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[
"make the listener feel emotional",
"strengthen the speaker's understanding",
"strengthen or intensify the speaker's implied meaning to the listener",
"convey the speaker's implied meaning to the listener"
] | It can be inferred from the passage that the basic function of bodily activity in speech is to _ . | What do we think with? Only the brain? Hardly. The brain is like a telephone exchange. It is the switchboard, but not the whole system. Its function is to receive incoming signals, make proper connection, and send the messages through to their destination. For efficient service, the body must function as a whole.
But where is the "mind"? Is it in the brain? Or perhaps in the nervous system? After all, can we say that the mind is in any particular place? It is not a thing, like a leg, or even the brain. It is a function, an activity. Aristotle, twenty-three hundred years ago, observed that the mind was to the body what cutting was to the ax. When the ax is not in use, there is no cutting. So with the mind. "Mind," said Charles H. Woolbert, "is what the body is doing. "
If this activity is necessary for thinking, it is also necessary for carrying thought from one person to another. Observe how people go about the business of ordinary conversation. If you have never done this painstakingly, you have a surprise in store, for good conversationalists are almost constantly in motion. Their heads are continually nodding and shaking sometimes so vigorously that you wonder how their necks can stand the strain.
Even the legs and feet are active. As for the hands and arms, they are seldom still for more than a few seconds at a time.
These people, remember, are not making speeches. They are merely common folk trying to make others understand what they have in mind. They are not conscious of movement. Their speech is not studied. They are just human creatures in a human environment, trying to adapt themselves to a social situation. Yet they converse, not only with oral language, but with visible actions that involve practically every muscle in the body.
In short, because people really think all over, a speaker must talk all over if he succeeds in making people think. | 955.txt | 2 |
[
"The brain is compared to a telephone exchange.",
"The mind is an activity of the nervous system.",
"Some people remain still while talking to others.",
"Many people move their bodies on purpose while talking."
] | Which of the following is TRUE? | What do we think with? Only the brain? Hardly. The brain is like a telephone exchange. It is the switchboard, but not the whole system. Its function is to receive incoming signals, make proper connection, and send the messages through to their destination. For efficient service, the body must function as a whole.
But where is the "mind"? Is it in the brain? Or perhaps in the nervous system? After all, can we say that the mind is in any particular place? It is not a thing, like a leg, or even the brain. It is a function, an activity. Aristotle, twenty-three hundred years ago, observed that the mind was to the body what cutting was to the ax. When the ax is not in use, there is no cutting. So with the mind. "Mind," said Charles H. Woolbert, "is what the body is doing. "
If this activity is necessary for thinking, it is also necessary for carrying thought from one person to another. Observe how people go about the business of ordinary conversation. If you have never done this painstakingly, you have a surprise in store, for good conversationalists are almost constantly in motion. Their heads are continually nodding and shaking sometimes so vigorously that you wonder how their necks can stand the strain.
Even the legs and feet are active. As for the hands and arms, they are seldom still for more than a few seconds at a time.
These people, remember, are not making speeches. They are merely common folk trying to make others understand what they have in mind. They are not conscious of movement. Their speech is not studied. They are just human creatures in a human environment, trying to adapt themselves to a social situation. Yet they converse, not only with oral language, but with visible actions that involve practically every muscle in the body.
In short, because people really think all over, a speaker must talk all over if he succeeds in making people think. | 955.txt | 0 |
[
"Pageants.",
"Costumes on the stage.",
"Costumes for pageants.",
"How to arrange a pageant."
] | The main idea of this passage is | Pageants
Pageants are usually conceived on a fairly large scale, oftenunder the auspices of some local or civic authority or at any ratein connection with local groups of some kind. This sometimesmeans that there is an allocation of funds available for thepurpose of mounting the production, though unfortunately thiswill usually be found to be on the meager side and muchingenuity will have to be used to stretch it so that all performerscan be adequately clothed.
Most pageants have a historical flavour as they usually come about through the celebration of theanniversary of some event of historic importance, or the life or death of some local worthy.Research among archives and books in the public library will probably prove very useful andproduce some workable ideas which will give the production an especially local flavour. From thefirst economy will have to be practiced because there are usually a great number of people todress. Leading characters can be considered individually in the same way as when designing for aplay; but the main body of the performers will need to be planned in groups and the massed effectmust be always borne in mind.
Many pageants take place in daylight in the open air. This is an entirely different problem fromdesigning costumes which are going to be looked at under artificial lighting; for one thing, scenesviewed in the daylight are subject to many more distractions. No longer is everything around cutout by the surrounding darkness, but instead it is very easy to be aware of disturbing movementin the audience of behind the performers. Very theatrically conceived clothes do not always looktheir best when seen in a daylight setting of trees, verdant lawns and old ivy-covered walls; thesame goes for costumes being worn in front of the mellow colors of stately homes. The locationneeds to be studied and then a decision can be made as to what kinds of colors and textures willharmonize best with the surroundings and conditions and then to carry this out as far as possibleon the funds available.
If money is available to dress the performers without recourse to their own help in the provision ofitems, it is best to arrange for all the cutting and pinning together of the costumes to be done byone or two experienced people than to be given out to the groups and individuals for completion.When there is little or no money at all, the garments need to be reduced to the basic necessities.Cloaks and shawls become invaluable, sheets and large bath towels and bath sheets are admirablefor draping. Unwanted curtains and bed spreads can be cut to make tunics, robes and skirts.These are particularly valuable if they are of heavy fabrics such as velvet or chenille.
Colors should be massed together so that there are contrasting groups of dark and light, this willbe found to help the visual result substantially. Crowds of people gathered together in a jumble ofcolors will be ground to look quite purposeless and will lack dramatic impact.
The use of numbers of identical head-dresses, however simply made, are always effective whenworking with groups. If these are made of cardboard and painted boldly the cost can be almostnegligible. Helmets, hats and plumes will all make quite a show even if the costumes are onlyblandest or sheets cleverly draped. The same can be said of the use of banners, shields and poleswith stiff pennants and garlands-anything which will help to have a unifying effect. Any kind ofeye-catching device will always go with a flourish and add excitement to the scenes. | 208.txt | 2 |
[
"money",
"color",
"harmony",
"texture"
] | It can be inferred that the most important factor in costume design is | Pageants
Pageants are usually conceived on a fairly large scale, oftenunder the auspices of some local or civic authority or at any ratein connection with local groups of some kind. This sometimesmeans that there is an allocation of funds available for thepurpose of mounting the production, though unfortunately thiswill usually be found to be on the meager side and muchingenuity will have to be used to stretch it so that all performerscan be adequately clothed.
Most pageants have a historical flavour as they usually come about through the celebration of theanniversary of some event of historic importance, or the life or death of some local worthy.Research among archives and books in the public library will probably prove very useful andproduce some workable ideas which will give the production an especially local flavour. From thefirst economy will have to be practiced because there are usually a great number of people todress. Leading characters can be considered individually in the same way as when designing for aplay; but the main body of the performers will need to be planned in groups and the massed effectmust be always borne in mind.
Many pageants take place in daylight in the open air. This is an entirely different problem fromdesigning costumes which are going to be looked at under artificial lighting; for one thing, scenesviewed in the daylight are subject to many more distractions. No longer is everything around cutout by the surrounding darkness, but instead it is very easy to be aware of disturbing movementin the audience of behind the performers. Very theatrically conceived clothes do not always looktheir best when seen in a daylight setting of trees, verdant lawns and old ivy-covered walls; thesame goes for costumes being worn in front of the mellow colors of stately homes. The locationneeds to be studied and then a decision can be made as to what kinds of colors and textures willharmonize best with the surroundings and conditions and then to carry this out as far as possibleon the funds available.
If money is available to dress the performers without recourse to their own help in the provision ofitems, it is best to arrange for all the cutting and pinning together of the costumes to be done byone or two experienced people than to be given out to the groups and individuals for completion.When there is little or no money at all, the garments need to be reduced to the basic necessities.Cloaks and shawls become invaluable, sheets and large bath towels and bath sheets are admirablefor draping. Unwanted curtains and bed spreads can be cut to make tunics, robes and skirts.These are particularly valuable if they are of heavy fabrics such as velvet or chenille.
Colors should be massed together so that there are contrasting groups of dark and light, this willbe found to help the visual result substantially. Crowds of people gathered together in a jumble ofcolors will be ground to look quite purposeless and will lack dramatic impact.
The use of numbers of identical head-dresses, however simply made, are always effective whenworking with groups. If these are made of cardboard and painted boldly the cost can be almostnegligible. Helmets, hats and plumes will all make quite a show even if the costumes are onlyblandest or sheets cleverly draped. The same can be said of the use of banners, shields and poleswith stiff pennants and garlands-anything which will help to have a unifying effect. Any kind ofeye-catching device will always go with a flourish and add excitement to the scenes. | 208.txt | 2 |
[
"Because pageants take place in daylight in the open air.",
"Because different characters require different costumes.",
"Because the colors and textures must be in harmony with the setting.",
"Because an allocation of the funds available is usually rather small."
] | Why will much ingenuity have to be required in costume design? | Pageants
Pageants are usually conceived on a fairly large scale, oftenunder the auspices of some local or civic authority or at any ratein connection with local groups of some kind. This sometimesmeans that there is an allocation of funds available for thepurpose of mounting the production, though unfortunately thiswill usually be found to be on the meager side and muchingenuity will have to be used to stretch it so that all performerscan be adequately clothed.
Most pageants have a historical flavour as they usually come about through the celebration of theanniversary of some event of historic importance, or the life or death of some local worthy.Research among archives and books in the public library will probably prove very useful andproduce some workable ideas which will give the production an especially local flavour. From thefirst economy will have to be practiced because there are usually a great number of people todress. Leading characters can be considered individually in the same way as when designing for aplay; but the main body of the performers will need to be planned in groups and the massed effectmust be always borne in mind.
Many pageants take place in daylight in the open air. This is an entirely different problem fromdesigning costumes which are going to be looked at under artificial lighting; for one thing, scenesviewed in the daylight are subject to many more distractions. No longer is everything around cutout by the surrounding darkness, but instead it is very easy to be aware of disturbing movementin the audience of behind the performers. Very theatrically conceived clothes do not always looktheir best when seen in a daylight setting of trees, verdant lawns and old ivy-covered walls; thesame goes for costumes being worn in front of the mellow colors of stately homes. The locationneeds to be studied and then a decision can be made as to what kinds of colors and textures willharmonize best with the surroundings and conditions and then to carry this out as far as possibleon the funds available.
If money is available to dress the performers without recourse to their own help in the provision ofitems, it is best to arrange for all the cutting and pinning together of the costumes to be done byone or two experienced people than to be given out to the groups and individuals for completion.When there is little or no money at all, the garments need to be reduced to the basic necessities.Cloaks and shawls become invaluable, sheets and large bath towels and bath sheets are admirablefor draping. Unwanted curtains and bed spreads can be cut to make tunics, robes and skirts.These are particularly valuable if they are of heavy fabrics such as velvet or chenille.
Colors should be massed together so that there are contrasting groups of dark and light, this willbe found to help the visual result substantially. Crowds of people gathered together in a jumble ofcolors will be ground to look quite purposeless and will lack dramatic impact.
The use of numbers of identical head-dresses, however simply made, are always effective whenworking with groups. If these are made of cardboard and painted boldly the cost can be almostnegligible. Helmets, hats and plumes will all make quite a show even if the costumes are onlyblandest or sheets cleverly draped. The same can be said of the use of banners, shields and poleswith stiff pennants and garlands-anything which will help to have a unifying effect. Any kind ofeye-catching device will always go with a flourish and add excitement to the scenes. | 208.txt | 3 |
[
"Because most pageants take place for celebration.",
"Many pageants take place for amusement.",
"A lot of pageants take place for religion.",
"Because pageants usually take place for competition."
] | Why do most pageants have a historical flavour? | Pageants
Pageants are usually conceived on a fairly large scale, oftenunder the auspices of some local or civic authority or at any ratein connection with local groups of some kind. This sometimesmeans that there is an allocation of funds available for thepurpose of mounting the production, though unfortunately thiswill usually be found to be on the meager side and muchingenuity will have to be used to stretch it so that all performerscan be adequately clothed.
Most pageants have a historical flavour as they usually come about through the celebration of theanniversary of some event of historic importance, or the life or death of some local worthy.Research among archives and books in the public library will probably prove very useful andproduce some workable ideas which will give the production an especially local flavour. From thefirst economy will have to be practiced because there are usually a great number of people todress. Leading characters can be considered individually in the same way as when designing for aplay; but the main body of the performers will need to be planned in groups and the massed effectmust be always borne in mind.
Many pageants take place in daylight in the open air. This is an entirely different problem fromdesigning costumes which are going to be looked at under artificial lighting; for one thing, scenesviewed in the daylight are subject to many more distractions. No longer is everything around cutout by the surrounding darkness, but instead it is very easy to be aware of disturbing movementin the audience of behind the performers. Very theatrically conceived clothes do not always looktheir best when seen in a daylight setting of trees, verdant lawns and old ivy-covered walls; thesame goes for costumes being worn in front of the mellow colors of stately homes. The locationneeds to be studied and then a decision can be made as to what kinds of colors and textures willharmonize best with the surroundings and conditions and then to carry this out as far as possibleon the funds available.
If money is available to dress the performers without recourse to their own help in the provision ofitems, it is best to arrange for all the cutting and pinning together of the costumes to be done byone or two experienced people than to be given out to the groups and individuals for completion.When there is little or no money at all, the garments need to be reduced to the basic necessities.Cloaks and shawls become invaluable, sheets and large bath towels and bath sheets are admirablefor draping. Unwanted curtains and bed spreads can be cut to make tunics, robes and skirts.These are particularly valuable if they are of heavy fabrics such as velvet or chenille.
Colors should be massed together so that there are contrasting groups of dark and light, this willbe found to help the visual result substantially. Crowds of people gathered together in a jumble ofcolors will be ground to look quite purposeless and will lack dramatic impact.
The use of numbers of identical head-dresses, however simply made, are always effective whenworking with groups. If these are made of cardboard and painted boldly the cost can be almostnegligible. Helmets, hats and plumes will all make quite a show even if the costumes are onlyblandest or sheets cleverly draped. The same can be said of the use of banners, shields and poleswith stiff pennants and garlands-anything which will help to have a unifying effect. Any kind ofeye-catching device will always go with a flourish and add excitement to the scenes. | 208.txt | 0 |
[
"the greatness and wonderfulness of the Berkeley campus",
"the Berkeley campus' ranking in all the public universities",
"the history and the present situation of the Berkeley campus",
"the overall impression of the Berkeley campus"
] | In Paragraph One, the author mainly states about_ . | The University of California was chartered in 1868 and established at Berkeley in 1875. South Hall, an ivy-covered Gothic-revival building of red brick, is the only survivor of the nineteenth century campus buildings. Today, the Berkeley campus is the senior member of the nine-campus University of California System. Berkeley offers a full range of academic majors in programs. In a national survey published in fall 1992, Berkeley placed highest of all public universities in ranking that included five attributes: reputation, selectivity, faculty resources, financial resources, and student satisfaction. More students who earn bachelor's degrees at Berkeley complete Ph. D's than graduates of any other university in the country.
Undergraduate students can choose from more than 5,000 different courses and over 100 majors or they can design their own individual majors. The graduate division offers professional and academic degrees in more than 100 majors. Aiding students in their course work is a campus network of twenty-four libraries, including one especially for undergraduates. There are also many support facilities and services available, such as the Student Learning Center,financial aid counseling, housing assistance, graduate and professional school advising, and career placement assistance. The 1, 200-acre campus stretches from downtown Berkeley through wooded hills that overlook San Francisco Bay. The city of Berkeley (population 105,000) offers the lively background of one of America's more culturally diverse and politically adventurous small cities. The surrounding San Francisco Bay area provides an abundance of recreational and cultural events. | 1513.txt | 2 |
[
"MBA's",
"bachelor's",
"Ph. D's",
"master's"
] | More students have graduated from Berkeley than from any other university in gaining _ degree. | The University of California was chartered in 1868 and established at Berkeley in 1875. South Hall, an ivy-covered Gothic-revival building of red brick, is the only survivor of the nineteenth century campus buildings. Today, the Berkeley campus is the senior member of the nine-campus University of California System. Berkeley offers a full range of academic majors in programs. In a national survey published in fall 1992, Berkeley placed highest of all public universities in ranking that included five attributes: reputation, selectivity, faculty resources, financial resources, and student satisfaction. More students who earn bachelor's degrees at Berkeley complete Ph. D's than graduates of any other university in the country.
Undergraduate students can choose from more than 5,000 different courses and over 100 majors or they can design their own individual majors. The graduate division offers professional and academic degrees in more than 100 majors. Aiding students in their course work is a campus network of twenty-four libraries, including one especially for undergraduates. There are also many support facilities and services available, such as the Student Learning Center,financial aid counseling, housing assistance, graduate and professional school advising, and career placement assistance. The 1, 200-acre campus stretches from downtown Berkeley through wooded hills that overlook San Francisco Bay. The city of Berkeley (population 105,000) offers the lively background of one of America's more culturally diverse and politically adventurous small cities. The surrounding San Francisco Bay area provides an abundance of recreational and cultural events. | 1513.txt | 2 |
[
"the Berkeley campus is the University of California",
"the Berkeley campus is only an old branch of the University of California",
"the Berkeley campus is an absolutely independent university, which is built in California",
"the Berkeley campus is an independent college."
] | From the essay, we can know that_ . | The University of California was chartered in 1868 and established at Berkeley in 1875. South Hall, an ivy-covered Gothic-revival building of red brick, is the only survivor of the nineteenth century campus buildings. Today, the Berkeley campus is the senior member of the nine-campus University of California System. Berkeley offers a full range of academic majors in programs. In a national survey published in fall 1992, Berkeley placed highest of all public universities in ranking that included five attributes: reputation, selectivity, faculty resources, financial resources, and student satisfaction. More students who earn bachelor's degrees at Berkeley complete Ph. D's than graduates of any other university in the country.
Undergraduate students can choose from more than 5,000 different courses and over 100 majors or they can design their own individual majors. The graduate division offers professional and academic degrees in more than 100 majors. Aiding students in their course work is a campus network of twenty-four libraries, including one especially for undergraduates. There are also many support facilities and services available, such as the Student Learning Center,financial aid counseling, housing assistance, graduate and professional school advising, and career placement assistance. The 1, 200-acre campus stretches from downtown Berkeley through wooded hills that overlook San Francisco Bay. The city of Berkeley (population 105,000) offers the lively background of one of America's more culturally diverse and politically adventurous small cities. The surrounding San Francisco Bay area provides an abundance of recreational and cultural events. | 1513.txt | 1 |
[
"Now the Berkeley campus is the best public university.",
"You can finish bachelor's courses or Ph. D's courses but not master's courses.",
"The Berkeley campus does not do well in helping students in their studies.",
"The Berkeley campus is not far away from the city of San Francisco."
] | Which is TRUE according to the essay? | The University of California was chartered in 1868 and established at Berkeley in 1875. South Hall, an ivy-covered Gothic-revival building of red brick, is the only survivor of the nineteenth century campus buildings. Today, the Berkeley campus is the senior member of the nine-campus University of California System. Berkeley offers a full range of academic majors in programs. In a national survey published in fall 1992, Berkeley placed highest of all public universities in ranking that included five attributes: reputation, selectivity, faculty resources, financial resources, and student satisfaction. More students who earn bachelor's degrees at Berkeley complete Ph. D's than graduates of any other university in the country.
Undergraduate students can choose from more than 5,000 different courses and over 100 majors or they can design their own individual majors. The graduate division offers professional and academic degrees in more than 100 majors. Aiding students in their course work is a campus network of twenty-four libraries, including one especially for undergraduates. There are also many support facilities and services available, such as the Student Learning Center,financial aid counseling, housing assistance, graduate and professional school advising, and career placement assistance. The 1, 200-acre campus stretches from downtown Berkeley through wooded hills that overlook San Francisco Bay. The city of Berkeley (population 105,000) offers the lively background of one of America's more culturally diverse and politically adventurous small cities. The surrounding San Francisco Bay area provides an abundance of recreational and cultural events. | 1513.txt | 3 |
[
"situated within the Berkeley campus",
"found to be a melting pot of various cultures",
"a recreational place",
"trying to increase its population"
] | The city of Berkeley is_ . | The University of California was chartered in 1868 and established at Berkeley in 1875. South Hall, an ivy-covered Gothic-revival building of red brick, is the only survivor of the nineteenth century campus buildings. Today, the Berkeley campus is the senior member of the nine-campus University of California System. Berkeley offers a full range of academic majors in programs. In a national survey published in fall 1992, Berkeley placed highest of all public universities in ranking that included five attributes: reputation, selectivity, faculty resources, financial resources, and student satisfaction. More students who earn bachelor's degrees at Berkeley complete Ph. D's than graduates of any other university in the country.
Undergraduate students can choose from more than 5,000 different courses and over 100 majors or they can design their own individual majors. The graduate division offers professional and academic degrees in more than 100 majors. Aiding students in their course work is a campus network of twenty-four libraries, including one especially for undergraduates. There are also many support facilities and services available, such as the Student Learning Center,financial aid counseling, housing assistance, graduate and professional school advising, and career placement assistance. The 1, 200-acre campus stretches from downtown Berkeley through wooded hills that overlook San Francisco Bay. The city of Berkeley (population 105,000) offers the lively background of one of America's more culturally diverse and politically adventurous small cities. The surrounding San Francisco Bay area provides an abundance of recreational and cultural events. | 1513.txt | 1 |
[
"be expected",
"be completed",
"be advanced",
"be introduced"
] | The phrase "be brought forward" (Line 2, Para. 1) most probably means ________. | A breakthrough in the provision of energy from the sun for the European Economic Community (EEC) could be brought forward by up to two decades, if a modest increase could be provided in the EEC's research effort in this field, according to the senior EEC scientists engaged in experiments in solar energy at EEC's scientific laboratories at Ispra, near Milan.
The senior West German scientist in charge of the Community's solar energy programme, Mr. Joachim Gretz, told journalists that at present levels of research spending it was most unlikely that solar energy would provide as much as three per cent of the Community's energy requirements even after the year 2000. But he said that with a modest increase in the present< sums, devoted by the EEC to this work it was possible that the breakthrough could be achieved by the end of the next decade.
Mr. Gretz calculates that if solar energy only provided three per cent of the EEC's needs, this could still produce a saving of about a billion pounds in the present bill for imported energy each year. And he believes that with the possibility of utilizing more advanced technology in this field it might be possible to satisfy a much bigger share of the Community's future energy needs.
At present the EEC spends about $2.6 millions a year on solar research at Ispra, one of the EEC's official joint research centres, and another $3 millions a year in indirect research with universities and other independent bodies. | 2827.txt | 2 |
[
"sufficient funding",
"further experiments",
"advanced technology",
"well-equipped laboratories"
] | Some scientists believe that a breakthrough in the use of solar energy depends on ________. | A breakthrough in the provision of energy from the sun for the European Economic Community (EEC) could be brought forward by up to two decades, if a modest increase could be provided in the EEC's research effort in this field, according to the senior EEC scientists engaged in experiments in solar energy at EEC's scientific laboratories at Ispra, near Milan.
The senior West German scientist in charge of the Community's solar energy programme, Mr. Joachim Gretz, told journalists that at present levels of research spending it was most unlikely that solar energy would provide as much as three per cent of the Community's energy requirements even after the year 2000. But he said that with a modest increase in the present< sums, devoted by the EEC to this work it was possible that the breakthrough could be achieved by the end of the next decade.
Mr. Gretz calculates that if solar energy only provided three per cent of the EEC's needs, this could still produce a saving of about a billion pounds in the present bill for imported energy each year. And he believes that with the possibility of utilizing more advanced technology in this field it might be possible to satisfy a much bigger share of the Community's future energy needs.
At present the EEC spends about $2.6 millions a year on solar research at Ispra, one of the EEC's official joint research centres, and another $3 millions a year in indirect research with universities and other independent bodies. | 2827.txt | 0 |
[
"more than 3 ~, 6 of the EEC's needs after the year 2000",
"only 3% of the EEC's needs before the year 2000",
"less than 3% of the EEC's needs before the year 2000",
"3% of the EEC's needs after the year 2000"
] | According to Mr. Gretz, the present sum of money will enable the scientists to provide ________. | A breakthrough in the provision of energy from the sun for the European Economic Community (EEC) could be brought forward by up to two decades, if a modest increase could be provided in the EEC's research effort in this field, according to the senior EEC scientists engaged in experiments in solar energy at EEC's scientific laboratories at Ispra, near Milan.
The senior West German scientist in charge of the Community's solar energy programme, Mr. Joachim Gretz, told journalists that at present levels of research spending it was most unlikely that solar energy would provide as much as three per cent of the Community's energy requirements even after the year 2000. But he said that with a modest increase in the present< sums, devoted by the EEC to this work it was possible that the breakthrough could be achieved by the end of the next decade.
Mr. Gretz calculates that if solar energy only provided three per cent of the EEC's needs, this could still produce a saving of about a billion pounds in the present bill for imported energy each year. And he believes that with the possibility of utilizing more advanced technology in this field it might be possible to satisfy a much bigger share of the Community's future energy needs.
At present the EEC spends about $2.6 millions a year on solar research at Ispra, one of the EEC's official joint research centres, and another $3 millions a year in indirect research with universities and other independent bodies. | 2827.txt | 2 |
[
"The EEC spends one billion pounds on imported energy each year.",
"At the present level of research spending, it is difficult to make any significant progress in the provision of energy from the sun.",
"The desired breakthrough could be obtained by the end of the next decade if investment were increased.",
"The total yearly spending of the EEC on solar energy research amounted to almost 6 million."
] | Which of the following is NOT true according to the passage? | A breakthrough in the provision of energy from the sun for the European Economic Community (EEC) could be brought forward by up to two decades, if a modest increase could be provided in the EEC's research effort in this field, according to the senior EEC scientists engaged in experiments in solar energy at EEC's scientific laboratories at Ispra, near Milan.
The senior West German scientist in charge of the Community's solar energy programme, Mr. Joachim Gretz, told journalists that at present levels of research spending it was most unlikely that solar energy would provide as much as three per cent of the Community's energy requirements even after the year 2000. But he said that with a modest increase in the present< sums, devoted by the EEC to this work it was possible that the breakthrough could be achieved by the end of the next decade.
Mr. Gretz calculates that if solar energy only provided three per cent of the EEC's needs, this could still produce a saving of about a billion pounds in the present bill for imported energy each year. And he believes that with the possibility of utilizing more advanced technology in this field it might be possible to satisfy a much bigger share of the Community's future energy needs.
At present the EEC spends about $2.6 millions a year on solar research at Ispra, one of the EEC's official joint research centres, and another $3 millions a year in indirect research with universities and other independent bodies. | 2827.txt | 0 |
[
"would lead to a big increase in research funding",
"would make it unnecessary to import oil",
"would make it possible to meet the future energy needs of the EEC",
"would provide a much greater proportion of the Community's future energy needs"
] | The application of advanced technology to research in solar energy ________. | A breakthrough in the provision of energy from the sun for the European Economic Community (EEC) could be brought forward by up to two decades, if a modest increase could be provided in the EEC's research effort in this field, according to the senior EEC scientists engaged in experiments in solar energy at EEC's scientific laboratories at Ispra, near Milan.
The senior West German scientist in charge of the Community's solar energy programme, Mr. Joachim Gretz, told journalists that at present levels of research spending it was most unlikely that solar energy would provide as much as three per cent of the Community's energy requirements even after the year 2000. But he said that with a modest increase in the present< sums, devoted by the EEC to this work it was possible that the breakthrough could be achieved by the end of the next decade.
Mr. Gretz calculates that if solar energy only provided three per cent of the EEC's needs, this could still produce a saving of about a billion pounds in the present bill for imported energy each year. And he believes that with the possibility of utilizing more advanced technology in this field it might be possible to satisfy a much bigger share of the Community's future energy needs.
At present the EEC spends about $2.6 millions a year on solar research at Ispra, one of the EEC's official joint research centres, and another $3 millions a year in indirect research with universities and other independent bodies. | 2827.txt | 3 |
[
"outline a procedure and discuss possible applications",
"evaluate an experiment in terms of its applicability to medical research",
"propose a method for curing specific genetic disorders",
"explain a problem and suggest a solution for it"
] | The author's primary purpose is to | It is well known that biological changes at the molecular level have morphogenetic consequences, consequences affecting the formation and differentiation of tissues and organs. It is superfluous to point out that gene mutations and disturbance of the biosynthetic processes in the embryo may result in abnormalities in the morphology (structure) of an organism. However, whereas much is known about causes and consequences at the molecular level, and in spite of an enormous accumulation of chemical and morphological data on embryos of various kinds, out understanding of how genes control morphogenesis is still far from complete. Perhaps one reason for this is that molecular biologists and morphologists speak different languages. Whereas the former speak about messenger-RNA and conformational changes of protein molecules, the latter speak of ectoderms, hypoblasts, and neural crests.
One solution to this predicament is to try to find some phenomena relevant to morphogenesis which both the molecular biologist and the morphologist can understand and discuss. As morphogenesis must be basically the result of changes in behavior of the individual cells, it seems logical to ask morphologists to describe the morphogenetic events observed in terms of changes in cellular contact, changes in the rate of proliferation of cells, or similar phenomena. Once this is done, it may be appropriate to ask questions about the molecular background for these changes. One may, for instance, ask whether variations in cell contact reflect alterations in the populations of molecules at the cell surface, or one may inquire about the molecular basis for the increased cell mobility involved in cell dispersion.
Studies of this kind have been carried out with cells released from tissues in various ways and then allowed to reveal their behavior after being spread out into a thin layer. In many cases, such cells show the ability to reaggregate, after which different cell types may sort themselves out into different layers and even take part in still more intricate morphogenetic events. But in most cases, the behavior of cells in the intact embryo is difficult to study because of the thickness and opacity of the cell masses. The sea urchin embryo, however, has the advantage that it is so transparent that each cell can be easily observed throughout development. Thus, by recording the development of a sea urchin embryo with time-lapse photography, the research scientist might discover previously unknown features of cellular behavior. Perhaps the study of the sea urchin in this manner can provide a medium by which the molecular biologist and the morphologist can begin communicating with each other more effectively about the way in which genes control morphogenesis. | 1969.txt | 3 |
[
"an incomplete understanding of bimolecular reactions that are highly complex",
"a lack of communication between scientists whose work could be complementary",
"a reluctance on the part of morphologists to share data with molecular biologists",
"a lack of research in the area of morphology"
] | The author states that research into the genetic control of morphogenesis has been impeded by | It is well known that biological changes at the molecular level have morphogenetic consequences, consequences affecting the formation and differentiation of tissues and organs. It is superfluous to point out that gene mutations and disturbance of the biosynthetic processes in the embryo may result in abnormalities in the morphology (structure) of an organism. However, whereas much is known about causes and consequences at the molecular level, and in spite of an enormous accumulation of chemical and morphological data on embryos of various kinds, out understanding of how genes control morphogenesis is still far from complete. Perhaps one reason for this is that molecular biologists and morphologists speak different languages. Whereas the former speak about messenger-RNA and conformational changes of protein molecules, the latter speak of ectoderms, hypoblasts, and neural crests.
One solution to this predicament is to try to find some phenomena relevant to morphogenesis which both the molecular biologist and the morphologist can understand and discuss. As morphogenesis must be basically the result of changes in behavior of the individual cells, it seems logical to ask morphologists to describe the morphogenetic events observed in terms of changes in cellular contact, changes in the rate of proliferation of cells, or similar phenomena. Once this is done, it may be appropriate to ask questions about the molecular background for these changes. One may, for instance, ask whether variations in cell contact reflect alterations in the populations of molecules at the cell surface, or one may inquire about the molecular basis for the increased cell mobility involved in cell dispersion.
Studies of this kind have been carried out with cells released from tissues in various ways and then allowed to reveal their behavior after being spread out into a thin layer. In many cases, such cells show the ability to reaggregate, after which different cell types may sort themselves out into different layers and even take part in still more intricate morphogenetic events. But in most cases, the behavior of cells in the intact embryo is difficult to study because of the thickness and opacity of the cell masses. The sea urchin embryo, however, has the advantage that it is so transparent that each cell can be easily observed throughout development. Thus, by recording the development of a sea urchin embryo with time-lapse photography, the research scientist might discover previously unknown features of cellular behavior. Perhaps the study of the sea urchin in this manner can provide a medium by which the molecular biologist and the morphologist can begin communicating with each other more effectively about the way in which genes control morphogenesis. | 1969.txt | 1 |
[
"devise a technique for proving that abnormalities in morphology result from gene mutations",
"improve the procedures for organizing chemical and morphological data",
"increase the accuracy of measurements of cell populations and cell mobility",
"provide a plan for increasing knowledge about the influence of genes on morphogenesis"
] | The major objective of the author's proposal is to | It is well known that biological changes at the molecular level have morphogenetic consequences, consequences affecting the formation and differentiation of tissues and organs. It is superfluous to point out that gene mutations and disturbance of the biosynthetic processes in the embryo may result in abnormalities in the morphology (structure) of an organism. However, whereas much is known about causes and consequences at the molecular level, and in spite of an enormous accumulation of chemical and morphological data on embryos of various kinds, out understanding of how genes control morphogenesis is still far from complete. Perhaps one reason for this is that molecular biologists and morphologists speak different languages. Whereas the former speak about messenger-RNA and conformational changes of protein molecules, the latter speak of ectoderms, hypoblasts, and neural crests.
One solution to this predicament is to try to find some phenomena relevant to morphogenesis which both the molecular biologist and the morphologist can understand and discuss. As morphogenesis must be basically the result of changes in behavior of the individual cells, it seems logical to ask morphologists to describe the morphogenetic events observed in terms of changes in cellular contact, changes in the rate of proliferation of cells, or similar phenomena. Once this is done, it may be appropriate to ask questions about the molecular background for these changes. One may, for instance, ask whether variations in cell contact reflect alterations in the populations of molecules at the cell surface, or one may inquire about the molecular basis for the increased cell mobility involved in cell dispersion.
Studies of this kind have been carried out with cells released from tissues in various ways and then allowed to reveal their behavior after being spread out into a thin layer. In many cases, such cells show the ability to reaggregate, after which different cell types may sort themselves out into different layers and even take part in still more intricate morphogenetic events. But in most cases, the behavior of cells in the intact embryo is difficult to study because of the thickness and opacity of the cell masses. The sea urchin embryo, however, has the advantage that it is so transparent that each cell can be easily observed throughout development. Thus, by recording the development of a sea urchin embryo with time-lapse photography, the research scientist might discover previously unknown features of cellular behavior. Perhaps the study of the sea urchin in this manner can provide a medium by which the molecular biologist and the morphologist can begin communicating with each other more effectively about the way in which genes control morphogenesis. | 1969.txt | 3 |
[
"control morphogenesis",
"reform to make higher organisms",
"reorganize to form clusters of cells",
"regulate the transmission of light through the cell wall"
] | It can be inferred from the passage that some cells that have been isolated from an organism have the ability to | It is well known that biological changes at the molecular level have morphogenetic consequences, consequences affecting the formation and differentiation of tissues and organs. It is superfluous to point out that gene mutations and disturbance of the biosynthetic processes in the embryo may result in abnormalities in the morphology (structure) of an organism. However, whereas much is known about causes and consequences at the molecular level, and in spite of an enormous accumulation of chemical and morphological data on embryos of various kinds, out understanding of how genes control morphogenesis is still far from complete. Perhaps one reason for this is that molecular biologists and morphologists speak different languages. Whereas the former speak about messenger-RNA and conformational changes of protein molecules, the latter speak of ectoderms, hypoblasts, and neural crests.
One solution to this predicament is to try to find some phenomena relevant to morphogenesis which both the molecular biologist and the morphologist can understand and discuss. As morphogenesis must be basically the result of changes in behavior of the individual cells, it seems logical to ask morphologists to describe the morphogenetic events observed in terms of changes in cellular contact, changes in the rate of proliferation of cells, or similar phenomena. Once this is done, it may be appropriate to ask questions about the molecular background for these changes. One may, for instance, ask whether variations in cell contact reflect alterations in the populations of molecules at the cell surface, or one may inquire about the molecular basis for the increased cell mobility involved in cell dispersion.
Studies of this kind have been carried out with cells released from tissues in various ways and then allowed to reveal their behavior after being spread out into a thin layer. In many cases, such cells show the ability to reaggregate, after which different cell types may sort themselves out into different layers and even take part in still more intricate morphogenetic events. But in most cases, the behavior of cells in the intact embryo is difficult to study because of the thickness and opacity of the cell masses. The sea urchin embryo, however, has the advantage that it is so transparent that each cell can be easily observed throughout development. Thus, by recording the development of a sea urchin embryo with time-lapse photography, the research scientist might discover previously unknown features of cellular behavior. Perhaps the study of the sea urchin in this manner can provide a medium by which the molecular biologist and the morphologist can begin communicating with each other more effectively about the way in which genes control morphogenesis. | 1969.txt | 2 |
[
"intact developing embryos",
"adult sea urchins",
"isolated living cells",
"groups of genetically mutated cells"
] | It can be inferred from the passage that the study of the effects of genes on morphogenesis is best accomplished by observing | It is well known that biological changes at the molecular level have morphogenetic consequences, consequences affecting the formation and differentiation of tissues and organs. It is superfluous to point out that gene mutations and disturbance of the biosynthetic processes in the embryo may result in abnormalities in the morphology (structure) of an organism. However, whereas much is known about causes and consequences at the molecular level, and in spite of an enormous accumulation of chemical and morphological data on embryos of various kinds, out understanding of how genes control morphogenesis is still far from complete. Perhaps one reason for this is that molecular biologists and morphologists speak different languages. Whereas the former speak about messenger-RNA and conformational changes of protein molecules, the latter speak of ectoderms, hypoblasts, and neural crests.
One solution to this predicament is to try to find some phenomena relevant to morphogenesis which both the molecular biologist and the morphologist can understand and discuss. As morphogenesis must be basically the result of changes in behavior of the individual cells, it seems logical to ask morphologists to describe the morphogenetic events observed in terms of changes in cellular contact, changes in the rate of proliferation of cells, or similar phenomena. Once this is done, it may be appropriate to ask questions about the molecular background for these changes. One may, for instance, ask whether variations in cell contact reflect alterations in the populations of molecules at the cell surface, or one may inquire about the molecular basis for the increased cell mobility involved in cell dispersion.
Studies of this kind have been carried out with cells released from tissues in various ways and then allowed to reveal their behavior after being spread out into a thin layer. In many cases, such cells show the ability to reaggregate, after which different cell types may sort themselves out into different layers and even take part in still more intricate morphogenetic events. But in most cases, the behavior of cells in the intact embryo is difficult to study because of the thickness and opacity of the cell masses. The sea urchin embryo, however, has the advantage that it is so transparent that each cell can be easily observed throughout development. Thus, by recording the development of a sea urchin embryo with time-lapse photography, the research scientist might discover previously unknown features of cellular behavior. Perhaps the study of the sea urchin in this manner can provide a medium by which the molecular biologist and the morphologist can begin communicating with each other more effectively about the way in which genes control morphogenesis. | 1969.txt | 0 |
[
"morphogenetic events cannot be isolated",
"embryos die quickly",
"embryos are difficult to obtain",
"individual cells are difficult to See"
] | According to the passage, it is difficult to study cells in most intact embryos because | It is well known that biological changes at the molecular level have morphogenetic consequences, consequences affecting the formation and differentiation of tissues and organs. It is superfluous to point out that gene mutations and disturbance of the biosynthetic processes in the embryo may result in abnormalities in the morphology (structure) of an organism. However, whereas much is known about causes and consequences at the molecular level, and in spite of an enormous accumulation of chemical and morphological data on embryos of various kinds, out understanding of how genes control morphogenesis is still far from complete. Perhaps one reason for this is that molecular biologists and morphologists speak different languages. Whereas the former speak about messenger-RNA and conformational changes of protein molecules, the latter speak of ectoderms, hypoblasts, and neural crests.
One solution to this predicament is to try to find some phenomena relevant to morphogenesis which both the molecular biologist and the morphologist can understand and discuss. As morphogenesis must be basically the result of changes in behavior of the individual cells, it seems logical to ask morphologists to describe the morphogenetic events observed in terms of changes in cellular contact, changes in the rate of proliferation of cells, or similar phenomena. Once this is done, it may be appropriate to ask questions about the molecular background for these changes. One may, for instance, ask whether variations in cell contact reflect alterations in the populations of molecules at the cell surface, or one may inquire about the molecular basis for the increased cell mobility involved in cell dispersion.
Studies of this kind have been carried out with cells released from tissues in various ways and then allowed to reveal their behavior after being spread out into a thin layer. In many cases, such cells show the ability to reaggregate, after which different cell types may sort themselves out into different layers and even take part in still more intricate morphogenetic events. But in most cases, the behavior of cells in the intact embryo is difficult to study because of the thickness and opacity of the cell masses. The sea urchin embryo, however, has the advantage that it is so transparent that each cell can be easily observed throughout development. Thus, by recording the development of a sea urchin embryo with time-lapse photography, the research scientist might discover previously unknown features of cellular behavior. Perhaps the study of the sea urchin in this manner can provide a medium by which the molecular biologist and the morphologist can begin communicating with each other more effectively about the way in which genes control morphogenesis. | 1969.txt | 3 |
[
"Accumulation of data, simplification of language, explanation of morphogenesis",
"Dispersion of cells, evaluation of cell activity, development of an explanatory hypothesis",
"Classification of cell types, separation of cell observation of cell activity",
"Observation of the cell development, description of cell behavior, explanation at the molecule level"
] | Which of the following sequences best describes author's suggestion for future research on morphogenesis? | It is well known that biological changes at the molecular level have morphogenetic consequences, consequences affecting the formation and differentiation of tissues and organs. It is superfluous to point out that gene mutations and disturbance of the biosynthetic processes in the embryo may result in abnormalities in the morphology (structure) of an organism. However, whereas much is known about causes and consequences at the molecular level, and in spite of an enormous accumulation of chemical and morphological data on embryos of various kinds, out understanding of how genes control morphogenesis is still far from complete. Perhaps one reason for this is that molecular biologists and morphologists speak different languages. Whereas the former speak about messenger-RNA and conformational changes of protein molecules, the latter speak of ectoderms, hypoblasts, and neural crests.
One solution to this predicament is to try to find some phenomena relevant to morphogenesis which both the molecular biologist and the morphologist can understand and discuss. As morphogenesis must be basically the result of changes in behavior of the individual cells, it seems logical to ask morphologists to describe the morphogenetic events observed in terms of changes in cellular contact, changes in the rate of proliferation of cells, or similar phenomena. Once this is done, it may be appropriate to ask questions about the molecular background for these changes. One may, for instance, ask whether variations in cell contact reflect alterations in the populations of molecules at the cell surface, or one may inquire about the molecular basis for the increased cell mobility involved in cell dispersion.
Studies of this kind have been carried out with cells released from tissues in various ways and then allowed to reveal their behavior after being spread out into a thin layer. In many cases, such cells show the ability to reaggregate, after which different cell types may sort themselves out into different layers and even take part in still more intricate morphogenetic events. But in most cases, the behavior of cells in the intact embryo is difficult to study because of the thickness and opacity of the cell masses. The sea urchin embryo, however, has the advantage that it is so transparent that each cell can be easily observed throughout development. Thus, by recording the development of a sea urchin embryo with time-lapse photography, the research scientist might discover previously unknown features of cellular behavior. Perhaps the study of the sea urchin in this manner can provide a medium by which the molecular biologist and the morphologist can begin communicating with each other more effectively about the way in which genes control morphogenesis. | 1969.txt | 3 |
[
"indifference",
"neutrality",
"derision",
"approbation"
] | The tone of the author's discussion of the differences in the language used by morphologists and that used by molecular biologists is one of | It is well known that biological changes at the molecular level have morphogenetic consequences, consequences affecting the formation and differentiation of tissues and organs. It is superfluous to point out that gene mutations and disturbance of the biosynthetic processes in the embryo may result in abnormalities in the morphology (structure) of an organism. However, whereas much is known about causes and consequences at the molecular level, and in spite of an enormous accumulation of chemical and morphological data on embryos of various kinds, out understanding of how genes control morphogenesis is still far from complete. Perhaps one reason for this is that molecular biologists and morphologists speak different languages. Whereas the former speak about messenger-RNA and conformational changes of protein molecules, the latter speak of ectoderms, hypoblasts, and neural crests.
One solution to this predicament is to try to find some phenomena relevant to morphogenesis which both the molecular biologist and the morphologist can understand and discuss. As morphogenesis must be basically the result of changes in behavior of the individual cells, it seems logical to ask morphologists to describe the morphogenetic events observed in terms of changes in cellular contact, changes in the rate of proliferation of cells, or similar phenomena. Once this is done, it may be appropriate to ask questions about the molecular background for these changes. One may, for instance, ask whether variations in cell contact reflect alterations in the populations of molecules at the cell surface, or one may inquire about the molecular basis for the increased cell mobility involved in cell dispersion.
Studies of this kind have been carried out with cells released from tissues in various ways and then allowed to reveal their behavior after being spread out into a thin layer. In many cases, such cells show the ability to reaggregate, after which different cell types may sort themselves out into different layers and even take part in still more intricate morphogenetic events. But in most cases, the behavior of cells in the intact embryo is difficult to study because of the thickness and opacity of the cell masses. The sea urchin embryo, however, has the advantage that it is so transparent that each cell can be easily observed throughout development. Thus, by recording the development of a sea urchin embryo with time-lapse photography, the research scientist might discover previously unknown features of cellular behavior. Perhaps the study of the sea urchin in this manner can provide a medium by which the molecular biologist and the morphologist can begin communicating with each other more effectively about the way in which genes control morphogenesis. | 1969.txt | 1 |
[
"find out how smells regulate moods in a subtle and nuanced way.",
"prove that smell plays an equally important role in daily life as that of sight and sound.",
"find out if people are sensitive to faint smells.",
"find out if faint smells could influence people's judgement of others."
] | Dr. Li is carrying out such an investigation in order to _ | In a world where sight and sound seem to reign supreme, all it takes is a cursory glance at the size of the perfume industry to realise that smell matters quite a lot, too. Odours are known to regulate moods, thoughts and even dating decisions, which is why any serious romantic will throw on the eau de toilette before going out for a night on the town. Yet in all these cases, those affected are aware of what they are smelling. Unlike the media of sight and sound, in which subliminal messages have been studied carefully, the potential power of subliminal smells has been neglected.
Wen Li and her colleagues at Northwestern University in Chicago are now changing that. In particular, they are investigating smells so faint that people say they cannot detect them. The idea is to see whether such smells can nevertheless change the way that people behave towards others.
Dr Li's experiment, the results of which have just been published in Psychological Science, employed 31 volunteers. These people were exposed to three different odours at low concentration. One was the fresh lemon scent of citral. The second was the neutral ethereal perfume of anisole. The third was the foul sweaty smell of valeric acid. And the concentrations really were low. In the case of valeric acid, for example, that concentration was seven parts per trillion-a level only just detectable by bloodhounds. As a control, Dr Li used a mineral oil that has no detectable smell at any concentration.
The participants were asked to sniff a jar containing either one of the three odours or the scentless oil, and then press a button to indicate whether they thought the jar smelled of anything. Immediately after that, a picture of a face would appear on a screen in front of them for just over a second. Each participant was asked to rate the face's "likeability".
Dr Li found that the odours helped shape people's judgments about the faces when their responses indicated that they had not smelled anything. When someone had been exposed to valeric acid, for example, he tended to react negatively to a face. Exposure to citral, by contrast, made that face seem, on average, more friendly. (Obviously, the same face was not shown to any given participant more than once.) Even more intriguing, however, was that when participants did consciously perceive a smell, its effect on face-perception disappeared.
What is going on is unclear. If smells can carry useful information about personality (which is possible), then the effect would be expected to be the same whether or not the chemical in question is detected subliminally. If they do not carry such information, then it is hard to see what use the subliminal reaction is. Nevertheless, it is there.
The findings do, however, demonstrate what might be a powerful method of manipulation. Indeed, Dr Li considers the potential uses to be vast. Business meetings might be made more pleasant by releasing appropriate fragrances into the air in unsmellable amounts. Conversely, fights might be started by putting people in the presence of a faint foul odour. Advertising hoardings might benefit from a little olfactory tweaking and cinema audiences could be reduced to floods of tears at the appropriate moment. The sweet smell of success might, in other words, actually be undetectable. | 3461.txt | 3 |
[
"control the concentration of odours in a slightly detectable degree.",
"act as a group of comparison with that of the other smells.",
"regulate the participants' moods by decreasing the smell's concentration.",
"protect the participants from losing sense of smell."
] | The mineral oil is used in Dr. Li's experiment to _ | In a world where sight and sound seem to reign supreme, all it takes is a cursory glance at the size of the perfume industry to realise that smell matters quite a lot, too. Odours are known to regulate moods, thoughts and even dating decisions, which is why any serious romantic will throw on the eau de toilette before going out for a night on the town. Yet in all these cases, those affected are aware of what they are smelling. Unlike the media of sight and sound, in which subliminal messages have been studied carefully, the potential power of subliminal smells has been neglected.
Wen Li and her colleagues at Northwestern University in Chicago are now changing that. In particular, they are investigating smells so faint that people say they cannot detect them. The idea is to see whether such smells can nevertheless change the way that people behave towards others.
Dr Li's experiment, the results of which have just been published in Psychological Science, employed 31 volunteers. These people were exposed to three different odours at low concentration. One was the fresh lemon scent of citral. The second was the neutral ethereal perfume of anisole. The third was the foul sweaty smell of valeric acid. And the concentrations really were low. In the case of valeric acid, for example, that concentration was seven parts per trillion-a level only just detectable by bloodhounds. As a control, Dr Li used a mineral oil that has no detectable smell at any concentration.
The participants were asked to sniff a jar containing either one of the three odours or the scentless oil, and then press a button to indicate whether they thought the jar smelled of anything. Immediately after that, a picture of a face would appear on a screen in front of them for just over a second. Each participant was asked to rate the face's "likeability".
Dr Li found that the odours helped shape people's judgments about the faces when their responses indicated that they had not smelled anything. When someone had been exposed to valeric acid, for example, he tended to react negatively to a face. Exposure to citral, by contrast, made that face seem, on average, more friendly. (Obviously, the same face was not shown to any given participant more than once.) Even more intriguing, however, was that when participants did consciously perceive a smell, its effect on face-perception disappeared.
What is going on is unclear. If smells can carry useful information about personality (which is possible), then the effect would be expected to be the same whether or not the chemical in question is detected subliminally. If they do not carry such information, then it is hard to see what use the subliminal reaction is. Nevertheless, it is there.
The findings do, however, demonstrate what might be a powerful method of manipulation. Indeed, Dr Li considers the potential uses to be vast. Business meetings might be made more pleasant by releasing appropriate fragrances into the air in unsmellable amounts. Conversely, fights might be started by putting people in the presence of a faint foul odour. Advertising hoardings might benefit from a little olfactory tweaking and cinema audiences could be reduced to floods of tears at the appropriate moment. The sweet smell of success might, in other words, actually be undetectable. | 3461.txt | 1 |
[
"similarity.",
"likeness.",
"loveliness.",
"likelihood."
] | The word "likeability" (Line 4, Paragraph 4) most probably means _ | In a world where sight and sound seem to reign supreme, all it takes is a cursory glance at the size of the perfume industry to realise that smell matters quite a lot, too. Odours are known to regulate moods, thoughts and even dating decisions, which is why any serious romantic will throw on the eau de toilette before going out for a night on the town. Yet in all these cases, those affected are aware of what they are smelling. Unlike the media of sight and sound, in which subliminal messages have been studied carefully, the potential power of subliminal smells has been neglected.
Wen Li and her colleagues at Northwestern University in Chicago are now changing that. In particular, they are investigating smells so faint that people say they cannot detect them. The idea is to see whether such smells can nevertheless change the way that people behave towards others.
Dr Li's experiment, the results of which have just been published in Psychological Science, employed 31 volunteers. These people were exposed to three different odours at low concentration. One was the fresh lemon scent of citral. The second was the neutral ethereal perfume of anisole. The third was the foul sweaty smell of valeric acid. And the concentrations really were low. In the case of valeric acid, for example, that concentration was seven parts per trillion-a level only just detectable by bloodhounds. As a control, Dr Li used a mineral oil that has no detectable smell at any concentration.
The participants were asked to sniff a jar containing either one of the three odours or the scentless oil, and then press a button to indicate whether they thought the jar smelled of anything. Immediately after that, a picture of a face would appear on a screen in front of them for just over a second. Each participant was asked to rate the face's "likeability".
Dr Li found that the odours helped shape people's judgments about the faces when their responses indicated that they had not smelled anything. When someone had been exposed to valeric acid, for example, he tended to react negatively to a face. Exposure to citral, by contrast, made that face seem, on average, more friendly. (Obviously, the same face was not shown to any given participant more than once.) Even more intriguing, however, was that when participants did consciously perceive a smell, its effect on face-perception disappeared.
What is going on is unclear. If smells can carry useful information about personality (which is possible), then the effect would be expected to be the same whether or not the chemical in question is detected subliminally. If they do not carry such information, then it is hard to see what use the subliminal reaction is. Nevertheless, it is there.
The findings do, however, demonstrate what might be a powerful method of manipulation. Indeed, Dr Li considers the potential uses to be vast. Business meetings might be made more pleasant by releasing appropriate fragrances into the air in unsmellable amounts. Conversely, fights might be started by putting people in the presence of a faint foul odour. Advertising hoardings might benefit from a little olfactory tweaking and cinema audiences could be reduced to floods of tears at the appropriate moment. The sweet smell of success might, in other words, actually be undetectable. | 3461.txt | 2 |
[
"make negative judgement to a face.",
"make positive judgement to a face.",
"make biased judgement to a face.",
"make fair judgement to a face."
] | When the participants conciously smelt the valeric acid, they tended to _ | In a world where sight and sound seem to reign supreme, all it takes is a cursory glance at the size of the perfume industry to realise that smell matters quite a lot, too. Odours are known to regulate moods, thoughts and even dating decisions, which is why any serious romantic will throw on the eau de toilette before going out for a night on the town. Yet in all these cases, those affected are aware of what they are smelling. Unlike the media of sight and sound, in which subliminal messages have been studied carefully, the potential power of subliminal smells has been neglected.
Wen Li and her colleagues at Northwestern University in Chicago are now changing that. In particular, they are investigating smells so faint that people say they cannot detect them. The idea is to see whether such smells can nevertheless change the way that people behave towards others.
Dr Li's experiment, the results of which have just been published in Psychological Science, employed 31 volunteers. These people were exposed to three different odours at low concentration. One was the fresh lemon scent of citral. The second was the neutral ethereal perfume of anisole. The third was the foul sweaty smell of valeric acid. And the concentrations really were low. In the case of valeric acid, for example, that concentration was seven parts per trillion-a level only just detectable by bloodhounds. As a control, Dr Li used a mineral oil that has no detectable smell at any concentration.
The participants were asked to sniff a jar containing either one of the three odours or the scentless oil, and then press a button to indicate whether they thought the jar smelled of anything. Immediately after that, a picture of a face would appear on a screen in front of them for just over a second. Each participant was asked to rate the face's "likeability".
Dr Li found that the odours helped shape people's judgments about the faces when their responses indicated that they had not smelled anything. When someone had been exposed to valeric acid, for example, he tended to react negatively to a face. Exposure to citral, by contrast, made that face seem, on average, more friendly. (Obviously, the same face was not shown to any given participant more than once.) Even more intriguing, however, was that when participants did consciously perceive a smell, its effect on face-perception disappeared.
What is going on is unclear. If smells can carry useful information about personality (which is possible), then the effect would be expected to be the same whether or not the chemical in question is detected subliminally. If they do not carry such information, then it is hard to see what use the subliminal reaction is. Nevertheless, it is there.
The findings do, however, demonstrate what might be a powerful method of manipulation. Indeed, Dr Li considers the potential uses to be vast. Business meetings might be made more pleasant by releasing appropriate fragrances into the air in unsmellable amounts. Conversely, fights might be started by putting people in the presence of a faint foul odour. Advertising hoardings might benefit from a little olfactory tweaking and cinema audiences could be reduced to floods of tears at the appropriate moment. The sweet smell of success might, in other words, actually be undetectable. | 3461.txt | 3 |
[
"one's reaction to subliminal smells reflect useful information about his or her personality.",
"subliminal smells can influence people's interaction with each other.",
"subliminal smells have no effect on people's conscious face-perception.",
"subliminal smells turn out to be a means of powerful manipulation in terms of business success."
] | From Dr. Li's experiment, it can be infered that _ | In a world where sight and sound seem to reign supreme, all it takes is a cursory glance at the size of the perfume industry to realise that smell matters quite a lot, too. Odours are known to regulate moods, thoughts and even dating decisions, which is why any serious romantic will throw on the eau de toilette before going out for a night on the town. Yet in all these cases, those affected are aware of what they are smelling. Unlike the media of sight and sound, in which subliminal messages have been studied carefully, the potential power of subliminal smells has been neglected.
Wen Li and her colleagues at Northwestern University in Chicago are now changing that. In particular, they are investigating smells so faint that people say they cannot detect them. The idea is to see whether such smells can nevertheless change the way that people behave towards others.
Dr Li's experiment, the results of which have just been published in Psychological Science, employed 31 volunteers. These people were exposed to three different odours at low concentration. One was the fresh lemon scent of citral. The second was the neutral ethereal perfume of anisole. The third was the foul sweaty smell of valeric acid. And the concentrations really were low. In the case of valeric acid, for example, that concentration was seven parts per trillion-a level only just detectable by bloodhounds. As a control, Dr Li used a mineral oil that has no detectable smell at any concentration.
The participants were asked to sniff a jar containing either one of the three odours or the scentless oil, and then press a button to indicate whether they thought the jar smelled of anything. Immediately after that, a picture of a face would appear on a screen in front of them for just over a second. Each participant was asked to rate the face's "likeability".
Dr Li found that the odours helped shape people's judgments about the faces when their responses indicated that they had not smelled anything. When someone had been exposed to valeric acid, for example, he tended to react negatively to a face. Exposure to citral, by contrast, made that face seem, on average, more friendly. (Obviously, the same face was not shown to any given participant more than once.) Even more intriguing, however, was that when participants did consciously perceive a smell, its effect on face-perception disappeared.
What is going on is unclear. If smells can carry useful information about personality (which is possible), then the effect would be expected to be the same whether or not the chemical in question is detected subliminally. If they do not carry such information, then it is hard to see what use the subliminal reaction is. Nevertheless, it is there.
The findings do, however, demonstrate what might be a powerful method of manipulation. Indeed, Dr Li considers the potential uses to be vast. Business meetings might be made more pleasant by releasing appropriate fragrances into the air in unsmellable amounts. Conversely, fights might be started by putting people in the presence of a faint foul odour. Advertising hoardings might benefit from a little olfactory tweaking and cinema audiences could be reduced to floods of tears at the appropriate moment. The sweet smell of success might, in other words, actually be undetectable. | 3461.txt | 1 |
[
"universities have changed over the years",
"today all the students study to become teachers or ministers",
"all colleges were much ali k e in the early years",
"the students learned foreign languages only"
] | The story doesn't say so, but it makes you think that _ | Started in 1636, Harvard University is the oldest of the many colleges and universities in the United States. Yale, Princeton, Colombia and Dartmouth were opened soon after Harvard. They were all started before the American Revolution made the 13 colonies into states.
In the early years, these schools were much alike. Only young men attended colleges. All the students studied the same subjects, and everyone learned Latin,Greek and Hebrew. Little was known about science then, and no kind of school could teach everything that was known about the world. When the students graduated, most of them became ministers or teachers.
In 1782, Harvard started a medical school for young men who wanted to becomedoctors. Later lawyers could receive their training in Harvard's law school. In 1825, Harvard beganteaching modern languages, such as French and German, as well as Latin and Greek.
Soon it began teaching American history.
As knowledge increased, Harvard and other colleges began to teach many new subjects. Students were allowed to choose the subjects that interested them.
Special colleges for women were started. New state universities began to teach such subjects as farming, engineering and business. Today, there are many different kinds of colleges and universities. Most of them are divided into smaller schools that deal with special fields of learning. There is so much to learn that one kind of school cannot offer it all. | 3979.txt | 0 |
[
"everything that was known",
"many new subjects",
"Latin, Greek and Hebrew",
"French and German"
] | As knowledge increased, colleges began to teach _ | Started in 1636, Harvard University is the oldest of the many colleges and universities in the United States. Yale, Princeton, Colombia and Dartmouth were opened soon after Harvard. They were all started before the American Revolution made the 13 colonies into states.
In the early years, these schools were much alike. Only young men attended colleges. All the students studied the same subjects, and everyone learned Latin,Greek and Hebrew. Little was known about science then, and no kind of school could teach everything that was known about the world. When the students graduated, most of them became ministers or teachers.
In 1782, Harvard started a medical school for young men who wanted to becomedoctors. Later lawyers could receive their training in Harvard's law school. In 1825, Harvard beganteaching modern languages, such as French and German, as well as Latin and Greek.
Soon it began teaching American history.
As knowledge increased, Harvard and other colleges began to teach many new subjects. Students were allowed to choose the subjects that interested them.
Special colleges for women were started. New state universities began to teach such subjects as farming, engineering and business. Today, there are many different kinds of colleges and universities. Most of them are divided into smaller schools that deal with special fields of learning. There is so much to learn that one kind of school cannot offer it all. | 3979.txt | 1 |
[
"how colleges have changed",
"how to start a university",
"the American Revolution",
"the famous colleges in America"
] | On the whole, this story is about _ | Started in 1636, Harvard University is the oldest of the many colleges and universities in the United States. Yale, Princeton, Colombia and Dartmouth were opened soon after Harvard. They were all started before the American Revolution made the 13 colonies into states.
In the early years, these schools were much alike. Only young men attended colleges. All the students studied the same subjects, and everyone learned Latin,Greek and Hebrew. Little was known about science then, and no kind of school could teach everything that was known about the world. When the students graduated, most of them became ministers or teachers.
In 1782, Harvard started a medical school for young men who wanted to becomedoctors. Later lawyers could receive their training in Harvard's law school. In 1825, Harvard beganteaching modern languages, such as French and German, as well as Latin and Greek.
Soon it began teaching American history.
As knowledge increased, Harvard and other colleges began to teach many new subjects. Students were allowed to choose the subjects that interested them.
Special colleges for women were started. New state universities began to teach such subjects as farming, engineering and business. Today, there are many different kinds of colleges and universities. Most of them are divided into smaller schools that deal with special fields of learning. There is so much to learn that one kind of school cannot offer it all. | 3979.txt | 0 |
[
"There is more to learn today than in 1636.",
"The early schools are stil l much alike.",
"At that time, every student studied Latin, Greek and Hebrew.",
"They began teaching foreign languages in 1862."
] | Which statement does the story lead you to believe? | Started in 1636, Harvard University is the oldest of the many colleges and universities in the United States. Yale, Princeton, Colombia and Dartmouth were opened soon after Harvard. They were all started before the American Revolution made the 13 colonies into states.
In the early years, these schools were much alike. Only young men attended colleges. All the students studied the same subjects, and everyone learned Latin,Greek and Hebrew. Little was known about science then, and no kind of school could teach everything that was known about the world. When the students graduated, most of them became ministers or teachers.
In 1782, Harvard started a medical school for young men who wanted to becomedoctors. Later lawyers could receive their training in Harvard's law school. In 1825, Harvard beganteaching modern languages, such as French and German, as well as Latin and Greek.
Soon it began teaching American history.
As knowledge increased, Harvard and other colleges began to teach many new subjects. Students were allowed to choose the subjects that interested them.
Special colleges for women were started. New state universities began to teach such subjects as farming, engineering and business. Today, there are many different kinds of colleges and universities. Most of them are divided into smaller schools that deal with special fields of learning. There is so much to learn that one kind of school cannot offer it all. | 3979.txt | 0 |
[
"It is a means of imaginary transportation by which people could reach space.",
"It is a smooth 62,000-mile cable with which people carry goods to space now.",
"It is a thought experiment which sci e ntists are now doing.",
"It is something that people are now searching for."
] | What is the space elevator mentioned in this text? | NEW MEXICO-Make way for the final highrise project:the space elevator. Long viewed
as science story "imagineering", researchers are gathering strength in their search of something to push this uplifting imagination into actuality.
The elevator would be a smooth 62,000 mile ride up a long cable. Payloadscan shake up the Earth to sp a ce cable, experiencing no large launch forces, slowly climbing from one atmosphere to space.
Science fiction writers have been mentioning space elevators for years. Somecall it a "thought experiment", but others point out that space exploration B.C.-"Be fore Cable"-will pale compared with what's possible within ten tofifteen years.
Eards told SPACE. comthat he's been wrapped up ispace elevator work for some three years,supported by NIAC program. "I'm convinced that the space elevator is practical and do able." In 15 years we could have a doen cables running at top speed putting 50 tons in spaceevery day for even less, including upper middle class individuals wanting a joyride intospace.
For a space elevator to function, a cable with one end attachedto the Earth's surface stretches upwards, reaching beyond Earth orbit. The cable remains unmoving over a single position on Earth. This cable, once in position, can be lifted from Earth by machines, right into Earth orbit. The hardest challenge has been finding a super strong cable material. "That's what has kept this idea in science fiction for 40 years," Eards said. "But the right cable stuff is no longer thought of as …unoainium'," he said. The answer is carbon nanotube composite ribbon.. | 3758.txt | 0 |
[
"Contained.",
"Surrounded by.",
"Deeply devoted to.",
"Covered with."
] | What is the meaning of "wrapped up in "as the words are used in thetext? | NEW MEXICO-Make way for the final highrise project:the space elevator. Long viewed
as science story "imagineering", researchers are gathering strength in their search of something to push this uplifting imagination into actuality.
The elevator would be a smooth 62,000 mile ride up a long cable. Payloadscan shake up the Earth to sp a ce cable, experiencing no large launch forces, slowly climbing from one atmosphere to space.
Science fiction writers have been mentioning space elevators for years. Somecall it a "thought experiment", but others point out that space exploration B.C.-"Be fore Cable"-will pale compared with what's possible within ten tofifteen years.
Eards told SPACE. comthat he's been wrapped up ispace elevator work for some three years,supported by NIAC program. "I'm convinced that the space elevator is practical and do able." In 15 years we could have a doen cables running at top speed putting 50 tons in spaceevery day for even less, including upper middle class individuals wanting a joyride intospace.
For a space elevator to function, a cable with one end attachedto the Earth's surface stretches upwards, reaching beyond Earth orbit. The cable remains unmoving over a single position on Earth. This cable, once in position, can be lifted from Earth by machines, right into Earth orbit. The hardest challenge has been finding a super strong cable material. "That's what has kept this idea in science fiction for 40 years," Eards said. "But the right cable stuff is no longer thought of as …unoainium'," he said. The answer is carbon nanotube composite ribbon.. | 3758.txt | 2 |
[
"to announce the realiation of space elevator",
"to introduce the future space elevator",
"to attract more people to go sightseeing in space",
"to show the difficulty in building space elevator"
] | The main purpose of writing this te xt is _ | NEW MEXICO-Make way for the final highrise project:the space elevator. Long viewed
as science story "imagineering", researchers are gathering strength in their search of something to push this uplifting imagination into actuality.
The elevator would be a smooth 62,000 mile ride up a long cable. Payloadscan shake up the Earth to sp a ce cable, experiencing no large launch forces, slowly climbing from one atmosphere to space.
Science fiction writers have been mentioning space elevators for years. Somecall it a "thought experiment", but others point out that space exploration B.C.-"Be fore Cable"-will pale compared with what's possible within ten tofifteen years.
Eards told SPACE. comthat he's been wrapped up ispace elevator work for some three years,supported by NIAC program. "I'm convinced that the space elevator is practical and do able." In 15 years we could have a doen cables running at top speed putting 50 tons in spaceevery day for even less, including upper middle class individuals wanting a joyride intospace.
For a space elevator to function, a cable with one end attachedto the Earth's surface stretches upwards, reaching beyond Earth orbit. The cable remains unmoving over a single position on Earth. This cable, once in position, can be lifted from Earth by machines, right into Earth orbit. The hardest challenge has been finding a super strong cable material. "That's what has kept this idea in science fiction for 40 years," Eards said. "But the right cable stuff is no longer thought of as …unoainium'," he said. The answer is carbon nanotube composite ribbon.. | 3758.txt | 1 |
[
"Paul Newman wanted it.",
"The studio powers didn't like his agent.",
"He wasn't famous enough.",
"The director recommended someone else."
] | Why was the studio unwilling to give the role to author at first? | The friendship that grew out of the experience of making that film and The Sting four years later had its root in the fact that although there was an age difference, we both came from a tradition of theater and live TV. We were respectful of craftand focused on digging into the characters we were going to play. Both of us had the qualities and virtues that are typical of American actors: humorous, aggressive, and making fun of each other - but always with an underlying affection. Those were also at the coreof our relationship off the screen.
We shared the brief that if you're fortunate enough to have success, you should put something back - he with his Newman's Own food and his Hole in the Wall camps for kids who are seriously ill, and me with Sundance and the institute and the festival. Paul and I didn't see each other all that regularly, but sharing that brought us together. We supported each other financially and by showing up at events.
I last saw him a few months ago. He'd been in zxx.k and out of the hospital.He and I both knew what the deal was,and we didn't talk about it.Ours was a relationship that didn't need a lot of words. | 4026.txt | 2 |
[
"They were of the same dge.",
"They worked in the same theater.",
"They were both good actors.",
"They han similar charactertics."
] | Why did Paul and the author have a lasting friendship? | The friendship that grew out of the experience of making that film and The Sting four years later had its root in the fact that although there was an age difference, we both came from a tradition of theater and live TV. We were respectful of craftand focused on digging into the characters we were going to play. Both of us had the qualities and virtues that are typical of American actors: humorous, aggressive, and making fun of each other - but always with an underlying affection. Those were also at the coreof our relationship off the screen.
We shared the brief that if you're fortunate enough to have success, you should put something back - he with his Newman's Own food and his Hole in the Wall camps for kids who are seriously ill, and me with Sundance and the institute and the festival. Paul and I didn't see each other all that regularly, but sharing that brought us together. We supported each other financially and by showing up at events.
I last saw him a few months ago. He'd been in zxx.k and out of the hospital.He and I both knew what the deal was,and we didn't talk about it.Ours was a relationship that didn't need a lot of words. | 4026.txt | 3 |
[
"To show his love of films.",
"To remember a friend.",
"To introduce a new movie.",
"To share his acting experience."
] | What is the author's purpose in writing the test? | The friendship that grew out of the experience of making that film and The Sting four years later had its root in the fact that although there was an age difference, we both came from a tradition of theater and live TV. We were respectful of craftand focused on digging into the characters we were going to play. Both of us had the qualities and virtues that are typical of American actors: humorous, aggressive, and making fun of each other - but always with an underlying affection. Those were also at the coreof our relationship off the screen.
We shared the brief that if you're fortunate enough to have success, you should put something back - he with his Newman's Own food and his Hole in the Wall camps for kids who are seriously ill, and me with Sundance and the institute and the festival. Paul and I didn't see each other all that regularly, but sharing that brought us together. We supported each other financially and by showing up at events.
I last saw him a few months ago. He'd been in zxx.k and out of the hospital.He and I both knew what the deal was,and we didn't talk about it.Ours was a relationship that didn't need a lot of words. | 4026.txt | 1 |
[
"asleep",
"outside",
"working in bed",
"quietly laughing at him"
] | When the author was going over his lessons, all the others in the house were. | The clock struck eleven at night. The whole house was quiet. Everyone was in bed except me. Under the strong light, I looked sadly before me at a huge pile of that troublesome stuff they call "books".
I was going to have my examination the next day. "When can I go to bed?" I asked myself. I didn't answer, In fact I dared not.
The clock struck twelve." Oh, dear!" I cried. "Ten more books to read before I can go to bed!" We pupils are the most wretched creatures in the world. Dad does not agree with me on this. He did not have to work so hard when he was a boy.
The clock struck one. I was quite desperate now. I forgot all I had learned. I was too tired to go on. I did the only thing I could. I prayed, "Oh, God, please help me pass the exam tomorrow. I do promise to work hard afterwards, Amen." My eyes were so heavy that I could hardly open them A few minutes later, with my head on the desk, I fell asleep. | 1749.txt | 0 |
[
"it was too late at night",
"he was very tired",
"his eyes lids were so heavy that he couldn't keep them open",
"he hadn't studied hard before the examination"
] | Reviewing his lessons didn't help him because. | The clock struck eleven at night. The whole house was quiet. Everyone was in bed except me. Under the strong light, I looked sadly before me at a huge pile of that troublesome stuff they call "books".
I was going to have my examination the next day. "When can I go to bed?" I asked myself. I didn't answer, In fact I dared not.
The clock struck twelve." Oh, dear!" I cried. "Ten more books to read before I can go to bed!" We pupils are the most wretched creatures in the world. Dad does not agree with me on this. He did not have to work so hard when he was a boy.
The clock struck one. I was quite desperate now. I forgot all I had learned. I was too tired to go on. I did the only thing I could. I prayed, "Oh, God, please help me pass the exam tomorrow. I do promise to work hard afterwards, Amen." My eyes were so heavy that I could hardly open them A few minutes later, with my head on the desk, I fell asleep. | 1749.txt | 3 |
[
"He went to a church to pray again",
"He passed the exam by sheer luck",
"He failed in the exam",
"He was punished by his teacher"
] | What do you suppose happened to the author? | The clock struck eleven at night. The whole house was quiet. Everyone was in bed except me. Under the strong light, I looked sadly before me at a huge pile of that troublesome stuff they call "books".
I was going to have my examination the next day. "When can I go to bed?" I asked myself. I didn't answer, In fact I dared not.
The clock struck twelve." Oh, dear!" I cried. "Ten more books to read before I can go to bed!" We pupils are the most wretched creatures in the world. Dad does not agree with me on this. He did not have to work so hard when he was a boy.
The clock struck one. I was quite desperate now. I forgot all I had learned. I was too tired to go on. I did the only thing I could. I prayed, "Oh, God, please help me pass the exam tomorrow. I do promise to work hard afterwards, Amen." My eyes were so heavy that I could hardly open them A few minutes later, with my head on the desk, I fell asleep. | 1749.txt | 2 |
[
"The Night Before the Examination",
"Working Far into the Night",
"A Slow Student",
"Going Over My Lessons"
] | The best title for the passage would be. | The clock struck eleven at night. The whole house was quiet. Everyone was in bed except me. Under the strong light, I looked sadly before me at a huge pile of that troublesome stuff they call "books".
I was going to have my examination the next day. "When can I go to bed?" I asked myself. I didn't answer, In fact I dared not.
The clock struck twelve." Oh, dear!" I cried. "Ten more books to read before I can go to bed!" We pupils are the most wretched creatures in the world. Dad does not agree with me on this. He did not have to work so hard when he was a boy.
The clock struck one. I was quite desperate now. I forgot all I had learned. I was too tired to go on. I did the only thing I could. I prayed, "Oh, God, please help me pass the exam tomorrow. I do promise to work hard afterwards, Amen." My eyes were so heavy that I could hardly open them A few minutes later, with my head on the desk, I fell asleep. | 1749.txt | 0 |
[
"It's delicate.",
"It's expensive.",
"It's complex.",
"It's portable."
] | What do we know about the solar still equipment from the first paragraph? | To construct a working still, use a sharp stick or rock to dig a hole four feet across and three feet deep. Try to make the hole in a damp area to increasethe water catcher'sproductivity. Place your cup in the deepest part of the hole. Then lay the tube in place so that one end rests all the way in the cup and the rest of the line runs up - and out - the side of the hole.
Next, cover the hole with the plastic sheet, securing the edges of the plastic with dirt and weighting the sheet's center down with a rock. The plastic should now form a cone with 45-degree-angled sides. The low point of the sheet must be centered directly over, and no more than three inches above, the cup.
The solar still works by creating a greenhouse under the plastic. Ground water evaporates and collects on the sheet until small drops of water form, run down the material and fall off into the cup. When the container is full, you can suck the refreshment zxxk out through the tube, and won't have to break down the still every time you need a drink. | 3921.txt | 3 |
[
"Dig a hole of a certain size.",
"Put the cup in place.",
"Weight the sheet's center down.",
"Cover the hole with the plastic sheet."
] | What's the last step of constructing a working solar still? | To construct a working still, use a sharp stick or rock to dig a hole four feet across and three feet deep. Try to make the hole in a damp area to increasethe water catcher'sproductivity. Place your cup in the deepest part of the hole. Then lay the tube in place so that one end rests all the way in the cup and the rest of the line runs up - and out - the side of the hole.
Next, cover the hole with the plastic sheet, securing the edges of the plastic with dirt and weighting the sheet's center down with a rock. The plastic should now form a cone with 45-degree-angled sides. The low point of the sheet must be centered directly over, and no more than three inches above, the cup.
The solar still works by creating a greenhouse under the plastic. Ground water evaporates and collects on the sheet until small drops of water form, run down the material and fall off into the cup. When the container is full, you can suck the refreshment zxxk out through the tube, and won't have to break down the still every time you need a drink. | 3921.txt | 2 |
[
"the plastic tube",
"outside the hole",
"the open air",
"beneath the sheet"
] | When a solar still works, drops of water come into the cup form. | To construct a working still, use a sharp stick or rock to dig a hole four feet across and three feet deep. Try to make the hole in a damp area to increasethe water catcher'sproductivity. Place your cup in the deepest part of the hole. Then lay the tube in place so that one end rests all the way in the cup and the rest of the line runs up - and out - the side of the hole.
Next, cover the hole with the plastic sheet, securing the edges of the plastic with dirt and weighting the sheet's center down with a rock. The plastic should now form a cone with 45-degree-angled sides. The low point of the sheet must be centered directly over, and no more than three inches above, the cup.
The solar still works by creating a greenhouse under the plastic. Ground water evaporates and collects on the sheet until small drops of water form, run down the material and fall off into the cup. When the container is full, you can suck the refreshment zxxk out through the tube, and won't have to break down the still every time you need a drink. | 3921.txt | 3 |
[
"increase for",
"remove from",
"place on",
"distribute to"
] | The phrase "impose on" in the passage(Paragraph 1)is closest in meaning to | Many signals that animals make seem to impose on the signalers costs that are overly damaging. A classic example is noisy begging by nestling songbirds when a parent returns to the nest with food. These loud cheeps and peeps might give the location of the nest away to a listening hawk or raccoon, resulting in the death of the defenseless nestlings. In fact, when tapes of begging tree swallows were played at an artificial swallow nest containing an egg, the egg in that "noisy"nest was taken or destroyed by predators before the egg in a nearby quiet nest in 29 of 37 trials.
Further evidence for the costs of begging comes from a study of differences in the begging calls of warbler species that nest on the ground versus those that nest in the relative safety of trees. The young of ground-nesting warblers produce begging cheeps of higher frequencies than do their tree-nesting relatives. These higher-frequency sounds do not travel as far, and so may better conceal the individuals producing them, who are especially vulnerable to predators in their ground nests. David Haskell created artificial nests with clay eggs and placed them on the ground beside a tape recorder that played the begging calls of either tree-nesting or of ground-nesting warblers. The eggs "advertised"by the tree-nesters' begging calls were found bitten significantly more often than the eggs associated with the ground-nesters' calls.
The hypothesis that begging calls have evolved properties that reduce their potential for attracting predators yields a prediction: baby birds of species that experience high rates of nest predation should produce softer begging signals of higher frequency than nestlings of other species less often victimized by nest predators. This prediction was supported by data collected in one survey of 24 species from an Arizona forest, more evidence that predator pressure favors the evolution of begging calls that are hard to detect and pinpoint.
Given that predators can make it costly to beg for food, what benefit do begging nestlings derive from their communications? One possibility is that a noisy baby bird provides accurate signals of its real hunger and good health, making it worthwhile for the listening parent to give it food in a nest where several other offspring are usually available to be fed. If this hypothesis is true, then it follows that nestlings should adjust the intensity of their signals in relation to the signals produced by their nestmates, who are competing for parental attention. When experimentally deprived baby robins are placed in a nest with normally fed siblings, the hungry nestlings beg more loudly than usual-but so do their better-fed siblings, though not as loudly as the hungrier birds.
If parent birds use begging intensity to direct food to healthy offspring capable of vigorous begging, then parents should make food delivery decisions on the basis of their offsprings'calls. Indeed, if you take baby tree swallows out of a nest for an hour feeding half the set and starving the other half, when the birds are replaced in the nest, the starved youngsters beg more loudly than the fed birds, and the parent birds feed the active beggars more than those who beg less vigorously.
As these experiments show, begging apparently provides a signal of need that parents use to make judgments about which offspring can benefit most from a feeding. But the question arises, why don't nestlings beg loudly when they aren't all that hungry? By doing so, they could possibly secure more food, which should result in more rapid growth or larger size, either of which is advantageous. The answer lies apparently not in the increased energy costs of exaggerated begging-such energy costs are small relative to the potential gain in calories-but rather in the damage that any successful cheater would do to its siblings, which share genes with one another. An individual's success in propagating his or her genes can be affected by more than just his or her own personal reproductive success. Because close relatives have many of the same genes, animals that harm their close relatives may in effect be destroying some of their own genes. Therefore, a begging nestling that secures food at the expense of its siblings might actually leave behind fewer copies of its genes overall than it might otherwise. | 920.txt | 2 |
[
"Begging by nestling birds can attract the attention of predators to the nest.",
"Nest predators attack nests that contain nestlings more frequently than they attack nests that contain only eggs.",
"Tapes of begging nestlings attract predators to the nest less frequently than real begging calls do.",
"Nest predators have no other means of locating bird nests except the begging calls of nestling birds."
] | According to paragraph 1, the experiment with tapes of begging tree swallows establishes which of the following? | Many signals that animals make seem to impose on the signalers costs that are overly damaging. A classic example is noisy begging by nestling songbirds when a parent returns to the nest with food. These loud cheeps and peeps might give the location of the nest away to a listening hawk or raccoon, resulting in the death of the defenseless nestlings. In fact, when tapes of begging tree swallows were played at an artificial swallow nest containing an egg, the egg in that "noisy"nest was taken or destroyed by predators before the egg in a nearby quiet nest in 29 of 37 trials.
Further evidence for the costs of begging comes from a study of differences in the begging calls of warbler species that nest on the ground versus those that nest in the relative safety of trees. The young of ground-nesting warblers produce begging cheeps of higher frequencies than do their tree-nesting relatives. These higher-frequency sounds do not travel as far, and so may better conceal the individuals producing them, who are especially vulnerable to predators in their ground nests. David Haskell created artificial nests with clay eggs and placed them on the ground beside a tape recorder that played the begging calls of either tree-nesting or of ground-nesting warblers. The eggs "advertised"by the tree-nesters' begging calls were found bitten significantly more often than the eggs associated with the ground-nesters' calls.
The hypothesis that begging calls have evolved properties that reduce their potential for attracting predators yields a prediction: baby birds of species that experience high rates of nest predation should produce softer begging signals of higher frequency than nestlings of other species less often victimized by nest predators. This prediction was supported by data collected in one survey of 24 species from an Arizona forest, more evidence that predator pressure favors the evolution of begging calls that are hard to detect and pinpoint.
Given that predators can make it costly to beg for food, what benefit do begging nestlings derive from their communications? One possibility is that a noisy baby bird provides accurate signals of its real hunger and good health, making it worthwhile for the listening parent to give it food in a nest where several other offspring are usually available to be fed. If this hypothesis is true, then it follows that nestlings should adjust the intensity of their signals in relation to the signals produced by their nestmates, who are competing for parental attention. When experimentally deprived baby robins are placed in a nest with normally fed siblings, the hungry nestlings beg more loudly than usual-but so do their better-fed siblings, though not as loudly as the hungrier birds.
If parent birds use begging intensity to direct food to healthy offspring capable of vigorous begging, then parents should make food delivery decisions on the basis of their offsprings'calls. Indeed, if you take baby tree swallows out of a nest for an hour feeding half the set and starving the other half, when the birds are replaced in the nest, the starved youngsters beg more loudly than the fed birds, and the parent birds feed the active beggars more than those who beg less vigorously.
As these experiments show, begging apparently provides a signal of need that parents use to make judgments about which offspring can benefit most from a feeding. But the question arises, why don't nestlings beg loudly when they aren't all that hungry? By doing so, they could possibly secure more food, which should result in more rapid growth or larger size, either of which is advantageous. The answer lies apparently not in the increased energy costs of exaggerated begging-such energy costs are small relative to the potential gain in calories-but rather in the damage that any successful cheater would do to its siblings, which share genes with one another. An individual's success in propagating his or her genes can be affected by more than just his or her own personal reproductive success. Because close relatives have many of the same genes, animals that harm their close relatives may in effect be destroying some of their own genes. Therefore, a begging nestling that secures food at the expense of its siblings might actually leave behind fewer copies of its genes overall than it might otherwise. | 920.txt | 0 |
[
"attractive",
"not real",
"short-term",
"well designed"
] | The word "artificial"(Paragraph 2)in the passage is closest in meaning to | Many signals that animals make seem to impose on the signalers costs that are overly damaging. A classic example is noisy begging by nestling songbirds when a parent returns to the nest with food. These loud cheeps and peeps might give the location of the nest away to a listening hawk or raccoon, resulting in the death of the defenseless nestlings. In fact, when tapes of begging tree swallows were played at an artificial swallow nest containing an egg, the egg in that "noisy"nest was taken or destroyed by predators before the egg in a nearby quiet nest in 29 of 37 trials.
Further evidence for the costs of begging comes from a study of differences in the begging calls of warbler species that nest on the ground versus those that nest in the relative safety of trees. The young of ground-nesting warblers produce begging cheeps of higher frequencies than do their tree-nesting relatives. These higher-frequency sounds do not travel as far, and so may better conceal the individuals producing them, who are especially vulnerable to predators in their ground nests. David Haskell created artificial nests with clay eggs and placed them on the ground beside a tape recorder that played the begging calls of either tree-nesting or of ground-nesting warblers. The eggs "advertised"by the tree-nesters' begging calls were found bitten significantly more often than the eggs associated with the ground-nesters' calls.
The hypothesis that begging calls have evolved properties that reduce their potential for attracting predators yields a prediction: baby birds of species that experience high rates of nest predation should produce softer begging signals of higher frequency than nestlings of other species less often victimized by nest predators. This prediction was supported by data collected in one survey of 24 species from an Arizona forest, more evidence that predator pressure favors the evolution of begging calls that are hard to detect and pinpoint.
Given that predators can make it costly to beg for food, what benefit do begging nestlings derive from their communications? One possibility is that a noisy baby bird provides accurate signals of its real hunger and good health, making it worthwhile for the listening parent to give it food in a nest where several other offspring are usually available to be fed. If this hypothesis is true, then it follows that nestlings should adjust the intensity of their signals in relation to the signals produced by their nestmates, who are competing for parental attention. When experimentally deprived baby robins are placed in a nest with normally fed siblings, the hungry nestlings beg more loudly than usual-but so do their better-fed siblings, though not as loudly as the hungrier birds.
If parent birds use begging intensity to direct food to healthy offspring capable of vigorous begging, then parents should make food delivery decisions on the basis of their offsprings'calls. Indeed, if you take baby tree swallows out of a nest for an hour feeding half the set and starving the other half, when the birds are replaced in the nest, the starved youngsters beg more loudly than the fed birds, and the parent birds feed the active beggars more than those who beg less vigorously.
As these experiments show, begging apparently provides a signal of need that parents use to make judgments about which offspring can benefit most from a feeding. But the question arises, why don't nestlings beg loudly when they aren't all that hungry? By doing so, they could possibly secure more food, which should result in more rapid growth or larger size, either of which is advantageous. The answer lies apparently not in the increased energy costs of exaggerated begging-such energy costs are small relative to the potential gain in calories-but rather in the damage that any successful cheater would do to its siblings, which share genes with one another. An individual's success in propagating his or her genes can be affected by more than just his or her own personal reproductive success. Because close relatives have many of the same genes, animals that harm their close relatives may in effect be destroying some of their own genes. Therefore, a begging nestling that secures food at the expense of its siblings might actually leave behind fewer copies of its genes overall than it might otherwise. | 920.txt | 1 |
[
"put them at more risk than ground-nesting warblers experience",
"can be heard from a greater distance than those of ground-nesting warblers",
"are more likely to conceal the signaler than those of ground-nesting warblers",
"have higher frequencies than those of ground-nesting warblers"
] | Paragraph 2 indicates that the begging calls of tree nesting warblers | Many signals that animals make seem to impose on the signalers costs that are overly damaging. A classic example is noisy begging by nestling songbirds when a parent returns to the nest with food. These loud cheeps and peeps might give the location of the nest away to a listening hawk or raccoon, resulting in the death of the defenseless nestlings. In fact, when tapes of begging tree swallows were played at an artificial swallow nest containing an egg, the egg in that "noisy"nest was taken or destroyed by predators before the egg in a nearby quiet nest in 29 of 37 trials.
Further evidence for the costs of begging comes from a study of differences in the begging calls of warbler species that nest on the ground versus those that nest in the relative safety of trees. The young of ground-nesting warblers produce begging cheeps of higher frequencies than do their tree-nesting relatives. These higher-frequency sounds do not travel as far, and so may better conceal the individuals producing them, who are especially vulnerable to predators in their ground nests. David Haskell created artificial nests with clay eggs and placed them on the ground beside a tape recorder that played the begging calls of either tree-nesting or of ground-nesting warblers. The eggs "advertised"by the tree-nesters' begging calls were found bitten significantly more often than the eggs associated with the ground-nesters' calls.
The hypothesis that begging calls have evolved properties that reduce their potential for attracting predators yields a prediction: baby birds of species that experience high rates of nest predation should produce softer begging signals of higher frequency than nestlings of other species less often victimized by nest predators. This prediction was supported by data collected in one survey of 24 species from an Arizona forest, more evidence that predator pressure favors the evolution of begging calls that are hard to detect and pinpoint.
Given that predators can make it costly to beg for food, what benefit do begging nestlings derive from their communications? One possibility is that a noisy baby bird provides accurate signals of its real hunger and good health, making it worthwhile for the listening parent to give it food in a nest where several other offspring are usually available to be fed. If this hypothesis is true, then it follows that nestlings should adjust the intensity of their signals in relation to the signals produced by their nestmates, who are competing for parental attention. When experimentally deprived baby robins are placed in a nest with normally fed siblings, the hungry nestlings beg more loudly than usual-but so do their better-fed siblings, though not as loudly as the hungrier birds.
If parent birds use begging intensity to direct food to healthy offspring capable of vigorous begging, then parents should make food delivery decisions on the basis of their offsprings'calls. Indeed, if you take baby tree swallows out of a nest for an hour feeding half the set and starving the other half, when the birds are replaced in the nest, the starved youngsters beg more loudly than the fed birds, and the parent birds feed the active beggars more than those who beg less vigorously.
As these experiments show, begging apparently provides a signal of need that parents use to make judgments about which offspring can benefit most from a feeding. But the question arises, why don't nestlings beg loudly when they aren't all that hungry? By doing so, they could possibly secure more food, which should result in more rapid growth or larger size, either of which is advantageous. The answer lies apparently not in the increased energy costs of exaggerated begging-such energy costs are small relative to the potential gain in calories-but rather in the damage that any successful cheater would do to its siblings, which share genes with one another. An individual's success in propagating his or her genes can be affected by more than just his or her own personal reproductive success. Because close relatives have many of the same genes, animals that harm their close relatives may in effect be destroying some of their own genes. Therefore, a begging nestling that secures food at the expense of its siblings might actually leave behind fewer copies of its genes overall than it might otherwise. | 920.txt | 1 |
[
"Predators are unable to distinguish between the begging cheeps of ground-nesting and those of tree-nesting warblers except by the differing frequencies of the calls.",
"When they can find them, predators prefer the eggs of tree-nesting warblers to those of ground-nesting warblers.",
"The higher frequencies of the begging cheeps of ground-nesting warblers are an adaptation to the threat that ground-nesting birds face from predators.",
"The danger of begging depends more on the frequency of the begging cheep than on how loud it is."
] | The experiment described in paragraph 2 supports which of the following conclusions? | Many signals that animals make seem to impose on the signalers costs that are overly damaging. A classic example is noisy begging by nestling songbirds when a parent returns to the nest with food. These loud cheeps and peeps might give the location of the nest away to a listening hawk or raccoon, resulting in the death of the defenseless nestlings. In fact, when tapes of begging tree swallows were played at an artificial swallow nest containing an egg, the egg in that "noisy"nest was taken or destroyed by predators before the egg in a nearby quiet nest in 29 of 37 trials.
Further evidence for the costs of begging comes from a study of differences in the begging calls of warbler species that nest on the ground versus those that nest in the relative safety of trees. The young of ground-nesting warblers produce begging cheeps of higher frequencies than do their tree-nesting relatives. These higher-frequency sounds do not travel as far, and so may better conceal the individuals producing them, who are especially vulnerable to predators in their ground nests. David Haskell created artificial nests with clay eggs and placed them on the ground beside a tape recorder that played the begging calls of either tree-nesting or of ground-nesting warblers. The eggs "advertised"by the tree-nesters' begging calls were found bitten significantly more often than the eggs associated with the ground-nesters' calls.
The hypothesis that begging calls have evolved properties that reduce their potential for attracting predators yields a prediction: baby birds of species that experience high rates of nest predation should produce softer begging signals of higher frequency than nestlings of other species less often victimized by nest predators. This prediction was supported by data collected in one survey of 24 species from an Arizona forest, more evidence that predator pressure favors the evolution of begging calls that are hard to detect and pinpoint.
Given that predators can make it costly to beg for food, what benefit do begging nestlings derive from their communications? One possibility is that a noisy baby bird provides accurate signals of its real hunger and good health, making it worthwhile for the listening parent to give it food in a nest where several other offspring are usually available to be fed. If this hypothesis is true, then it follows that nestlings should adjust the intensity of their signals in relation to the signals produced by their nestmates, who are competing for parental attention. When experimentally deprived baby robins are placed in a nest with normally fed siblings, the hungry nestlings beg more loudly than usual-but so do their better-fed siblings, though not as loudly as the hungrier birds.
If parent birds use begging intensity to direct food to healthy offspring capable of vigorous begging, then parents should make food delivery decisions on the basis of their offsprings'calls. Indeed, if you take baby tree swallows out of a nest for an hour feeding half the set and starving the other half, when the birds are replaced in the nest, the starved youngsters beg more loudly than the fed birds, and the parent birds feed the active beggars more than those who beg less vigorously.
As these experiments show, begging apparently provides a signal of need that parents use to make judgments about which offspring can benefit most from a feeding. But the question arises, why don't nestlings beg loudly when they aren't all that hungry? By doing so, they could possibly secure more food, which should result in more rapid growth or larger size, either of which is advantageous. The answer lies apparently not in the increased energy costs of exaggerated begging-such energy costs are small relative to the potential gain in calories-but rather in the damage that any successful cheater would do to its siblings, which share genes with one another. An individual's success in propagating his or her genes can be affected by more than just his or her own personal reproductive success. Because close relatives have many of the same genes, animals that harm their close relatives may in effect be destroying some of their own genes. Therefore, a begging nestling that secures food at the expense of its siblings might actually leave behind fewer copies of its genes overall than it might otherwise. | 920.txt | 2 |
[
"surprise",
"discovery",
"explanation",
"expectation"
] | The word "prediction" in the passage(Paragraph 3)is closest in meaning to | Many signals that animals make seem to impose on the signalers costs that are overly damaging. A classic example is noisy begging by nestling songbirds when a parent returns to the nest with food. These loud cheeps and peeps might give the location of the nest away to a listening hawk or raccoon, resulting in the death of the defenseless nestlings. In fact, when tapes of begging tree swallows were played at an artificial swallow nest containing an egg, the egg in that "noisy"nest was taken or destroyed by predators before the egg in a nearby quiet nest in 29 of 37 trials.
Further evidence for the costs of begging comes from a study of differences in the begging calls of warbler species that nest on the ground versus those that nest in the relative safety of trees. The young of ground-nesting warblers produce begging cheeps of higher frequencies than do their tree-nesting relatives. These higher-frequency sounds do not travel as far, and so may better conceal the individuals producing them, who are especially vulnerable to predators in their ground nests. David Haskell created artificial nests with clay eggs and placed them on the ground beside a tape recorder that played the begging calls of either tree-nesting or of ground-nesting warblers. The eggs "advertised"by the tree-nesters' begging calls were found bitten significantly more often than the eggs associated with the ground-nesters' calls.
The hypothesis that begging calls have evolved properties that reduce their potential for attracting predators yields a prediction: baby birds of species that experience high rates of nest predation should produce softer begging signals of higher frequency than nestlings of other species less often victimized by nest predators. This prediction was supported by data collected in one survey of 24 species from an Arizona forest, more evidence that predator pressure favors the evolution of begging calls that are hard to detect and pinpoint.
Given that predators can make it costly to beg for food, what benefit do begging nestlings derive from their communications? One possibility is that a noisy baby bird provides accurate signals of its real hunger and good health, making it worthwhile for the listening parent to give it food in a nest where several other offspring are usually available to be fed. If this hypothesis is true, then it follows that nestlings should adjust the intensity of their signals in relation to the signals produced by their nestmates, who are competing for parental attention. When experimentally deprived baby robins are placed in a nest with normally fed siblings, the hungry nestlings beg more loudly than usual-but so do their better-fed siblings, though not as loudly as the hungrier birds.
If parent birds use begging intensity to direct food to healthy offspring capable of vigorous begging, then parents should make food delivery decisions on the basis of their offsprings'calls. Indeed, if you take baby tree swallows out of a nest for an hour feeding half the set and starving the other half, when the birds are replaced in the nest, the starved youngsters beg more loudly than the fed birds, and the parent birds feed the active beggars more than those who beg less vigorously.
As these experiments show, begging apparently provides a signal of need that parents use to make judgments about which offspring can benefit most from a feeding. But the question arises, why don't nestlings beg loudly when they aren't all that hungry? By doing so, they could possibly secure more food, which should result in more rapid growth or larger size, either of which is advantageous. The answer lies apparently not in the increased energy costs of exaggerated begging-such energy costs are small relative to the potential gain in calories-but rather in the damage that any successful cheater would do to its siblings, which share genes with one another. An individual's success in propagating his or her genes can be affected by more than just his or her own personal reproductive success. Because close relatives have many of the same genes, animals that harm their close relatives may in effect be destroying some of their own genes. Therefore, a begging nestling that secures food at the expense of its siblings might actually leave behind fewer copies of its genes overall than it might otherwise. | 920.txt | 3 |
[
"observe",
"locate exactly",
"copy accurately",
"recognize"
] | The word "pinpoint" in the passage(Paragraph 3)is closest in meaning to | Many signals that animals make seem to impose on the signalers costs that are overly damaging. A classic example is noisy begging by nestling songbirds when a parent returns to the nest with food. These loud cheeps and peeps might give the location of the nest away to a listening hawk or raccoon, resulting in the death of the defenseless nestlings. In fact, when tapes of begging tree swallows were played at an artificial swallow nest containing an egg, the egg in that "noisy"nest was taken or destroyed by predators before the egg in a nearby quiet nest in 29 of 37 trials.
Further evidence for the costs of begging comes from a study of differences in the begging calls of warbler species that nest on the ground versus those that nest in the relative safety of trees. The young of ground-nesting warblers produce begging cheeps of higher frequencies than do their tree-nesting relatives. These higher-frequency sounds do not travel as far, and so may better conceal the individuals producing them, who are especially vulnerable to predators in their ground nests. David Haskell created artificial nests with clay eggs and placed them on the ground beside a tape recorder that played the begging calls of either tree-nesting or of ground-nesting warblers. The eggs "advertised"by the tree-nesters' begging calls were found bitten significantly more often than the eggs associated with the ground-nesters' calls.
The hypothesis that begging calls have evolved properties that reduce their potential for attracting predators yields a prediction: baby birds of species that experience high rates of nest predation should produce softer begging signals of higher frequency than nestlings of other species less often victimized by nest predators. This prediction was supported by data collected in one survey of 24 species from an Arizona forest, more evidence that predator pressure favors the evolution of begging calls that are hard to detect and pinpoint.
Given that predators can make it costly to beg for food, what benefit do begging nestlings derive from their communications? One possibility is that a noisy baby bird provides accurate signals of its real hunger and good health, making it worthwhile for the listening parent to give it food in a nest where several other offspring are usually available to be fed. If this hypothesis is true, then it follows that nestlings should adjust the intensity of their signals in relation to the signals produced by their nestmates, who are competing for parental attention. When experimentally deprived baby robins are placed in a nest with normally fed siblings, the hungry nestlings beg more loudly than usual-but so do their better-fed siblings, though not as loudly as the hungrier birds.
If parent birds use begging intensity to direct food to healthy offspring capable of vigorous begging, then parents should make food delivery decisions on the basis of their offsprings'calls. Indeed, if you take baby tree swallows out of a nest for an hour feeding half the set and starving the other half, when the birds are replaced in the nest, the starved youngsters beg more loudly than the fed birds, and the parent birds feed the active beggars more than those who beg less vigorously.
As these experiments show, begging apparently provides a signal of need that parents use to make judgments about which offspring can benefit most from a feeding. But the question arises, why don't nestlings beg loudly when they aren't all that hungry? By doing so, they could possibly secure more food, which should result in more rapid growth or larger size, either of which is advantageous. The answer lies apparently not in the increased energy costs of exaggerated begging-such energy costs are small relative to the potential gain in calories-but rather in the damage that any successful cheater would do to its siblings, which share genes with one another. An individual's success in propagating his or her genes can be affected by more than just his or her own personal reproductive success. Because close relatives have many of the same genes, animals that harm their close relatives may in effect be destroying some of their own genes. Therefore, a begging nestling that secures food at the expense of its siblings might actually leave behind fewer copies of its genes overall than it might otherwise. | 920.txt | 1 |
[
"require",
"gain",
"use",
"produce"
] | The word "derive" in the passage(Paragraph 4)is closest in meaning to | Many signals that animals make seem to impose on the signalers costs that are overly damaging. A classic example is noisy begging by nestling songbirds when a parent returns to the nest with food. These loud cheeps and peeps might give the location of the nest away to a listening hawk or raccoon, resulting in the death of the defenseless nestlings. In fact, when tapes of begging tree swallows were played at an artificial swallow nest containing an egg, the egg in that "noisy"nest was taken or destroyed by predators before the egg in a nearby quiet nest in 29 of 37 trials.
Further evidence for the costs of begging comes from a study of differences in the begging calls of warbler species that nest on the ground versus those that nest in the relative safety of trees. The young of ground-nesting warblers produce begging cheeps of higher frequencies than do their tree-nesting relatives. These higher-frequency sounds do not travel as far, and so may better conceal the individuals producing them, who are especially vulnerable to predators in their ground nests. David Haskell created artificial nests with clay eggs and placed them on the ground beside a tape recorder that played the begging calls of either tree-nesting or of ground-nesting warblers. The eggs "advertised"by the tree-nesters' begging calls were found bitten significantly more often than the eggs associated with the ground-nesters' calls.
The hypothesis that begging calls have evolved properties that reduce their potential for attracting predators yields a prediction: baby birds of species that experience high rates of nest predation should produce softer begging signals of higher frequency than nestlings of other species less often victimized by nest predators. This prediction was supported by data collected in one survey of 24 species from an Arizona forest, more evidence that predator pressure favors the evolution of begging calls that are hard to detect and pinpoint.
Given that predators can make it costly to beg for food, what benefit do begging nestlings derive from their communications? One possibility is that a noisy baby bird provides accurate signals of its real hunger and good health, making it worthwhile for the listening parent to give it food in a nest where several other offspring are usually available to be fed. If this hypothesis is true, then it follows that nestlings should adjust the intensity of their signals in relation to the signals produced by their nestmates, who are competing for parental attention. When experimentally deprived baby robins are placed in a nest with normally fed siblings, the hungry nestlings beg more loudly than usual-but so do their better-fed siblings, though not as loudly as the hungrier birds.
If parent birds use begging intensity to direct food to healthy offspring capable of vigorous begging, then parents should make food delivery decisions on the basis of their offsprings'calls. Indeed, if you take baby tree swallows out of a nest for an hour feeding half the set and starving the other half, when the birds are replaced in the nest, the starved youngsters beg more loudly than the fed birds, and the parent birds feed the active beggars more than those who beg less vigorously.
As these experiments show, begging apparently provides a signal of need that parents use to make judgments about which offspring can benefit most from a feeding. But the question arises, why don't nestlings beg loudly when they aren't all that hungry? By doing so, they could possibly secure more food, which should result in more rapid growth or larger size, either of which is advantageous. The answer lies apparently not in the increased energy costs of exaggerated begging-such energy costs are small relative to the potential gain in calories-but rather in the damage that any successful cheater would do to its siblings, which share genes with one another. An individual's success in propagating his or her genes can be affected by more than just his or her own personal reproductive success. Because close relatives have many of the same genes, animals that harm their close relatives may in effect be destroying some of their own genes. Therefore, a begging nestling that secures food at the expense of its siblings might actually leave behind fewer copies of its genes overall than it might otherwise. | 920.txt | 1 |
[
"When placed in a nest with hungry robins, well-fed robins did not beg for food.",
"Among robin nestlings, the intensity of begging decreased the more the nestlings were fed.",
"Hungry tree swallow nestlings begged louder than well-fed nestlings in the same nest.",
"Hungry tree swallow nestlings continued to beg loudly until they were fed whereas well-fed nestlings soon stopped begging."
] | In paragraphs 4 and 5, what evidence supports the claim that the intensity of nestling begging calls is a good indicator of which offspring in a nest would most benefit from a feeding? | Many signals that animals make seem to impose on the signalers costs that are overly damaging. A classic example is noisy begging by nestling songbirds when a parent returns to the nest with food. These loud cheeps and peeps might give the location of the nest away to a listening hawk or raccoon, resulting in the death of the defenseless nestlings. In fact, when tapes of begging tree swallows were played at an artificial swallow nest containing an egg, the egg in that "noisy"nest was taken or destroyed by predators before the egg in a nearby quiet nest in 29 of 37 trials.
Further evidence for the costs of begging comes from a study of differences in the begging calls of warbler species that nest on the ground versus those that nest in the relative safety of trees. The young of ground-nesting warblers produce begging cheeps of higher frequencies than do their tree-nesting relatives. These higher-frequency sounds do not travel as far, and so may better conceal the individuals producing them, who are especially vulnerable to predators in their ground nests. David Haskell created artificial nests with clay eggs and placed them on the ground beside a tape recorder that played the begging calls of either tree-nesting or of ground-nesting warblers. The eggs "advertised"by the tree-nesters' begging calls were found bitten significantly more often than the eggs associated with the ground-nesters' calls.
The hypothesis that begging calls have evolved properties that reduce their potential for attracting predators yields a prediction: baby birds of species that experience high rates of nest predation should produce softer begging signals of higher frequency than nestlings of other species less often victimized by nest predators. This prediction was supported by data collected in one survey of 24 species from an Arizona forest, more evidence that predator pressure favors the evolution of begging calls that are hard to detect and pinpoint.
Given that predators can make it costly to beg for food, what benefit do begging nestlings derive from their communications? One possibility is that a noisy baby bird provides accurate signals of its real hunger and good health, making it worthwhile for the listening parent to give it food in a nest where several other offspring are usually available to be fed. If this hypothesis is true, then it follows that nestlings should adjust the intensity of their signals in relation to the signals produced by their nestmates, who are competing for parental attention. When experimentally deprived baby robins are placed in a nest with normally fed siblings, the hungry nestlings beg more loudly than usual-but so do their better-fed siblings, though not as loudly as the hungrier birds.
If parent birds use begging intensity to direct food to healthy offspring capable of vigorous begging, then parents should make food delivery decisions on the basis of their offsprings'calls. Indeed, if you take baby tree swallows out of a nest for an hour feeding half the set and starving the other half, when the birds are replaced in the nest, the starved youngsters beg more loudly than the fed birds, and the parent birds feed the active beggars more than those who beg less vigorously.
As these experiments show, begging apparently provides a signal of need that parents use to make judgments about which offspring can benefit most from a feeding. But the question arises, why don't nestlings beg loudly when they aren't all that hungry? By doing so, they could possibly secure more food, which should result in more rapid growth or larger size, either of which is advantageous. The answer lies apparently not in the increased energy costs of exaggerated begging-such energy costs are small relative to the potential gain in calories-but rather in the damage that any successful cheater would do to its siblings, which share genes with one another. An individual's success in propagating his or her genes can be affected by more than just his or her own personal reproductive success. Because close relatives have many of the same genes, animals that harm their close relatives may in effect be destroying some of their own genes. Therefore, a begging nestling that secures food at the expense of its siblings might actually leave behind fewer copies of its genes overall than it might otherwise. | 920.txt | 2 |
[
"nestlings that are too weak to beg for food as vigorously as their nestmates",
"more than one hungry nestling during a single visit to the nest",
"offspring that were fed by the parents on the previous visit to the nest",
"nestlings that have been removed and then later put back into their nest"
] | It can be inferred from paragraphs 4 and 5 that parent songbirds normally do not feed | Many signals that animals make seem to impose on the signalers costs that are overly damaging. A classic example is noisy begging by nestling songbirds when a parent returns to the nest with food. These loud cheeps and peeps might give the location of the nest away to a listening hawk or raccoon, resulting in the death of the defenseless nestlings. In fact, when tapes of begging tree swallows were played at an artificial swallow nest containing an egg, the egg in that "noisy"nest was taken or destroyed by predators before the egg in a nearby quiet nest in 29 of 37 trials.
Further evidence for the costs of begging comes from a study of differences in the begging calls of warbler species that nest on the ground versus those that nest in the relative safety of trees. The young of ground-nesting warblers produce begging cheeps of higher frequencies than do their tree-nesting relatives. These higher-frequency sounds do not travel as far, and so may better conceal the individuals producing them, who are especially vulnerable to predators in their ground nests. David Haskell created artificial nests with clay eggs and placed them on the ground beside a tape recorder that played the begging calls of either tree-nesting or of ground-nesting warblers. The eggs "advertised"by the tree-nesters' begging calls were found bitten significantly more often than the eggs associated with the ground-nesters' calls.
The hypothesis that begging calls have evolved properties that reduce their potential for attracting predators yields a prediction: baby birds of species that experience high rates of nest predation should produce softer begging signals of higher frequency than nestlings of other species less often victimized by nest predators. This prediction was supported by data collected in one survey of 24 species from an Arizona forest, more evidence that predator pressure favors the evolution of begging calls that are hard to detect and pinpoint.
Given that predators can make it costly to beg for food, what benefit do begging nestlings derive from their communications? One possibility is that a noisy baby bird provides accurate signals of its real hunger and good health, making it worthwhile for the listening parent to give it food in a nest where several other offspring are usually available to be fed. If this hypothesis is true, then it follows that nestlings should adjust the intensity of their signals in relation to the signals produced by their nestmates, who are competing for parental attention. When experimentally deprived baby robins are placed in a nest with normally fed siblings, the hungry nestlings beg more loudly than usual-but so do their better-fed siblings, though not as loudly as the hungrier birds.
If parent birds use begging intensity to direct food to healthy offspring capable of vigorous begging, then parents should make food delivery decisions on the basis of their offsprings'calls. Indeed, if you take baby tree swallows out of a nest for an hour feeding half the set and starving the other half, when the birds are replaced in the nest, the starved youngsters beg more loudly than the fed birds, and the parent birds feed the active beggars more than those who beg less vigorously.
As these experiments show, begging apparently provides a signal of need that parents use to make judgments about which offspring can benefit most from a feeding. But the question arises, why don't nestlings beg loudly when they aren't all that hungry? By doing so, they could possibly secure more food, which should result in more rapid growth or larger size, either of which is advantageous. The answer lies apparently not in the increased energy costs of exaggerated begging-such energy costs are small relative to the potential gain in calories-but rather in the damage that any successful cheater would do to its siblings, which share genes with one another. An individual's success in propagating his or her genes can be affected by more than just his or her own personal reproductive success. Because close relatives have many of the same genes, animals that harm their close relatives may in effect be destroying some of their own genes. Therefore, a begging nestling that secures food at the expense of its siblings might actually leave behind fewer copies of its genes overall than it might otherwise. | 920.txt | 0 |
[
"explain why begging for food vigorously can lead to faster growth and increased size",
"explain how begging vigorously can increase an individual's chance of propagating its own genes",
"point out a weakness in a possible explanation for why nestlings do not always beg vigorously",
"argue that the benefits of vigorous begging outweigh any possible disadvantages"
] | In paragraph 6, the author compares the energy costs of vigorous begging with the potential gain in calories from such begging in order to | Many signals that animals make seem to impose on the signalers costs that are overly damaging. A classic example is noisy begging by nestling songbirds when a parent returns to the nest with food. These loud cheeps and peeps might give the location of the nest away to a listening hawk or raccoon, resulting in the death of the defenseless nestlings. In fact, when tapes of begging tree swallows were played at an artificial swallow nest containing an egg, the egg in that "noisy"nest was taken or destroyed by predators before the egg in a nearby quiet nest in 29 of 37 trials.
Further evidence for the costs of begging comes from a study of differences in the begging calls of warbler species that nest on the ground versus those that nest in the relative safety of trees. The young of ground-nesting warblers produce begging cheeps of higher frequencies than do their tree-nesting relatives. These higher-frequency sounds do not travel as far, and so may better conceal the individuals producing them, who are especially vulnerable to predators in their ground nests. David Haskell created artificial nests with clay eggs and placed them on the ground beside a tape recorder that played the begging calls of either tree-nesting or of ground-nesting warblers. The eggs "advertised"by the tree-nesters' begging calls were found bitten significantly more often than the eggs associated with the ground-nesters' calls.
The hypothesis that begging calls have evolved properties that reduce their potential for attracting predators yields a prediction: baby birds of species that experience high rates of nest predation should produce softer begging signals of higher frequency than nestlings of other species less often victimized by nest predators. This prediction was supported by data collected in one survey of 24 species from an Arizona forest, more evidence that predator pressure favors the evolution of begging calls that are hard to detect and pinpoint.
Given that predators can make it costly to beg for food, what benefit do begging nestlings derive from their communications? One possibility is that a noisy baby bird provides accurate signals of its real hunger and good health, making it worthwhile for the listening parent to give it food in a nest where several other offspring are usually available to be fed. If this hypothesis is true, then it follows that nestlings should adjust the intensity of their signals in relation to the signals produced by their nestmates, who are competing for parental attention. When experimentally deprived baby robins are placed in a nest with normally fed siblings, the hungry nestlings beg more loudly than usual-but so do their better-fed siblings, though not as loudly as the hungrier birds.
If parent birds use begging intensity to direct food to healthy offspring capable of vigorous begging, then parents should make food delivery decisions on the basis of their offsprings'calls. Indeed, if you take baby tree swallows out of a nest for an hour feeding half the set and starving the other half, when the birds are replaced in the nest, the starved youngsters beg more loudly than the fed birds, and the parent birds feed the active beggars more than those who beg less vigorously.
As these experiments show, begging apparently provides a signal of need that parents use to make judgments about which offspring can benefit most from a feeding. But the question arises, why don't nestlings beg loudly when they aren't all that hungry? By doing so, they could possibly secure more food, which should result in more rapid growth or larger size, either of which is advantageous. The answer lies apparently not in the increased energy costs of exaggerated begging-such energy costs are small relative to the potential gain in calories-but rather in the damage that any successful cheater would do to its siblings, which share genes with one another. An individual's success in propagating his or her genes can be affected by more than just his or her own personal reproductive success. Because close relatives have many of the same genes, animals that harm their close relatives may in effect be destroying some of their own genes. Therefore, a begging nestling that secures food at the expense of its siblings might actually leave behind fewer copies of its genes overall than it might otherwise. | 920.txt | 2 |
[
"There is no benefit for a nestling to get more food than it needs to survive.",
"By begging loudly for food it does not need, a nestling would unnecessarily expose itself to danger from predators.",
"If a nestling begs loudly when it is not truly hungry, then when it is truly hungry its own begging may be drowned out by that of its well-fed siblings.",
"More of a nestling's genes will be passed to the next generation if its hungry siblings get enough food to survive."
] | According to paragraph 6, which of the following explains the fact that a well-fed nestling does not beg loudly for more food? | Many signals that animals make seem to impose on the signalers costs that are overly damaging. A classic example is noisy begging by nestling songbirds when a parent returns to the nest with food. These loud cheeps and peeps might give the location of the nest away to a listening hawk or raccoon, resulting in the death of the defenseless nestlings. In fact, when tapes of begging tree swallows were played at an artificial swallow nest containing an egg, the egg in that "noisy"nest was taken or destroyed by predators before the egg in a nearby quiet nest in 29 of 37 trials.
Further evidence for the costs of begging comes from a study of differences in the begging calls of warbler species that nest on the ground versus those that nest in the relative safety of trees. The young of ground-nesting warblers produce begging cheeps of higher frequencies than do their tree-nesting relatives. These higher-frequency sounds do not travel as far, and so may better conceal the individuals producing them, who are especially vulnerable to predators in their ground nests. David Haskell created artificial nests with clay eggs and placed them on the ground beside a tape recorder that played the begging calls of either tree-nesting or of ground-nesting warblers. The eggs "advertised"by the tree-nesters' begging calls were found bitten significantly more often than the eggs associated with the ground-nesters' calls.
The hypothesis that begging calls have evolved properties that reduce their potential for attracting predators yields a prediction: baby birds of species that experience high rates of nest predation should produce softer begging signals of higher frequency than nestlings of other species less often victimized by nest predators. This prediction was supported by data collected in one survey of 24 species from an Arizona forest, more evidence that predator pressure favors the evolution of begging calls that are hard to detect and pinpoint.
Given that predators can make it costly to beg for food, what benefit do begging nestlings derive from their communications? One possibility is that a noisy baby bird provides accurate signals of its real hunger and good health, making it worthwhile for the listening parent to give it food in a nest where several other offspring are usually available to be fed. If this hypothesis is true, then it follows that nestlings should adjust the intensity of their signals in relation to the signals produced by their nestmates, who are competing for parental attention. When experimentally deprived baby robins are placed in a nest with normally fed siblings, the hungry nestlings beg more loudly than usual-but so do their better-fed siblings, though not as loudly as the hungrier birds.
If parent birds use begging intensity to direct food to healthy offspring capable of vigorous begging, then parents should make food delivery decisions on the basis of their offsprings'calls. Indeed, if you take baby tree swallows out of a nest for an hour feeding half the set and starving the other half, when the birds are replaced in the nest, the starved youngsters beg more loudly than the fed birds, and the parent birds feed the active beggars more than those who beg less vigorously.
As these experiments show, begging apparently provides a signal of need that parents use to make judgments about which offspring can benefit most from a feeding. But the question arises, why don't nestlings beg loudly when they aren't all that hungry? By doing so, they could possibly secure more food, which should result in more rapid growth or larger size, either of which is advantageous. The answer lies apparently not in the increased energy costs of exaggerated begging-such energy costs are small relative to the potential gain in calories-but rather in the damage that any successful cheater would do to its siblings, which share genes with one another. An individual's success in propagating his or her genes can be affected by more than just his or her own personal reproductive success. Because close relatives have many of the same genes, animals that harm their close relatives may in effect be destroying some of their own genes. Therefore, a begging nestling that secures food at the expense of its siblings might actually leave behind fewer copies of its genes overall than it might otherwise. | 920.txt | 3 |
[
"Both can continue for generations.",
"Both are about where to draw the line",
"Neither has any clear winner",
"Neither can be put to an end"
] | Why does the author compare the parent-teen war to a border conflict? | For many parents , raising a teenager is like fighting a long war ,but years go by without any clear winner. Like a border conflict between neighboring countries ,the parent-teen war is about boundaries: Where is the line between what I control and what you do?
Both sides want peace ,but neither feels it has any power to stop the conflict. In part ,this is because neither is willing to admit.any responsibility for starting it. From the parents' point of view, the only cause of their fight is their adolescents' complete unreasonableness. And of course.the teens see it in exactly the same way , except oppositely. Both feel trapped
In this article. I'll describe three no-win situations that commonly arise between teens and parents and then suggest some ways out of the trap. The first no-win situation is quarrels over unimportant things. Examples include the color of the teen's hair, the cleanliness of the bedroom ,the preferred style of clothing , the child's failure to eat a good breakfast before school ,or his tendency to sleep until noon on the weekends.Second ,blaming.The goal of a blaming battle is to make the other admit that his bad attitude is the reason why everything goes wrong. Third , needing to be right ,It doesn't matter what the topic is -politics. The taws of physics ,or the proper way to break an egg -the point of these arguments is to prove that you are right and the other person is wrong.for both wish to be considered an authority-someone who actually knows something - and therefore to command respect. Unfortunately , as long as long as parents and teens continue to assume that they know more than the other ,they'll continue to fight these battles forever and never make any real progress | 3788.txt | 1 |
[
"give orders to the other",
"know more than the other",
"gain respect from the other",
"get the other to behave properly"
] | Parents and teens want to be right because they want to _ . | For many parents , raising a teenager is like fighting a long war ,but years go by without any clear winner. Like a border conflict between neighboring countries ,the parent-teen war is about boundaries: Where is the line between what I control and what you do?
Both sides want peace ,but neither feels it has any power to stop the conflict. In part ,this is because neither is willing to admit.any responsibility for starting it. From the parents' point of view, the only cause of their fight is their adolescents' complete unreasonableness. And of course.the teens see it in exactly the same way , except oppositely. Both feel trapped
In this article. I'll describe three no-win situations that commonly arise between teens and parents and then suggest some ways out of the trap. The first no-win situation is quarrels over unimportant things. Examples include the color of the teen's hair, the cleanliness of the bedroom ,the preferred style of clothing , the child's failure to eat a good breakfast before school ,or his tendency to sleep until noon on the weekends.Second ,blaming.The goal of a blaming battle is to make the other admit that his bad attitude is the reason why everything goes wrong. Third , needing to be right ,It doesn't matter what the topic is -politics. The taws of physics ,or the proper way to break an egg -the point of these arguments is to prove that you are right and the other person is wrong.for both wish to be considered an authority-someone who actually knows something - and therefore to command respect. Unfortunately , as long as long as parents and teens continue to assume that they know more than the other ,they'll continue to fight these battles forever and never make any real progress | 3788.txt | 2 |
[
"Causes for the parent -teen conflicts",
"Examples of the parent -teen war.",
"Solutions for the parent -teen problems",
"Future of the parent-teen relationship"
] | What will the author most probably discuss in the paragraph that follows? | For many parents , raising a teenager is like fighting a long war ,but years go by without any clear winner. Like a border conflict between neighboring countries ,the parent-teen war is about boundaries: Where is the line between what I control and what you do?
Both sides want peace ,but neither feels it has any power to stop the conflict. In part ,this is because neither is willing to admit.any responsibility for starting it. From the parents' point of view, the only cause of their fight is their adolescents' complete unreasonableness. And of course.the teens see it in exactly the same way , except oppositely. Both feel trapped
In this article. I'll describe three no-win situations that commonly arise between teens and parents and then suggest some ways out of the trap. The first no-win situation is quarrels over unimportant things. Examples include the color of the teen's hair, the cleanliness of the bedroom ,the preferred style of clothing , the child's failure to eat a good breakfast before school ,or his tendency to sleep until noon on the weekends.Second ,blaming.The goal of a blaming battle is to make the other admit that his bad attitude is the reason why everything goes wrong. Third , needing to be right ,It doesn't matter what the topic is -politics. The taws of physics ,or the proper way to break an egg -the point of these arguments is to prove that you are right and the other person is wrong.for both wish to be considered an authority-someone who actually knows something - and therefore to command respect. Unfortunately , as long as long as parents and teens continue to assume that they know more than the other ,they'll continue to fight these battles forever and never make any real progress | 3788.txt | 2 |
[
"To argue that theories that are notsubstantiated by evidence should generally be considered unreliable",
"To argue that the hypotheses mentioned inparagraph 2 have been more thoroughly researched than have the theoriesmentioned later in the passage",
"To explain why some theories aboutinfantile amnesia are wrong before presenting ones more likely to be true",
"To explain why infantile amnesia is ofgreat interest to researchers"
] | What purpose does paragraph2 serve in thelarger discussion of children's inability to recall earlyexperiences? | What do you remember about your life before you were three? Few people can remember anything that happened to them in their early years. Adults' memories of the next few years also tend to be scanty. Most people remember only a few events-usually ones that were meaningful and distinctive, such as being hospitalized or a sibling's birth.
How might this inability to recall early experiences be explained? The sheer passage of time does not account for it; adults have excellent recognition of pictures of people who attended high school with them 35 years earlier. Another seemingly plausible explanation-that infants do not form enduring memories at this point in development-also is incorrect. Children two and a half to three years old remember experiences that occurred in their first year, and eleven month olds remember some events a year later. Nor does the hypothesis that infantile amnesia reflects repression-or holding back-of sexually charged episodes explain the phenomenon. While such repression may occur, people cannot remember ordinary events from the infant and toddler periods either.
Three other explanations seem more promising. One involves physiological changes relevant to memory. Maturation of the frontal lobes of the brain continues throughout early childhood, and this part of the brain may be critical for remembering particular episodes in ways that can be retrieved later. Demonstrations of infants' and toddlers' long-term memory have involved their repeating motor activities that they had seen or done earlier, such as reaching in the dark for objects, putting a bottle in a doll's mouth, or pulling apart two pieces of a toy. The brain's level of physiological maturation may support these types of memories, but not ones requiring explicit verbal descriptions.
A second explanation involves the influence of the social world on children's language use. Hearing and telling stories about events may help children store information in ways that will endure into later childhood and adulthood. Through hearing stories with a clear beginning, middle, and ending children may learn to extract the gist of events in ways that they will be able to describe many years later. Consistent with this view, parents and children increasingly engage in discussions of past events when children are about three years old. However, hearing such stories is not sufficient for younger children to form enduring memories. Telling such stories to two year olds does not seem to produce long-lasting verbalizable memories.
A third likely explanation for infantile amnesia involves incompatibilities between the ways in which infants encode information and the ways in which older children and adults retrieve it. Whether people can remember an event depends critically on the fit between the way in which they earlier encoded the information and the way in which they later attempt to retrieve it. The better able the person is to reconstruct the perspective from which the material was encoded, the more likely that recall will be successful.
This view is supported by a variety of factors that can create mismatches between very young children's encoding and older children's and adults' retrieval efforts. The world looks very different to a person whose head is only two or three feet above the ground than to one whose head is five or six feet above it. Older children and adults often try to retrieve the names of things they saw, but infants would not have encoded the information verbally. General knowledge of categories of events such as a birthday party or a visit to the doctor's office helps older individuals encode their experiences, but again, infants and toddlers are unlikely to encode many experiences within such knowledge structures.
These three explanations of infantile amnesia are not mutually exclusive; indeed, they support each other. Physiological immaturity may be part of why infants and toddlers do not form extremely enduring memories, even when they hear stories that promote such remembering in preschoolers. Hearing the stories may lead preschoolers to encode aspects of events that allow them to form memories they can access as adults. Conversely, improved encoding of what they hear may help them better understand and remember stories and thus make the stories more useful for remembering future events. Thus, all three explanations-physiological maturation, hearing and producing stories about past events, and improved encoding of key aspects of events-seem likely to be involved in overcoming infantile amnesia. | 1154.txt | 2 |
[
"flexible",
"believable",
"debatable",
"predictable"
] | The word "plausible"in the passage(paragraph 2) is closest in meaning to | What do you remember about your life before you were three? Few people can remember anything that happened to them in their early years. Adults' memories of the next few years also tend to be scanty. Most people remember only a few events-usually ones that were meaningful and distinctive, such as being hospitalized or a sibling's birth.
How might this inability to recall early experiences be explained? The sheer passage of time does not account for it; adults have excellent recognition of pictures of people who attended high school with them 35 years earlier. Another seemingly plausible explanation-that infants do not form enduring memories at this point in development-also is incorrect. Children two and a half to three years old remember experiences that occurred in their first year, and eleven month olds remember some events a year later. Nor does the hypothesis that infantile amnesia reflects repression-or holding back-of sexually charged episodes explain the phenomenon. While such repression may occur, people cannot remember ordinary events from the infant and toddler periods either.
Three other explanations seem more promising. One involves physiological changes relevant to memory. Maturation of the frontal lobes of the brain continues throughout early childhood, and this part of the brain may be critical for remembering particular episodes in ways that can be retrieved later. Demonstrations of infants' and toddlers' long-term memory have involved their repeating motor activities that they had seen or done earlier, such as reaching in the dark for objects, putting a bottle in a doll's mouth, or pulling apart two pieces of a toy. The brain's level of physiological maturation may support these types of memories, but not ones requiring explicit verbal descriptions.
A second explanation involves the influence of the social world on children's language use. Hearing and telling stories about events may help children store information in ways that will endure into later childhood and adulthood. Through hearing stories with a clear beginning, middle, and ending children may learn to extract the gist of events in ways that they will be able to describe many years later. Consistent with this view, parents and children increasingly engage in discussions of past events when children are about three years old. However, hearing such stories is not sufficient for younger children to form enduring memories. Telling such stories to two year olds does not seem to produce long-lasting verbalizable memories.
A third likely explanation for infantile amnesia involves incompatibilities between the ways in which infants encode information and the ways in which older children and adults retrieve it. Whether people can remember an event depends critically on the fit between the way in which they earlier encoded the information and the way in which they later attempt to retrieve it. The better able the person is to reconstruct the perspective from which the material was encoded, the more likely that recall will be successful.
This view is supported by a variety of factors that can create mismatches between very young children's encoding and older children's and adults' retrieval efforts. The world looks very different to a person whose head is only two or three feet above the ground than to one whose head is five or six feet above it. Older children and adults often try to retrieve the names of things they saw, but infants would not have encoded the information verbally. General knowledge of categories of events such as a birthday party or a visit to the doctor's office helps older individuals encode their experiences, but again, infants and toddlers are unlikely to encode many experiences within such knowledge structures.
These three explanations of infantile amnesia are not mutually exclusive; indeed, they support each other. Physiological immaturity may be part of why infants and toddlers do not form extremely enduring memories, even when they hear stories that promote such remembering in preschoolers. Hearing the stories may lead preschoolers to encode aspects of events that allow them to form memories they can access as adults. Conversely, improved encoding of what they hear may help them better understand and remember stories and thus make the stories more useful for remembering future events. Thus, all three explanations-physiological maturation, hearing and producing stories about past events, and improved encoding of key aspects of events-seem likely to be involved in overcoming infantile amnesia. | 1154.txt | 1 |
[
"exception",
"repetition",
"occurrence",
"idea"
] | The word "phenomenon"in the passage(paragraph 2) is closest in meaning to | What do you remember about your life before you were three? Few people can remember anything that happened to them in their early years. Adults' memories of the next few years also tend to be scanty. Most people remember only a few events-usually ones that were meaningful and distinctive, such as being hospitalized or a sibling's birth.
How might this inability to recall early experiences be explained? The sheer passage of time does not account for it; adults have excellent recognition of pictures of people who attended high school with them 35 years earlier. Another seemingly plausible explanation-that infants do not form enduring memories at this point in development-also is incorrect. Children two and a half to three years old remember experiences that occurred in their first year, and eleven month olds remember some events a year later. Nor does the hypothesis that infantile amnesia reflects repression-or holding back-of sexually charged episodes explain the phenomenon. While such repression may occur, people cannot remember ordinary events from the infant and toddler periods either.
Three other explanations seem more promising. One involves physiological changes relevant to memory. Maturation of the frontal lobes of the brain continues throughout early childhood, and this part of the brain may be critical for remembering particular episodes in ways that can be retrieved later. Demonstrations of infants' and toddlers' long-term memory have involved their repeating motor activities that they had seen or done earlier, such as reaching in the dark for objects, putting a bottle in a doll's mouth, or pulling apart two pieces of a toy. The brain's level of physiological maturation may support these types of memories, but not ones requiring explicit verbal descriptions.
A second explanation involves the influence of the social world on children's language use. Hearing and telling stories about events may help children store information in ways that will endure into later childhood and adulthood. Through hearing stories with a clear beginning, middle, and ending children may learn to extract the gist of events in ways that they will be able to describe many years later. Consistent with this view, parents and children increasingly engage in discussions of past events when children are about three years old. However, hearing such stories is not sufficient for younger children to form enduring memories. Telling such stories to two year olds does not seem to produce long-lasting verbalizable memories.
A third likely explanation for infantile amnesia involves incompatibilities between the ways in which infants encode information and the ways in which older children and adults retrieve it. Whether people can remember an event depends critically on the fit between the way in which they earlier encoded the information and the way in which they later attempt to retrieve it. The better able the person is to reconstruct the perspective from which the material was encoded, the more likely that recall will be successful.
This view is supported by a variety of factors that can create mismatches between very young children's encoding and older children's and adults' retrieval efforts. The world looks very different to a person whose head is only two or three feet above the ground than to one whose head is five or six feet above it. Older children and adults often try to retrieve the names of things they saw, but infants would not have encoded the information verbally. General knowledge of categories of events such as a birthday party or a visit to the doctor's office helps older individuals encode their experiences, but again, infants and toddlers are unlikely to encode many experiences within such knowledge structures.
These three explanations of infantile amnesia are not mutually exclusive; indeed, they support each other. Physiological immaturity may be part of why infants and toddlers do not form extremely enduring memories, even when they hear stories that promote such remembering in preschoolers. Hearing the stories may lead preschoolers to encode aspects of events that allow them to form memories they can access as adults. Conversely, improved encoding of what they hear may help them better understand and remember stories and thus make the stories more useful for remembering future events. Thus, all three explanations-physiological maturation, hearing and producing stories about past events, and improved encoding of key aspects of events-seem likely to be involved in overcoming infantile amnesia. | 1154.txt | 2 |
[
"The ability to recall an event decreasesas the time after the event increases.",
"Young children are not capable of formingmemories that last for more than a short time.",
"People may hold back sexually meaningfulmemories.",
"Most events in childhood are too ordinaryto be worth remembering."
] | All of the following theories about theinability to recall earlyexperiences are rejected in paragraph 2 EXCEPT: | What do you remember about your life before you were three? Few people can remember anything that happened to them in their early years. Adults' memories of the next few years also tend to be scanty. Most people remember only a few events-usually ones that were meaningful and distinctive, such as being hospitalized or a sibling's birth.
How might this inability to recall early experiences be explained? The sheer passage of time does not account for it; adults have excellent recognition of pictures of people who attended high school with them 35 years earlier. Another seemingly plausible explanation-that infants do not form enduring memories at this point in development-also is incorrect. Children two and a half to three years old remember experiences that occurred in their first year, and eleven month olds remember some events a year later. Nor does the hypothesis that infantile amnesia reflects repression-or holding back-of sexually charged episodes explain the phenomenon. While such repression may occur, people cannot remember ordinary events from the infant and toddler periods either.
Three other explanations seem more promising. One involves physiological changes relevant to memory. Maturation of the frontal lobes of the brain continues throughout early childhood, and this part of the brain may be critical for remembering particular episodes in ways that can be retrieved later. Demonstrations of infants' and toddlers' long-term memory have involved their repeating motor activities that they had seen or done earlier, such as reaching in the dark for objects, putting a bottle in a doll's mouth, or pulling apart two pieces of a toy. The brain's level of physiological maturation may support these types of memories, but not ones requiring explicit verbal descriptions.
A second explanation involves the influence of the social world on children's language use. Hearing and telling stories about events may help children store information in ways that will endure into later childhood and adulthood. Through hearing stories with a clear beginning, middle, and ending children may learn to extract the gist of events in ways that they will be able to describe many years later. Consistent with this view, parents and children increasingly engage in discussions of past events when children are about three years old. However, hearing such stories is not sufficient for younger children to form enduring memories. Telling such stories to two year olds does not seem to produce long-lasting verbalizable memories.
A third likely explanation for infantile amnesia involves incompatibilities between the ways in which infants encode information and the ways in which older children and adults retrieve it. Whether people can remember an event depends critically on the fit between the way in which they earlier encoded the information and the way in which they later attempt to retrieve it. The better able the person is to reconstruct the perspective from which the material was encoded, the more likely that recall will be successful.
This view is supported by a variety of factors that can create mismatches between very young children's encoding and older children's and adults' retrieval efforts. The world looks very different to a person whose head is only two or three feet above the ground than to one whose head is five or six feet above it. Older children and adults often try to retrieve the names of things they saw, but infants would not have encoded the information verbally. General knowledge of categories of events such as a birthday party or a visit to the doctor's office helps older individuals encode their experiences, but again, infants and toddlers are unlikely to encode many experiences within such knowledge structures.
These three explanations of infantile amnesia are not mutually exclusive; indeed, they support each other. Physiological immaturity may be part of why infants and toddlers do not form extremely enduring memories, even when they hear stories that promote such remembering in preschoolers. Hearing the stories may lead preschoolers to encode aspects of events that allow them to form memories they can access as adults. Conversely, improved encoding of what they hear may help them better understand and remember stories and thus make the stories more useful for remembering future events. Thus, all three explanations-physiological maturation, hearing and producing stories about past events, and improved encoding of key aspects of events-seem likely to be involved in overcoming infantile amnesia. | 1154.txt | 3 |
[
"Maturation of the frontal lobes of thebrain is important for the long-term memory of motor activities but not verbaldescriptions.",
"Young children may form long-termmemories of actions they see earlier than of things they hear or are told.",
"Young children have better long-termrecall of short verbal exchanges than of long ones.",
"Children's long-term recall of motoractivities increases when such activities are accompanied by explicit verbaldescriptions."
] | What does paragraph 3 suggest aboutlong-term memory in children? | What do you remember about your life before you were three? Few people can remember anything that happened to them in their early years. Adults' memories of the next few years also tend to be scanty. Most people remember only a few events-usually ones that were meaningful and distinctive, such as being hospitalized or a sibling's birth.
How might this inability to recall early experiences be explained? The sheer passage of time does not account for it; adults have excellent recognition of pictures of people who attended high school with them 35 years earlier. Another seemingly plausible explanation-that infants do not form enduring memories at this point in development-also is incorrect. Children two and a half to three years old remember experiences that occurred in their first year, and eleven month olds remember some events a year later. Nor does the hypothesis that infantile amnesia reflects repression-or holding back-of sexually charged episodes explain the phenomenon. While such repression may occur, people cannot remember ordinary events from the infant and toddler periods either.
Three other explanations seem more promising. One involves physiological changes relevant to memory. Maturation of the frontal lobes of the brain continues throughout early childhood, and this part of the brain may be critical for remembering particular episodes in ways that can be retrieved later. Demonstrations of infants' and toddlers' long-term memory have involved their repeating motor activities that they had seen or done earlier, such as reaching in the dark for objects, putting a bottle in a doll's mouth, or pulling apart two pieces of a toy. The brain's level of physiological maturation may support these types of memories, but not ones requiring explicit verbal descriptions.
A second explanation involves the influence of the social world on children's language use. Hearing and telling stories about events may help children store information in ways that will endure into later childhood and adulthood. Through hearing stories with a clear beginning, middle, and ending children may learn to extract the gist of events in ways that they will be able to describe many years later. Consistent with this view, parents and children increasingly engage in discussions of past events when children are about three years old. However, hearing such stories is not sufficient for younger children to form enduring memories. Telling such stories to two year olds does not seem to produce long-lasting verbalizable memories.
A third likely explanation for infantile amnesia involves incompatibilities between the ways in which infants encode information and the ways in which older children and adults retrieve it. Whether people can remember an event depends critically on the fit between the way in which they earlier encoded the information and the way in which they later attempt to retrieve it. The better able the person is to reconstruct the perspective from which the material was encoded, the more likely that recall will be successful.
This view is supported by a variety of factors that can create mismatches between very young children's encoding and older children's and adults' retrieval efforts. The world looks very different to a person whose head is only two or three feet above the ground than to one whose head is five or six feet above it. Older children and adults often try to retrieve the names of things they saw, but infants would not have encoded the information verbally. General knowledge of categories of events such as a birthday party or a visit to the doctor's office helps older individuals encode their experiences, but again, infants and toddlers are unlikely to encode many experiences within such knowledge structures.
These three explanations of infantile amnesia are not mutually exclusive; indeed, they support each other. Physiological immaturity may be part of why infants and toddlers do not form extremely enduring memories, even when they hear stories that promote such remembering in preschoolers. Hearing the stories may lead preschoolers to encode aspects of events that allow them to form memories they can access as adults. Conversely, improved encoding of what they hear may help them better understand and remember stories and thus make the stories more useful for remembering future events. Thus, all three explanations-physiological maturation, hearing and producing stories about past events, and improved encoding of key aspects of events-seem likely to be involved in overcoming infantile amnesia. | 1154.txt | 1 |
[
"It may encourage the physiologicalmaturing of the brain.",
"It may help preschool children tell thedifference between ordinary and unusual memories.",
"It may help preschool children retrievememories quickly.",
"It may provide an ordered structure thatfacilitates memory retrieval."
] | According to paragraph 4, what role maystorytelling play in formingchildhood memories? | What do you remember about your life before you were three? Few people can remember anything that happened to them in their early years. Adults' memories of the next few years also tend to be scanty. Most people remember only a few events-usually ones that were meaningful and distinctive, such as being hospitalized or a sibling's birth.
How might this inability to recall early experiences be explained? The sheer passage of time does not account for it; adults have excellent recognition of pictures of people who attended high school with them 35 years earlier. Another seemingly plausible explanation-that infants do not form enduring memories at this point in development-also is incorrect. Children two and a half to three years old remember experiences that occurred in their first year, and eleven month olds remember some events a year later. Nor does the hypothesis that infantile amnesia reflects repression-or holding back-of sexually charged episodes explain the phenomenon. While such repression may occur, people cannot remember ordinary events from the infant and toddler periods either.
Three other explanations seem more promising. One involves physiological changes relevant to memory. Maturation of the frontal lobes of the brain continues throughout early childhood, and this part of the brain may be critical for remembering particular episodes in ways that can be retrieved later. Demonstrations of infants' and toddlers' long-term memory have involved their repeating motor activities that they had seen or done earlier, such as reaching in the dark for objects, putting a bottle in a doll's mouth, or pulling apart two pieces of a toy. The brain's level of physiological maturation may support these types of memories, but not ones requiring explicit verbal descriptions.
A second explanation involves the influence of the social world on children's language use. Hearing and telling stories about events may help children store information in ways that will endure into later childhood and adulthood. Through hearing stories with a clear beginning, middle, and ending children may learn to extract the gist of events in ways that they will be able to describe many years later. Consistent with this view, parents and children increasingly engage in discussions of past events when children are about three years old. However, hearing such stories is not sufficient for younger children to form enduring memories. Telling such stories to two year olds does not seem to produce long-lasting verbalizable memories.
A third likely explanation for infantile amnesia involves incompatibilities between the ways in which infants encode information and the ways in which older children and adults retrieve it. Whether people can remember an event depends critically on the fit between the way in which they earlier encoded the information and the way in which they later attempt to retrieve it. The better able the person is to reconstruct the perspective from which the material was encoded, the more likely that recall will be successful.
This view is supported by a variety of factors that can create mismatches between very young children's encoding and older children's and adults' retrieval efforts. The world looks very different to a person whose head is only two or three feet above the ground than to one whose head is five or six feet above it. Older children and adults often try to retrieve the names of things they saw, but infants would not have encoded the information verbally. General knowledge of categories of events such as a birthday party or a visit to the doctor's office helps older individuals encode their experiences, but again, infants and toddlers are unlikely to encode many experiences within such knowledge structures.
These three explanations of infantile amnesia are not mutually exclusive; indeed, they support each other. Physiological immaturity may be part of why infants and toddlers do not form extremely enduring memories, even when they hear stories that promote such remembering in preschoolers. Hearing the stories may lead preschoolers to encode aspects of events that allow them to form memories they can access as adults. Conversely, improved encoding of what they hear may help them better understand and remember stories and thus make the stories more useful for remembering future events. Thus, all three explanations-physiological maturation, hearing and producing stories about past events, and improved encoding of key aspects of events-seem likely to be involved in overcoming infantile amnesia. | 1154.txt | 3 |
[
"fundamentally",
"partially",
"consistently",
"subsequently"
] | The word "critically" in thepassage(paragraph 5) is closest in meaning to | What do you remember about your life before you were three? Few people can remember anything that happened to them in their early years. Adults' memories of the next few years also tend to be scanty. Most people remember only a few events-usually ones that were meaningful and distinctive, such as being hospitalized or a sibling's birth.
How might this inability to recall early experiences be explained? The sheer passage of time does not account for it; adults have excellent recognition of pictures of people who attended high school with them 35 years earlier. Another seemingly plausible explanation-that infants do not form enduring memories at this point in development-also is incorrect. Children two and a half to three years old remember experiences that occurred in their first year, and eleven month olds remember some events a year later. Nor does the hypothesis that infantile amnesia reflects repression-or holding back-of sexually charged episodes explain the phenomenon. While such repression may occur, people cannot remember ordinary events from the infant and toddler periods either.
Three other explanations seem more promising. One involves physiological changes relevant to memory. Maturation of the frontal lobes of the brain continues throughout early childhood, and this part of the brain may be critical for remembering particular episodes in ways that can be retrieved later. Demonstrations of infants' and toddlers' long-term memory have involved their repeating motor activities that they had seen or done earlier, such as reaching in the dark for objects, putting a bottle in a doll's mouth, or pulling apart two pieces of a toy. The brain's level of physiological maturation may support these types of memories, but not ones requiring explicit verbal descriptions.
A second explanation involves the influence of the social world on children's language use. Hearing and telling stories about events may help children store information in ways that will endure into later childhood and adulthood. Through hearing stories with a clear beginning, middle, and ending children may learn to extract the gist of events in ways that they will be able to describe many years later. Consistent with this view, parents and children increasingly engage in discussions of past events when children are about three years old. However, hearing such stories is not sufficient for younger children to form enduring memories. Telling such stories to two year olds does not seem to produce long-lasting verbalizable memories.
A third likely explanation for infantile amnesia involves incompatibilities between the ways in which infants encode information and the ways in which older children and adults retrieve it. Whether people can remember an event depends critically on the fit between the way in which they earlier encoded the information and the way in which they later attempt to retrieve it. The better able the person is to reconstruct the perspective from which the material was encoded, the more likely that recall will be successful.
This view is supported by a variety of factors that can create mismatches between very young children's encoding and older children's and adults' retrieval efforts. The world looks very different to a person whose head is only two or three feet above the ground than to one whose head is five or six feet above it. Older children and adults often try to retrieve the names of things they saw, but infants would not have encoded the information verbally. General knowledge of categories of events such as a birthday party or a visit to the doctor's office helps older individuals encode their experiences, but again, infants and toddlers are unlikely to encode many experiences within such knowledge structures.
These three explanations of infantile amnesia are not mutually exclusive; indeed, they support each other. Physiological immaturity may be part of why infants and toddlers do not form extremely enduring memories, even when they hear stories that promote such remembering in preschoolers. Hearing the stories may lead preschoolers to encode aspects of events that allow them to form memories they can access as adults. Conversely, improved encoding of what they hear may help them better understand and remember stories and thus make the stories more useful for remembering future events. Thus, all three explanations-physiological maturation, hearing and producing stories about past events, and improved encoding of key aspects of events-seem likely to be involved in overcoming infantile amnesia. | 1154.txt | 0 |
[
"system",
"theory",
"source",
"viewpoint"
] | The word "perspective" in thepassage(paragraph 5) is closest in meaning to | What do you remember about your life before you were three? Few people can remember anything that happened to them in their early years. Adults' memories of the next few years also tend to be scanty. Most people remember only a few events-usually ones that were meaningful and distinctive, such as being hospitalized or a sibling's birth.
How might this inability to recall early experiences be explained? The sheer passage of time does not account for it; adults have excellent recognition of pictures of people who attended high school with them 35 years earlier. Another seemingly plausible explanation-that infants do not form enduring memories at this point in development-also is incorrect. Children two and a half to three years old remember experiences that occurred in their first year, and eleven month olds remember some events a year later. Nor does the hypothesis that infantile amnesia reflects repression-or holding back-of sexually charged episodes explain the phenomenon. While such repression may occur, people cannot remember ordinary events from the infant and toddler periods either.
Three other explanations seem more promising. One involves physiological changes relevant to memory. Maturation of the frontal lobes of the brain continues throughout early childhood, and this part of the brain may be critical for remembering particular episodes in ways that can be retrieved later. Demonstrations of infants' and toddlers' long-term memory have involved their repeating motor activities that they had seen or done earlier, such as reaching in the dark for objects, putting a bottle in a doll's mouth, or pulling apart two pieces of a toy. The brain's level of physiological maturation may support these types of memories, but not ones requiring explicit verbal descriptions.
A second explanation involves the influence of the social world on children's language use. Hearing and telling stories about events may help children store information in ways that will endure into later childhood and adulthood. Through hearing stories with a clear beginning, middle, and ending children may learn to extract the gist of events in ways that they will be able to describe many years later. Consistent with this view, parents and children increasingly engage in discussions of past events when children are about three years old. However, hearing such stories is not sufficient for younger children to form enduring memories. Telling such stories to two year olds does not seem to produce long-lasting verbalizable memories.
A third likely explanation for infantile amnesia involves incompatibilities between the ways in which infants encode information and the ways in which older children and adults retrieve it. Whether people can remember an event depends critically on the fit between the way in which they earlier encoded the information and the way in which they later attempt to retrieve it. The better able the person is to reconstruct the perspective from which the material was encoded, the more likely that recall will be successful.
This view is supported by a variety of factors that can create mismatches between very young children's encoding and older children's and adults' retrieval efforts. The world looks very different to a person whose head is only two or three feet above the ground than to one whose head is five or six feet above it. Older children and adults often try to retrieve the names of things they saw, but infants would not have encoded the information verbally. General knowledge of categories of events such as a birthday party or a visit to the doctor's office helps older individuals encode their experiences, but again, infants and toddlers are unlikely to encode many experiences within such knowledge structures.
These three explanations of infantile amnesia are not mutually exclusive; indeed, they support each other. Physiological immaturity may be part of why infants and toddlers do not form extremely enduring memories, even when they hear stories that promote such remembering in preschoolers. Hearing the stories may lead preschoolers to encode aspects of events that allow them to form memories they can access as adults. Conversely, improved encoding of what they hear may help them better understand and remember stories and thus make the stories more useful for remembering future events. Thus, all three explanations-physiological maturation, hearing and producing stories about past events, and improved encoding of key aspects of events-seem likely to be involved in overcoming infantile amnesia. | 1154.txt | 3 |
[
"the ability to retrieve a memory partlydepends on the similarity between the encoding and retrieving process",
"the process of encoding information isless complex for adults than it is for young adults and infants",
"infants and older children are equallydependent on discussion of past events for the retrieval of information",
"infants encode information in the sameway older children and adults do"
] | The phrase "This view" in the passage(paragraph 6) refers to the belief that | What do you remember about your life before you were three? Few people can remember anything that happened to them in their early years. Adults' memories of the next few years also tend to be scanty. Most people remember only a few events-usually ones that were meaningful and distinctive, such as being hospitalized or a sibling's birth.
How might this inability to recall early experiences be explained? The sheer passage of time does not account for it; adults have excellent recognition of pictures of people who attended high school with them 35 years earlier. Another seemingly plausible explanation-that infants do not form enduring memories at this point in development-also is incorrect. Children two and a half to three years old remember experiences that occurred in their first year, and eleven month olds remember some events a year later. Nor does the hypothesis that infantile amnesia reflects repression-or holding back-of sexually charged episodes explain the phenomenon. While such repression may occur, people cannot remember ordinary events from the infant and toddler periods either.
Three other explanations seem more promising. One involves physiological changes relevant to memory. Maturation of the frontal lobes of the brain continues throughout early childhood, and this part of the brain may be critical for remembering particular episodes in ways that can be retrieved later. Demonstrations of infants' and toddlers' long-term memory have involved their repeating motor activities that they had seen or done earlier, such as reaching in the dark for objects, putting a bottle in a doll's mouth, or pulling apart two pieces of a toy. The brain's level of physiological maturation may support these types of memories, but not ones requiring explicit verbal descriptions.
A second explanation involves the influence of the social world on children's language use. Hearing and telling stories about events may help children store information in ways that will endure into later childhood and adulthood. Through hearing stories with a clear beginning, middle, and ending children may learn to extract the gist of events in ways that they will be able to describe many years later. Consistent with this view, parents and children increasingly engage in discussions of past events when children are about three years old. However, hearing such stories is not sufficient for younger children to form enduring memories. Telling such stories to two year olds does not seem to produce long-lasting verbalizable memories.
A third likely explanation for infantile amnesia involves incompatibilities between the ways in which infants encode information and the ways in which older children and adults retrieve it. Whether people can remember an event depends critically on the fit between the way in which they earlier encoded the information and the way in which they later attempt to retrieve it. The better able the person is to reconstruct the perspective from which the material was encoded, the more likely that recall will be successful.
This view is supported by a variety of factors that can create mismatches between very young children's encoding and older children's and adults' retrieval efforts. The world looks very different to a person whose head is only two or three feet above the ground than to one whose head is five or six feet above it. Older children and adults often try to retrieve the names of things they saw, but infants would not have encoded the information verbally. General knowledge of categories of events such as a birthday party or a visit to the doctor's office helps older individuals encode their experiences, but again, infants and toddlers are unlikely to encode many experiences within such knowledge structures.
These three explanations of infantile amnesia are not mutually exclusive; indeed, they support each other. Physiological immaturity may be part of why infants and toddlers do not form extremely enduring memories, even when they hear stories that promote such remembering in preschoolers. Hearing the stories may lead preschoolers to encode aspects of events that allow them to form memories they can access as adults. Conversely, improved encoding of what they hear may help them better understand and remember stories and thus make the stories more useful for remembering future events. Thus, all three explanations-physiological maturation, hearing and producing stories about past events, and improved encoding of key aspects of events-seem likely to be involved in overcoming infantile amnesia. | 1154.txt | 0 |
[
"process a lot of information at one time",
"organize experiences according to type",
"block out interruptions",
"interpret the tone of adult language"
] | According to paragraphs 5 and 6, onedisadvantage very young childrenface in processing information is that theycannot | What do you remember about your life before you were three? Few people can remember anything that happened to them in their early years. Adults' memories of the next few years also tend to be scanty. Most people remember only a few events-usually ones that were meaningful and distinctive, such as being hospitalized or a sibling's birth.
How might this inability to recall early experiences be explained? The sheer passage of time does not account for it; adults have excellent recognition of pictures of people who attended high school with them 35 years earlier. Another seemingly plausible explanation-that infants do not form enduring memories at this point in development-also is incorrect. Children two and a half to three years old remember experiences that occurred in their first year, and eleven month olds remember some events a year later. Nor does the hypothesis that infantile amnesia reflects repression-or holding back-of sexually charged episodes explain the phenomenon. While such repression may occur, people cannot remember ordinary events from the infant and toddler periods either.
Three other explanations seem more promising. One involves physiological changes relevant to memory. Maturation of the frontal lobes of the brain continues throughout early childhood, and this part of the brain may be critical for remembering particular episodes in ways that can be retrieved later. Demonstrations of infants' and toddlers' long-term memory have involved their repeating motor activities that they had seen or done earlier, such as reaching in the dark for objects, putting a bottle in a doll's mouth, or pulling apart two pieces of a toy. The brain's level of physiological maturation may support these types of memories, but not ones requiring explicit verbal descriptions.
A second explanation involves the influence of the social world on children's language use. Hearing and telling stories about events may help children store information in ways that will endure into later childhood and adulthood. Through hearing stories with a clear beginning, middle, and ending children may learn to extract the gist of events in ways that they will be able to describe many years later. Consistent with this view, parents and children increasingly engage in discussions of past events when children are about three years old. However, hearing such stories is not sufficient for younger children to form enduring memories. Telling such stories to two year olds does not seem to produce long-lasting verbalizable memories.
A third likely explanation for infantile amnesia involves incompatibilities between the ways in which infants encode information and the ways in which older children and adults retrieve it. Whether people can remember an event depends critically on the fit between the way in which they earlier encoded the information and the way in which they later attempt to retrieve it. The better able the person is to reconstruct the perspective from which the material was encoded, the more likely that recall will be successful.
This view is supported by a variety of factors that can create mismatches between very young children's encoding and older children's and adults' retrieval efforts. The world looks very different to a person whose head is only two or three feet above the ground than to one whose head is five or six feet above it. Older children and adults often try to retrieve the names of things they saw, but infants would not have encoded the information verbally. General knowledge of categories of events such as a birthday party or a visit to the doctor's office helps older individuals encode their experiences, but again, infants and toddlers are unlikely to encode many experiences within such knowledge structures.
These three explanations of infantile amnesia are not mutually exclusive; indeed, they support each other. Physiological immaturity may be part of why infants and toddlers do not form extremely enduring memories, even when they hear stories that promote such remembering in preschoolers. Hearing the stories may lead preschoolers to encode aspects of events that allow them to form memories they can access as adults. Conversely, improved encoding of what they hear may help them better understand and remember stories and thus make the stories more useful for remembering future events. Thus, all three explanations-physiological maturation, hearing and producing stories about past events, and improved encoding of key aspects of events-seem likely to be involved in overcoming infantile amnesia. | 1154.txt | 1 |
[
"It introduces a new theory about thecauses of infantile amnesia.",
"It argues that particular theoriesdiscussed earlier in the passage require further research.",
"It explains how particular theoriesdiscussed earlier in the passage may work in combination.",
"It evaluates which of the theoriesdiscussed earlier is most likely to be true."
] | How does paragraph 7 relate to theearlier discussion of infantileamnesia? | What do you remember about your life before you were three? Few people can remember anything that happened to them in their early years. Adults' memories of the next few years also tend to be scanty. Most people remember only a few events-usually ones that were meaningful and distinctive, such as being hospitalized or a sibling's birth.
How might this inability to recall early experiences be explained? The sheer passage of time does not account for it; adults have excellent recognition of pictures of people who attended high school with them 35 years earlier. Another seemingly plausible explanation-that infants do not form enduring memories at this point in development-also is incorrect. Children two and a half to three years old remember experiences that occurred in their first year, and eleven month olds remember some events a year later. Nor does the hypothesis that infantile amnesia reflects repression-or holding back-of sexually charged episodes explain the phenomenon. While such repression may occur, people cannot remember ordinary events from the infant and toddler periods either.
Three other explanations seem more promising. One involves physiological changes relevant to memory. Maturation of the frontal lobes of the brain continues throughout early childhood, and this part of the brain may be critical for remembering particular episodes in ways that can be retrieved later. Demonstrations of infants' and toddlers' long-term memory have involved their repeating motor activities that they had seen or done earlier, such as reaching in the dark for objects, putting a bottle in a doll's mouth, or pulling apart two pieces of a toy. The brain's level of physiological maturation may support these types of memories, but not ones requiring explicit verbal descriptions.
A second explanation involves the influence of the social world on children's language use. Hearing and telling stories about events may help children store information in ways that will endure into later childhood and adulthood. Through hearing stories with a clear beginning, middle, and ending children may learn to extract the gist of events in ways that they will be able to describe many years later. Consistent with this view, parents and children increasingly engage in discussions of past events when children are about three years old. However, hearing such stories is not sufficient for younger children to form enduring memories. Telling such stories to two year olds does not seem to produce long-lasting verbalizable memories.
A third likely explanation for infantile amnesia involves incompatibilities between the ways in which infants encode information and the ways in which older children and adults retrieve it. Whether people can remember an event depends critically on the fit between the way in which they earlier encoded the information and the way in which they later attempt to retrieve it. The better able the person is to reconstruct the perspective from which the material was encoded, the more likely that recall will be successful.
This view is supported by a variety of factors that can create mismatches between very young children's encoding and older children's and adults' retrieval efforts. The world looks very different to a person whose head is only two or three feet above the ground than to one whose head is five or six feet above it. Older children and adults often try to retrieve the names of things they saw, but infants would not have encoded the information verbally. General knowledge of categories of events such as a birthday party or a visit to the doctor's office helps older individuals encode their experiences, but again, infants and toddlers are unlikely to encode many experiences within such knowledge structures.
These three explanations of infantile amnesia are not mutually exclusive; indeed, they support each other. Physiological immaturity may be part of why infants and toddlers do not form extremely enduring memories, even when they hear stories that promote such remembering in preschoolers. Hearing the stories may lead preschoolers to encode aspects of events that allow them to form memories they can access as adults. Conversely, improved encoding of what they hear may help them better understand and remember stories and thus make the stories more useful for remembering future events. Thus, all three explanations-physiological maturation, hearing and producing stories about past events, and improved encoding of key aspects of events-seem likely to be involved in overcoming infantile amnesia. | 1154.txt | 2 |
[
"ease the competition of man vs. machine",
"highlight machines' threat to human jobs",
"provoke a painful technological revolution",
"outmode our current economic structure"
] | According to the first paragraph, economic downturns would _____. | The concept of man versus machine is at least as old as the industrial revolution, but this
phenomenon tends to be most acutely felt during economic downturns and fragile recoveries. And yet, it would be a mistake to think we are right now simply experiencing the painful side of a boom and bust cycle. Certain jobs have gone away for good, outmoded by machines. Since technology has such an insatiable appetite for eating up human jobs, this phenomenon will continue to restructure our economy in ways we can't immediately foresee.
When there is exponential improvement in the price and performance of technology, jobs that were once thought to be immune from automation suddenly become threatened. This argument has attracted a lot of attention, via the success of the book Race Against the Machine, by Erik Brynjolfsson and Andrew McAfee, who both hail from MIT's Center for Digital Business.
This is a powerful argument, and a scary one. And yet, John Hagel, author of The Power of Pull and other books, says Brynjolfsson and McAfee miss the reason why these jobs are so vulnerable to technology in the first place.
Hagel says we have designed jobs in the U. S. that tend to be "tightly scripted" and "highly standardized" ones that leave no room for "individual initiative or creativity." In short, these are the types of jobs that machines can perform much better at than human beings. That is how we have put a giant target sign on the backs of American workers, Hagel says.
It's time to reinvent the formula for how work is conducted, since we are still relying on a very 20th century notion of work, Hagel says. In our rapidly changing economy, we more than ever need people in the workplace who can take initiative and exercise their imagination "to respond to unexpected events." That's not something machines are good at. They are designed to perform very predictable activities.
As Hagel notes, Brynjolfsson and McAfee indeed touched on this point in their book. We need to reframe race against the machine as race with the machine. In other words, we need to look at the ways in which machines can augment human labor rather than replace it. So then the problem is not really about technology, but rather, "how do we innovate our institutions and our work practices"? | 4165.txt | 1 |
[
"technology is diminishing man's job opportunities",
"automation is accelerating technological development",
"certain jobs will remain intact after automation",
"man will finally win the race against machine"
] | The authors of Race Against the Machine argue that _____. | The concept of man versus machine is at least as old as the industrial revolution, but this
phenomenon tends to be most acutely felt during economic downturns and fragile recoveries. And yet, it would be a mistake to think we are right now simply experiencing the painful side of a boom and bust cycle. Certain jobs have gone away for good, outmoded by machines. Since technology has such an insatiable appetite for eating up human jobs, this phenomenon will continue to restructure our economy in ways we can't immediately foresee.
When there is exponential improvement in the price and performance of technology, jobs that were once thought to be immune from automation suddenly become threatened. This argument has attracted a lot of attention, via the success of the book Race Against the Machine, by Erik Brynjolfsson and Andrew McAfee, who both hail from MIT's Center for Digital Business.
This is a powerful argument, and a scary one. And yet, John Hagel, author of The Power of Pull and other books, says Brynjolfsson and McAfee miss the reason why these jobs are so vulnerable to technology in the first place.
Hagel says we have designed jobs in the U. S. that tend to be "tightly scripted" and "highly standardized" ones that leave no room for "individual initiative or creativity." In short, these are the types of jobs that machines can perform much better at than human beings. That is how we have put a giant target sign on the backs of American workers, Hagel says.
It's time to reinvent the formula for how work is conducted, since we are still relying on a very 20th century notion of work, Hagel says. In our rapidly changing economy, we more than ever need people in the workplace who can take initiative and exercise their imagination "to respond to unexpected events." That's not something machines are good at. They are designed to perform very predictable activities.
As Hagel notes, Brynjolfsson and McAfee indeed touched on this point in their book. We need to reframe race against the machine as race with the machine. In other words, we need to look at the ways in which machines can augment human labor rather than replace it. So then the problem is not really about technology, but rather, "how do we innovate our institutions and our work practices"? | 4165.txt | 0 |
[
"performed by innovative minds",
"scripted with an individual style",
"standardized without a clear target",
"designed against human creativity"
] | Hagel argues that jobs in the U. S. are often _____. | The concept of man versus machine is at least as old as the industrial revolution, but this
phenomenon tends to be most acutely felt during economic downturns and fragile recoveries. And yet, it would be a mistake to think we are right now simply experiencing the painful side of a boom and bust cycle. Certain jobs have gone away for good, outmoded by machines. Since technology has such an insatiable appetite for eating up human jobs, this phenomenon will continue to restructure our economy in ways we can't immediately foresee.
When there is exponential improvement in the price and performance of technology, jobs that were once thought to be immune from automation suddenly become threatened. This argument has attracted a lot of attention, via the success of the book Race Against the Machine, by Erik Brynjolfsson and Andrew McAfee, who both hail from MIT's Center for Digital Business.
This is a powerful argument, and a scary one. And yet, John Hagel, author of The Power of Pull and other books, says Brynjolfsson and McAfee miss the reason why these jobs are so vulnerable to technology in the first place.
Hagel says we have designed jobs in the U. S. that tend to be "tightly scripted" and "highly standardized" ones that leave no room for "individual initiative or creativity." In short, these are the types of jobs that machines can perform much better at than human beings. That is how we have put a giant target sign on the backs of American workers, Hagel says.
It's time to reinvent the formula for how work is conducted, since we are still relying on a very 20th century notion of work, Hagel says. In our rapidly changing economy, we more than ever need people in the workplace who can take initiative and exercise their imagination "to respond to unexpected events." That's not something machines are good at. They are designed to perform very predictable activities.
As Hagel notes, Brynjolfsson and McAfee indeed touched on this point in their book. We need to reframe race against the machine as race with the machine. In other words, we need to look at the ways in which machines can augment human labor rather than replace it. So then the problem is not really about technology, but rather, "how do we innovate our institutions and our work practices"? | 4165.txt | 3 |
[
"the predictability of machine behavior in practice",
"the formula for how work is conducted efficiently",
"J the ways machines replace human labor in modern times",
"the necessity of human involvement in the workplace"
] | According to the last paragraph, Brynjolfsson and McAfee discussed _____. | The concept of man versus machine is at least as old as the industrial revolution, but this
phenomenon tends to be most acutely felt during economic downturns and fragile recoveries. And yet, it would be a mistake to think we are right now simply experiencing the painful side of a boom and bust cycle. Certain jobs have gone away for good, outmoded by machines. Since technology has such an insatiable appetite for eating up human jobs, this phenomenon will continue to restructure our economy in ways we can't immediately foresee.
When there is exponential improvement in the price and performance of technology, jobs that were once thought to be immune from automation suddenly become threatened. This argument has attracted a lot of attention, via the success of the book Race Against the Machine, by Erik Brynjolfsson and Andrew McAfee, who both hail from MIT's Center for Digital Business.
This is a powerful argument, and a scary one. And yet, John Hagel, author of The Power of Pull and other books, says Brynjolfsson and McAfee miss the reason why these jobs are so vulnerable to technology in the first place.
Hagel says we have designed jobs in the U. S. that tend to be "tightly scripted" and "highly standardized" ones that leave no room for "individual initiative or creativity." In short, these are the types of jobs that machines can perform much better at than human beings. That is how we have put a giant target sign on the backs of American workers, Hagel says.
It's time to reinvent the formula for how work is conducted, since we are still relying on a very 20th century notion of work, Hagel says. In our rapidly changing economy, we more than ever need people in the workplace who can take initiative and exercise their imagination "to respond to unexpected events." That's not something machines are good at. They are designed to perform very predictable activities.
As Hagel notes, Brynjolfsson and McAfee indeed touched on this point in their book. We need to reframe race against the machine as race with the machine. In other words, we need to look at the ways in which machines can augment human labor rather than replace it. So then the problem is not really about technology, but rather, "how do we innovate our institutions and our work practices"? | 4165.txt | 3 |
[
"How to Innovate Our Work Practices",
"Machines Will Replace Human Labor",
"Can We Win the Race Against Machines",
"Economic Downturns Stimulate Innovations"
] | Which of the following could be the most appropriate title for the text? | The concept of man versus machine is at least as old as the industrial revolution, but this
phenomenon tends to be most acutely felt during economic downturns and fragile recoveries. And yet, it would be a mistake to think we are right now simply experiencing the painful side of a boom and bust cycle. Certain jobs have gone away for good, outmoded by machines. Since technology has such an insatiable appetite for eating up human jobs, this phenomenon will continue to restructure our economy in ways we can't immediately foresee.
When there is exponential improvement in the price and performance of technology, jobs that were once thought to be immune from automation suddenly become threatened. This argument has attracted a lot of attention, via the success of the book Race Against the Machine, by Erik Brynjolfsson and Andrew McAfee, who both hail from MIT's Center for Digital Business.
This is a powerful argument, and a scary one. And yet, John Hagel, author of The Power of Pull and other books, says Brynjolfsson and McAfee miss the reason why these jobs are so vulnerable to technology in the first place.
Hagel says we have designed jobs in the U. S. that tend to be "tightly scripted" and "highly standardized" ones that leave no room for "individual initiative or creativity." In short, these are the types of jobs that machines can perform much better at than human beings. That is how we have put a giant target sign on the backs of American workers, Hagel says.
It's time to reinvent the formula for how work is conducted, since we are still relying on a very 20th century notion of work, Hagel says. In our rapidly changing economy, we more than ever need people in the workplace who can take initiative and exercise their imagination "to respond to unexpected events." That's not something machines are good at. They are designed to perform very predictable activities.
As Hagel notes, Brynjolfsson and McAfee indeed touched on this point in their book. We need to reframe race against the machine as race with the machine. In other words, we need to look at the ways in which machines can augment human labor rather than replace it. So then the problem is not really about technology, but rather, "how do we innovate our institutions and our work practices"? | 4165.txt | 2 |
[
"Because they build their own nests.",
"Because they collect food.",
"Because their activity affects the environment.",
"Because they are predators."
] | Why are ants compared to ecosystem engineers? | Research by the University of Exeter1 has revealed that ants have a big impact on their local environment as a result of their activity as "ecosystem engineers" and predators（）. The study, published in the Journal of Animal Ecology, found that ants have two distinct（）effects on their local environment.
Firstly, through moving of soil by nest building2 activity and by collecting food they affect the level of nutrients（）in the soil. This can indirectly impact the local populations of many animal groups, from decomposers（,）to species much higher up the food chain.
Secondly, they prey on a wide range of other animals, including larger prey which can be attacked by vast numbers of ant workers.
Dirk Sanders, an author of the study from the university's Centre for Ecology and Conservation, said: "Ants are very effective predators which thrive in huge numbers. They're also very territorial3 and very aggressive, defending their resources and territory against other predators. All of this means they have a strong influence on their surrounding area."
"In this research, we studied for the first time how big this impact is and the subtleties of it. What we found is that despite being predators, their presence can also lead to an increase in density and diversity of other animal groups4. They genuinely play a key role in the local environment, having a big influence on the grassland food web," Sanders said.
The study, carried out in Germany, studied the impact of the presence of different combinations and densities of black garden ants and common red ants, both species which can be found across Europe, including in the UK. It found that a low density of ants in an area increased the diversity and density of other animals in the local area, particularly the density of herbivores and decomposers. At higher densities ants had no or the opposite effect, showing that predation is counteracting the positive influence.
Dr Frank van Veen, another author on the study, said: "What we find is that the impact of ants on soil nutrient levels has a positive effect on animal groups at low levels, but as the number of ants increases, their predatory impacts have the bigger effect - thereby counteracting the positive influence via ecosystem engineering."
Ants are important components of ecosystems not only because they constitute a great part of the animal biomass5 but also because they act as ecosystem engineers. Ant biodiversity6（）is incredibly high and these organisms are highly responsive（，） to human impact, which obviously reduces its richness. However, it is not clear how such disturbance damages the maintenance of ant services to the ecosystem7.Ants are important in below ground processes8 through the alteration of the physical and chemical environment and through their effects on plants, microorganisms, and other soil organisms. | 1962.txt | 2 |
[
"prey on small as well as large animals.",
"collect nutritious food from the soil",
"collect food as decomposers.",
"prey on species much higher up the food chain."
] | As predators, ants | Research by the University of Exeter1 has revealed that ants have a big impact on their local environment as a result of their activity as "ecosystem engineers" and predators（）. The study, published in the Journal of Animal Ecology, found that ants have two distinct（）effects on their local environment.
Firstly, through moving of soil by nest building2 activity and by collecting food they affect the level of nutrients（）in the soil. This can indirectly impact the local populations of many animal groups, from decomposers（,）to species much higher up the food chain.
Secondly, they prey on a wide range of other animals, including larger prey which can be attacked by vast numbers of ant workers.
Dirk Sanders, an author of the study from the university's Centre for Ecology and Conservation, said: "Ants are very effective predators which thrive in huge numbers. They're also very territorial3 and very aggressive, defending their resources and territory against other predators. All of this means they have a strong influence on their surrounding area."
"In this research, we studied for the first time how big this impact is and the subtleties of it. What we found is that despite being predators, their presence can also lead to an increase in density and diversity of other animal groups4. They genuinely play a key role in the local environment, having a big influence on the grassland food web," Sanders said.
The study, carried out in Germany, studied the impact of the presence of different combinations and densities of black garden ants and common red ants, both species which can be found across Europe, including in the UK. It found that a low density of ants in an area increased the diversity and density of other animals in the local area, particularly the density of herbivores and decomposers. At higher densities ants had no or the opposite effect, showing that predation is counteracting the positive influence.
Dr Frank van Veen, another author on the study, said: "What we find is that the impact of ants on soil nutrient levels has a positive effect on animal groups at low levels, but as the number of ants increases, their predatory impacts have the bigger effect - thereby counteracting the positive influence via ecosystem engineering."
Ants are important components of ecosystems not only because they constitute a great part of the animal biomass5 but also because they act as ecosystem engineers. Ant biodiversity6（）is incredibly high and these organisms are highly responsive（，） to human impact, which obviously reduces its richness. However, it is not clear how such disturbance damages the maintenance of ant services to the ecosystem7.Ants are important in below ground processes8 through the alteration of the physical and chemical environment and through their effects on plants, microorganisms, and other soil organisms. | 1962.txt | 0 |
[
"can manage to thrive in huge numbers.",
"defend their resources and territory against other predators.",
"attack those invading animals for survival.",
"produce such a big impact on the environment."
] | Dirk Sanders' study centered on how ants | Research by the University of Exeter1 has revealed that ants have a big impact on their local environment as a result of their activity as "ecosystem engineers" and predators（）. The study, published in the Journal of Animal Ecology, found that ants have two distinct（）effects on their local environment.
Firstly, through moving of soil by nest building2 activity and by collecting food they affect the level of nutrients（）in the soil. This can indirectly impact the local populations of many animal groups, from decomposers（,）to species much higher up the food chain.
Secondly, they prey on a wide range of other animals, including larger prey which can be attacked by vast numbers of ant workers.
Dirk Sanders, an author of the study from the university's Centre for Ecology and Conservation, said: "Ants are very effective predators which thrive in huge numbers. They're also very territorial3 and very aggressive, defending their resources and territory against other predators. All of this means they have a strong influence on their surrounding area."
"In this research, we studied for the first time how big this impact is and the subtleties of it. What we found is that despite being predators, their presence can also lead to an increase in density and diversity of other animal groups4. They genuinely play a key role in the local environment, having a big influence on the grassland food web," Sanders said.
The study, carried out in Germany, studied the impact of the presence of different combinations and densities of black garden ants and common red ants, both species which can be found across Europe, including in the UK. It found that a low density of ants in an area increased the diversity and density of other animals in the local area, particularly the density of herbivores and decomposers. At higher densities ants had no or the opposite effect, showing that predation is counteracting the positive influence.
Dr Frank van Veen, another author on the study, said: "What we find is that the impact of ants on soil nutrient levels has a positive effect on animal groups at low levels, but as the number of ants increases, their predatory impacts have the bigger effect - thereby counteracting the positive influence via ecosystem engineering."
Ants are important components of ecosystems not only because they constitute a great part of the animal biomass5 but also because they act as ecosystem engineers. Ant biodiversity6（）is incredibly high and these organisms are highly responsive（，） to human impact, which obviously reduces its richness. However, it is not clear how such disturbance damages the maintenance of ant services to the ecosystem7.Ants are important in below ground processes8 through the alteration of the physical and chemical environment and through their effects on plants, microorganisms, and other soil organisms. | 1962.txt | 3 |
[
"Ants bring about a negative influence to an area when their population is small.",
"Ants bring about a positive influence to an area when their population is small.",
"Ants' predation counteracts the positive influence they may have on an area.",
"At higher density, ants produce a positive influence on an area."
] | What does paragraph 6 tell us? | Research by the University of Exeter1 has revealed that ants have a big impact on their local environment as a result of their activity as "ecosystem engineers" and predators（）. The study, published in the Journal of Animal Ecology, found that ants have two distinct（）effects on their local environment.
Firstly, through moving of soil by nest building2 activity and by collecting food they affect the level of nutrients（）in the soil. This can indirectly impact the local populations of many animal groups, from decomposers（,）to species much higher up the food chain.
Secondly, they prey on a wide range of other animals, including larger prey which can be attacked by vast numbers of ant workers.
Dirk Sanders, an author of the study from the university's Centre for Ecology and Conservation, said: "Ants are very effective predators which thrive in huge numbers. They're also very territorial3 and very aggressive, defending their resources and territory against other predators. All of this means they have a strong influence on their surrounding area."
"In this research, we studied for the first time how big this impact is and the subtleties of it. What we found is that despite being predators, their presence can also lead to an increase in density and diversity of other animal groups4. They genuinely play a key role in the local environment, having a big influence on the grassland food web," Sanders said.
The study, carried out in Germany, studied the impact of the presence of different combinations and densities of black garden ants and common red ants, both species which can be found across Europe, including in the UK. It found that a low density of ants in an area increased the diversity and density of other animals in the local area, particularly the density of herbivores and decomposers. At higher densities ants had no or the opposite effect, showing that predation is counteracting the positive influence.
Dr Frank van Veen, another author on the study, said: "What we find is that the impact of ants on soil nutrient levels has a positive effect on animal groups at low levels, but as the number of ants increases, their predatory impacts have the bigger effect - thereby counteracting the positive influence via ecosystem engineering."
Ants are important components of ecosystems not only because they constitute a great part of the animal biomass5 but also because they act as ecosystem engineers. Ant biodiversity6（）is incredibly high and these organisms are highly responsive（，） to human impact, which obviously reduces its richness. However, it is not clear how such disturbance damages the maintenance of ant services to the ecosystem7.Ants are important in below ground processes8 through the alteration of the physical and chemical environment and through their effects on plants, microorganisms, and other soil organisms. | 1962.txt | 1 |
[
"What roles do ants play in the ecosystem in which they live",
"How do ants affect the animal diversity in a given ecosystem",
"How do human activities affect ants' influence on a given ecosystem",
"How do ants alter the physical and chemical environment"
] | What still remains unclear about ants, according to the last paragraph? | Research by the University of Exeter1 has revealed that ants have a big impact on their local environment as a result of their activity as "ecosystem engineers" and predators（）. The study, published in the Journal of Animal Ecology, found that ants have two distinct（）effects on their local environment.
Firstly, through moving of soil by nest building2 activity and by collecting food they affect the level of nutrients（）in the soil. This can indirectly impact the local populations of many animal groups, from decomposers（,）to species much higher up the food chain.
Secondly, they prey on a wide range of other animals, including larger prey which can be attacked by vast numbers of ant workers.
Dirk Sanders, an author of the study from the university's Centre for Ecology and Conservation, said: "Ants are very effective predators which thrive in huge numbers. They're also very territorial3 and very aggressive, defending their resources and territory against other predators. All of this means they have a strong influence on their surrounding area."
"In this research, we studied for the first time how big this impact is and the subtleties of it. What we found is that despite being predators, their presence can also lead to an increase in density and diversity of other animal groups4. They genuinely play a key role in the local environment, having a big influence on the grassland food web," Sanders said.
The study, carried out in Germany, studied the impact of the presence of different combinations and densities of black garden ants and common red ants, both species which can be found across Europe, including in the UK. It found that a low density of ants in an area increased the diversity and density of other animals in the local area, particularly the density of herbivores and decomposers. At higher densities ants had no or the opposite effect, showing that predation is counteracting the positive influence.
Dr Frank van Veen, another author on the study, said: "What we find is that the impact of ants on soil nutrient levels has a positive effect on animal groups at low levels, but as the number of ants increases, their predatory impacts have the bigger effect - thereby counteracting the positive influence via ecosystem engineering."
Ants are important components of ecosystems not only because they constitute a great part of the animal biomass5 but also because they act as ecosystem engineers. Ant biodiversity6（）is incredibly high and these organisms are highly responsive（，） to human impact, which obviously reduces its richness. However, it is not clear how such disturbance damages the maintenance of ant services to the ecosystem7.Ants are important in below ground processes8 through the alteration of the physical and chemical environment and through their effects on plants, microorganisms, and other soil organisms. | 1962.txt | 2 |
[
"when a family member is harmed physicallyexamda.",
"when a family member is hurt psychologically",
"when a family member is dominated by another examda.",
"when one lives together with his／her partner or ex-partner"
] | IPV tends to Occu _ | Domestic violence occurs when a family member，partner or ex-partner attempts to physically or psychologically dominate or harm the other. The term"intimate partner violence''(IPV)is often used； synonymously，other terms have included"wife beatin9"，"wife batterin9"，"relationship violence"."domestic abuse"，"spousal abuse"，and"family violence"with some legal jurisdictions having specific； definitions. Recent attention to domestic violence began in the women，s movement as concern about wives beinG； beaten by their husbands，and has remained a major focus of modern feminism，particularly in terms of"violence against women". Estimates are that only about a third of cases of domestic violence are actually reported in the US and J UK. In other places where there has been less attention and less support，reported cases would be stil10wer.examda.
Violence OCCURS in all cultures，people of all races，ethnicities，and religions can be perpetrators of domestic violence.Domestic violence is perpetrated by，and on，both men and women。 and occurs in same-sex and opposite-sex relationships. examda.
Awareness and documentation of domestic violence differs from country to country.According to the Centers for Disease Control domestic violence is a serious，preventable public health problem affecting more than 32 million Americans，that is more than l0％of the U.S.population.
Domestic violence has many forms，including physical violence，sexual abuse，emotional abuse，intimidation，economic deprivation or threats of violence.There are a number of dimensions：mode：physical，psychological，sexual and／or social frequency：one off，occasional，chronic severity：in terms of both psychological or physical harm and the need for treatment--transitorv or permanent inj ury--mild，moderate，severe up to homicide Popular emphasis has tended to be on women as the victims of domestic violence although with the rise of the men's movement， and particularly men's rights，there is now some advocacy for men as victims，although the statistics concerning the number of male victims given by them are strongly contested by many groups active in research on or working in the field of domestic violence.
The means used to measure domestic violence strongly influence the results found，for example， studies of reported domestic violence and extrapolations of those studies show women preponderantlv as victims and men to be more violent，whereas the survey based Conflict Tactics Scale，tends to shOW men and women equally violent.
The majority of studies investigated male on female domestic violence，thus information on female-on-male(or female-on-female)violence tends to be less available. [412 words] | 1213.txt | 2 |
[
"There are more cases not reported than reported.",
"There are more cases in the US than in the UK.",
"The cases of violence against wornan are all reported.",
"The reported cases are nothing but violence against women."
] | Which of the following statements about the cases of domestic violence is TRUE? | Domestic violence occurs when a family member，partner or ex-partner attempts to physically or psychologically dominate or harm the other. The term"intimate partner violence''(IPV)is often used； synonymously，other terms have included"wife beatin9"，"wife batterin9"，"relationship violence"."domestic abuse"，"spousal abuse"，and"family violence"with some legal jurisdictions having specific； definitions. Recent attention to domestic violence began in the women，s movement as concern about wives beinG； beaten by their husbands，and has remained a major focus of modern feminism，particularly in terms of"violence against women". Estimates are that only about a third of cases of domestic violence are actually reported in the US and J UK. In other places where there has been less attention and less support，reported cases would be stil10wer.examda.
Violence OCCURS in all cultures，people of all races，ethnicities，and religions can be perpetrators of domestic violence.Domestic violence is perpetrated by，and on，both men and women。 and occurs in same-sex and opposite-sex relationships. examda.
Awareness and documentation of domestic violence differs from country to country.According to the Centers for Disease Control domestic violence is a serious，preventable public health problem affecting more than 32 million Americans，that is more than l0％of the U.S.population.
Domestic violence has many forms，including physical violence，sexual abuse，emotional abuse，intimidation，economic deprivation or threats of violence.There are a number of dimensions：mode：physical，psychological，sexual and／or social frequency：one off，occasional，chronic severity：in terms of both psychological or physical harm and the need for treatment--transitorv or permanent inj ury--mild，moderate，severe up to homicide Popular emphasis has tended to be on women as the victims of domestic violence although with the rise of the men's movement， and particularly men's rights，there is now some advocacy for men as victims，although the statistics concerning the number of male victims given by them are strongly contested by many groups active in research on or working in the field of domestic violence.
The means used to measure domestic violence strongly influence the results found，for example， studies of reported domestic violence and extrapolations of those studies show women preponderantlv as victims and men to be more violent，whereas the survey based Conflict Tactics Scale，tends to shOW men and women equally violent.
The majority of studies investigated male on female domestic violence，thus information on female-on-male(or female-on-female)violence tends to be less available. [412 words] | 1213.txt | 0 |
[
"exists in peoples all over the worldexamda.",
"occurs less in same-sex relationship",
"occurs more in opposite-sex relationship",
"depends on races，ethnicities，and religions"
] | Aecording to the text，domestic violence_ | Domestic violence occurs when a family member，partner or ex-partner attempts to physically or psychologically dominate or harm the other. The term"intimate partner violence''(IPV)is often used； synonymously，other terms have included"wife beatin9"，"wife batterin9"，"relationship violence"."domestic abuse"，"spousal abuse"，and"family violence"with some legal jurisdictions having specific； definitions. Recent attention to domestic violence began in the women，s movement as concern about wives beinG； beaten by their husbands，and has remained a major focus of modern feminism，particularly in terms of"violence against women". Estimates are that only about a third of cases of domestic violence are actually reported in the US and J UK. In other places where there has been less attention and less support，reported cases would be stil10wer.examda.
Violence OCCURS in all cultures，people of all races，ethnicities，and religions can be perpetrators of domestic violence.Domestic violence is perpetrated by，and on，both men and women。 and occurs in same-sex and opposite-sex relationships. examda.
Awareness and documentation of domestic violence differs from country to country.According to the Centers for Disease Control domestic violence is a serious，preventable public health problem affecting more than 32 million Americans，that is more than l0％of the U.S.population.
Domestic violence has many forms，including physical violence，sexual abuse，emotional abuse，intimidation，economic deprivation or threats of violence.There are a number of dimensions：mode：physical，psychological，sexual and／or social frequency：one off，occasional，chronic severity：in terms of both psychological or physical harm and the need for treatment--transitorv or permanent inj ury--mild，moderate，severe up to homicide Popular emphasis has tended to be on women as the victims of domestic violence although with the rise of the men's movement， and particularly men's rights，there is now some advocacy for men as victims，although the statistics concerning the number of male victims given by them are strongly contested by many groups active in research on or working in the field of domestic violence.
The means used to measure domestic violence strongly influence the results found，for example， studies of reported domestic violence and extrapolations of those studies show women preponderantlv as victims and men to be more violent，whereas the survey based Conflict Tactics Scale，tends to shOW men and women equally violent.
The majority of studies investigated male on female domestic violence，thus information on female-on-male(or female-on-female)violence tends to be less available. [412 words] | 1213.txt | 0 |
[
"takes on a variety of forms",
"differs from country to country",
"is usually more serious than preventable",
"affects not less than 10％of the US population"
] | According to the Centers for Disease Control。domestic violence _ | Domestic violence occurs when a family member，partner or ex-partner attempts to physically or psychologically dominate or harm the other. The term"intimate partner violence''(IPV)is often used； synonymously，other terms have included"wife beatin9"，"wife batterin9"，"relationship violence"."domestic abuse"，"spousal abuse"，and"family violence"with some legal jurisdictions having specific； definitions. Recent attention to domestic violence began in the women，s movement as concern about wives beinG； beaten by their husbands，and has remained a major focus of modern feminism，particularly in terms of"violence against women". Estimates are that only about a third of cases of domestic violence are actually reported in the US and J UK. In other places where there has been less attention and less support，reported cases would be stil10wer.examda.
Violence OCCURS in all cultures，people of all races，ethnicities，and religions can be perpetrators of domestic violence.Domestic violence is perpetrated by，and on，both men and women。 and occurs in same-sex and opposite-sex relationships. examda.
Awareness and documentation of domestic violence differs from country to country.According to the Centers for Disease Control domestic violence is a serious，preventable public health problem affecting more than 32 million Americans，that is more than l0％of the U.S.population.
Domestic violence has many forms，including physical violence，sexual abuse，emotional abuse，intimidation，economic deprivation or threats of violence.There are a number of dimensions：mode：physical，psychological，sexual and／or social frequency：one off，occasional，chronic severity：in terms of both psychological or physical harm and the need for treatment--transitorv or permanent inj ury--mild，moderate，severe up to homicide Popular emphasis has tended to be on women as the victims of domestic violence although with the rise of the men's movement， and particularly men's rights，there is now some advocacy for men as victims，although the statistics concerning the number of male victims given by them are strongly contested by many groups active in research on or working in the field of domestic violence.
The means used to measure domestic violence strongly influence the results found，for example， studies of reported domestic violence and extrapolations of those studies show women preponderantlv as victims and men to be more violent，whereas the survey based Conflict Tactics Scale，tends to shOW men and women equally violent.
The majority of studies investigated male on female domestic violence，thus information on female-on-male(or female-on-female)violence tends to be less available. [412 words] | 1213.txt | 3 |
[
"men are more violent than women examda.",
"men and women are equally violent",
"there is less female-on-female violence",
"both sexes may fall victim to domestic violence"
] | The author asserts that_ | Domestic violence occurs when a family member，partner or ex-partner attempts to physically or psychologically dominate or harm the other. The term"intimate partner violence''(IPV)is often used； synonymously，other terms have included"wife beatin9"，"wife batterin9"，"relationship violence"."domestic abuse"，"spousal abuse"，and"family violence"with some legal jurisdictions having specific； definitions. Recent attention to domestic violence began in the women，s movement as concern about wives beinG； beaten by their husbands，and has remained a major focus of modern feminism，particularly in terms of"violence against women". Estimates are that only about a third of cases of domestic violence are actually reported in the US and J UK. In other places where there has been less attention and less support，reported cases would be stil10wer.examda.
Violence OCCURS in all cultures，people of all races，ethnicities，and religions can be perpetrators of domestic violence.Domestic violence is perpetrated by，and on，both men and women。 and occurs in same-sex and opposite-sex relationships. examda.
Awareness and documentation of domestic violence differs from country to country.According to the Centers for Disease Control domestic violence is a serious，preventable public health problem affecting more than 32 million Americans，that is more than l0％of the U.S.population.
Domestic violence has many forms，including physical violence，sexual abuse，emotional abuse，intimidation，economic deprivation or threats of violence.There are a number of dimensions：mode：physical，psychological，sexual and／or social frequency：one off，occasional，chronic severity：in terms of both psychological or physical harm and the need for treatment--transitorv or permanent inj ury--mild，moderate，severe up to homicide Popular emphasis has tended to be on women as the victims of domestic violence although with the rise of the men's movement， and particularly men's rights，there is now some advocacy for men as victims，although the statistics concerning the number of male victims given by them are strongly contested by many groups active in research on or working in the field of domestic violence.
The means used to measure domestic violence strongly influence the results found，for example， studies of reported domestic violence and extrapolations of those studies show women preponderantlv as victims and men to be more violent，whereas the survey based Conflict Tactics Scale，tends to shOW men and women equally violent.
The majority of studies investigated male on female domestic violence，thus information on female-on-male(or female-on-female)violence tends to be less available. [412 words] | 1213.txt | 3 |
[
"had not changed much",
"looked very old",
"was much thinner than before",
"was wearing different clothes"
] | On his return , Rick _ . | The blue eyes that looked at him from outside the door were like the light through a magnifying glass when it is at its brightest and smallest, when paper and leaves begin to smoke.
"Hey ," said the man in the door. "Remember me?"
"Yes," the boy said, whispering. "Rick."
He felt so surprised to see Rick. All of Rick seemed to be shown in the eyes, with a strong feeling that ought to have hurt him
"You knew me," Rick said. "You hadn't forgotten."
"You're --just the same," the boy said, and felt much thankful.
He seemed even to be wearing the same clothes, the same blue shirt and grey trousers. He was thin, but he was built to be lean; and he was still, or again, sunburnt . After everything, the slow white smile still showed the slight feeling of happiness.
"Let's look at you," Rick said, dropping into a chair. Then slowly he felt more at home, and he became once more just Rick, as if nothing had happened. There were lines about his eyes, and deeper lines on his cheeks , but he looked like--just Rick, lined by sunlight and smiling.
"When I look at you," he said, "You make me think about me, for we look like each other."
"Yes," said the boy, eagerly, "they all think we both look like my grandfather." | 2039.txt | 0 |
[
"brothers",
"related",
"friends",
"neighbours"
] | Rick and the boy are probably _ . | The blue eyes that looked at him from outside the door were like the light through a magnifying glass when it is at its brightest and smallest, when paper and leaves begin to smoke.
"Hey ," said the man in the door. "Remember me?"
"Yes," the boy said, whispering. "Rick."
He felt so surprised to see Rick. All of Rick seemed to be shown in the eyes, with a strong feeling that ought to have hurt him
"You knew me," Rick said. "You hadn't forgotten."
"You're --just the same," the boy said, and felt much thankful.
He seemed even to be wearing the same clothes, the same blue shirt and grey trousers. He was thin, but he was built to be lean; and he was still, or again, sunburnt . After everything, the slow white smile still showed the slight feeling of happiness.
"Let's look at you," Rick said, dropping into a chair. Then slowly he felt more at home, and he became once more just Rick, as if nothing had happened. There were lines about his eyes, and deeper lines on his cheeks , but he looked like--just Rick, lined by sunlight and smiling.
"When I look at you," he said, "You make me think about me, for we look like each other."
"Yes," said the boy, eagerly, "they all think we both look like my grandfather." | 2039.txt | 1 |
[
"old and friendly",
"old and nervous",
"thin and nervous",
"thin and friendly"
] | You could describe Rick as _ . | The blue eyes that looked at him from outside the door were like the light through a magnifying glass when it is at its brightest and smallest, when paper and leaves begin to smoke.
"Hey ," said the man in the door. "Remember me?"
"Yes," the boy said, whispering. "Rick."
He felt so surprised to see Rick. All of Rick seemed to be shown in the eyes, with a strong feeling that ought to have hurt him
"You knew me," Rick said. "You hadn't forgotten."
"You're --just the same," the boy said, and felt much thankful.
He seemed even to be wearing the same clothes, the same blue shirt and grey trousers. He was thin, but he was built to be lean; and he was still, or again, sunburnt . After everything, the slow white smile still showed the slight feeling of happiness.
"Let's look at you," Rick said, dropping into a chair. Then slowly he felt more at home, and he became once more just Rick, as if nothing had happened. There were lines about his eyes, and deeper lines on his cheeks , but he looked like--just Rick, lined by sunlight and smiling.
"When I look at you," he said, "You make me think about me, for we look like each other."
"Yes," said the boy, eagerly, "they all think we both look like my grandfather." | 2039.txt | 3 |
[
"was worried that Rick had forgotten him",
"was proud of what Rick had done",
"was pleased to see Rick",
"wondered where Rick had been"
] | From the passage we can tell that the boy _ . | The blue eyes that looked at him from outside the door were like the light through a magnifying glass when it is at its brightest and smallest, when paper and leaves begin to smoke.
"Hey ," said the man in the door. "Remember me?"
"Yes," the boy said, whispering. "Rick."
He felt so surprised to see Rick. All of Rick seemed to be shown in the eyes, with a strong feeling that ought to have hurt him
"You knew me," Rick said. "You hadn't forgotten."
"You're --just the same," the boy said, and felt much thankful.
He seemed even to be wearing the same clothes, the same blue shirt and grey trousers. He was thin, but he was built to be lean; and he was still, or again, sunburnt . After everything, the slow white smile still showed the slight feeling of happiness.
"Let's look at you," Rick said, dropping into a chair. Then slowly he felt more at home, and he became once more just Rick, as if nothing had happened. There were lines about his eyes, and deeper lines on his cheeks , but he looked like--just Rick, lined by sunlight and smiling.
"When I look at you," he said, "You make me think about me, for we look like each other."
"Yes," said the boy, eagerly, "they all think we both look like my grandfather." | 2039.txt | 2 |
[
"had similar personalities",
"cared about each other",
"had lived in the same house",
"felt their friendship had changed"
] | Rick and the boy _ . | The blue eyes that looked at him from outside the door were like the light through a magnifying glass when it is at its brightest and smallest, when paper and leaves begin to smoke.
"Hey ," said the man in the door. "Remember me?"
"Yes," the boy said, whispering. "Rick."
He felt so surprised to see Rick. All of Rick seemed to be shown in the eyes, with a strong feeling that ought to have hurt him
"You knew me," Rick said. "You hadn't forgotten."
"You're --just the same," the boy said, and felt much thankful.
He seemed even to be wearing the same clothes, the same blue shirt and grey trousers. He was thin, but he was built to be lean; and he was still, or again, sunburnt . After everything, the slow white smile still showed the slight feeling of happiness.
"Let's look at you," Rick said, dropping into a chair. Then slowly he felt more at home, and he became once more just Rick, as if nothing had happened. There were lines about his eyes, and deeper lines on his cheeks , but he looked like--just Rick, lined by sunlight and smiling.
"When I look at you," he said, "You make me think about me, for we look like each other."
"Yes," said the boy, eagerly, "they all think we both look like my grandfather." | 2039.txt | 1 |
[
"America faces a serious issue-lack of computer science graduates",
"computer science is promising",
"Microsoft sends its employees to high schools to be the computer science instructors",
"there are not enough people hunting for jobs in the computer field"
] | We can learn from the first two paragraphs that _ . | Leandre Nsabi, a senior at Rainier Beach High School here, received some bluntly practical advice from an instructor recently. " My teacher said there's a lot of money to be made in computer science," Leandre said. " It could be really helpful in the future." That teacher, Steven Edouard, knows a few things about the subject. When he is not volunteering as a computer science instructor four days a week, Mr. Edouard works at Microsoft. He is one of 110 engineers from high-tech companies who are part of a Microsoft program aimed at getting high school students hooked on computer science, so they go on to pursue careers in the field. In doing so, Microsoft is taking an unusual approach to tackling a shortage of computer science graduates-one of the most serious issues facing the technology industry, and a broader challenge for the nation's economy.
There are likely to be 150,000 computing jobs opening up each year through 2020, according to an analysis of federal forecasts by the Association for Computing Machinery, a professional society for computing researchers. But despite the hoopla around start-up celebrities like Mark Zuckerberg of Facebook, fewer than 40,000 American students received bachelor's degrees in computer science during 2010, the National Center for Education Statistics estimates. And the wider job market remains weak. " People can't get jobs, and we have jobs that can't be filled," Brad Smith, Microsoft's general counsel who oversees its philanthropic efforts, said in a recent interview.
Big technology companies have complained for years about a dearth of technical talent, a problem they have tried to solve by lobbying for looser immigration rules to accommodate more foreign engineers and sponsoring tech competitions to encourage student interest in the industry. Google, for one, holds a programming summer camp for incoming ninth graders and underwrites an effort called CS4HS, in which high school teachers sharpen their computer science skills in workshops at local universities.
But Microsoft is sending its employees to the front lines, encouraging them to commit to teaching a high school computer science class for a full school year. Its engineers, who earn a small stipend for their classroom time, are in at least two hourlong classes a week and sometimes as many as five. Schools arrange the classes for first thing in the day to avoid interfering with the schedules of the engineers, who often do not arrive at Microsoft until the late morning.
The program started as a grass-roots effort by Kevin Wang, a Microsoft engineer with a master's degree in education from Harvard. In 2009, he began volunteering as a computer science teacher at a Seattle public high school on his way to work. After executives at Microsoft caught wind of what he was doing, they put financial support behind the effort-which is known as Technology Education and Literacy in Schools, or Teals-and let Mr. Wang run it full time. The program is now in 22 schools in the Seattle area and has expanded to more than a dozen other schools in Washington, Utah, North Dakota, California and other states this academic year. Microsoft wants other big technology companies to back the effort so it can broaden the number of outside engineers involved. | 472.txt | 0 |
[
"persuading the government to make looser immigration rules to introduce more foreign talents",
"funding the technology competitions to inspire more students on tech",
"holding a programming summer camp for incoming ninth graders",
"making students improve their science skills in CS4HS"
] | All the below are the solutions to the lack of qualified technical talents, except _ . | Leandre Nsabi, a senior at Rainier Beach High School here, received some bluntly practical advice from an instructor recently. " My teacher said there's a lot of money to be made in computer science," Leandre said. " It could be really helpful in the future." That teacher, Steven Edouard, knows a few things about the subject. When he is not volunteering as a computer science instructor four days a week, Mr. Edouard works at Microsoft. He is one of 110 engineers from high-tech companies who are part of a Microsoft program aimed at getting high school students hooked on computer science, so they go on to pursue careers in the field. In doing so, Microsoft is taking an unusual approach to tackling a shortage of computer science graduates-one of the most serious issues facing the technology industry, and a broader challenge for the nation's economy.
There are likely to be 150,000 computing jobs opening up each year through 2020, according to an analysis of federal forecasts by the Association for Computing Machinery, a professional society for computing researchers. But despite the hoopla around start-up celebrities like Mark Zuckerberg of Facebook, fewer than 40,000 American students received bachelor's degrees in computer science during 2010, the National Center for Education Statistics estimates. And the wider job market remains weak. " People can't get jobs, and we have jobs that can't be filled," Brad Smith, Microsoft's general counsel who oversees its philanthropic efforts, said in a recent interview.
Big technology companies have complained for years about a dearth of technical talent, a problem they have tried to solve by lobbying for looser immigration rules to accommodate more foreign engineers and sponsoring tech competitions to encourage student interest in the industry. Google, for one, holds a programming summer camp for incoming ninth graders and underwrites an effort called CS4HS, in which high school teachers sharpen their computer science skills in workshops at local universities.
But Microsoft is sending its employees to the front lines, encouraging them to commit to teaching a high school computer science class for a full school year. Its engineers, who earn a small stipend for their classroom time, are in at least two hourlong classes a week and sometimes as many as five. Schools arrange the classes for first thing in the day to avoid interfering with the schedules of the engineers, who often do not arrive at Microsoft until the late morning.
The program started as a grass-roots effort by Kevin Wang, a Microsoft engineer with a master's degree in education from Harvard. In 2009, he began volunteering as a computer science teacher at a Seattle public high school on his way to work. After executives at Microsoft caught wind of what he was doing, they put financial support behind the effort-which is known as Technology Education and Literacy in Schools, or Teals-and let Mr. Wang run it full time. The program is now in 22 schools in the Seattle area and has expanded to more than a dozen other schools in Washington, Utah, North Dakota, California and other states this academic year. Microsoft wants other big technology companies to back the effort so it can broaden the number of outside engineers involved. | 472.txt | 3 |
[
"salary",
"reputation",
"prize",
"respect"
] | The word" stipend" （Line 2, Paragraph 4）most probably means _ . | Leandre Nsabi, a senior at Rainier Beach High School here, received some bluntly practical advice from an instructor recently. " My teacher said there's a lot of money to be made in computer science," Leandre said. " It could be really helpful in the future." That teacher, Steven Edouard, knows a few things about the subject. When he is not volunteering as a computer science instructor four days a week, Mr. Edouard works at Microsoft. He is one of 110 engineers from high-tech companies who are part of a Microsoft program aimed at getting high school students hooked on computer science, so they go on to pursue careers in the field. In doing so, Microsoft is taking an unusual approach to tackling a shortage of computer science graduates-one of the most serious issues facing the technology industry, and a broader challenge for the nation's economy.
There are likely to be 150,000 computing jobs opening up each year through 2020, according to an analysis of federal forecasts by the Association for Computing Machinery, a professional society for computing researchers. But despite the hoopla around start-up celebrities like Mark Zuckerberg of Facebook, fewer than 40,000 American students received bachelor's degrees in computer science during 2010, the National Center for Education Statistics estimates. And the wider job market remains weak. " People can't get jobs, and we have jobs that can't be filled," Brad Smith, Microsoft's general counsel who oversees its philanthropic efforts, said in a recent interview.
Big technology companies have complained for years about a dearth of technical talent, a problem they have tried to solve by lobbying for looser immigration rules to accommodate more foreign engineers and sponsoring tech competitions to encourage student interest in the industry. Google, for one, holds a programming summer camp for incoming ninth graders and underwrites an effort called CS4HS, in which high school teachers sharpen their computer science skills in workshops at local universities.
But Microsoft is sending its employees to the front lines, encouraging them to commit to teaching a high school computer science class for a full school year. Its engineers, who earn a small stipend for their classroom time, are in at least two hourlong classes a week and sometimes as many as five. Schools arrange the classes for first thing in the day to avoid interfering with the schedules of the engineers, who often do not arrive at Microsoft until the late morning.
The program started as a grass-roots effort by Kevin Wang, a Microsoft engineer with a master's degree in education from Harvard. In 2009, he began volunteering as a computer science teacher at a Seattle public high school on his way to work. After executives at Microsoft caught wind of what he was doing, they put financial support behind the effort-which is known as Technology Education and Literacy in Schools, or Teals-and let Mr. Wang run it full time. The program is now in 22 schools in the Seattle area and has expanded to more than a dozen other schools in Washington, Utah, North Dakota, California and other states this academic year. Microsoft wants other big technology companies to back the effort so it can broaden the number of outside engineers involved. | 472.txt | 0 |
[
"the program is a grass-roots effort originally",
"Kevin Wang was praised by the executives at Microsoft",
"22 schools in the Seattle area have involved in the program",
"Microsoft's plan has already caused attention of other schools and Microsoft hopes for more companies to participate"
] | It can be inferred from the last paragraph that _ . | Leandre Nsabi, a senior at Rainier Beach High School here, received some bluntly practical advice from an instructor recently. " My teacher said there's a lot of money to be made in computer science," Leandre said. " It could be really helpful in the future." That teacher, Steven Edouard, knows a few things about the subject. When he is not volunteering as a computer science instructor four days a week, Mr. Edouard works at Microsoft. He is one of 110 engineers from high-tech companies who are part of a Microsoft program aimed at getting high school students hooked on computer science, so they go on to pursue careers in the field. In doing so, Microsoft is taking an unusual approach to tackling a shortage of computer science graduates-one of the most serious issues facing the technology industry, and a broader challenge for the nation's economy.
There are likely to be 150,000 computing jobs opening up each year through 2020, according to an analysis of federal forecasts by the Association for Computing Machinery, a professional society for computing researchers. But despite the hoopla around start-up celebrities like Mark Zuckerberg of Facebook, fewer than 40,000 American students received bachelor's degrees in computer science during 2010, the National Center for Education Statistics estimates. And the wider job market remains weak. " People can't get jobs, and we have jobs that can't be filled," Brad Smith, Microsoft's general counsel who oversees its philanthropic efforts, said in a recent interview.
Big technology companies have complained for years about a dearth of technical talent, a problem they have tried to solve by lobbying for looser immigration rules to accommodate more foreign engineers and sponsoring tech competitions to encourage student interest in the industry. Google, for one, holds a programming summer camp for incoming ninth graders and underwrites an effort called CS4HS, in which high school teachers sharpen their computer science skills in workshops at local universities.
But Microsoft is sending its employees to the front lines, encouraging them to commit to teaching a high school computer science class for a full school year. Its engineers, who earn a small stipend for their classroom time, are in at least two hourlong classes a week and sometimes as many as five. Schools arrange the classes for first thing in the day to avoid interfering with the schedules of the engineers, who often do not arrive at Microsoft until the late morning.
The program started as a grass-roots effort by Kevin Wang, a Microsoft engineer with a master's degree in education from Harvard. In 2009, he began volunteering as a computer science teacher at a Seattle public high school on his way to work. After executives at Microsoft caught wind of what he was doing, they put financial support behind the effort-which is known as Technology Education and Literacy in Schools, or Teals-and let Mr. Wang run it full time. The program is now in 22 schools in the Seattle area and has expanded to more than a dozen other schools in Washington, Utah, North Dakota, California and other states this academic year. Microsoft wants other big technology companies to back the effort so it can broaden the number of outside engineers involved. | 472.txt | 3 |
[
"positive",
"negative",
"uncertain",
"neutral"
] | From the text we can see that the writer seems _ . | Leandre Nsabi, a senior at Rainier Beach High School here, received some bluntly practical advice from an instructor recently. " My teacher said there's a lot of money to be made in computer science," Leandre said. " It could be really helpful in the future." That teacher, Steven Edouard, knows a few things about the subject. When he is not volunteering as a computer science instructor four days a week, Mr. Edouard works at Microsoft. He is one of 110 engineers from high-tech companies who are part of a Microsoft program aimed at getting high school students hooked on computer science, so they go on to pursue careers in the field. In doing so, Microsoft is taking an unusual approach to tackling a shortage of computer science graduates-one of the most serious issues facing the technology industry, and a broader challenge for the nation's economy.
There are likely to be 150,000 computing jobs opening up each year through 2020, according to an analysis of federal forecasts by the Association for Computing Machinery, a professional society for computing researchers. But despite the hoopla around start-up celebrities like Mark Zuckerberg of Facebook, fewer than 40,000 American students received bachelor's degrees in computer science during 2010, the National Center for Education Statistics estimates. And the wider job market remains weak. " People can't get jobs, and we have jobs that can't be filled," Brad Smith, Microsoft's general counsel who oversees its philanthropic efforts, said in a recent interview.
Big technology companies have complained for years about a dearth of technical talent, a problem they have tried to solve by lobbying for looser immigration rules to accommodate more foreign engineers and sponsoring tech competitions to encourage student interest in the industry. Google, for one, holds a programming summer camp for incoming ninth graders and underwrites an effort called CS4HS, in which high school teachers sharpen their computer science skills in workshops at local universities.
But Microsoft is sending its employees to the front lines, encouraging them to commit to teaching a high school computer science class for a full school year. Its engineers, who earn a small stipend for their classroom time, are in at least two hourlong classes a week and sometimes as many as five. Schools arrange the classes for first thing in the day to avoid interfering with the schedules of the engineers, who often do not arrive at Microsoft until the late morning.
The program started as a grass-roots effort by Kevin Wang, a Microsoft engineer with a master's degree in education from Harvard. In 2009, he began volunteering as a computer science teacher at a Seattle public high school on his way to work. After executives at Microsoft caught wind of what he was doing, they put financial support behind the effort-which is known as Technology Education and Literacy in Schools, or Teals-and let Mr. Wang run it full time. The program is now in 22 schools in the Seattle area and has expanded to more than a dozen other schools in Washington, Utah, North Dakota, California and other states this academic year. Microsoft wants other big technology companies to back the effort so it can broaden the number of outside engineers involved. | 472.txt | 3 |
[
"The reA.problem of youth unemployment is still severe.",
"We can not only concentrate on the surface of numbers.",
"The unemployment rate continues to be improveD.",
"We should not celebrate for the lower unemployment rate."
] | What Can we infer from the lines of paragraph two? | The unemployment rate continues to improve.It was 10％in the fall of 2009.It was 7.5%at this time last year.It has been fluctuatin9 6.3%and 6.7%for the last couple months.
But before we celebrate.we need to examine the numbers behind the numbers.These can mask deeper problems.
Youth unemployment.is one such problem.Young people face higher hurdles to and in the job market.
They have fewer skills.1ess work experience and smaller networks.
The consequences are devastating and the facts bear this out.
Those with more education do beaer but no group is held harmless.Unemployment rates for recent college graduates increased from 3.1%in 2008 to 8％in 2010.High youth unemployment rates predate the recession.In 2000.the general unemployment rate was approximately 4%.For 15 to 24 year olds it was over9%.
High youth unemployment is not confined to the United States.For the 33"developed"countries in the Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development(OECD)，combined 2013 youth unemployment was 16％.But more importantly,individuals，society and the economy suffer from a generation hamstrung by pool little or no work experience.
Solutions are complicated because we are part of a global economy and recession，we are shifting to a knowledge-based economy,and unemployment is tied to complex social problems.
But solutions do exist.
Create a"youth guarantee"similar to the one adopted by leaders of the European Union.It states that"all young people under the age of 25 years receive a good-quality offer of employment，continued education，an apprenticeship or a traineeship within four months of becoming unemfDloyed or leaving formal education."This has had success in some countries.
Require that middle and high school programs greatly strengthen their workplace ties through vocational education，apprenticeships，internships，and teaching ofjob skills.
As the economic recovery continues，we must ensure that we understand the numbers behind the numbers.This means not only paying close attention to the needs of our young workers but also responding with significant and decisive action.
The United States has a population of over 300 million.of these.120 million are under the age of 30.Their future is Our future. | 1285.txt | 0 |
[
"They are not with good education and skill backgrotmds.",
"There are no adequate iobs for youths in the competitive iob market.",
"Tlley have fewer skills，less work experience and smaller networks.",
"The development of society and economy does not satisfy."
] | What is the main micro reason of youth unemployment according to the 3-6paragraphs? | The unemployment rate continues to improve.It was 10％in the fall of 2009.It was 7.5%at this time last year.It has been fluctuatin9 6.3%and 6.7%for the last couple months.
But before we celebrate.we need to examine the numbers behind the numbers.These can mask deeper problems.
Youth unemployment.is one such problem.Young people face higher hurdles to and in the job market.
They have fewer skills.1ess work experience and smaller networks.
The consequences are devastating and the facts bear this out.
Those with more education do beaer but no group is held harmless.Unemployment rates for recent college graduates increased from 3.1%in 2008 to 8％in 2010.High youth unemployment rates predate the recession.In 2000.the general unemployment rate was approximately 4%.For 15 to 24 year olds it was over9%.
High youth unemployment is not confined to the United States.For the 33"developed"countries in the Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development(OECD)，combined 2013 youth unemployment was 16％.But more importantly,individuals，society and the economy suffer from a generation hamstrung by pool little or no work experience.
Solutions are complicated because we are part of a global economy and recession，we are shifting to a knowledge-based economy,and unemployment is tied to complex social problems.
But solutions do exist.
Create a"youth guarantee"similar to the one adopted by leaders of the European Union.It states that"all young people under the age of 25 years receive a good-quality offer of employment，continued education，an apprenticeship or a traineeship within four months of becoming unemfDloyed or leaving formal education."This has had success in some countries.
Require that middle and high school programs greatly strengthen their workplace ties through vocational education，apprenticeships，internships，and teaching ofjob skills.
As the economic recovery continues，we must ensure that we understand the numbers behind the numbers.This means not only paying close attention to the needs of our young workers but also responding with significant and decisive action.
The United States has a population of over 300 million.of these.120 million are under the age of 30.Their future is Our future. | 1285.txt | 2 |
[
"The global economy is suffering from a serious recession.",
"It iS closely tied with global economy and complex social problems.",
"The shifting to a knowledge.based economy causes this problem.",
"All nations encounter this annoyed employment issue."
] | What is the main macro reason of youth unemployment? | The unemployment rate continues to improve.It was 10％in the fall of 2009.It was 7.5%at this time last year.It has been fluctuatin9 6.3%and 6.7%for the last couple months.
But before we celebrate.we need to examine the numbers behind the numbers.These can mask deeper problems.
Youth unemployment.is one such problem.Young people face higher hurdles to and in the job market.
They have fewer skills.1ess work experience and smaller networks.
The consequences are devastating and the facts bear this out.
Those with more education do beaer but no group is held harmless.Unemployment rates for recent college graduates increased from 3.1%in 2008 to 8％in 2010.High youth unemployment rates predate the recession.In 2000.the general unemployment rate was approximately 4%.For 15 to 24 year olds it was over9%.
High youth unemployment is not confined to the United States.For the 33"developed"countries in the Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development(OECD)，combined 2013 youth unemployment was 16％.But more importantly,individuals，society and the economy suffer from a generation hamstrung by pool little or no work experience.
Solutions are complicated because we are part of a global economy and recession，we are shifting to a knowledge-based economy,and unemployment is tied to complex social problems.
But solutions do exist.
Create a"youth guarantee"similar to the one adopted by leaders of the European Union.It states that"all young people under the age of 25 years receive a good-quality offer of employment，continued education，an apprenticeship or a traineeship within four months of becoming unemfDloyed or leaving formal education."This has had success in some countries.
Require that middle and high school programs greatly strengthen their workplace ties through vocational education，apprenticeships，internships，and teaching ofjob skills.
As the economic recovery continues，we must ensure that we understand the numbers behind the numbers.This means not only paying close attention to the needs of our young workers but also responding with significant and decisive action.
The United States has a population of over 300 million.of these.120 million are under the age of 30.Their future is Our future. | 1285.txt | 1 |
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