is enjoyment. Young people can identify with the soap opera character, who, like the college-age viewer, is looking for happy love, and probably not finding it. And soap opera gives young people a chance to feel close to people without having to bear any responsibility for their problems. | 727.txt | 2 |
[
"The people's favorites to drama works have been changed for a long time.",
"The people's favorites to drama works change along with the times.",
"The people's favorites to drama works is changed by the soap opera.",
"The people's favorites have changed the drama works."
] | What message does the author want to convey to us? | It has been reported that in colleges across the United States, the daytime serial drama known as the soap opera has suddenly become " in" . Between the hours of 11 a. m. and 4:30 p. m., college television lounges are filled with soap opera fans who can't wait to see the next episode in the lives of their favorite characters.
Actually, soaps are more than a college favorite; they're a youth favorite. When school is out, high-school students are in front of their TV sets. One young working woman admitted that she turned down a higher paying job rather than give up watching her favorite serials. During the 1960's, it was uncommon for young people to watch soap operas. The mood of the sixties was very different from now. It was a time of seriousness, and talk was about social issues of great importance.
Now, seriousness has been replaced by fun. Young people want to be happy. It may seem strange that they should turn to soap opera, which is known for showing trouble in people's lives. But soap opera is enjoyment. Young people can identify with the soap opera character, who, like the college-age viewer, is looking for happy love, and probably not finding it. And soap opera gives young people a chance to feel close to people without having to bear any responsibility for their problems. | 727.txt | 1 |
[
"They can get ahead only by striving harder.",
"They expect to succeed just like Millennial men.",
"They are generally quite optimistic about their future.",
"They are better educated than their male counterparts."
] | What do we learn from the first paragraph about Millennial women starting their careers? | A new batch of young women-members of the so-called Millennial generation-has been entering the workforce for the past decade. At the starting line of their careers, they are better educated than their mothers and grandmothers had been-or than their young male counterparts are now. But when they look ahead, they see roadblocks to their success. They believe that women are paid less than men for doing the same job. They think it's easier for men to get top executive jobs than it is for them. And they assume that if and when they have children, it will be even harder for them to advance in their careers.
While the public sees greater workplace equality between men and women now than it did 20-30 years ago, most believe more change is needed. Among Millennial women, 75% say this country needs to continue making changes to achieve gender equality in the workplace, compared with 57% of Millennial men. Even so, relatively few young women (15%) say they have been discriminated against at work because of their gender.
As Millennial women come of age they share many of the same views and values about work as their male counterparts. They want jobs that provide security and flexibility, and they place relatively little importance on high pay. At the same time, however, young working women are less likely than men to aim at top management jobs: 34% say they're not interested in becoming a boss or top manager; only 24% of young men say the same. The gender gap on this question is even wider among working adults in their 30s and 40s, when many women face the trade-offs that go with work and motherhood.
These findings are based on a new Pew Research Center survey of 2,002 adults, including 810 Millennials (ages 18-32), conducted Oct. 7-27, 2013. The survey finds that, in spite of the dramatic gains women have made in educational attainment and labor force participation in recent decades, young women view this as a man's world-just as middle-aged and older women do. | 1977.txt | 3 |
[
"They are the target of discrimination.",
"They find it satisfactory on the whole.",
"They think it needs further improving.",
"They find their complaints ignored."
] | How do most Millennial women feel about their treatment in the workplace? | A new batch of young women-members of the so-called Millennial generation-has been entering the workforce for the past decade. At the starting line of their careers, they are better educated than their mothers and grandmothers had been-or than their young male counterparts are now. But when they look ahead, they see roadblocks to their success. They believe that women are paid less than men for doing the same job. They think it's easier for men to get top executive jobs than it is for them. And they assume that if and when they have children, it will be even harder for them to advance in their careers.
While the public sees greater workplace equality between men and women now than it did 20-30 years ago, most believe more change is needed. Among Millennial women, 75% say this country needs to continue making changes to achieve gender equality in the workplace, compared with 57% of Millennial men. Even so, relatively few young women (15%) say they have been discriminated against at work because of their gender.
As Millennial women come of age they share many of the same views and values about work as their male counterparts. They want jobs that provide security and flexibility, and they place relatively little importance on high pay. At the same time, however, young working women are less likely than men to aim at top management jobs: 34% say they're not interested in becoming a boss or top manager; only 24% of young men say the same. The gender gap on this question is even wider among working adults in their 30s and 40s, when many women face the trade-offs that go with work and motherhood.
These findings are based on a new Pew Research Center survey of 2,002 adults, including 810 Millennials (ages 18-32), conducted Oct. 7-27, 2013. The survey finds that, in spite of the dramatic gains women have made in educational attainment and labor force participation in recent decades, young women view this as a man's world-just as middle-aged and older women do. | 1977.txt | 2 |
[
"A sense of accomplishment.",
"Job stability and flexibility.",
"Rewards and promotions.",
"Joy derived from work."
] | What do Millennial women value most when coming of age? | A new batch of young women-members of the so-called Millennial generation-has been entering the workforce for the past decade. At the starting line of their careers, they are better educated than their mothers and grandmothers had been-or than their young male counterparts are now. But when they look ahead, they see roadblocks to their success. They believe that women are paid less than men for doing the same job. They think it's easier for men to get top executive jobs than it is for them. And they assume that if and when they have children, it will be even harder for them to advance in their careers.
While the public sees greater workplace equality between men and women now than it did 20-30 years ago, most believe more change is needed. Among Millennial women, 75% say this country needs to continue making changes to achieve gender equality in the workplace, compared with 57% of Millennial men. Even so, relatively few young women (15%) say they have been discriminated against at work because of their gender.
As Millennial women come of age they share many of the same views and values about work as their male counterparts. They want jobs that provide security and flexibility, and they place relatively little importance on high pay. At the same time, however, young working women are less likely than men to aim at top management jobs: 34% say they're not interested in becoming a boss or top manager; only 24% of young men say the same. The gender gap on this question is even wider among working adults in their 30s and 40s, when many women face the trade-offs that go with work and motherhood.
These findings are based on a new Pew Research Center survey of 2,002 adults, including 810 Millennials (ages 18-32), conducted Oct. 7-27, 2013. The survey finds that, in spite of the dramatic gains women have made in educational attainment and labor force participation in recent decades, young women view this as a man's world-just as middle-aged and older women do. | 1977.txt | 1 |
[
"The welfare of their children.",
"The narrowing of the gender gap.",
"The fulfillment of their dreams in life.",
"The balance between work and family."
] | What are women in their 30s and 40s concerned about? | A new batch of young women-members of the so-called Millennial generation-has been entering the workforce for the past decade. At the starting line of their careers, they are better educated than their mothers and grandmothers had been-or than their young male counterparts are now. But when they look ahead, they see roadblocks to their success. They believe that women are paid less than men for doing the same job. They think it's easier for men to get top executive jobs than it is for them. And they assume that if and when they have children, it will be even harder for them to advance in their careers.
While the public sees greater workplace equality between men and women now than it did 20-30 years ago, most believe more change is needed. Among Millennial women, 75% say this country needs to continue making changes to achieve gender equality in the workplace, compared with 57% of Millennial men. Even so, relatively few young women (15%) say they have been discriminated against at work because of their gender.
As Millennial women come of age they share many of the same views and values about work as their male counterparts. They want jobs that provide security and flexibility, and they place relatively little importance on high pay. At the same time, however, young working women are less likely than men to aim at top management jobs: 34% say they're not interested in becoming a boss or top manager; only 24% of young men say the same. The gender gap on this question is even wider among working adults in their 30s and 40s, when many women face the trade-offs that go with work and motherhood.
These findings are based on a new Pew Research Center survey of 2,002 adults, including 810 Millennials (ages 18-32), conducted Oct. 7-27, 2013. The survey finds that, in spite of the dramatic gains women have made in educational attainment and labor force participation in recent decades, young women view this as a man's world-just as middle-aged and older women do. | 1977.txt | 3 |
[
"They still view this world as one dominated by males.",
"They account for half the workforce in the job market.",
"They see the world differently from older generations.",
"They do better in work than their male counterparts."
] | What conclusion can be drawn about Millennial women from the 2013 survey? | A new batch of young women-members of the so-called Millennial generation-has been entering the workforce for the past decade. At the starting line of their careers, they are better educated than their mothers and grandmothers had been-or than their young male counterparts are now. But when they look ahead, they see roadblocks to their success. They believe that women are paid less than men for doing the same job. They think it's easier for men to get top executive jobs than it is for them. And they assume that if and when they have children, it will be even harder for them to advance in their careers.
While the public sees greater workplace equality between men and women now than it did 20-30 years ago, most believe more change is needed. Among Millennial women, 75% say this country needs to continue making changes to achieve gender equality in the workplace, compared with 57% of Millennial men. Even so, relatively few young women (15%) say they have been discriminated against at work because of their gender.
As Millennial women come of age they share many of the same views and values about work as their male counterparts. They want jobs that provide security and flexibility, and they place relatively little importance on high pay. At the same time, however, young working women are less likely than men to aim at top management jobs: 34% say they're not interested in becoming a boss or top manager; only 24% of young men say the same. The gender gap on this question is even wider among working adults in their 30s and 40s, when many women face the trade-offs that go with work and motherhood.
These findings are based on a new Pew Research Center survey of 2,002 adults, including 810 Millennials (ages 18-32), conducted Oct. 7-27, 2013. The survey finds that, in spite of the dramatic gains women have made in educational attainment and labor force participation in recent decades, young women view this as a man's world-just as middle-aged and older women do. | 1977.txt | 0 |
[
"The record drought forces half of the U. S. to go hungry.",
"The record drought drives up food prices m the U. S.",
"Severe food shortage may happen without proper measures.",
"A vegetarian diet is the only option to avoid disastrous shortages."
] | What can be inferred from the water scientists' warning? | A bull grazes on dry wheat husks(Phi) in Logan, Kansas, one of the regions hit by the record drought that has affected more than half of the U. S. and is expected to drive up food prices.
Leadinu water scientists have issued one of the sternest warnings yet about global food supplies, saying that the world's population may have to switch almost completely to a vegetarian diet over the next 40 years to avoid catastrophic shortages.
Adopting a vegetarian diet is one option to increase the amount of water available to grow more food in an increasingly climate-unstable world, the scientists said. Animal protein-rich food consumes 5 to 10 times more water than a vegetarian diet. One third of the world's arable land is used to grow crops to feed animals. Other options to feed people include eliminating waste and increasing trade between countries in food surplus and those in deficit.
"900 million people already go hungry and 2 billion people are malnourished in spite of the fact that per capita food production continues to increase," they said. "With 70% of all available water being in agriculture, growing more food to feed an additional 2 billion people by 2050 will place greater pressure on available water and land. "
The report is being released at the start of the annual world water conference in Stockholm, Sweden, where 2,500 politicians, UN bodies, non-governmental groups and researchers from 120 countries meet to address global water supply problems.
Competition for water between food production and other uses will intensify pressure on essential resources, the scientists said. "The UN predicts that we must increase food production by 70% by mid-century. This will place additional pressure on our 'already stressed water resources, at a time when we also need to allocate more water to satisfy global energy demand-- which is expected to rise 60% over the coming 30 years--and to generate electricity for the 1.3 billion people currently without it," said the report.
Overeating, undernourishment and waste are all on the rise and increased food production may face future constraints from water scarcity.
"We will need a new recipe to feed the world in the future," said the report's editor, Anders Jagerskog.
A separate report from the International Water Management Institute (IWMI) said the best way for countries to protect millions of farmers from food insecurity in sub-Saharan Africa and south Asia was to help them invest in small pumps and simple technology, rather than to develop expensive, large-scale irrigation projects.
"Farmem across the developing world are increasingly relying on and benefiting from small-scale,locally-relevant water solutions. These techniques could increase yields up to 300% and add tens of billions of U. S. dollars to household revenues across sub-Saharan Africa and south Asia. " said Dr. Colin Chartres, the director general. | 875.txt | 2 |
[
"Grow more animal protein-rich food.",
"Turn pastures into arable lands.",
"Promote trade between countries self-sufficient in food.",
"Increase the amount of water for food production."
] | What do the scientists say can be done to increase food supply? | A bull grazes on dry wheat husks(Phi) in Logan, Kansas, one of the regions hit by the record drought that has affected more than half of the U. S. and is expected to drive up food prices.
Leadinu water scientists have issued one of the sternest warnings yet about global food supplies, saying that the world's population may have to switch almost completely to a vegetarian diet over the next 40 years to avoid catastrophic shortages.
Adopting a vegetarian diet is one option to increase the amount of water available to grow more food in an increasingly climate-unstable world, the scientists said. Animal protein-rich food consumes 5 to 10 times more water than a vegetarian diet. One third of the world's arable land is used to grow crops to feed animals. Other options to feed people include eliminating waste and increasing trade between countries in food surplus and those in deficit.
"900 million people already go hungry and 2 billion people are malnourished in spite of the fact that per capita food production continues to increase," they said. "With 70% of all available water being in agriculture, growing more food to feed an additional 2 billion people by 2050 will place greater pressure on available water and land. "
The report is being released at the start of the annual world water conference in Stockholm, Sweden, where 2,500 politicians, UN bodies, non-governmental groups and researchers from 120 countries meet to address global water supply problems.
Competition for water between food production and other uses will intensify pressure on essential resources, the scientists said. "The UN predicts that we must increase food production by 70% by mid-century. This will place additional pressure on our 'already stressed water resources, at a time when we also need to allocate more water to satisfy global energy demand-- which is expected to rise 60% over the coming 30 years--and to generate electricity for the 1.3 billion people currently without it," said the report.
Overeating, undernourishment and waste are all on the rise and increased food production may face future constraints from water scarcity.
"We will need a new recipe to feed the world in the future," said the report's editor, Anders Jagerskog.
A separate report from the International Water Management Institute (IWMI) said the best way for countries to protect millions of farmers from food insecurity in sub-Saharan Africa and south Asia was to help them invest in small pumps and simple technology, rather than to develop expensive, large-scale irrigation projects.
"Farmem across the developing world are increasingly relying on and benefiting from small-scale,locally-relevant water solutions. These techniques could increase yields up to 300% and add tens of billions of U. S. dollars to household revenues across sub-Saharan Africa and south Asia. " said Dr. Colin Chartres, the director general. | 875.txt | 3 |
[
"per capita food production has been increasing",
"reduced food supply will make more people malnourished",
"70% of water will be used to feed 2 billion people by 2050",
"researchers begin to seek solutions to tackle water problem"
] | According to the water scientists' report, | A bull grazes on dry wheat husks(Phi) in Logan, Kansas, one of the regions hit by the record drought that has affected more than half of the U. S. and is expected to drive up food prices.
Leadinu water scientists have issued one of the sternest warnings yet about global food supplies, saying that the world's population may have to switch almost completely to a vegetarian diet over the next 40 years to avoid catastrophic shortages.
Adopting a vegetarian diet is one option to increase the amount of water available to grow more food in an increasingly climate-unstable world, the scientists said. Animal protein-rich food consumes 5 to 10 times more water than a vegetarian diet. One third of the world's arable land is used to grow crops to feed animals. Other options to feed people include eliminating waste and increasing trade between countries in food surplus and those in deficit.
"900 million people already go hungry and 2 billion people are malnourished in spite of the fact that per capita food production continues to increase," they said. "With 70% of all available water being in agriculture, growing more food to feed an additional 2 billion people by 2050 will place greater pressure on available water and land. "
The report is being released at the start of the annual world water conference in Stockholm, Sweden, where 2,500 politicians, UN bodies, non-governmental groups and researchers from 120 countries meet to address global water supply problems.
Competition for water between food production and other uses will intensify pressure on essential resources, the scientists said. "The UN predicts that we must increase food production by 70% by mid-century. This will place additional pressure on our 'already stressed water resources, at a time when we also need to allocate more water to satisfy global energy demand-- which is expected to rise 60% over the coming 30 years--and to generate electricity for the 1.3 billion people currently without it," said the report.
Overeating, undernourishment and waste are all on the rise and increased food production may face future constraints from water scarcity.
"We will need a new recipe to feed the world in the future," said the report's editor, Anders Jagerskog.
A separate report from the International Water Management Institute (IWMI) said the best way for countries to protect millions of farmers from food insecurity in sub-Saharan Africa and south Asia was to help them invest in small pumps and simple technology, rather than to develop expensive, large-scale irrigation projects.
"Farmem across the developing world are increasingly relying on and benefiting from small-scale,locally-relevant water solutions. These techniques could increase yields up to 300% and add tens of billions of U. S. dollars to household revenues across sub-Saharan Africa and south Asia. " said Dr. Colin Chartres, the director general. | 875.txt | 0 |
[
"more water should be allocated to satisfy energy demand",
"food production must be increased to 70% by mid-century",
"energy demand will intensify pressure on water resources",
"electricity generation must be increased by 60% 30 years later"
] | In regard to the problem of water supply, scientists believe | A bull grazes on dry wheat husks(Phi) in Logan, Kansas, one of the regions hit by the record drought that has affected more than half of the U. S. and is expected to drive up food prices.
Leadinu water scientists have issued one of the sternest warnings yet about global food supplies, saying that the world's population may have to switch almost completely to a vegetarian diet over the next 40 years to avoid catastrophic shortages.
Adopting a vegetarian diet is one option to increase the amount of water available to grow more food in an increasingly climate-unstable world, the scientists said. Animal protein-rich food consumes 5 to 10 times more water than a vegetarian diet. One third of the world's arable land is used to grow crops to feed animals. Other options to feed people include eliminating waste and increasing trade between countries in food surplus and those in deficit.
"900 million people already go hungry and 2 billion people are malnourished in spite of the fact that per capita food production continues to increase," they said. "With 70% of all available water being in agriculture, growing more food to feed an additional 2 billion people by 2050 will place greater pressure on available water and land. "
The report is being released at the start of the annual world water conference in Stockholm, Sweden, where 2,500 politicians, UN bodies, non-governmental groups and researchers from 120 countries meet to address global water supply problems.
Competition for water between food production and other uses will intensify pressure on essential resources, the scientists said. "The UN predicts that we must increase food production by 70% by mid-century. This will place additional pressure on our 'already stressed water resources, at a time when we also need to allocate more water to satisfy global energy demand-- which is expected to rise 60% over the coming 30 years--and to generate electricity for the 1.3 billion people currently without it," said the report.
Overeating, undernourishment and waste are all on the rise and increased food production may face future constraints from water scarcity.
"We will need a new recipe to feed the world in the future," said the report's editor, Anders Jagerskog.
A separate report from the International Water Management Institute (IWMI) said the best way for countries to protect millions of farmers from food insecurity in sub-Saharan Africa and south Asia was to help them invest in small pumps and simple technology, rather than to develop expensive, large-scale irrigation projects.
"Farmem across the developing world are increasingly relying on and benefiting from small-scale,locally-relevant water solutions. These techniques could increase yields up to 300% and add tens of billions of U. S. dollars to household revenues across sub-Saharan Africa and south Asia. " said Dr. Colin Chartres, the director general. | 875.txt | 2 |
[
"Applying small pumps and simple technology.",
"Launching large-scale irrigation projects.",
"Increase the local household revenues.",
"Investing in a new expensive irrigation project."
] | What does the IWMI say is the best solution to food insecurity in sub-Saharan Africa and south Asia? | A bull grazes on dry wheat husks(Phi) in Logan, Kansas, one of the regions hit by the record drought that has affected more than half of the U. S. and is expected to drive up food prices.
Leadinu water scientists have issued one of the sternest warnings yet about global food supplies, saying that the world's population may have to switch almost completely to a vegetarian diet over the next 40 years to avoid catastrophic shortages.
Adopting a vegetarian diet is one option to increase the amount of water available to grow more food in an increasingly climate-unstable world, the scientists said. Animal protein-rich food consumes 5 to 10 times more water than a vegetarian diet. One third of the world's arable land is used to grow crops to feed animals. Other options to feed people include eliminating waste and increasing trade between countries in food surplus and those in deficit.
"900 million people already go hungry and 2 billion people are malnourished in spite of the fact that per capita food production continues to increase," they said. "With 70% of all available water being in agriculture, growing more food to feed an additional 2 billion people by 2050 will place greater pressure on available water and land. "
The report is being released at the start of the annual world water conference in Stockholm, Sweden, where 2,500 politicians, UN bodies, non-governmental groups and researchers from 120 countries meet to address global water supply problems.
Competition for water between food production and other uses will intensify pressure on essential resources, the scientists said. "The UN predicts that we must increase food production by 70% by mid-century. This will place additional pressure on our 'already stressed water resources, at a time when we also need to allocate more water to satisfy global energy demand-- which is expected to rise 60% over the coming 30 years--and to generate electricity for the 1.3 billion people currently without it," said the report.
Overeating, undernourishment and waste are all on the rise and increased food production may face future constraints from water scarcity.
"We will need a new recipe to feed the world in the future," said the report's editor, Anders Jagerskog.
A separate report from the International Water Management Institute (IWMI) said the best way for countries to protect millions of farmers from food insecurity in sub-Saharan Africa and south Asia was to help them invest in small pumps and simple technology, rather than to develop expensive, large-scale irrigation projects.
"Farmem across the developing world are increasingly relying on and benefiting from small-scale,locally-relevant water solutions. These techniques could increase yields up to 300% and add tens of billions of U. S. dollars to household revenues across sub-Saharan Africa and south Asia. " said Dr. Colin Chartres, the director general. | 875.txt | 0 |
[
"are active at night",
"had to be bred in the wild",
"are found on in California",
"almost died out in the 1980s"
] | California condors attract researchers' interest because they. | California Condor's Shocking Recovery
California condors are North America's largest birds, with wind-length of up to 3 meters. In the 1980s, electrical lines and lead poisoning nearly drove them to dying out. Now, electric shock training and medical treatment are helping to rescue these big birds.
In the late 1980s, the last few condors were taken from the wild to be bred.Since 1992,there have been multiple reintroductions to the wild, and there are now more than 150 flying over California and nearby Arizona, Utah and Baja in Mexico.
Electrical lines have been killing them off. "As they go in to rest for the night, they just don't see the power lines," says Bruce Rideout of San Diego Zoo. Their wings can bridge the gap between lines, resulting in electrocution if they touch two lines at once.
So scientists have come up with a shocking idea. Tall poles, placed in large training areas, teach the birds to stay clear of electrical lines by giving them a painful but undeadly electric shock. Before the training was introduced, 66% of set-free birds died of electrocution. This has now dropped to 18%.
Lead poisoning has proved more difficult to deal with. When condors eat dead bodies of other animals containing lead, they absorb large quantities of lead. This affects their nervous systems and ability to produce baby birds, and can lead to kidney failures and death. So condors with high levels of lead are sent to Los Angeles Zoo, where they are treated with calcium EDTA, a chemical that removes lead from the blood over several days. This work is starting to pay off. The annual death rate for adult condors has dropped from 38% in 2000 to 5.4% in 2011.
Rideout's team thinks that the California condors' average survival time in the wild is now just under eight years. "Although these measures are not effective forever, they are vital for now," he says. "They are truly good birds that are worth every effort we put into recovering them. " | 692.txt | 3 |
[
"blocking condors' journey home",
"big killers of Califorbnia condors",
"rest places for condors at night",
"used to keep condors away"
] | Researchers have found electrical lines are. | California Condor's Shocking Recovery
California condors are North America's largest birds, with wind-length of up to 3 meters. In the 1980s, electrical lines and lead poisoning nearly drove them to dying out. Now, electric shock training and medical treatment are helping to rescue these big birds.
In the late 1980s, the last few condors were taken from the wild to be bred.Since 1992,there have been multiple reintroductions to the wild, and there are now more than 150 flying over California and nearby Arizona, Utah and Baja in Mexico.
Electrical lines have been killing them off. "As they go in to rest for the night, they just don't see the power lines," says Bruce Rideout of San Diego Zoo. Their wings can bridge the gap between lines, resulting in electrocution if they touch two lines at once.
So scientists have come up with a shocking idea. Tall poles, placed in large training areas, teach the birds to stay clear of electrical lines by giving them a painful but undeadly electric shock. Before the training was introduced, 66% of set-free birds died of electrocution. This has now dropped to 18%.
Lead poisoning has proved more difficult to deal with. When condors eat dead bodies of other animals containing lead, they absorb large quantities of lead. This affects their nervous systems and ability to produce baby birds, and can lead to kidney failures and death. So condors with high levels of lead are sent to Los Angeles Zoo, where they are treated with calcium EDTA, a chemical that removes lead from the blood over several days. This work is starting to pay off. The annual death rate for adult condors has dropped from 38% in 2000 to 5.4% in 2011.
Rideout's team thinks that the California condors' average survival time in the wild is now just under eight years. "Although these measures are not effective forever, they are vital for now," he says. "They are truly good birds that are worth every effort we put into recovering them. " | 692.txt | 1 |
[
"makes condors too nervous to fly",
"has little effect on condors' kidneys",
"can hardly be gotten rid of form condors' blood",
"makes it different for condors to produce baby birds"
] | According to Paraghaph 5 ,lead poisoning. | California Condor's Shocking Recovery
California condors are North America's largest birds, with wind-length of up to 3 meters. In the 1980s, electrical lines and lead poisoning nearly drove them to dying out. Now, electric shock training and medical treatment are helping to rescue these big birds.
In the late 1980s, the last few condors were taken from the wild to be bred.Since 1992,there have been multiple reintroductions to the wild, and there are now more than 150 flying over California and nearby Arizona, Utah and Baja in Mexico.
Electrical lines have been killing them off. "As they go in to rest for the night, they just don't see the power lines," says Bruce Rideout of San Diego Zoo. Their wings can bridge the gap between lines, resulting in electrocution if they touch two lines at once.
So scientists have come up with a shocking idea. Tall poles, placed in large training areas, teach the birds to stay clear of electrical lines by giving them a painful but undeadly electric shock. Before the training was introduced, 66% of set-free birds died of electrocution. This has now dropped to 18%.
Lead poisoning has proved more difficult to deal with. When condors eat dead bodies of other animals containing lead, they absorb large quantities of lead. This affects their nervous systems and ability to produce baby birds, and can lead to kidney failures and death. So condors with high levels of lead are sent to Los Angeles Zoo, where they are treated with calcium EDTA, a chemical that removes lead from the blood over several days. This work is starting to pay off. The annual death rate for adult condors has dropped from 38% in 2000 to 5.4% in 2011.
Rideout's team thinks that the California condors' average survival time in the wild is now just under eight years. "Although these measures are not effective forever, they are vital for now," he says. "They are truly good birds that are worth every effort we put into recovering them. " | 692.txt | 3 |
[
"the average survival time of condors is satisfactory",
"Rideout's research interest lies in electric engineering",
"the efforts to protect condors have brought good results",
"researchers have found the final answers to the problem"
] | The passage shows that. | California Condor's Shocking Recovery
California condors are North America's largest birds, with wind-length of up to 3 meters. In the 1980s, electrical lines and lead poisoning nearly drove them to dying out. Now, electric shock training and medical treatment are helping to rescue these big birds.
In the late 1980s, the last few condors were taken from the wild to be bred.Since 1992,there have been multiple reintroductions to the wild, and there are now more than 150 flying over California and nearby Arizona, Utah and Baja in Mexico.
Electrical lines have been killing them off. "As they go in to rest for the night, they just don't see the power lines," says Bruce Rideout of San Diego Zoo. Their wings can bridge the gap between lines, resulting in electrocution if they touch two lines at once.
So scientists have come up with a shocking idea. Tall poles, placed in large training areas, teach the birds to stay clear of electrical lines by giving them a painful but undeadly electric shock. Before the training was introduced, 66% of set-free birds died of electrocution. This has now dropped to 18%.
Lead poisoning has proved more difficult to deal with. When condors eat dead bodies of other animals containing lead, they absorb large quantities of lead. This affects their nervous systems and ability to produce baby birds, and can lead to kidney failures and death. So condors with high levels of lead are sent to Los Angeles Zoo, where they are treated with calcium EDTA, a chemical that removes lead from the blood over several days. This work is starting to pay off. The annual death rate for adult condors has dropped from 38% in 2000 to 5.4% in 2011.
Rideout's team thinks that the California condors' average survival time in the wild is now just under eight years. "Although these measures are not effective forever, they are vital for now," he says. "They are truly good birds that are worth every effort we put into recovering them. " | 692.txt | 2 |
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