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[
"people's superstitious attitude",
"people's dislike of some animals, such as bald eagle",
"people's hunting games",
"the self-killing of the predators"
] | Some animal species are in danger of disappearing altogether from the earth as a result of _ . | Of all the continents, the most drastic reduction in wildlife has occurred in North America, where the transition from a rural to a highly industrialized society has been most rapid. Among the victims are birds, mammals, and fish. We will never again see the passenger pigeon or the eastern elk. They have been wiped out. Of many other species, only a few representatives still survive in the wild. The U. S. Department of the Interior has put no fewer than 109 species on the endangered species list. (An endangered species is one with poor prospects for survival and in need of protection. ) This list includes everything from the timber wolf to the whooping crane. Even the bald eagle, our national symbol, is threatened.
Animals that kill other game for food are called predators. The predators include the wolf, mountain lion, fox, bobcat, and bear. Attack against these animals began with the arrival of the first European settlers, who wished to protect their livestock. Eventually, a reward was offered to hunters for every predator that was killed. This reward is called a bounty. Ironically, the Federal government is the chief founder of predator-control programs.
The settlers also brought in their Old World fears and superstitions concerning predators. Whether preying on livestock or not, predators were shot on sight. This attitude continues to this day for coyotes, eagles, foxes, mountain lions, and bobcats, and is largely responsible for placing the eastern timber wolf, grizzly bear, and bald eagle on the endangered species list.
Yet every animal, including the predator, has its place in nature's grand design. Predators help maintain the health of their prey species by eliminating the diseased, young, old and injured. Predators like the mountain lion and the wolf help to keep the deer herds healthy. Occasional loss of livestock must be weighed against the good these animals do in maintaining the balance of nature. | 909.txt | 0 |
[
"take care of wilderness areas",
"preserve our wildlife",
"kill meat-eating animals for money",
"work in the fund of predator-control programs"
] | Bounty hunters are people who _ . | Of all the continents, the most drastic reduction in wildlife has occurred in North America, where the transition from a rural to a highly industrialized society has been most rapid. Among the victims are birds, mammals, and fish. We will never again see the passenger pigeon or the eastern elk. They have been wiped out. Of many other species, only a few representatives still survive in the wild. The U. S. Department of the Interior has put no fewer than 109 species on the endangered species list. (An endangered species is one with poor prospects for survival and in need of protection. ) This list includes everything from the timber wolf to the whooping crane. Even the bald eagle, our national symbol, is threatened.
Animals that kill other game for food are called predators. The predators include the wolf, mountain lion, fox, bobcat, and bear. Attack against these animals began with the arrival of the first European settlers, who wished to protect their livestock. Eventually, a reward was offered to hunters for every predator that was killed. This reward is called a bounty. Ironically, the Federal government is the chief founder of predator-control programs.
The settlers also brought in their Old World fears and superstitions concerning predators. Whether preying on livestock or not, predators were shot on sight. This attitude continues to this day for coyotes, eagles, foxes, mountain lions, and bobcats, and is largely responsible for placing the eastern timber wolf, grizzly bear, and bald eagle on the endangered species list.
Yet every animal, including the predator, has its place in nature's grand design. Predators help maintain the health of their prey species by eliminating the diseased, young, old and injured. Predators like the mountain lion and the wolf help to keep the deer herds healthy. Occasional loss of livestock must be weighed against the good these animals do in maintaining the balance of nature. | 909.txt | 2 |
[
"estimate the value of predators",
"compare the losses with the benefits of predators",
"keep the balance of nature",
"raise more livestock"
] | According to the writer, even if the meat-eating animals sometimes caused losses of livestock, man should _ . | Of all the continents, the most drastic reduction in wildlife has occurred in North America, where the transition from a rural to a highly industrialized society has been most rapid. Among the victims are birds, mammals, and fish. We will never again see the passenger pigeon or the eastern elk. They have been wiped out. Of many other species, only a few representatives still survive in the wild. The U. S. Department of the Interior has put no fewer than 109 species on the endangered species list. (An endangered species is one with poor prospects for survival and in need of protection. ) This list includes everything from the timber wolf to the whooping crane. Even the bald eagle, our national symbol, is threatened.
Animals that kill other game for food are called predators. The predators include the wolf, mountain lion, fox, bobcat, and bear. Attack against these animals began with the arrival of the first European settlers, who wished to protect their livestock. Eventually, a reward was offered to hunters for every predator that was killed. This reward is called a bounty. Ironically, the Federal government is the chief founder of predator-control programs.
The settlers also brought in their Old World fears and superstitions concerning predators. Whether preying on livestock or not, predators were shot on sight. This attitude continues to this day for coyotes, eagles, foxes, mountain lions, and bobcats, and is largely responsible for placing the eastern timber wolf, grizzly bear, and bald eagle on the endangered species list.
Yet every animal, including the predator, has its place in nature's grand design. Predators help maintain the health of their prey species by eliminating the diseased, young, old and injured. Predators like the mountain lion and the wolf help to keep the deer herds healthy. Occasional loss of livestock must be weighed against the good these animals do in maintaining the balance of nature. | 909.txt | 1 |
[
"Shy people benefit from their caring about their appearance.",
"People‘s shyness made them care too much about their appearance and actions.",
"It‘s natural that shy people don‘t believe other‘s compliments.",
"Shy people think they are different from others."
] | What does the author try to prove by citing ―what kind of impression am I making?‖ | Shyness is the cause of much unhappiness for a great many people. Shy people are anxious and self-conscious; that is, they are excessively concerned with their won appearance and actions. Worrisome thoughts are constantly occurring in their minds: what kind of impression am I making?Do they like me? Do I sound stupid? Am I wearing unattractive clothes?
It is obvious that such uncomfortable feelings must negatively affect people. A person‘s conception of himself or herself is reflected in the way he or she behaves, and the way a person behaves affects other people‘s reactions. In general, the way people think about themselves has a profound effect on all areas of their lives.‘
Shy people, having low self-esteem, are likely to be passive and easily influenced by others. They need reassurance that they are doing ―the right thing.‖ Shy people are very sensitive to criticism; they feel it confirms their feelings of inferiority. They also find it difficult to be pleased by compliment with a statement like this one, ―You‘re just saying that to make me feel good. I know it‘s not true.‖ It is clear that while self-awareness is a healthy quality, overdoing it is harmful.
Can shyness be completely eliminated, or at least reduced? Fortunately, people can overcome shyness with determined and patient efforts in building self-confidence. Since shyness goes hand in hand with a lack of self-esteem, it is important for people to accept their weaknesses as well as their strengths.
Each one of us is a unique, worthwhile individual, interested in our own personal ways. The better we understand ourselves, the easier it becomes to live up to our full potential. Let‘s not allow shyness to block our chances for a rich and fulfilling life. | 591.txt | 1 |
[
"a good quality",
"the cause of unhappiness",
"harmful to people",
"a weak point of shy people"
] | According to the writer, self-awareness is _. | Shyness is the cause of much unhappiness for a great many people. Shy people are anxious and self-conscious; that is, they are excessively concerned with their won appearance and actions. Worrisome thoughts are constantly occurring in their minds: what kind of impression am I making?Do they like me? Do I sound stupid? Am I wearing unattractive clothes?
It is obvious that such uncomfortable feelings must negatively affect people. A person‘s conception of himself or herself is reflected in the way he or she behaves, and the way a person behaves affects other people‘s reactions. In general, the way people think about themselves has a profound effect on all areas of their lives.‘
Shy people, having low self-esteem, are likely to be passive and easily influenced by others. They need reassurance that they are doing ―the right thing.‖ Shy people are very sensitive to criticism; they feel it confirms their feelings of inferiority. They also find it difficult to be pleased by compliment with a statement like this one, ―You‘re just saying that to make me feel good. I know it‘s not true.‖ It is clear that while self-awareness is a healthy quality, overdoing it is harmful.
Can shyness be completely eliminated, or at least reduced? Fortunately, people can overcome shyness with determined and patient efforts in building self-confidence. Since shyness goes hand in hand with a lack of self-esteem, it is important for people to accept their weaknesses as well as their strengths.
Each one of us is a unique, worthwhile individual, interested in our own personal ways. The better we understand ourselves, the easier it becomes to live up to our full potential. Let‘s not allow shyness to block our chances for a rich and fulfilling life. | 591.txt | 0 |
[
"good",
"unreal",
"very reasonable",
"harmful"
] | When being praised, shy people feel that it is _. | Shyness is the cause of much unhappiness for a great many people. Shy people are anxious and self-conscious; that is, they are excessively concerned with their won appearance and actions. Worrisome thoughts are constantly occurring in their minds: what kind of impression am I making?Do they like me? Do I sound stupid? Am I wearing unattractive clothes?
It is obvious that such uncomfortable feelings must negatively affect people. A person‘s conception of himself or herself is reflected in the way he or she behaves, and the way a person behaves affects other people‘s reactions. In general, the way people think about themselves has a profound effect on all areas of their lives.‘
Shy people, having low self-esteem, are likely to be passive and easily influenced by others. They need reassurance that they are doing ―the right thing.‖ Shy people are very sensitive to criticism; they feel it confirms their feelings of inferiority. They also find it difficult to be pleased by compliment with a statement like this one, ―You‘re just saying that to make me feel good. I know it‘s not true.‖ It is clear that while self-awareness is a healthy quality, overdoing it is harmful.
Can shyness be completely eliminated, or at least reduced? Fortunately, people can overcome shyness with determined and patient efforts in building self-confidence. Since shyness goes hand in hand with a lack of self-esteem, it is important for people to accept their weaknesses as well as their strengths.
Each one of us is a unique, worthwhile individual, interested in our own personal ways. The better we understand ourselves, the easier it becomes to live up to our full potential. Let‘s not allow shyness to block our chances for a rich and fulfilling life. | 591.txt | 1 |
[
"Shyness helps us to develop our potential",
"Shyness enables us to understand ourselves better",
"Shyness can block our chances for a rich life",
"Shyness has nothing to do with lack of self-esteem"
] | Which of the following statements is true according to the passage? | Shyness is the cause of much unhappiness for a great many people. Shy people are anxious and self-conscious; that is, they are excessively concerned with their won appearance and actions. Worrisome thoughts are constantly occurring in their minds: what kind of impression am I making?Do they like me? Do I sound stupid? Am I wearing unattractive clothes?
It is obvious that such uncomfortable feelings must negatively affect people. A person‘s conception of himself or herself is reflected in the way he or she behaves, and the way a person behaves affects other people‘s reactions. In general, the way people think about themselves has a profound effect on all areas of their lives.‘
Shy people, having low self-esteem, are likely to be passive and easily influenced by others. They need reassurance that they are doing ―the right thing.‖ Shy people are very sensitive to criticism; they feel it confirms their feelings of inferiority. They also find it difficult to be pleased by compliment with a statement like this one, ―You‘re just saying that to make me feel good. I know it‘s not true.‖ It is clear that while self-awareness is a healthy quality, overdoing it is harmful.
Can shyness be completely eliminated, or at least reduced? Fortunately, people can overcome shyness with determined and patient efforts in building self-confidence. Since shyness goes hand in hand with a lack of self-esteem, it is important for people to accept their weaknesses as well as their strengths.
Each one of us is a unique, worthwhile individual, interested in our own personal ways. The better we understand ourselves, the easier it becomes to live up to our full potential. Let‘s not allow shyness to block our chances for a rich and fulfilling life. | 591.txt | 2 |
[
"should find more of their weakness",
"should understand themselves in the right way",
"had better ignore their weakness",
"can get rid of their shyness while maintaining low self-esteem"
] | It can be inferred from the passage that shy people _. | Shyness is the cause of much unhappiness for a great many people. Shy people are anxious and self-conscious; that is, they are excessively concerned with their won appearance and actions. Worrisome thoughts are constantly occurring in their minds: what kind of impression am I making?Do they like me? Do I sound stupid? Am I wearing unattractive clothes?
It is obvious that such uncomfortable feelings must negatively affect people. A person‘s conception of himself or herself is reflected in the way he or she behaves, and the way a person behaves affects other people‘s reactions. In general, the way people think about themselves has a profound effect on all areas of their lives.‘
Shy people, having low self-esteem, are likely to be passive and easily influenced by others. They need reassurance that they are doing ―the right thing.‖ Shy people are very sensitive to criticism; they feel it confirms their feelings of inferiority. They also find it difficult to be pleased by compliment with a statement like this one, ―You‘re just saying that to make me feel good. I know it‘s not true.‖ It is clear that while self-awareness is a healthy quality, overdoing it is harmful.
Can shyness be completely eliminated, or at least reduced? Fortunately, people can overcome shyness with determined and patient efforts in building self-confidence. Since shyness goes hand in hand with a lack of self-esteem, it is important for people to accept their weaknesses as well as their strengths.
Each one of us is a unique, worthwhile individual, interested in our own personal ways. The better we understand ourselves, the easier it becomes to live up to our full potential. Let‘s not allow shyness to block our chances for a rich and fulfilling life. | 591.txt | 1 |
[
"when she was leaving America",
"on her way back to Santo Domingo",
"before she left the USA",
"when she arrived at the airport"
] | Maria's story happened _ . | Sixteen-year-old Maria was waiting in line at the airport in Santo Domingo. She was leaving her native country to join her sister in the United States. She spoke English very well. Though she was very happy she could go abroad, she was feeling sad at leaving her family and fiends. As she was thinking all about this, she suddenly heard the airline employee asking her to pick up her luggage and put it on the scales. Maria pulled and pulled. The bag was too heavy and she just couldn't lift it up. The man behind her got very impatient. He, too, was waiting to check in his luggage.
" What's wrong with this girl?" He said, " Why doesn't she hurry up?" He moved forward and placed his bag on the counter, hoping to check in fist. He was in a hurry to get a good seat.
Maria was very angry, but she was very polite. And in her best English she said, " Why are you so upset? There are enough seats for everyone on the plane. If you are in such a hurry, why can't you give me a hand with my luggage?"
The man was surprised to hear Maria speak English. He quickly picked up her luggage and stepped back. Everyone was looking at him with disapproval. | 703.txt | 3 |
[
"help carry people's luggage",
"ask people to pick up the luggage",
"check people's luggage",
"take care of people's luggage"
] | You believer that the work of the airline employee mentioned in the story is to _ at the airport. | Sixteen-year-old Maria was waiting in line at the airport in Santo Domingo. She was leaving her native country to join her sister in the United States. She spoke English very well. Though she was very happy she could go abroad, she was feeling sad at leaving her family and fiends. As she was thinking all about this, she suddenly heard the airline employee asking her to pick up her luggage and put it on the scales. Maria pulled and pulled. The bag was too heavy and she just couldn't lift it up. The man behind her got very impatient. He, too, was waiting to check in his luggage.
" What's wrong with this girl?" He said, " Why doesn't she hurry up?" He moved forward and placed his bag on the counter, hoping to check in fist. He was in a hurry to get a good seat.
Maria was very angry, but she was very polite. And in her best English she said, " Why are you so upset? There are enough seats for everyone on the plane. If you are in such a hurry, why can't you give me a hand with my luggage?"
The man was surprised to hear Maria speak English. He quickly picked up her luggage and stepped back. Everyone was looking at him with disapproval. | 703.txt | 2 |
[
"surprised",
"sad",
"unhappy",
"sorry"
] | " Why are you so upset?" Maria said to the man. She wanted to tell him that he should not be _ . | Sixteen-year-old Maria was waiting in line at the airport in Santo Domingo. She was leaving her native country to join her sister in the United States. She spoke English very well. Though she was very happy she could go abroad, she was feeling sad at leaving her family and fiends. As she was thinking all about this, she suddenly heard the airline employee asking her to pick up her luggage and put it on the scales. Maria pulled and pulled. The bag was too heavy and she just couldn't lift it up. The man behind her got very impatient. He, too, was waiting to check in his luggage.
" What's wrong with this girl?" He said, " Why doesn't she hurry up?" He moved forward and placed his bag on the counter, hoping to check in fist. He was in a hurry to get a good seat.
Maria was very angry, but she was very polite. And in her best English she said, " Why are you so upset? There are enough seats for everyone on the plane. If you are in such a hurry, why can't you give me a hand with my luggage?"
The man was surprised to hear Maria speak English. He quickly picked up her luggage and stepped back. Everyone was looking at him with disapproval. | 703.txt | 2 |
[
"worried about Maria",
"worried about the man",
"sorry for Maria's manners",
"sorry for the man's manners"
] | " Everyone was looking at him with disapproval." This sentence means that the people around felt _ . | Sixteen-year-old Maria was waiting in line at the airport in Santo Domingo. She was leaving her native country to join her sister in the United States. She spoke English very well. Though she was very happy she could go abroad, she was feeling sad at leaving her family and fiends. As she was thinking all about this, she suddenly heard the airline employee asking her to pick up her luggage and put it on the scales. Maria pulled and pulled. The bag was too heavy and she just couldn't lift it up. The man behind her got very impatient. He, too, was waiting to check in his luggage.
" What's wrong with this girl?" He said, " Why doesn't she hurry up?" He moved forward and placed his bag on the counter, hoping to check in fist. He was in a hurry to get a good seat.
Maria was very angry, but she was very polite. And in her best English she said, " Why are you so upset? There are enough seats for everyone on the plane. If you are in such a hurry, why can't you give me a hand with my luggage?"
The man was surprised to hear Maria speak English. He quickly picked up her luggage and stepped back. Everyone was looking at him with disapproval. | 703.txt | 3 |
[
"she was young but behaved properly",
"she would not have left home alone",
"everyone around her was wrong",
"it was not good that nobody offered to help her"
] | The author mentioned Maria's age at the beginning of the story in order to show that _ . | Sixteen-year-old Maria was waiting in line at the airport in Santo Domingo. She was leaving her native country to join her sister in the United States. She spoke English very well. Though she was very happy she could go abroad, she was feeling sad at leaving her family and fiends. As she was thinking all about this, she suddenly heard the airline employee asking her to pick up her luggage and put it on the scales. Maria pulled and pulled. The bag was too heavy and she just couldn't lift it up. The man behind her got very impatient. He, too, was waiting to check in his luggage.
" What's wrong with this girl?" He said, " Why doesn't she hurry up?" He moved forward and placed his bag on the counter, hoping to check in fist. He was in a hurry to get a good seat.
Maria was very angry, but she was very polite. And in her best English she said, " Why are you so upset? There are enough seats for everyone on the plane. If you are in such a hurry, why can't you give me a hand with my luggage?"
The man was surprised to hear Maria speak English. He quickly picked up her luggage and stepped back. Everyone was looking at him with disapproval. | 703.txt | 0 |
[
"the necessity of social change",
"certain factors that determine the ease with which social changes occur",
"two different societies",
"certain factors that promote social change"
] | The passage is mainly discussing _ . | Social change is more likely to occur in societies where there is a mixture of different kinds of people than in societies where people are similar in many ways. The simple reason for this is that there are more different ways of looking at things present in the first kind of society. There are more ideas, more disagreements in interest, and more groups and organizations with different beliefs. In addition, there is usually a greater worldly interest and greater tolerance in mixed societies. All these factors tend to promote social change by opening more areas of life to decision. In a society where people are quite similar in many ways, there are fewer occasions for people to see the need or the opportunity for change because everything seems to be the same. And although conditions may not be satisfactory, they are at least customary and undisputed.
Within a society, social changes is also likely to occur more frequently and more readily in the material aspects of the culture than in the non-material, for example, in technology rather than in values; in what has been learned later in life rather than what was learned early; in the less basic and less emotional aspects of society than in their opposites; in the simple elements rather than in the complex ones; in form rather than in substance; and in elements that are acceptable to the culture rather than in strange elements.
Furthermore, social change is easier if it is gradual. For example, it comes more readily in human relations on a continuous scale rather than one with sharp difference. This is one reason why change has not come more quickly to Black Americans as compared to other American minorities, because of the sharp difference in appearance between them and their white counterparts. | 2481.txt | 1 |
[
"joint interest",
"different points of view",
"less emotional people",
"advanced technology"
] | One of the factors that tend to promote social change is _ . | Social change is more likely to occur in societies where there is a mixture of different kinds of people than in societies where people are similar in many ways. The simple reason for this is that there are more different ways of looking at things present in the first kind of society. There are more ideas, more disagreements in interest, and more groups and organizations with different beliefs. In addition, there is usually a greater worldly interest and greater tolerance in mixed societies. All these factors tend to promote social change by opening more areas of life to decision. In a society where people are quite similar in many ways, there are fewer occasions for people to see the need or the opportunity for change because everything seems to be the same. And although conditions may not be satisfactory, they are at least customary and undisputed.
Within a society, social changes is also likely to occur more frequently and more readily in the material aspects of the culture than in the non-material, for example, in technology rather than in values; in what has been learned later in life rather than what was learned early; in the less basic and less emotional aspects of society than in their opposites; in the simple elements rather than in the complex ones; in form rather than in substance; and in elements that are acceptable to the culture rather than in strange elements.
Furthermore, social change is easier if it is gradual. For example, it comes more readily in human relations on a continuous scale rather than one with sharp difference. This is one reason why change has not come more quickly to Black Americans as compared to other American minorities, because of the sharp difference in appearance between them and their white counterparts. | 2481.txt | 1 |
[
"Social change tends to meet with more difficulty in basic and emotional aspects of society.",
"Disagreement with and argument about conditions tend to slow down social change.",
"Social change is more likely to occur in the material aspect of society.",
"Social change is less likely to occur in what people learned when they were young."
] | According to the passage, which of the following is NOT true? | Social change is more likely to occur in societies where there is a mixture of different kinds of people than in societies where people are similar in many ways. The simple reason for this is that there are more different ways of looking at things present in the first kind of society. There are more ideas, more disagreements in interest, and more groups and organizations with different beliefs. In addition, there is usually a greater worldly interest and greater tolerance in mixed societies. All these factors tend to promote social change by opening more areas of life to decision. In a society where people are quite similar in many ways, there are fewer occasions for people to see the need or the opportunity for change because everything seems to be the same. And although conditions may not be satisfactory, they are at least customary and undisputed.
Within a society, social changes is also likely to occur more frequently and more readily in the material aspects of the culture than in the non-material, for example, in technology rather than in values; in what has been learned later in life rather than what was learned early; in the less basic and less emotional aspects of society than in their opposites; in the simple elements rather than in the complex ones; in form rather than in substance; and in elements that are acceptable to the culture rather than in strange elements.
Furthermore, social change is easier if it is gradual. For example, it comes more readily in human relations on a continuous scale rather than one with sharp difference. This is one reason why change has not come more quickly to Black Americans as compared to other American minorities, because of the sharp difference in appearance between them and their white counterparts. | 2481.txt | 1 |
[
"greater willingness to accept social change",
"quicker adaptation to changing circumstances",
"more respect for different beliefs and behavior",
"greater readiness to agree to different opinions and ideas"
] | The expression "greater tolerance "(Para. 1) refers to _ . | Social change is more likely to occur in societies where there is a mixture of different kinds of people than in societies where people are similar in many ways. The simple reason for this is that there are more different ways of looking at things present in the first kind of society. There are more ideas, more disagreements in interest, and more groups and organizations with different beliefs. In addition, there is usually a greater worldly interest and greater tolerance in mixed societies. All these factors tend to promote social change by opening more areas of life to decision. In a society where people are quite similar in many ways, there are fewer occasions for people to see the need or the opportunity for change because everything seems to be the same. And although conditions may not be satisfactory, they are at least customary and undisputed.
Within a society, social changes is also likely to occur more frequently and more readily in the material aspects of the culture than in the non-material, for example, in technology rather than in values; in what has been learned later in life rather than what was learned early; in the less basic and less emotional aspects of society than in their opposites; in the simple elements rather than in the complex ones; in form rather than in substance; and in elements that are acceptable to the culture rather than in strange elements.
Furthermore, social change is easier if it is gradual. For example, it comes more readily in human relations on a continuous scale rather than one with sharp difference. This is one reason why change has not come more quickly to Black Americans as compared to other American minorities, because of the sharp difference in appearance between them and their white counterparts. | 2481.txt | 2 |
[
"people there have got so accustomed to their conditions that they seldom think it necessary to change",
"people there have identical needs that can be satisfied without much difficulty",
"people there are easy to please",
"people there are less disputed"
] | Social change is less likely to occur in a society where people are quite similar in many ways because _ . v | Social change is more likely to occur in societies where there is a mixture of different kinds of people than in societies where people are similar in many ways. The simple reason for this is that there are more different ways of looking at things present in the first kind of society. There are more ideas, more disagreements in interest, and more groups and organizations with different beliefs. In addition, there is usually a greater worldly interest and greater tolerance in mixed societies. All these factors tend to promote social change by opening more areas of life to decision. In a society where people are quite similar in many ways, there are fewer occasions for people to see the need or the opportunity for change because everything seems to be the same. And although conditions may not be satisfactory, they are at least customary and undisputed.
Within a society, social changes is also likely to occur more frequently and more readily in the material aspects of the culture than in the non-material, for example, in technology rather than in values; in what has been learned later in life rather than what was learned early; in the less basic and less emotional aspects of society than in their opposites; in the simple elements rather than in the complex ones; in form rather than in substance; and in elements that are acceptable to the culture rather than in strange elements.
Furthermore, social change is easier if it is gradual. For example, it comes more readily in human relations on a continuous scale rather than one with sharp difference. This is one reason why change has not come more quickly to Black Americans as compared to other American minorities, because of the sharp difference in appearance between them and their white counterparts. | 2481.txt | 0 |
[
"make good decisions",
"show self-centeredness",
"lack care from others",
"have little sense of fear"
] | Bossy children like Stephen Jackson _ . | Some children are natural-born bosses. They have a strong need to make decisions, manage their environment, and lead rather than follow. Stephen Jackson, a Year One student, "operates under the theory of what's mine is mine and what's yours is mine," says his mother. "The other day I bought two new Star Wars light sabers (）. Later, I saw Stephen with the two new ones while his brother was using the beat-up ones."
"Examine the extended family, and you'll probably find a bossy grandparent, aunt, uncle or cousin in every generation. It's an inheritable trait," says Russell Barkley, a professor at the Medical University of South Carolina. Other children who may not be particularly bossy can gradually gain dominance (） when they sense their parents are weak, hesitant, or in disagreement with each other.
Whether it's inborn nature or developed character at work, too much control in the hands of the young isn't healthy for children or the family. Fear is at the root of a lot of bossy behavior, says family psychologist John Taylor. Children, he says in his book From Defiance to Cooperation, "have secret feelings of weakness" and "a desire to feel safe." It's the parents' role to provide that protection.
When a "boss child" doesn't learn limits at home, the stage is set for a host of troubles outside the family. The overly willful and unbending child may have trouble obeying teachers or coaches, for example, or trouble keeping friends. It can be pretty lonely as the top dog if no one likes your bossy ways.
"I see more and more parents giving up their power," says Barkley, who has studied bossy behavior for more than 30 years. "They bend too far because they don't want to be as strict as their own parents were. But they also feel less confident about their parenting skills. Their kids, in turn, feel more anxious." | 3678.txt | 1 |
[
"should give more power to their children",
"should be strict with their children",
"should not be so anxious about their children",
"should not set limits for their children"
] | The study on bossy behavior implies that parents _ . | Some children are natural-born bosses. They have a strong need to make decisions, manage their environment, and lead rather than follow. Stephen Jackson, a Year One student, "operates under the theory of what's mine is mine and what's yours is mine," says his mother. "The other day I bought two new Star Wars light sabers (）. Later, I saw Stephen with the two new ones while his brother was using the beat-up ones."
"Examine the extended family, and you'll probably find a bossy grandparent, aunt, uncle or cousin in every generation. It's an inheritable trait," says Russell Barkley, a professor at the Medical University of South Carolina. Other children who may not be particularly bossy can gradually gain dominance (） when they sense their parents are weak, hesitant, or in disagreement with each other.
Whether it's inborn nature or developed character at work, too much control in the hands of the young isn't healthy for children or the family. Fear is at the root of a lot of bossy behavior, says family psychologist John Taylor. Children, he says in his book From Defiance to Cooperation, "have secret feelings of weakness" and "a desire to feel safe." It's the parents' role to provide that protection.
When a "boss child" doesn't learn limits at home, the stage is set for a host of troubles outside the family. The overly willful and unbending child may have trouble obeying teachers or coaches, for example, or trouble keeping friends. It can be pretty lonely as the top dog if no one likes your bossy ways.
"I see more and more parents giving up their power," says Barkley, who has studied bossy behavior for more than 30 years. "They bend too far because they don't want to be as strict as their own parents were. But they also feel less confident about their parenting skills. Their kids, in turn, feel more anxious." | 3678.txt | 1 |
[
"relaxed",
"skillful",
"hesitant",
"lonely"
] | Bossy children may probably become. | Some children are natural-born bosses. They have a strong need to make decisions, manage their environment, and lead rather than follow. Stephen Jackson, a Year One student, "operates under the theory of what's mine is mine and what's yours is mine," says his mother. "The other day I bought two new Star Wars light sabers (）. Later, I saw Stephen with the two new ones while his brother was using the beat-up ones."
"Examine the extended family, and you'll probably find a bossy grandparent, aunt, uncle or cousin in every generation. It's an inheritable trait," says Russell Barkley, a professor at the Medical University of South Carolina. Other children who may not be particularly bossy can gradually gain dominance (） when they sense their parents are weak, hesitant, or in disagreement with each other.
Whether it's inborn nature or developed character at work, too much control in the hands of the young isn't healthy for children or the family. Fear is at the root of a lot of bossy behavior, says family psychologist John Taylor. Children, he says in his book From Defiance to Cooperation, "have secret feelings of weakness" and "a desire to feel safe." It's the parents' role to provide that protection.
When a "boss child" doesn't learn limits at home, the stage is set for a host of troubles outside the family. The overly willful and unbending child may have trouble obeying teachers or coaches, for example, or trouble keeping friends. It can be pretty lonely as the top dog if no one likes your bossy ways.
"I see more and more parents giving up their power," says Barkley, who has studied bossy behavior for more than 30 years. "They bend too far because they don't want to be as strict as their own parents were. But they also feel less confident about their parenting skills. Their kids, in turn, feel more anxious." | 3678.txt | 3 |
[
"How bossy behavior can be controlled.",
"How we can get along with bossy children.",
"What leads to children's bossy behavior.",
"What effect bossy behavior brings about."
] | What is the passage mainly about? | Some children are natural-born bosses. They have a strong need to make decisions, manage their environment, and lead rather than follow. Stephen Jackson, a Year One student, "operates under the theory of what's mine is mine and what's yours is mine," says his mother. "The other day I bought two new Star Wars light sabers (）. Later, I saw Stephen with the two new ones while his brother was using the beat-up ones."
"Examine the extended family, and you'll probably find a bossy grandparent, aunt, uncle or cousin in every generation. It's an inheritable trait," says Russell Barkley, a professor at the Medical University of South Carolina. Other children who may not be particularly bossy can gradually gain dominance (） when they sense their parents are weak, hesitant, or in disagreement with each other.
Whether it's inborn nature or developed character at work, too much control in the hands of the young isn't healthy for children or the family. Fear is at the root of a lot of bossy behavior, says family psychologist John Taylor. Children, he says in his book From Defiance to Cooperation, "have secret feelings of weakness" and "a desire to feel safe." It's the parents' role to provide that protection.
When a "boss child" doesn't learn limits at home, the stage is set for a host of troubles outside the family. The overly willful and unbending child may have trouble obeying teachers or coaches, for example, or trouble keeping friends. It can be pretty lonely as the top dog if no one likes your bossy ways.
"I see more and more parents giving up their power," says Barkley, who has studied bossy behavior for more than 30 years. "They bend too far because they don't want to be as strict as their own parents were. But they also feel less confident about their parenting skills. Their kids, in turn, feel more anxious." | 3678.txt | 2 |
[
"There was great demand for the work of eighteenth-century artisans.",
"Skilled sculptors did not exist in the United States in the 1770's.",
"Many foreign sculptors worked in the United States after 1776.",
"American sculptors were hampered by a lack of tools and materials."
] | What is the main idea of the passage ? | The sculptural legacy that the new United States inherited from its colonial predecessors was far from a rich one, and in fact, in 1776 sculpture as an art form was still in the hands of artisans and craftspeople. Stone carvers engraved their motifs of skulls and crossbones and other religious icons of death into the gray slabs that we still see standing today in old burial grounds. Some skilled craftspeople made intricately carved wooden ornamentations for furniture or architectural decorations, while others caved wooden shop signs and ships' figureheads. Although they often achieved expression and formal excellence in their generally primitive style, they remained artisans skilled in the craft of carving and constituted a group distinct from what we normally think of as "sculptors" in today's use of the word.
On the rare occasion when a fine piece of sculpture was desired, Americans turned to foreign sculptors, as in the 1770's when the cities of New York and Charleston, South Carolina, commissioned the Englishman Joseph Wilton to make marble statues of William Pitt. Wilton also made a lead equestrian image of King George III that was created in New York in 1770 and torn down by zealous patriots six years later. A few marble memorials with carved busts, urns, or other decorations were produced in England and brought to the colonies to be set in the walls of churches - as in King's Chapel in Boston. But sculpture as a high art, practiced by artists who knew both the artistic theory of their Renaissance-Baroque-Rococo predecessors and the various technical procedures of modeling, casting, and carving rich three-dimensional forms, was not known among Americans in 1776. Indeed, for many years thereafter, the United States had two groups from which to choose - either the local craftspeople or the imported talent of European sculptors.
The eighteenth century was not one in which powered sculptural conceptions were developed. Add to this the timidity with which unschooled artisans - originally trained as stonemasons, carpenters, or cabinetmakers - attacked the medium from which they sculpture made in the United States in the late eighteenth century. | 2044.txt | 1 |
[
"tools",
"prints",
"signatures",
"designs"
] | The word "motifs" in line 3 is closest in meaning to | The sculptural legacy that the new United States inherited from its colonial predecessors was far from a rich one, and in fact, in 1776 sculpture as an art form was still in the hands of artisans and craftspeople. Stone carvers engraved their motifs of skulls and crossbones and other religious icons of death into the gray slabs that we still see standing today in old burial grounds. Some skilled craftspeople made intricately carved wooden ornamentations for furniture or architectural decorations, while others caved wooden shop signs and ships' figureheads. Although they often achieved expression and formal excellence in their generally primitive style, they remained artisans skilled in the craft of carving and constituted a group distinct from what we normally think of as "sculptors" in today's use of the word.
On the rare occasion when a fine piece of sculpture was desired, Americans turned to foreign sculptors, as in the 1770's when the cities of New York and Charleston, South Carolina, commissioned the Englishman Joseph Wilton to make marble statues of William Pitt. Wilton also made a lead equestrian image of King George III that was created in New York in 1770 and torn down by zealous patriots six years later. A few marble memorials with carved busts, urns, or other decorations were produced in England and brought to the colonies to be set in the walls of churches - as in King's Chapel in Boston. But sculpture as a high art, practiced by artists who knew both the artistic theory of their Renaissance-Baroque-Rococo predecessors and the various technical procedures of modeling, casting, and carving rich three-dimensional forms, was not known among Americans in 1776. Indeed, for many years thereafter, the United States had two groups from which to choose - either the local craftspeople or the imported talent of European sculptors.
The eighteenth century was not one in which powered sculptural conceptions were developed. Add to this the timidity with which unschooled artisans - originally trained as stonemasons, carpenters, or cabinetmakers - attacked the medium from which they sculpture made in the United States in the late eighteenth century. | 2044.txt | 3 |
[
"European sculptors",
"Carpenters",
"Stone carves",
"Cabinetmakers"
] | The work of which of the following could be seen in burial grounds? | The sculptural legacy that the new United States inherited from its colonial predecessors was far from a rich one, and in fact, in 1776 sculpture as an art form was still in the hands of artisans and craftspeople. Stone carvers engraved their motifs of skulls and crossbones and other religious icons of death into the gray slabs that we still see standing today in old burial grounds. Some skilled craftspeople made intricately carved wooden ornamentations for furniture or architectural decorations, while others caved wooden shop signs and ships' figureheads. Although they often achieved expression and formal excellence in their generally primitive style, they remained artisans skilled in the craft of carving and constituted a group distinct from what we normally think of as "sculptors" in today's use of the word.
On the rare occasion when a fine piece of sculpture was desired, Americans turned to foreign sculptors, as in the 1770's when the cities of New York and Charleston, South Carolina, commissioned the Englishman Joseph Wilton to make marble statues of William Pitt. Wilton also made a lead equestrian image of King George III that was created in New York in 1770 and torn down by zealous patriots six years later. A few marble memorials with carved busts, urns, or other decorations were produced in England and brought to the colonies to be set in the walls of churches - as in King's Chapel in Boston. But sculpture as a high art, practiced by artists who knew both the artistic theory of their Renaissance-Baroque-Rococo predecessors and the various technical procedures of modeling, casting, and carving rich three-dimensional forms, was not known among Americans in 1776. Indeed, for many years thereafter, the United States had two groups from which to choose - either the local craftspeople or the imported talent of European sculptors.
The eighteenth century was not one in which powered sculptural conceptions were developed. Add to this the timidity with which unschooled artisans - originally trained as stonemasons, carpenters, or cabinetmakers - attacked the medium from which they sculpture made in the United States in the late eighteenth century. | 2044.txt | 2 |
[
"craftspeople",
"decorations",
"ornamentations",
"shop signs"
] | The word "others" in line 6 refers to | The sculptural legacy that the new United States inherited from its colonial predecessors was far from a rich one, and in fact, in 1776 sculpture as an art form was still in the hands of artisans and craftspeople. Stone carvers engraved their motifs of skulls and crossbones and other religious icons of death into the gray slabs that we still see standing today in old burial grounds. Some skilled craftspeople made intricately carved wooden ornamentations for furniture or architectural decorations, while others caved wooden shop signs and ships' figureheads. Although they often achieved expression and formal excellence in their generally primitive style, they remained artisans skilled in the craft of carving and constituted a group distinct from what we normally think of as "sculptors" in today's use of the word.
On the rare occasion when a fine piece of sculpture was desired, Americans turned to foreign sculptors, as in the 1770's when the cities of New York and Charleston, South Carolina, commissioned the Englishman Joseph Wilton to make marble statues of William Pitt. Wilton also made a lead equestrian image of King George III that was created in New York in 1770 and torn down by zealous patriots six years later. A few marble memorials with carved busts, urns, or other decorations were produced in England and brought to the colonies to be set in the walls of churches - as in King's Chapel in Boston. But sculpture as a high art, practiced by artists who knew both the artistic theory of their Renaissance-Baroque-Rococo predecessors and the various technical procedures of modeling, casting, and carving rich three-dimensional forms, was not known among Americans in 1776. Indeed, for many years thereafter, the United States had two groups from which to choose - either the local craftspeople or the imported talent of European sculptors.
The eighteenth century was not one in which powered sculptural conceptions were developed. Add to this the timidity with which unschooled artisans - originally trained as stonemasons, carpenters, or cabinetmakers - attacked the medium from which they sculpture made in the United States in the late eighteenth century. | 2044.txt | 0 |
[
"separate",
"assembled",
"notable",
"inferior"
] | The word "distinct" in line 9 is closest in meaning to | The sculptural legacy that the new United States inherited from its colonial predecessors was far from a rich one, and in fact, in 1776 sculpture as an art form was still in the hands of artisans and craftspeople. Stone carvers engraved their motifs of skulls and crossbones and other religious icons of death into the gray slabs that we still see standing today in old burial grounds. Some skilled craftspeople made intricately carved wooden ornamentations for furniture or architectural decorations, while others caved wooden shop signs and ships' figureheads. Although they often achieved expression and formal excellence in their generally primitive style, they remained artisans skilled in the craft of carving and constituted a group distinct from what we normally think of as "sculptors" in today's use of the word.
On the rare occasion when a fine piece of sculpture was desired, Americans turned to foreign sculptors, as in the 1770's when the cities of New York and Charleston, South Carolina, commissioned the Englishman Joseph Wilton to make marble statues of William Pitt. Wilton also made a lead equestrian image of King George III that was created in New York in 1770 and torn down by zealous patriots six years later. A few marble memorials with carved busts, urns, or other decorations were produced in England and brought to the colonies to be set in the walls of churches - as in King's Chapel in Boston. But sculpture as a high art, practiced by artists who knew both the artistic theory of their Renaissance-Baroque-Rococo predecessors and the various technical procedures of modeling, casting, and carving rich three-dimensional forms, was not known among Americans in 1776. Indeed, for many years thereafter, the United States had two groups from which to choose - either the local craftspeople or the imported talent of European sculptors.
The eighteenth century was not one in which powered sculptural conceptions were developed. Add to this the timidity with which unschooled artisans - originally trained as stonemasons, carpenters, or cabinetmakers - attacked the medium from which they sculpture made in the United States in the late eighteenth century. | 2044.txt | 0 |
[
"festive",
"infrequent",
"delightful",
"unexpected"
] | The word "rare" in line 11 is closest in meaning to | The sculptural legacy that the new United States inherited from its colonial predecessors was far from a rich one, and in fact, in 1776 sculpture as an art form was still in the hands of artisans and craftspeople. Stone carvers engraved their motifs of skulls and crossbones and other religious icons of death into the gray slabs that we still see standing today in old burial grounds. Some skilled craftspeople made intricately carved wooden ornamentations for furniture or architectural decorations, while others caved wooden shop signs and ships' figureheads. Although they often achieved expression and formal excellence in their generally primitive style, they remained artisans skilled in the craft of carving and constituted a group distinct from what we normally think of as "sculptors" in today's use of the word.
On the rare occasion when a fine piece of sculpture was desired, Americans turned to foreign sculptors, as in the 1770's when the cities of New York and Charleston, South Carolina, commissioned the Englishman Joseph Wilton to make marble statues of William Pitt. Wilton also made a lead equestrian image of King George III that was created in New York in 1770 and torn down by zealous patriots six years later. A few marble memorials with carved busts, urns, or other decorations were produced in England and brought to the colonies to be set in the walls of churches - as in King's Chapel in Boston. But sculpture as a high art, practiced by artists who knew both the artistic theory of their Renaissance-Baroque-Rococo predecessors and the various technical procedures of modeling, casting, and carving rich three-dimensional forms, was not known among Americans in 1776. Indeed, for many years thereafter, the United States had two groups from which to choose - either the local craftspeople or the imported talent of European sculptors.
The eighteenth century was not one in which powered sculptural conceptions were developed. Add to this the timidity with which unschooled artisans - originally trained as stonemasons, carpenters, or cabinetmakers - attacked the medium from which they sculpture made in the United States in the late eighteenth century. | 2044.txt | 1 |
[
"He was an English sculptor who did work in the United States.",
"He was well known for his wood carvings",
"He produced sculpture for churches.",
"He settled in the United States in 1776."
] | Why does the author mention Joseph Wilton in line 13? | The sculptural legacy that the new United States inherited from its colonial predecessors was far from a rich one, and in fact, in 1776 sculpture as an art form was still in the hands of artisans and craftspeople. Stone carvers engraved their motifs of skulls and crossbones and other religious icons of death into the gray slabs that we still see standing today in old burial grounds. Some skilled craftspeople made intricately carved wooden ornamentations for furniture or architectural decorations, while others caved wooden shop signs and ships' figureheads. Although they often achieved expression and formal excellence in their generally primitive style, they remained artisans skilled in the craft of carving and constituted a group distinct from what we normally think of as "sculptors" in today's use of the word.
On the rare occasion when a fine piece of sculpture was desired, Americans turned to foreign sculptors, as in the 1770's when the cities of New York and Charleston, South Carolina, commissioned the Englishman Joseph Wilton to make marble statues of William Pitt. Wilton also made a lead equestrian image of King George III that was created in New York in 1770 and torn down by zealous patriots six years later. A few marble memorials with carved busts, urns, or other decorations were produced in England and brought to the colonies to be set in the walls of churches - as in King's Chapel in Boston. But sculpture as a high art, practiced by artists who knew both the artistic theory of their Renaissance-Baroque-Rococo predecessors and the various technical procedures of modeling, casting, and carving rich three-dimensional forms, was not known among Americans in 1776. Indeed, for many years thereafter, the United States had two groups from which to choose - either the local craftspeople or the imported talent of European sculptors.
The eighteenth century was not one in which powered sculptural conceptions were developed. Add to this the timidity with which unschooled artisans - originally trained as stonemasons, carpenters, or cabinetmakers - attacked the medium from which they sculpture made in the United States in the late eighteenth century. | 2044.txt | 0 |
[
"Such sculpture was less expensive to produce locally than to import",
"Such sculpture was not available in the United States.",
"Such sculpture was as prestigious as those made locally.",
"The materials found abroad were superior."
] | What can be inferred about the importation of marble memorials from England? | The sculptural legacy that the new United States inherited from its colonial predecessors was far from a rich one, and in fact, in 1776 sculpture as an art form was still in the hands of artisans and craftspeople. Stone carvers engraved their motifs of skulls and crossbones and other religious icons of death into the gray slabs that we still see standing today in old burial grounds. Some skilled craftspeople made intricately carved wooden ornamentations for furniture or architectural decorations, while others caved wooden shop signs and ships' figureheads. Although they often achieved expression and formal excellence in their generally primitive style, they remained artisans skilled in the craft of carving and constituted a group distinct from what we normally think of as "sculptors" in today's use of the word.
On the rare occasion when a fine piece of sculpture was desired, Americans turned to foreign sculptors, as in the 1770's when the cities of New York and Charleston, South Carolina, commissioned the Englishman Joseph Wilton to make marble statues of William Pitt. Wilton also made a lead equestrian image of King George III that was created in New York in 1770 and torn down by zealous patriots six years later. A few marble memorials with carved busts, urns, or other decorations were produced in England and brought to the colonies to be set in the walls of churches - as in King's Chapel in Boston. But sculpture as a high art, practiced by artists who knew both the artistic theory of their Renaissance-Baroque-Rococo predecessors and the various technical procedures of modeling, casting, and carving rich three-dimensional forms, was not known among Americans in 1776. Indeed, for many years thereafter, the United States had two groups from which to choose - either the local craftspeople or the imported talent of European sculptors.
The eighteenth century was not one in which powered sculptural conceptions were developed. Add to this the timidity with which unschooled artisans - originally trained as stonemasons, carpenters, or cabinetmakers - attacked the medium from which they sculpture made in the United States in the late eighteenth century. | 2044.txt | 1 |
[
"It was less time-consuming",
"It was more dangerous.",
"It was more expensive.",
"It was less refined."
] | How did the work of American carvers in 1776 differ from that of contemporary sculptors? | The sculptural legacy that the new United States inherited from its colonial predecessors was far from a rich one, and in fact, in 1776 sculpture as an art form was still in the hands of artisans and craftspeople. Stone carvers engraved their motifs of skulls and crossbones and other religious icons of death into the gray slabs that we still see standing today in old burial grounds. Some skilled craftspeople made intricately carved wooden ornamentations for furniture or architectural decorations, while others caved wooden shop signs and ships' figureheads. Although they often achieved expression and formal excellence in their generally primitive style, they remained artisans skilled in the craft of carving and constituted a group distinct from what we normally think of as "sculptors" in today's use of the word.
On the rare occasion when a fine piece of sculpture was desired, Americans turned to foreign sculptors, as in the 1770's when the cities of New York and Charleston, South Carolina, commissioned the Englishman Joseph Wilton to make marble statues of William Pitt. Wilton also made a lead equestrian image of King George III that was created in New York in 1770 and torn down by zealous patriots six years later. A few marble memorials with carved busts, urns, or other decorations were produced in England and brought to the colonies to be set in the walls of churches - as in King's Chapel in Boston. But sculpture as a high art, practiced by artists who knew both the artistic theory of their Renaissance-Baroque-Rococo predecessors and the various technical procedures of modeling, casting, and carving rich three-dimensional forms, was not known among Americans in 1776. Indeed, for many years thereafter, the United States had two groups from which to choose - either the local craftspeople or the imported talent of European sculptors.
The eighteenth century was not one in which powered sculptural conceptions were developed. Add to this the timidity with which unschooled artisans - originally trained as stonemasons, carpenters, or cabinetmakers - attacked the medium from which they sculpture made in the United States in the late eighteenth century. | 2044.txt | 3 |
[
"They are exhausted by the information overload.",
"They are tired of the constant updating of devices.",
"They feel products are updated faster than needed.",
"They have difficulty following high-tech innovations."
] | What is the finding in Underwriters Laboratories' report about many consumers? | Are people suffering form gadget overload? Are they exhausted by the consumer equivalent of the brain fatigue - information overload - that is caused by constant updates of devices and online media?
Underwriters Laboratories issued a report last week that found 48% of consumers "feel high-tech manufacturers bring new products to market faster than people need them."
There are two possible explanations. The first, obvious one is that the pace of innovation is too fast for consumers. The second, less obvious one is that, innovation is too slow. That is the new offerings companies are pushing out the door every six months or so are me-too products or ones with just a couple of new features. Marketing schedules, not product innovation, are driving the corporate train. Manufacturers in American valued "spend to market" more than in other countries, the report found.
Sara Greenstein, Underwriters Laboratories' chief strategy officer, offered her interpretation of the survey results, "Innovation is too fast only if corners are cut."
For the high-tech sector, there are a few other interesting finding. Consumers are less concerned about safety in high-tech products than categories like fresh and processed food. But their top safety concerns are emissions and wireless radio waves. Many people, it seems, are uneasy living in a thickening cloud of radio waves from mobile phone towers and the gadgets they communicate with.
A finding that was a bit surprising is that to consumers, the inner parts of high-tech devices do apparently matter. Some 55% of consumers, according to the report, said they are "more" concerned about high-tech components come from than where the product was assembled."
The report doesn't really say how that information would affect consumer buying decisions. It could be complicated. Manufacturing companies on average rely on more than 35 contract suppliers around the world to create a single product. That number would be higher for a smartphone or laptop.
But maybe some sort of supply-chain labeling showing where parts come from in a product? "We're working on it," Ms. Greenstein said. | 2079.txt | 2 |
[
"Products with on substantial difference.",
"Products tailored to individual users.",
"Products everyone is eager to possess.",
"Products companies compete a make."
] | What does the author mean by "me-too products"? | Are people suffering form gadget overload? Are they exhausted by the consumer equivalent of the brain fatigue - information overload - that is caused by constant updates of devices and online media?
Underwriters Laboratories issued a report last week that found 48% of consumers "feel high-tech manufacturers bring new products to market faster than people need them."
There are two possible explanations. The first, obvious one is that the pace of innovation is too fast for consumers. The second, less obvious one is that, innovation is too slow. That is the new offerings companies are pushing out the door every six months or so are me-too products or ones with just a couple of new features. Marketing schedules, not product innovation, are driving the corporate train. Manufacturers in American valued "spend to market" more than in other countries, the report found.
Sara Greenstein, Underwriters Laboratories' chief strategy officer, offered her interpretation of the survey results, "Innovation is too fast only if corners are cut."
For the high-tech sector, there are a few other interesting finding. Consumers are less concerned about safety in high-tech products than categories like fresh and processed food. But their top safety concerns are emissions and wireless radio waves. Many people, it seems, are uneasy living in a thickening cloud of radio waves from mobile phone towers and the gadgets they communicate with.
A finding that was a bit surprising is that to consumers, the inner parts of high-tech devices do apparently matter. Some 55% of consumers, according to the report, said they are "more" concerned about high-tech components come from than where the product was assembled."
The report doesn't really say how that information would affect consumer buying decisions. It could be complicated. Manufacturing companies on average rely on more than 35 contract suppliers around the world to create a single product. That number would be higher for a smartphone or laptop.
But maybe some sort of supply-chain labeling showing where parts come from in a product? "We're working on it," Ms. Greenstein said. | 2079.txt | 0 |
[
"The constant updating of their technology.",
"The speed of putting them on the market.",
"The quality of their new products.",
"The pace of product innovation."
] | What do American businesses give priority to when marketing their products? | Are people suffering form gadget overload? Are they exhausted by the consumer equivalent of the brain fatigue - information overload - that is caused by constant updates of devices and online media?
Underwriters Laboratories issued a report last week that found 48% of consumers "feel high-tech manufacturers bring new products to market faster than people need them."
There are two possible explanations. The first, obvious one is that the pace of innovation is too fast for consumers. The second, less obvious one is that, innovation is too slow. That is the new offerings companies are pushing out the door every six months or so are me-too products or ones with just a couple of new features. Marketing schedules, not product innovation, are driving the corporate train. Manufacturers in American valued "spend to market" more than in other countries, the report found.
Sara Greenstein, Underwriters Laboratories' chief strategy officer, offered her interpretation of the survey results, "Innovation is too fast only if corners are cut."
For the high-tech sector, there are a few other interesting finding. Consumers are less concerned about safety in high-tech products than categories like fresh and processed food. But their top safety concerns are emissions and wireless radio waves. Many people, it seems, are uneasy living in a thickening cloud of radio waves from mobile phone towers and the gadgets they communicate with.
A finding that was a bit surprising is that to consumers, the inner parts of high-tech devices do apparently matter. Some 55% of consumers, according to the report, said they are "more" concerned about high-tech components come from than where the product was assembled."
The report doesn't really say how that information would affect consumer buying decisions. It could be complicated. Manufacturing companies on average rely on more than 35 contract suppliers around the world to create a single product. That number would be higher for a smartphone or laptop.
But maybe some sort of supply-chain labeling showing where parts come from in a product? "We're working on it," Ms. Greenstein said. | 2079.txt | 1 |
[
"User-friendliness.",
"Product quality.",
"Place of assembly.",
"Radio emissions."
] | What is the consumers' chief concern about high-tech products? | Are people suffering form gadget overload? Are they exhausted by the consumer equivalent of the brain fatigue - information overload - that is caused by constant updates of devices and online media?
Underwriters Laboratories issued a report last week that found 48% of consumers "feel high-tech manufacturers bring new products to market faster than people need them."
There are two possible explanations. The first, obvious one is that the pace of innovation is too fast for consumers. The second, less obvious one is that, innovation is too slow. That is the new offerings companies are pushing out the door every six months or so are me-too products or ones with just a couple of new features. Marketing schedules, not product innovation, are driving the corporate train. Manufacturers in American valued "spend to market" more than in other countries, the report found.
Sara Greenstein, Underwriters Laboratories' chief strategy officer, offered her interpretation of the survey results, "Innovation is too fast only if corners are cut."
For the high-tech sector, there are a few other interesting finding. Consumers are less concerned about safety in high-tech products than categories like fresh and processed food. But their top safety concerns are emissions and wireless radio waves. Many people, it seems, are uneasy living in a thickening cloud of radio waves from mobile phone towers and the gadgets they communicate with.
A finding that was a bit surprising is that to consumers, the inner parts of high-tech devices do apparently matter. Some 55% of consumers, according to the report, said they are "more" concerned about high-tech components come from than where the product was assembled."
The report doesn't really say how that information would affect consumer buying decisions. It could be complicated. Manufacturing companies on average rely on more than 35 contract suppliers around the world to create a single product. That number would be higher for a smartphone or laptop.
But maybe some sort of supply-chain labeling showing where parts come from in a product? "We're working on it," Ms. Greenstein said. | 2079.txt | 1 |
[
"It guarantees the safe shipping of products.",
"It promotes the competitiveness of the supplier.",
"Consumers care about where components are made.",
"Consumers tend to buy products they are familiar with."
] | Why does the author suggest supply-chain labeling? | Are people suffering form gadget overload? Are they exhausted by the consumer equivalent of the brain fatigue - information overload - that is caused by constant updates of devices and online media?
Underwriters Laboratories issued a report last week that found 48% of consumers "feel high-tech manufacturers bring new products to market faster than people need them."
There are two possible explanations. The first, obvious one is that the pace of innovation is too fast for consumers. The second, less obvious one is that, innovation is too slow. That is the new offerings companies are pushing out the door every six months or so are me-too products or ones with just a couple of new features. Marketing schedules, not product innovation, are driving the corporate train. Manufacturers in American valued "spend to market" more than in other countries, the report found.
Sara Greenstein, Underwriters Laboratories' chief strategy officer, offered her interpretation of the survey results, "Innovation is too fast only if corners are cut."
For the high-tech sector, there are a few other interesting finding. Consumers are less concerned about safety in high-tech products than categories like fresh and processed food. But their top safety concerns are emissions and wireless radio waves. Many people, it seems, are uneasy living in a thickening cloud of radio waves from mobile phone towers and the gadgets they communicate with.
A finding that was a bit surprising is that to consumers, the inner parts of high-tech devices do apparently matter. Some 55% of consumers, according to the report, said they are "more" concerned about high-tech components come from than where the product was assembled."
The report doesn't really say how that information would affect consumer buying decisions. It could be complicated. Manufacturing companies on average rely on more than 35 contract suppliers around the world to create a single product. That number would be higher for a smartphone or laptop.
But maybe some sort of supply-chain labeling showing where parts come from in a product? "We're working on it," Ms. Greenstein said. | 2079.txt | 2 |
[
"drink eight glasses of water a day",
"drink as much water as they feel like drinking",
"drink a glass of water after each meal",
"drink no less than eight glasses of water a day"
] | According to the passage, experts advise people to _ . | Many people believe they are supposed to drink eight glasses of water a day, or about two liters. Why? Because that is what they have been told all their life. But a new report offers some different advice. Experts say people should obey their bodies; they should drink as much water as they feel like drinking.
The report says most healthy people meet their daily needs for liquid by letting thirst be their guide. The report is from the Institute of Medicine, part of the National Academies. This organization provides scientific and technical advice to the government and the public.
The report contains some general suggestions. The experts say women should get about two-point-seven liters of water daily. Men should get about three-point-seven liters. But wait - in each case, that is more than eight glasses.
There is an important difference. The report does not tell people how many glasses of water to drink. In fact, the experts say it may be impossible to know how many glasses are needed to meet these guidelines. This is because the daily water requirement can include the water content in foods. People do not get water only by forcing themselves to drink a set number of glasses per day. People also drink fruit juices and sodas and milk. They drink coffee and tea. These all contain water.
As you might expect, the Institute of Medicine says people need to drink more water when they are physically active. The same is true of those who live in hot climates. Depending on heat and activity, people could need two times as much water as others do. | 730.txt | 1 |
[
"when they are tired",
"when they are sweating",
"when they are thirsty",
"when they are hungry"
] | Most healthy people meet their daily needs for water by drinking _ . | Many people believe they are supposed to drink eight glasses of water a day, or about two liters. Why? Because that is what they have been told all their life. But a new report offers some different advice. Experts say people should obey their bodies; they should drink as much water as they feel like drinking.
The report says most healthy people meet their daily needs for liquid by letting thirst be their guide. The report is from the Institute of Medicine, part of the National Academies. This organization provides scientific and technical advice to the government and the public.
The report contains some general suggestions. The experts say women should get about two-point-seven liters of water daily. Men should get about three-point-seven liters. But wait - in each case, that is more than eight glasses.
There is an important difference. The report does not tell people how many glasses of water to drink. In fact, the experts say it may be impossible to know how many glasses are needed to meet these guidelines. This is because the daily water requirement can include the water content in foods. People do not get water only by forcing themselves to drink a set number of glasses per day. People also drink fruit juices and sodas and milk. They drink coffee and tea. These all contain water.
As you might expect, the Institute of Medicine says people need to drink more water when they are physically active. The same is true of those who live in hot climates. Depending on heat and activity, people could need two times as much water as others do. | 730.txt | 2 |
[
"changes some traditional ideas",
"announces some medical advances",
"provides scientific and technical advice to the government and the public",
"provides scientific and technical advice to the National Academies"
] | The Institute of Medicine usually _ . | Many people believe they are supposed to drink eight glasses of water a day, or about two liters. Why? Because that is what they have been told all their life. But a new report offers some different advice. Experts say people should obey their bodies; they should drink as much water as they feel like drinking.
The report says most healthy people meet their daily needs for liquid by letting thirst be their guide. The report is from the Institute of Medicine, part of the National Academies. This organization provides scientific and technical advice to the government and the public.
The report contains some general suggestions. The experts say women should get about two-point-seven liters of water daily. Men should get about three-point-seven liters. But wait - in each case, that is more than eight glasses.
There is an important difference. The report does not tell people how many glasses of water to drink. In fact, the experts say it may be impossible to know how many glasses are needed to meet these guidelines. This is because the daily water requirement can include the water content in foods. People do not get water only by forcing themselves to drink a set number of glasses per day. People also drink fruit juices and sodas and milk. They drink coffee and tea. These all contain water.
As you might expect, the Institute of Medicine says people need to drink more water when they are physically active. The same is true of those who live in hot climates. Depending on heat and activity, people could need two times as much water as others do. | 730.txt | 2 |
[
"People's daily water requirement can include the water content in foods.",
"The report does tell people how many glasses of water to drink a day.",
"The experts say it may be possible to know how many glasses are needed to meet these guidelines.",
"People can't get water when they drink fruit juices and sodas and milk."
] | Which of the following is TRUE? | Many people believe they are supposed to drink eight glasses of water a day, or about two liters. Why? Because that is what they have been told all their life. But a new report offers some different advice. Experts say people should obey their bodies; they should drink as much water as they feel like drinking.
The report says most healthy people meet their daily needs for liquid by letting thirst be their guide. The report is from the Institute of Medicine, part of the National Academies. This organization provides scientific and technical advice to the government and the public.
The report contains some general suggestions. The experts say women should get about two-point-seven liters of water daily. Men should get about three-point-seven liters. But wait - in each case, that is more than eight glasses.
There is an important difference. The report does not tell people how many glasses of water to drink. In fact, the experts say it may be impossible to know how many glasses are needed to meet these guidelines. This is because the daily water requirement can include the water content in foods. People do not get water only by forcing themselves to drink a set number of glasses per day. People also drink fruit juices and sodas and milk. They drink coffee and tea. These all contain water.
As you might expect, the Institute of Medicine says people need to drink more water when they are physically active. The same is true of those who live in hot climates. Depending on heat and activity, people could need two times as much water as others do. | 730.txt | 0 |
[
"when they are physically active",
"when they live in hot climates",
"when they are running long distance",
"all of the above"
] | People need to drink more water _ . | Many people believe they are supposed to drink eight glasses of water a day, or about two liters. Why? Because that is what they have been told all their life. But a new report offers some different advice. Experts say people should obey their bodies; they should drink as much water as they feel like drinking.
The report says most healthy people meet their daily needs for liquid by letting thirst be their guide. The report is from the Institute of Medicine, part of the National Academies. This organization provides scientific and technical advice to the government and the public.
The report contains some general suggestions. The experts say women should get about two-point-seven liters of water daily. Men should get about three-point-seven liters. But wait - in each case, that is more than eight glasses.
There is an important difference. The report does not tell people how many glasses of water to drink. In fact, the experts say it may be impossible to know how many glasses are needed to meet these guidelines. This is because the daily water requirement can include the water content in foods. People do not get water only by forcing themselves to drink a set number of glasses per day. People also drink fruit juices and sodas and milk. They drink coffee and tea. These all contain water.
As you might expect, the Institute of Medicine says people need to drink more water when they are physically active. The same is true of those who live in hot climates. Depending on heat and activity, people could need two times as much water as others do. | 730.txt | 3 |
[
"dare to challenge yourself",
"feel it hard to change yourself",
"are unconfident about yourself",
"have a high opinion of yourself"
] | You need to build a positive self-image when you _ . | Sometimes you'll hear people say that you can't love others until you love yourself.Sometimes you'll hear people say that you can't expect someone else to love you until you love yourself.Either way, you've got to love yourself first and this can be tricky.Sure we all know that we're the apple of our parents' eyes, and that our Grandmas think we're great talents and our Uncle Roberts think that we will go to the Olympics.but sometimes it's a lot harder to think such nice thoughts about ourselves.If you find that believing in yourself is a challenge.it is time you build a positive self-image and learn to love yourself.
Self-image is your own mind's picture of yourself.This image includes the way you look, the way you act, the way you talk and the way you think.Interestingly, our self-images are often quite different from the images others hold about US.Unfortunately, most of these images are more negative than they should be.Thus changing the way you think about yourself is the key to changing your self-image and your whole world.
The best way to defeat a passive self-image is to step back and decide to stress your successes.That is, make a list if you need to, but write down all of the great things you do every day.Don't allow doubts to occur in it.
It very well might be that you are experiencing a negative self-image because you can't move past one flaw or weakness that you see about yourself.Well, roll up your sleeves and make a change of it as your primary task.If you think you're silly because you aren't good at math, find a tutor.If you think you're weak because you can't run a mile, get to the track and practice.If you think you're dull because you don't wear the latest trends, buy a few new clothes.But remember, just because you think it doesn't mean it's true.
The best way to get rid of a negative serf-image is to realize that your image is far from objective, and to actively convince yourself of your positive qualities.Changing the way you think and working on those you need to improve will go a long way towards promoting a positive self-image.When you can pat yourself on the back, you'll know you're well on your way.Good luck! | 3154.txt | 2 |
[
"have positive effects",
"are probably untrue",
"are often changeable",
"have different functions"
] | According to the passage, our serf-images _ . | Sometimes you'll hear people say that you can't love others until you love yourself.Sometimes you'll hear people say that you can't expect someone else to love you until you love yourself.Either way, you've got to love yourself first and this can be tricky.Sure we all know that we're the apple of our parents' eyes, and that our Grandmas think we're great talents and our Uncle Roberts think that we will go to the Olympics.but sometimes it's a lot harder to think such nice thoughts about ourselves.If you find that believing in yourself is a challenge.it is time you build a positive self-image and learn to love yourself.
Self-image is your own mind's picture of yourself.This image includes the way you look, the way you act, the way you talk and the way you think.Interestingly, our self-images are often quite different from the images others hold about US.Unfortunately, most of these images are more negative than they should be.Thus changing the way you think about yourself is the key to changing your self-image and your whole world.
The best way to defeat a passive self-image is to step back and decide to stress your successes.That is, make a list if you need to, but write down all of the great things you do every day.Don't allow doubts to occur in it.
It very well might be that you are experiencing a negative self-image because you can't move past one flaw or weakness that you see about yourself.Well, roll up your sleeves and make a change of it as your primary task.If you think you're silly because you aren't good at math, find a tutor.If you think you're weak because you can't run a mile, get to the track and practice.If you think you're dull because you don't wear the latest trends, buy a few new clothes.But remember, just because you think it doesn't mean it's true.
The best way to get rid of a negative serf-image is to realize that your image is far from objective, and to actively convince yourself of your positive qualities.Changing the way you think and working on those you need to improve will go a long way towards promoting a positive self-image.When you can pat yourself on the back, you'll know you're well on your way.Good luck! | 3154.txt | 1 |
[
"To keep a different image of others.",
"To make your life successful.",
"To understand your own world.",
"To change the way you think."
] | How should you change your serf-image according to the passage? | Sometimes you'll hear people say that you can't love others until you love yourself.Sometimes you'll hear people say that you can't expect someone else to love you until you love yourself.Either way, you've got to love yourself first and this can be tricky.Sure we all know that we're the apple of our parents' eyes, and that our Grandmas think we're great talents and our Uncle Roberts think that we will go to the Olympics.but sometimes it's a lot harder to think such nice thoughts about ourselves.If you find that believing in yourself is a challenge.it is time you build a positive self-image and learn to love yourself.
Self-image is your own mind's picture of yourself.This image includes the way you look, the way you act, the way you talk and the way you think.Interestingly, our self-images are often quite different from the images others hold about US.Unfortunately, most of these images are more negative than they should be.Thus changing the way you think about yourself is the key to changing your self-image and your whole world.
The best way to defeat a passive self-image is to step back and decide to stress your successes.That is, make a list if you need to, but write down all of the great things you do every day.Don't allow doubts to occur in it.
It very well might be that you are experiencing a negative self-image because you can't move past one flaw or weakness that you see about yourself.Well, roll up your sleeves and make a change of it as your primary task.If you think you're silly because you aren't good at math, find a tutor.If you think you're weak because you can't run a mile, get to the track and practice.If you think you're dull because you don't wear the latest trends, buy a few new clothes.But remember, just because you think it doesn't mean it's true.
The best way to get rid of a negative serf-image is to realize that your image is far from objective, and to actively convince yourself of your positive qualities.Changing the way you think and working on those you need to improve will go a long way towards promoting a positive self-image.When you can pat yourself on the back, you'll know you're well on your way.Good luck! | 3154.txt | 3 |
[
"How to prepare for your success.",
"How to face challenges in your life.",
"How to build a positive self-image.",
"How to develop your good qualities."
] | What is the passage mainly about? | Sometimes you'll hear people say that you can't love others until you love yourself.Sometimes you'll hear people say that you can't expect someone else to love you until you love yourself.Either way, you've got to love yourself first and this can be tricky.Sure we all know that we're the apple of our parents' eyes, and that our Grandmas think we're great talents and our Uncle Roberts think that we will go to the Olympics.but sometimes it's a lot harder to think such nice thoughts about ourselves.If you find that believing in yourself is a challenge.it is time you build a positive self-image and learn to love yourself.
Self-image is your own mind's picture of yourself.This image includes the way you look, the way you act, the way you talk and the way you think.Interestingly, our self-images are often quite different from the images others hold about US.Unfortunately, most of these images are more negative than they should be.Thus changing the way you think about yourself is the key to changing your self-image and your whole world.
The best way to defeat a passive self-image is to step back and decide to stress your successes.That is, make a list if you need to, but write down all of the great things you do every day.Don't allow doubts to occur in it.
It very well might be that you are experiencing a negative self-image because you can't move past one flaw or weakness that you see about yourself.Well, roll up your sleeves and make a change of it as your primary task.If you think you're silly because you aren't good at math, find a tutor.If you think you're weak because you can't run a mile, get to the track and practice.If you think you're dull because you don't wear the latest trends, buy a few new clothes.But remember, just because you think it doesn't mean it's true.
The best way to get rid of a negative serf-image is to realize that your image is far from objective, and to actively convince yourself of your positive qualities.Changing the way you think and working on those you need to improve will go a long way towards promoting a positive self-image.When you can pat yourself on the back, you'll know you're well on your way.Good luck! | 3154.txt | 2 |
[
"Parents.",
"Adolescents.",
"Educators.",
"People in general."
] | Who are the intended readers of the passage? | Sometimes you'll hear people say that you can't love others until you love yourself.Sometimes you'll hear people say that you can't expect someone else to love you until you love yourself.Either way, you've got to love yourself first and this can be tricky.Sure we all know that we're the apple of our parents' eyes, and that our Grandmas think we're great talents and our Uncle Roberts think that we will go to the Olympics.but sometimes it's a lot harder to think such nice thoughts about ourselves.If you find that believing in yourself is a challenge.it is time you build a positive self-image and learn to love yourself.
Self-image is your own mind's picture of yourself.This image includes the way you look, the way you act, the way you talk and the way you think.Interestingly, our self-images are often quite different from the images others hold about US.Unfortunately, most of these images are more negative than they should be.Thus changing the way you think about yourself is the key to changing your self-image and your whole world.
The best way to defeat a passive self-image is to step back and decide to stress your successes.That is, make a list if you need to, but write down all of the great things you do every day.Don't allow doubts to occur in it.
It very well might be that you are experiencing a negative self-image because you can't move past one flaw or weakness that you see about yourself.Well, roll up your sleeves and make a change of it as your primary task.If you think you're silly because you aren't good at math, find a tutor.If you think you're weak because you can't run a mile, get to the track and practice.If you think you're dull because you don't wear the latest trends, buy a few new clothes.But remember, just because you think it doesn't mean it's true.
The best way to get rid of a negative serf-image is to realize that your image is far from objective, and to actively convince yourself of your positive qualities.Changing the way you think and working on those you need to improve will go a long way towards promoting a positive self-image.When you can pat yourself on the back, you'll know you're well on your way.Good luck! | 3154.txt | 1 |
[
"subject",
"choice of words",
"the place where they transmit television program",
"expression by means of words"
] | Since the literature of television is sent out to millions of people at the same time, its creators are likely to have the following limitations EXCEPT_ . | The main part of this chapter will deal directly with the technical and artistic limitations and resources that make television unique. But some important differences between television and other forms of literature need mentioning before we begin.
In the first place, since the literature of television is transmitted simultaneously to millions of people, its creators are subject to limitations of theme, language, and style. In general, the wider the base of the audience, the greater the degree of restriction imposed on the creator, and no contemporary literary form has a more massive audience than television.
In the second place, the line that separates commercial interests from literary interests in television is less distinct than in most other literary forms. To be sure, the publisher of novels and the producer of stage plays are concerned with making money. But in television the advertiser, the man who pays the bill, is primarily concerned with the sale of a commercial product rather than an artistic one. At the same time, selling products and presenting high quality programs are not necessarily incompatible motives. There are, in fact, numerous examples of sponsors who have done both simultaneously.
We must remember, too, that the literature of television, unlike most types of literature, is highly ephemeral in character. At the moment, the libraries of television are its "reruns", but even so, a particular show must be seen at a specific time or it cannot be seen at all. As a result, studying or teaching about television presents certain problems not found in the study of other types of literature, except the legitimate stage. | 1428.txt | 2 |
[
"television has a large number of audiences",
"television can only last a short period of time",
"television combines commercial interests and literary interests",
"both A and B"
] | According to the author the creators of television have the greatest degree of restriction in theme, language, and style, this is because_ . | The main part of this chapter will deal directly with the technical and artistic limitations and resources that make television unique. But some important differences between television and other forms of literature need mentioning before we begin.
In the first place, since the literature of television is transmitted simultaneously to millions of people, its creators are subject to limitations of theme, language, and style. In general, the wider the base of the audience, the greater the degree of restriction imposed on the creator, and no contemporary literary form has a more massive audience than television.
In the second place, the line that separates commercial interests from literary interests in television is less distinct than in most other literary forms. To be sure, the publisher of novels and the producer of stage plays are concerned with making money. But in television the advertiser, the man who pays the bill, is primarily concerned with the sale of a commercial product rather than an artistic one. At the same time, selling products and presenting high quality programs are not necessarily incompatible motives. There are, in fact, numerous examples of sponsors who have done both simultaneously.
We must remember, too, that the literature of television, unlike most types of literature, is highly ephemeral in character. At the moment, the libraries of television are its "reruns", but even so, a particular show must be seen at a specific time or it cannot be seen at all. As a result, studying or teaching about television presents certain problems not found in the study of other types of literature, except the legitimate stage. | 1428.txt | 0 |
[
"the purposes of selling products and presenting high quality programs can be realized at the same time",
"the motives of selling products and presenting high quality programs can not be matched",
"selling products overweighs presenting high quality programs",
"presenting high quality programs overweighs selling products"
] | The sentence " selling products and presenting high quality programs are not necessarily incompatible motives" could be paraphrased as_ . | The main part of this chapter will deal directly with the technical and artistic limitations and resources that make television unique. But some important differences between television and other forms of literature need mentioning before we begin.
In the first place, since the literature of television is transmitted simultaneously to millions of people, its creators are subject to limitations of theme, language, and style. In general, the wider the base of the audience, the greater the degree of restriction imposed on the creator, and no contemporary literary form has a more massive audience than television.
In the second place, the line that separates commercial interests from literary interests in television is less distinct than in most other literary forms. To be sure, the publisher of novels and the producer of stage plays are concerned with making money. But in television the advertiser, the man who pays the bill, is primarily concerned with the sale of a commercial product rather than an artistic one. At the same time, selling products and presenting high quality programs are not necessarily incompatible motives. There are, in fact, numerous examples of sponsors who have done both simultaneously.
We must remember, too, that the literature of television, unlike most types of literature, is highly ephemeral in character. At the moment, the libraries of television are its "reruns", but even so, a particular show must be seen at a specific time or it cannot be seen at all. As a result, studying or teaching about television presents certain problems not found in the study of other types of literature, except the legitimate stage. | 1428.txt | 0 |
[
"The limitations and resources of television.",
"The differences between television and other forms of literature.",
"Television has a more massive audience than other literary forms.",
"Television has a very short life."
] | Which of the following most correctly summarizes the main idea of the passage? | The main part of this chapter will deal directly with the technical and artistic limitations and resources that make television unique. But some important differences between television and other forms of literature need mentioning before we begin.
In the first place, since the literature of television is transmitted simultaneously to millions of people, its creators are subject to limitations of theme, language, and style. In general, the wider the base of the audience, the greater the degree of restriction imposed on the creator, and no contemporary literary form has a more massive audience than television.
In the second place, the line that separates commercial interests from literary interests in television is less distinct than in most other literary forms. To be sure, the publisher of novels and the producer of stage plays are concerned with making money. But in television the advertiser, the man who pays the bill, is primarily concerned with the sale of a commercial product rather than an artistic one. At the same time, selling products and presenting high quality programs are not necessarily incompatible motives. There are, in fact, numerous examples of sponsors who have done both simultaneously.
We must remember, too, that the literature of television, unlike most types of literature, is highly ephemeral in character. At the moment, the libraries of television are its "reruns", but even so, a particular show must be seen at a specific time or it cannot be seen at all. As a result, studying or teaching about television presents certain problems not found in the study of other types of literature, except the legitimate stage. | 1428.txt | 1 |
[
"newspaper ad",
"magazine",
"public speech",
"book"
] | This passage has probably been taken from a_ . | The main part of this chapter will deal directly with the technical and artistic limitations and resources that make television unique. But some important differences between television and other forms of literature need mentioning before we begin.
In the first place, since the literature of television is transmitted simultaneously to millions of people, its creators are subject to limitations of theme, language, and style. In general, the wider the base of the audience, the greater the degree of restriction imposed on the creator, and no contemporary literary form has a more massive audience than television.
In the second place, the line that separates commercial interests from literary interests in television is less distinct than in most other literary forms. To be sure, the publisher of novels and the producer of stage plays are concerned with making money. But in television the advertiser, the man who pays the bill, is primarily concerned with the sale of a commercial product rather than an artistic one. At the same time, selling products and presenting high quality programs are not necessarily incompatible motives. There are, in fact, numerous examples of sponsors who have done both simultaneously.
We must remember, too, that the literature of television, unlike most types of literature, is highly ephemeral in character. At the moment, the libraries of television are its "reruns", but even so, a particular show must be seen at a specific time or it cannot be seen at all. As a result, studying or teaching about television presents certain problems not found in the study of other types of literature, except the legitimate stage. | 1428.txt | 3 |
[
"exchange ideas",
"prove their value",
"achieve success in life",
"overcome their fear of silence"
] | According to the author, people make conversation to _ . | Silence is unnatural to man. He begins life with a cry and ends it in stillness. In between he does all he can to make a noise in the world, and he feats silence more than anything else. Even his conversation is an attempt to prevent a fearful silence. If he is introduced to another person, and a number of pauses occur in the conversation, he regards himself as a failure, a worthless person, and is full of envy of the emptiest headed chatterbox . He knows that ninety-nine percent of human conversation means no more than the buzzing of a fly, but he is anxious to join in the buzz and to prove that he is a man and not a waxwork figure .
The aim of conversation is not, for the most part, to communicate ideas; it is to keep up the buzzing sound. There are, it must be admitted, different qualities of buzz; there is even a buzz that is as annoying as the continuous noise made by a mosquito . But at a dinner party one would rather be a mosquito than a quiet person. Most buzzing, fortunately, is pleasant to the ear, and some of it is pleasant even to the mind. He would be a foolish man if he waited until he had a wise thought to take part in the buzzing with his neighbours.
Those who hate to pick up the weather as a conversational opening seem to me not to know the reason why human beings wish to talk. Very few human beings join in a conversation in the hope of learning anything new. Some of them are content if they are merely allowed to go on making a noise into other peoples ears, though they have nothing to tell them except that they have seen two or three new plays or that they had food in a Swiss hotel At the end of an evening during which they have said nothing meaningful for a long time, they just prove themselves to be successful conservationists | 3292.txt | 3 |
[
"the noise of an insect",
"a low whispering sound",
"meaningless talks",
"the voice of a chatterbox"
] | By "the buzzing of a fly" (Para. 1), the author means" _ " | Silence is unnatural to man. He begins life with a cry and ends it in stillness. In between he does all he can to make a noise in the world, and he feats silence more than anything else. Even his conversation is an attempt to prevent a fearful silence. If he is introduced to another person, and a number of pauses occur in the conversation, he regards himself as a failure, a worthless person, and is full of envy of the emptiest headed chatterbox . He knows that ninety-nine percent of human conversation means no more than the buzzing of a fly, but he is anxious to join in the buzz and to prove that he is a man and not a waxwork figure .
The aim of conversation is not, for the most part, to communicate ideas; it is to keep up the buzzing sound. There are, it must be admitted, different qualities of buzz; there is even a buzz that is as annoying as the continuous noise made by a mosquito . But at a dinner party one would rather be a mosquito than a quiet person. Most buzzing, fortunately, is pleasant to the ear, and some of it is pleasant even to the mind. He would be a foolish man if he waited until he had a wise thought to take part in the buzzing with his neighbours.
Those who hate to pick up the weather as a conversational opening seem to me not to know the reason why human beings wish to talk. Very few human beings join in a conversation in the hope of learning anything new. Some of them are content if they are merely allowed to go on making a noise into other peoples ears, though they have nothing to tell them except that they have seen two or three new plays or that they had food in a Swiss hotel At the end of an evening during which they have said nothing meaningful for a long time, they just prove themselves to be successful conservationists | 3292.txt | 2 |
[
"about whatever they have prepared",
"about whatever they want to",
"in the hope of learning something new",
"in the hope of getting on well"
] | According to the passage, people usually _ talk to their neighbors _ . | Silence is unnatural to man. He begins life with a cry and ends it in stillness. In between he does all he can to make a noise in the world, and he feats silence more than anything else. Even his conversation is an attempt to prevent a fearful silence. If he is introduced to another person, and a number of pauses occur in the conversation, he regards himself as a failure, a worthless person, and is full of envy of the emptiest headed chatterbox . He knows that ninety-nine percent of human conversation means no more than the buzzing of a fly, but he is anxious to join in the buzz and to prove that he is a man and not a waxwork figure .
The aim of conversation is not, for the most part, to communicate ideas; it is to keep up the buzzing sound. There are, it must be admitted, different qualities of buzz; there is even a buzz that is as annoying as the continuous noise made by a mosquito . But at a dinner party one would rather be a mosquito than a quiet person. Most buzzing, fortunately, is pleasant to the ear, and some of it is pleasant even to the mind. He would be a foolish man if he waited until he had a wise thought to take part in the buzzing with his neighbours.
Those who hate to pick up the weather as a conversational opening seem to me not to know the reason why human beings wish to talk. Very few human beings join in a conversation in the hope of learning anything new. Some of them are content if they are merely allowed to go on making a noise into other peoples ears, though they have nothing to tell them except that they have seen two or three new plays or that they had food in a Swiss hotel At the end of an evening during which they have said nothing meaningful for a long time, they just prove themselves to be successful conservationists | 3292.txt | 1 |
[
"To discuss why people like talking about weather.",
"To encourage people to join in conversations.",
"To persuade people to stop making noises.",
"To explain why people keep talking."
] | What is the author's purpose in writing the passage? _ . | Silence is unnatural to man. He begins life with a cry and ends it in stillness. In between he does all he can to make a noise in the world, and he feats silence more than anything else. Even his conversation is an attempt to prevent a fearful silence. If he is introduced to another person, and a number of pauses occur in the conversation, he regards himself as a failure, a worthless person, and is full of envy of the emptiest headed chatterbox . He knows that ninety-nine percent of human conversation means no more than the buzzing of a fly, but he is anxious to join in the buzz and to prove that he is a man and not a waxwork figure .
The aim of conversation is not, for the most part, to communicate ideas; it is to keep up the buzzing sound. There are, it must be admitted, different qualities of buzz; there is even a buzz that is as annoying as the continuous noise made by a mosquito . But at a dinner party one would rather be a mosquito than a quiet person. Most buzzing, fortunately, is pleasant to the ear, and some of it is pleasant even to the mind. He would be a foolish man if he waited until he had a wise thought to take part in the buzzing with his neighbours.
Those who hate to pick up the weather as a conversational opening seem to me not to know the reason why human beings wish to talk. Very few human beings join in a conversation in the hope of learning anything new. Some of them are content if they are merely allowed to go on making a noise into other peoples ears, though they have nothing to tell them except that they have seen two or three new plays or that they had food in a Swiss hotel At the end of an evening during which they have said nothing meaningful for a long time, they just prove themselves to be successful conservationists | 3292.txt | 3 |
[
"academia",
"ivory tower",
"company",
"medical field"
] | In the past, if you want to make fast money, you should work in _ . | Nobody ever went into academia to make a fast buck. Professors, especially those in medical-and technology-related fields, typically earn a fraction of what their colleagues in industry do. But suddenly, big money is starting to flow into the ivory tower, as university administrators wake up to the commercial potential of academic research. And the institutions are wrestling with a whole new set of issues.
The profits are impressive: the Association of University Technology Managers surveyed 132 universities and found that they earned a combined $576 million from patent royalties in 1998, a number that promises to keep rising dramatically. Schools like Columbia University in New York have aggressively marketed their inventions to corporations, particularly pharmaceutical and high-tech companies.
Now Columbia is going retail-on the Web. It plans to go beyond the typical" dot.edu" model, free sites listing courses and professors' research interests. Instead, it will offer the expertise of its faculty on a new for-profit site which will be spun off as an independent company. The site will provide free access to educational and research content, say administrators, as well as advanced features that are already available to Columbia students, such as a simulation of the construction and architecture of a French cathedral and interactive 3-D models of organic chemicals. Free pages will feed into profit-generating areas, such as online courses and seminars, and related books and tapes. Columbia executive vice provost Michael Crow imagines" millions of visitors" to the new site, including retirees and students willing to pay to tap into this educational resource. " We can offer the best of what's thought and written and researched," says Ann Kirschner, who heads the project. Columbia also is anxious not be aced out by some of the other for-profit" knowledge sites," such as About.com and Hungry Minds. " If they capture this space," says Crow, " they'll begin to cherry-pick our best faculty."
Profits from the sale of patents typically have been divided between the researcher, the department and the university, and Web profits would work the same way, so many faculty members are delighted. But others find the trend worrisome: is a professor who stands to profit from his or her research as credible as one who doesn't? Will universities provide more support to researchers working in profitable fields than to scholars toiling in more musty areas?
" If there's the perception that we might be making money from our efforts, the authority of the university could be diminished," worries Herve Varenne, a cultural anthropology professor at Columbia's education school. Says Kirschner:" We would never compromise the integrity of the university." Whether the new site can add to the growing profits from patents remains to be seen, but one thing is clear. It's going to take the best minds on campus to find a new balance between profit and purity. | 509.txt | 2 |
[
"harmfully",
"carelessly",
"desperately",
"boldly"
] | The word" aggressively" （Line 4, Paragraph 2）most probably means _ . | Nobody ever went into academia to make a fast buck. Professors, especially those in medical-and technology-related fields, typically earn a fraction of what their colleagues in industry do. But suddenly, big money is starting to flow into the ivory tower, as university administrators wake up to the commercial potential of academic research. And the institutions are wrestling with a whole new set of issues.
The profits are impressive: the Association of University Technology Managers surveyed 132 universities and found that they earned a combined $576 million from patent royalties in 1998, a number that promises to keep rising dramatically. Schools like Columbia University in New York have aggressively marketed their inventions to corporations, particularly pharmaceutical and high-tech companies.
Now Columbia is going retail-on the Web. It plans to go beyond the typical" dot.edu" model, free sites listing courses and professors' research interests. Instead, it will offer the expertise of its faculty on a new for-profit site which will be spun off as an independent company. The site will provide free access to educational and research content, say administrators, as well as advanced features that are already available to Columbia students, such as a simulation of the construction and architecture of a French cathedral and interactive 3-D models of organic chemicals. Free pages will feed into profit-generating areas, such as online courses and seminars, and related books and tapes. Columbia executive vice provost Michael Crow imagines" millions of visitors" to the new site, including retirees and students willing to pay to tap into this educational resource. " We can offer the best of what's thought and written and researched," says Ann Kirschner, who heads the project. Columbia also is anxious not be aced out by some of the other for-profit" knowledge sites," such as About.com and Hungry Minds. " If they capture this space," says Crow, " they'll begin to cherry-pick our best faculty."
Profits from the sale of patents typically have been divided between the researcher, the department and the university, and Web profits would work the same way, so many faculty members are delighted. But others find the trend worrisome: is a professor who stands to profit from his or her research as credible as one who doesn't? Will universities provide more support to researchers working in profitable fields than to scholars toiling in more musty areas?
" If there's the perception that we might be making money from our efforts, the authority of the university could be diminished," worries Herve Varenne, a cultural anthropology professor at Columbia's education school. Says Kirschner:" We would never compromise the integrity of the university." Whether the new site can add to the growing profits from patents remains to be seen, but one thing is clear. It's going to take the best minds on campus to find a new balance between profit and purity. | 509.txt | 3 |
[
"offering free access to the advanced features that are available to Columbia's students",
"that free page will feed into profit-producing page",
"providing the expertise of the teachers on the profit site",
"offering free sites listing courses and professors' research interests"
] | According to the text, the traditional feature of the Web of Columbia is _ . | Nobody ever went into academia to make a fast buck. Professors, especially those in medical-and technology-related fields, typically earn a fraction of what their colleagues in industry do. But suddenly, big money is starting to flow into the ivory tower, as university administrators wake up to the commercial potential of academic research. And the institutions are wrestling with a whole new set of issues.
The profits are impressive: the Association of University Technology Managers surveyed 132 universities and found that they earned a combined $576 million from patent royalties in 1998, a number that promises to keep rising dramatically. Schools like Columbia University in New York have aggressively marketed their inventions to corporations, particularly pharmaceutical and high-tech companies.
Now Columbia is going retail-on the Web. It plans to go beyond the typical" dot.edu" model, free sites listing courses and professors' research interests. Instead, it will offer the expertise of its faculty on a new for-profit site which will be spun off as an independent company. The site will provide free access to educational and research content, say administrators, as well as advanced features that are already available to Columbia students, such as a simulation of the construction and architecture of a French cathedral and interactive 3-D models of organic chemicals. Free pages will feed into profit-generating areas, such as online courses and seminars, and related books and tapes. Columbia executive vice provost Michael Crow imagines" millions of visitors" to the new site, including retirees and students willing to pay to tap into this educational resource. " We can offer the best of what's thought and written and researched," says Ann Kirschner, who heads the project. Columbia also is anxious not be aced out by some of the other for-profit" knowledge sites," such as About.com and Hungry Minds. " If they capture this space," says Crow, " they'll begin to cherry-pick our best faculty."
Profits from the sale of patents typically have been divided between the researcher, the department and the university, and Web profits would work the same way, so many faculty members are delighted. But others find the trend worrisome: is a professor who stands to profit from his or her research as credible as one who doesn't? Will universities provide more support to researchers working in profitable fields than to scholars toiling in more musty areas?
" If there's the perception that we might be making money from our efforts, the authority of the university could be diminished," worries Herve Varenne, a cultural anthropology professor at Columbia's education school. Says Kirschner:" We would never compromise the integrity of the university." Whether the new site can add to the growing profits from patents remains to be seen, but one thing is clear. It's going to take the best minds on campus to find a new balance between profit and purity. | 509.txt | 3 |
[
"worry that the professors are not reliable",
"think this tendency may be terrible",
"hope the university to give more support to researchers who work for profit",
"show mercy to the scholars toiling in the musty area"
] | Besides the delight of most people for the profit, some _ . | Nobody ever went into academia to make a fast buck. Professors, especially those in medical-and technology-related fields, typically earn a fraction of what their colleagues in industry do. But suddenly, big money is starting to flow into the ivory tower, as university administrators wake up to the commercial potential of academic research. And the institutions are wrestling with a whole new set of issues.
The profits are impressive: the Association of University Technology Managers surveyed 132 universities and found that they earned a combined $576 million from patent royalties in 1998, a number that promises to keep rising dramatically. Schools like Columbia University in New York have aggressively marketed their inventions to corporations, particularly pharmaceutical and high-tech companies.
Now Columbia is going retail-on the Web. It plans to go beyond the typical" dot.edu" model, free sites listing courses and professors' research interests. Instead, it will offer the expertise of its faculty on a new for-profit site which will be spun off as an independent company. The site will provide free access to educational and research content, say administrators, as well as advanced features that are already available to Columbia students, such as a simulation of the construction and architecture of a French cathedral and interactive 3-D models of organic chemicals. Free pages will feed into profit-generating areas, such as online courses and seminars, and related books and tapes. Columbia executive vice provost Michael Crow imagines" millions of visitors" to the new site, including retirees and students willing to pay to tap into this educational resource. " We can offer the best of what's thought and written and researched," says Ann Kirschner, who heads the project. Columbia also is anxious not be aced out by some of the other for-profit" knowledge sites," such as About.com and Hungry Minds. " If they capture this space," says Crow, " they'll begin to cherry-pick our best faculty."
Profits from the sale of patents typically have been divided between the researcher, the department and the university, and Web profits would work the same way, so many faculty members are delighted. But others find the trend worrisome: is a professor who stands to profit from his or her research as credible as one who doesn't? Will universities provide more support to researchers working in profitable fields than to scholars toiling in more musty areas?
" If there's the perception that we might be making money from our efforts, the authority of the university could be diminished," worries Herve Varenne, a cultural anthropology professor at Columbia's education school. Says Kirschner:" We would never compromise the integrity of the university." Whether the new site can add to the growing profits from patents remains to be seen, but one thing is clear. It's going to take the best minds on campus to find a new balance between profit and purity. | 509.txt | 1 |
[
"if the faculties all try to make money the university will have no authority",
"the new site may not add to the growing profits",
"there exist some problems behind the profit",
"new balance between profit and purity will be the best opinion"
] | The author uses the words of the professor Herve Varenne and Kirschner to show _ . | Nobody ever went into academia to make a fast buck. Professors, especially those in medical-and technology-related fields, typically earn a fraction of what their colleagues in industry do. But suddenly, big money is starting to flow into the ivory tower, as university administrators wake up to the commercial potential of academic research. And the institutions are wrestling with a whole new set of issues.
The profits are impressive: the Association of University Technology Managers surveyed 132 universities and found that they earned a combined $576 million from patent royalties in 1998, a number that promises to keep rising dramatically. Schools like Columbia University in New York have aggressively marketed their inventions to corporations, particularly pharmaceutical and high-tech companies.
Now Columbia is going retail-on the Web. It plans to go beyond the typical" dot.edu" model, free sites listing courses and professors' research interests. Instead, it will offer the expertise of its faculty on a new for-profit site which will be spun off as an independent company. The site will provide free access to educational and research content, say administrators, as well as advanced features that are already available to Columbia students, such as a simulation of the construction and architecture of a French cathedral and interactive 3-D models of organic chemicals. Free pages will feed into profit-generating areas, such as online courses and seminars, and related books and tapes. Columbia executive vice provost Michael Crow imagines" millions of visitors" to the new site, including retirees and students willing to pay to tap into this educational resource. " We can offer the best of what's thought and written and researched," says Ann Kirschner, who heads the project. Columbia also is anxious not be aced out by some of the other for-profit" knowledge sites," such as About.com and Hungry Minds. " If they capture this space," says Crow, " they'll begin to cherry-pick our best faculty."
Profits from the sale of patents typically have been divided between the researcher, the department and the university, and Web profits would work the same way, so many faculty members are delighted. But others find the trend worrisome: is a professor who stands to profit from his or her research as credible as one who doesn't? Will universities provide more support to researchers working in profitable fields than to scholars toiling in more musty areas?
" If there's the perception that we might be making money from our efforts, the authority of the university could be diminished," worries Herve Varenne, a cultural anthropology professor at Columbia's education school. Says Kirschner:" We would never compromise the integrity of the university." Whether the new site can add to the growing profits from patents remains to be seen, but one thing is clear. It's going to take the best minds on campus to find a new balance between profit and purity. | 509.txt | 2 |
[
"When I say\"hello\"，you will get my greeting.",
"When I say\"hello\",you will give me a response.",
"When I say\"hello\",you will form an impression of my voice.",
"When I say\"hello\"，you will reA.ize my personA.ity in a second."
] | What's the meaning of"You had me at‘Hello"'? | You had me at"Hello"!It turns out our opening words make people take less than a second to form an impression of someone's personality based on their voice alone.
We know that our voices Call transmit subtle signals about our gender，age，even body strength and certain personality traits，but Phil Mcaleer at the University of Glasgow and his colleagues wondered whether we make an instant impression.To find out，mey recorded 64 people as they read a passage.They then extracted the word"hello"and asked 320 people to rate the voices on a scale of 1 to 9 for one of 10 perceived personality traits-including trustworthiness，dominance and attractiveness.
Although it's not clear how accurate such snap judgments are，what is apparent is that we all make them，and very quickly."We were surprised by just how similar people's ratings were."says Mcaleer.Using a scale in which orepresents no agreement on a perceived trait and l reflects complete agreement，all10 traits scored on average 0.92-meaning most people agreed very closely to what extent each voice represented each trait.
It makes sense that decisions about personality should happen really fast，says Mcaleer."There's this evolutionary‘approach／avoidance'idea-vou want to quickly know if you call trust a person so you can approach them or run away and that would be redundant if it took too long to figure it out."
The impression that our voices convey-even from an audio clip lasting just 390 milliseconds-appears to be down to several factors，for example，the pitch of a person's voice influenced how trustworthy they seemed."A guy who raises his pitch becomes more trustworthy,"says Mcaleer."While girls are on the opposite."
The methods used in this paper are familiar,but the conclusions are novel and interesting.The way the study links personality to attractiveness and reproductive fitness makes sense biologically.The team hope that their work can be used to help create artificial voices for people who have lost their own due to a medical condition and create likable and engaging voices for satnavs，and other robotics. | 1269.txt | 0 |
[
"Most people agreed each voice represented each trait.",
"0ur voices can tansmit subtle signals about ourselves.",
"People can make accurate snap judgments very quickly.",
"People cannot form all instant impression through voice."
] | What conclusion Call we get from the research performed by professor Mcaleer and his colleagues? | You had me at"Hello"!It turns out our opening words make people take less than a second to form an impression of someone's personality based on their voice alone.
We know that our voices Call transmit subtle signals about our gender，age，even body strength and certain personality traits，but Phil Mcaleer at the University of Glasgow and his colleagues wondered whether we make an instant impression.To find out，mey recorded 64 people as they read a passage.They then extracted the word"hello"and asked 320 people to rate the voices on a scale of 1 to 9 for one of 10 perceived personality traits-including trustworthiness，dominance and attractiveness.
Although it's not clear how accurate such snap judgments are，what is apparent is that we all make them，and very quickly."We were surprised by just how similar people's ratings were."says Mcaleer.Using a scale in which orepresents no agreement on a perceived trait and l reflects complete agreement，all10 traits scored on average 0.92-meaning most people agreed very closely to what extent each voice represented each trait.
It makes sense that decisions about personality should happen really fast，says Mcaleer."There's this evolutionary‘approach／avoidance'idea-vou want to quickly know if you call trust a person so you can approach them or run away and that would be redundant if it took too long to figure it out."
The impression that our voices convey-even from an audio clip lasting just 390 milliseconds-appears to be down to several factors，for example，the pitch of a person's voice influenced how trustworthy they seemed."A guy who raises his pitch becomes more trustworthy,"says Mcaleer."While girls are on the opposite."
The methods used in this paper are familiar,but the conclusions are novel and interesting.The way the study links personality to attractiveness and reproductive fitness makes sense biologically.The team hope that their work can be used to help create artificial voices for people who have lost their own due to a medical condition and create likable and engaging voices for satnavs，and other robotics. | 1269.txt | 3 |
[
"People can avoid others quickly if they trust them.",
"People can approach others quickly if they distrust them.",
"People hope to know others quickly to approach or avoid them.",
"People dislike to spend much time to understand others."
] | What does Mcaleer mean by saying the line that‘'there's this evolutionary approach/avoidance'idea"(Line 2，Para.4)? | You had me at"Hello"!It turns out our opening words make people take less than a second to form an impression of someone's personality based on their voice alone.
We know that our voices Call transmit subtle signals about our gender，age，even body strength and certain personality traits，but Phil Mcaleer at the University of Glasgow and his colleagues wondered whether we make an instant impression.To find out，mey recorded 64 people as they read a passage.They then extracted the word"hello"and asked 320 people to rate the voices on a scale of 1 to 9 for one of 10 perceived personality traits-including trustworthiness，dominance and attractiveness.
Although it's not clear how accurate such snap judgments are，what is apparent is that we all make them，and very quickly."We were surprised by just how similar people's ratings were."says Mcaleer.Using a scale in which orepresents no agreement on a perceived trait and l reflects complete agreement，all10 traits scored on average 0.92-meaning most people agreed very closely to what extent each voice represented each trait.
It makes sense that decisions about personality should happen really fast，says Mcaleer."There's this evolutionary‘approach／avoidance'idea-vou want to quickly know if you call trust a person so you can approach them or run away and that would be redundant if it took too long to figure it out."
The impression that our voices convey-even from an audio clip lasting just 390 milliseconds-appears to be down to several factors，for example，the pitch of a person's voice influenced how trustworthy they seemed."A guy who raises his pitch becomes more trustworthy,"says Mcaleer."While girls are on the opposite."
The methods used in this paper are familiar,but the conclusions are novel and interesting.The way the study links personality to attractiveness and reproductive fitness makes sense biologically.The team hope that their work can be used to help create artificial voices for people who have lost their own due to a medical condition and create likable and engaging voices for satnavs，and other robotics. | 1269.txt | 2 |
[
"A girl would be more trustworthy when she raises her voice up at the end of word.",
"A girl would be more trustworthy as she glides from a high to a low pitch.",
"A girl would be more trustworthy as she keeps the same pitch during conversation.",
"A girl would be more trustworthy when she alter the pitch from time to time."
] | When does a girl become more trustworthy compared with a guy? | You had me at"Hello"!It turns out our opening words make people take less than a second to form an impression of someone's personality based on their voice alone.
We know that our voices Call transmit subtle signals about our gender，age，even body strength and certain personality traits，but Phil Mcaleer at the University of Glasgow and his colleagues wondered whether we make an instant impression.To find out，mey recorded 64 people as they read a passage.They then extracted the word"hello"and asked 320 people to rate the voices on a scale of 1 to 9 for one of 10 perceived personality traits-including trustworthiness，dominance and attractiveness.
Although it's not clear how accurate such snap judgments are，what is apparent is that we all make them，and very quickly."We were surprised by just how similar people's ratings were."says Mcaleer.Using a scale in which orepresents no agreement on a perceived trait and l reflects complete agreement，all10 traits scored on average 0.92-meaning most people agreed very closely to what extent each voice represented each trait.
It makes sense that decisions about personality should happen really fast，says Mcaleer."There's this evolutionary‘approach／avoidance'idea-vou want to quickly know if you call trust a person so you can approach them or run away and that would be redundant if it took too long to figure it out."
The impression that our voices convey-even from an audio clip lasting just 390 milliseconds-appears to be down to several factors，for example，the pitch of a person's voice influenced how trustworthy they seemed."A guy who raises his pitch becomes more trustworthy,"says Mcaleer."While girls are on the opposite."
The methods used in this paper are familiar,but the conclusions are novel and interesting.The way the study links personality to attractiveness and reproductive fitness makes sense biologically.The team hope that their work can be used to help create artificial voices for people who have lost their own due to a medical condition and create likable and engaging voices for satnavs，and other robotics. | 1269.txt | 1 |
[
"To help create artificiA.voices for people who have lost it.",
"To create likable and engaging voices for satnavs.",
"To make contribution to the creation of voices for robots.",
"All ofthe above."
] | What is the purpose of this study? | You had me at"Hello"!It turns out our opening words make people take less than a second to form an impression of someone's personality based on their voice alone.
We know that our voices Call transmit subtle signals about our gender，age，even body strength and certain personality traits，but Phil Mcaleer at the University of Glasgow and his colleagues wondered whether we make an instant impression.To find out，mey recorded 64 people as they read a passage.They then extracted the word"hello"and asked 320 people to rate the voices on a scale of 1 to 9 for one of 10 perceived personality traits-including trustworthiness，dominance and attractiveness.
Although it's not clear how accurate such snap judgments are，what is apparent is that we all make them，and very quickly."We were surprised by just how similar people's ratings were."says Mcaleer.Using a scale in which orepresents no agreement on a perceived trait and l reflects complete agreement，all10 traits scored on average 0.92-meaning most people agreed very closely to what extent each voice represented each trait.
It makes sense that decisions about personality should happen really fast，says Mcaleer."There's this evolutionary‘approach／avoidance'idea-vou want to quickly know if you call trust a person so you can approach them or run away and that would be redundant if it took too long to figure it out."
The impression that our voices convey-even from an audio clip lasting just 390 milliseconds-appears to be down to several factors，for example，the pitch of a person's voice influenced how trustworthy they seemed."A guy who raises his pitch becomes more trustworthy,"says Mcaleer."While girls are on the opposite."
The methods used in this paper are familiar,but the conclusions are novel and interesting.The way the study links personality to attractiveness and reproductive fitness makes sense biologically.The team hope that their work can be used to help create artificial voices for people who have lost their own due to a medical condition and create likable and engaging voices for satnavs，and other robotics. | 1269.txt | 3 |
[
"had never been to that bar before",
"did not know if they had come to the right place",
"asked somebody the name of the bar",
"had little difficulty in finding the bar"
] | The writer and his friend-- | We found that bar at last. I didn't have to ask again, for there it was in big red neon letters over the window-Star Bar. There were some iron tables outside with plastic chairs around them. A few people sat listlessly around, looking at a portable television set that someone had brought out of the bar. They were allin thin summer dresses or short sleeved shirts; even at that late hour it was s tifling. Two thin dogs lay under one of the tables with their tonguesout, and some of the women were fanning themselves unenthusiastically with magaines.
"He's not here," I said, after a quick look around. The television was blaringout an advertisement for a detergent, and the people sitting round had their eyes glued to the picture of a woman proudly showing how white her husband's underwear was after having been washed. They took no notice of us at all.
"Well, what did you expect?" replied Fergus, yawning. "It's only half past nine, and he said he would be here at nine. You ought to know Craig by this time. He'll turn up sometime after ten." | 3568.txt | 0 |
[
"were very interested in the television program",
"were chatting with a saleswoman",
"had no particular interest in anything",
"were very uncomfortable"
] | The people outside the bar _ | We found that bar at last. I didn't have to ask again, for there it was in big red neon letters over the window-Star Bar. There were some iron tables outside with plastic chairs around them. A few people sat listlessly around, looking at a portable television set that someone had brought out of the bar. They were allin thin summer dresses or short sleeved shirts; even at that late hour it was s tifling. Two thin dogs lay under one of the tables with their tonguesout, and some of the women were fanning themselves unenthusiastically with magaines.
"He's not here," I said, after a quick look around. The television was blaringout an advertisement for a detergent, and the people sitting round had their eyes glued to the picture of a woman proudly showing how white her husband's underwear was after having been washed. They took no notice of us at all.
"Well, what did you expect?" replied Fergus, yawning. "It's only half past nine, and he said he would be here at nine. You ought to know Craig by this time. He'll turn up sometime after ten." | 3568.txt | 2 |
[
"Craig intended to come later",
"they had mistaken the time",
"Craig had been delayed",
"Craig was always late"
] | Fergus was not surprised that Craig was not there, because he knew that _ | We found that bar at last. I didn't have to ask again, for there it was in big red neon letters over the window-Star Bar. There were some iron tables outside with plastic chairs around them. A few people sat listlessly around, looking at a portable television set that someone had brought out of the bar. They were allin thin summer dresses or short sleeved shirts; even at that late hour it was s tifling. Two thin dogs lay under one of the tables with their tonguesout, and some of the women were fanning themselves unenthusiastically with magaines.
"He's not here," I said, after a quick look around. The television was blaringout an advertisement for a detergent, and the people sitting round had their eyes glued to the picture of a woman proudly showing how white her husband's underwear was after having been washed. They took no notice of us at all.
"Well, what did you expect?" replied Fergus, yawning. "It's only half past nine, and he said he would be here at nine. You ought to know Craig by this time. He'll turn up sometime after ten." | 3568.txt | 3 |
[
"decrease gradually",
"remain at the same level",
"become unstable",
"improve enormously"
] | According to the passage, when people grow fond of one particular brand of a product, its sales will _ . | We can see how the product life cycle works by looking at the introduction of instant coffee. When it was introduced, most people did not like it as well as "regular" coffee, and it took several years to gain general acceptance (introduction stage). At one point, though, instant coffee grew rapidly in popularity, and many brands were introduced (stage of rapid growth). After a while, people became attached to one brand and sales leveled off (stage of maturity). Sales went into a slight decline when freeze-dried coffees were introduced (stage of decline).
The importance of the product life cycle to marketers is this: Different stages in the product life cycle call for different strategies. The goal is to extend product life so that sales and profits do not decline. One strategy is called market modification. It means that marketing managers look for new users and market sections. Did you know, for example, that the backpacks that so many students carry today were originally designed for the military?
Market modification also means searching for increased usage among present customers or going for a different market, such as senior citizens. A marketer may re-position the product to appeal to new market sections.
Another product extension strategy is called product modification. It involves changing product quality, features, or style to attract new users or more usage from present users. American auto manufacturers are using quality improvement as one way to recapture world markets. Note, also, how auto manufacturers once changed styles dramatically from year to year to keep demand from falling. | 976.txt | 1 |
[
"not easily accepted by the public",
"often inferior to old ones at first",
"often more expensive than old ones",
"usually introduced to satisfy different tastes"
] | The first paragraph tells us that a new product is _ . | We can see how the product life cycle works by looking at the introduction of instant coffee. When it was introduced, most people did not like it as well as "regular" coffee, and it took several years to gain general acceptance (introduction stage). At one point, though, instant coffee grew rapidly in popularity, and many brands were introduced (stage of rapid growth). After a while, people became attached to one brand and sales leveled off (stage of maturity). Sales went into a slight decline when freeze-dried coffees were introduced (stage of decline).
The importance of the product life cycle to marketers is this: Different stages in the product life cycle call for different strategies. The goal is to extend product life so that sales and profits do not decline. One strategy is called market modification. It means that marketing managers look for new users and market sections. Did you know, for example, that the backpacks that so many students carry today were originally designed for the military?
Market modification also means searching for increased usage among present customers or going for a different market, such as senior citizens. A marketer may re-position the product to appeal to new market sections.
Another product extension strategy is called product modification. It involves changing product quality, features, or style to attract new users or more usage from present users. American auto manufacturers are using quality improvement as one way to recapture world markets. Note, also, how auto manufacturers once changed styles dramatically from year to year to keep demand from falling. | 976.txt | 0 |
[
"promote its production",
"work out marketing policies",
"speed up its life cycle",
"increase its popularity"
] | Marketers need to know which of the four stages a product is in so as to _ . | We can see how the product life cycle works by looking at the introduction of instant coffee. When it was introduced, most people did not like it as well as "regular" coffee, and it took several years to gain general acceptance (introduction stage). At one point, though, instant coffee grew rapidly in popularity, and many brands were introduced (stage of rapid growth). After a while, people became attached to one brand and sales leveled off (stage of maturity). Sales went into a slight decline when freeze-dried coffees were introduced (stage of decline).
The importance of the product life cycle to marketers is this: Different stages in the product life cycle call for different strategies. The goal is to extend product life so that sales and profits do not decline. One strategy is called market modification. It means that marketing managers look for new users and market sections. Did you know, for example, that the backpacks that so many students carry today were originally designed for the military?
Market modification also means searching for increased usage among present customers or going for a different market, such as senior citizens. A marketer may re-position the product to appeal to new market sections.
Another product extension strategy is called product modification. It involves changing product quality, features, or style to attract new users or more usage from present users. American auto manufacturers are using quality improvement as one way to recapture world markets. Note, also, how auto manufacturers once changed styles dramatically from year to year to keep demand from falling. | 976.txt | 1 |
[
"pleasing the young as well as the old",
"increasing usage among students",
"exploring new market sections",
"serving both military and civil needs"
] | The author mentions the example of "backpacks" (Line 4, Para. 2) to show the importance of _ . | We can see how the product life cycle works by looking at the introduction of instant coffee. When it was introduced, most people did not like it as well as "regular" coffee, and it took several years to gain general acceptance (introduction stage). At one point, though, instant coffee grew rapidly in popularity, and many brands were introduced (stage of rapid growth). After a while, people became attached to one brand and sales leveled off (stage of maturity). Sales went into a slight decline when freeze-dried coffees were introduced (stage of decline).
The importance of the product life cycle to marketers is this: Different stages in the product life cycle call for different strategies. The goal is to extend product life so that sales and profits do not decline. One strategy is called market modification. It means that marketing managers look for new users and market sections. Did you know, for example, that the backpacks that so many students carry today were originally designed for the military?
Market modification also means searching for increased usage among present customers or going for a different market, such as senior citizens. A marketer may re-position the product to appeal to new market sections.
Another product extension strategy is called product modification. It involves changing product quality, features, or style to attract new users or more usage from present users. American auto manufacturers are using quality improvement as one way to recapture world markets. Note, also, how auto manufacturers once changed styles dramatically from year to year to keep demand from falling. | 976.txt | 2 |
[
"improving product quality",
"increasing product features",
"modernizing product style",
"re-positioning their product in the market"
] | In order to recover their share of the world market, auto makers are _ . | We can see how the product life cycle works by looking at the introduction of instant coffee. When it was introduced, most people did not like it as well as "regular" coffee, and it took several years to gain general acceptance (introduction stage). At one point, though, instant coffee grew rapidly in popularity, and many brands were introduced (stage of rapid growth). After a while, people became attached to one brand and sales leveled off (stage of maturity). Sales went into a slight decline when freeze-dried coffees were introduced (stage of decline).
The importance of the product life cycle to marketers is this: Different stages in the product life cycle call for different strategies. The goal is to extend product life so that sales and profits do not decline. One strategy is called market modification. It means that marketing managers look for new users and market sections. Did you know, for example, that the backpacks that so many students carry today were originally designed for the military?
Market modification also means searching for increased usage among present customers or going for a different market, such as senior citizens. A marketer may re-position the product to appeal to new market sections.
Another product extension strategy is called product modification. It involves changing product quality, features, or style to attract new users or more usage from present users. American auto manufacturers are using quality improvement as one way to recapture world markets. Note, also, how auto manufacturers once changed styles dramatically from year to year to keep demand from falling. | 976.txt | 0 |
[
"The influence of ice on the diet",
"The development of refrigeration",
"The transportation of goods to market",
"Sources of ice in the nineteenth century"
] | What does the passage mainly discuss? | By the mid-nineteenth century, the term "icebox" had entered the American language, but ice was still only beginning to affect the diet of ordinary citizens in the United States. The ice trade grew with the growth of cities. Ice was used in hotels, taverns, and hospitals, and by some forward-looking city dealers in fresh meat, fresh fish, and butter. After the Civil War (1861-1865), as ice was used to refrigerate freight cars, it also came into household use. Even before 1880, half the ice sold in New York, Philadelphia, and Baltimore, and one-third of that sold in Boston and Chicago, went to families for their own use. This had become possible because a new household convenience, the icebox, a precursor of the modern refrigerator, had been invented.
Making an efficient icebox was not as easy as we might now suppose. In the early nineteenth century, the knowledge of the physics of heat, which was essential to a science of refrigeration, was rudimentary. The commonsense notion that the best icebox was one that prevented the ice from melting was of course mistaken, for it was the melting of the ice that performed the cooling. Nevertheless, early efforts to economize ice included wrapping the ice in blankets, which kept the ice from doing its job. Not until near the end of the nineteenth century did inventors achieve the delicate balance of insulation and circulation needed for an efficient icebox.
But as early as 1803, an ingenious Maryland farmer, Thomas Moore, had been on the right track. He owned a farm about twenty miles outside the city of Washington, for which the village of Georgetown was the market center. When he used an icebox of his own design to transport his butter to market, he found that customers would pass up the rapidly melting stuff in the tubs of his competitors to pay a premium price for his butter, still fresh and hard in neat, one-pound bricks. One advantage of his icebox, Moore explained, was that farmers would no longer have to travel to market at night in order to keep their produce cool. | 339.txt | 1 |
[
"in 1803",
"sometime before 1850",
"during the civil war",
"near the end of the nineteenth century"
] | According to the passage , when did the word icebox become part of the language of the United States? | By the mid-nineteenth century, the term "icebox" had entered the American language, but ice was still only beginning to affect the diet of ordinary citizens in the United States. The ice trade grew with the growth of cities. Ice was used in hotels, taverns, and hospitals, and by some forward-looking city dealers in fresh meat, fresh fish, and butter. After the Civil War (1861-1865), as ice was used to refrigerate freight cars, it also came into household use. Even before 1880, half the ice sold in New York, Philadelphia, and Baltimore, and one-third of that sold in Boston and Chicago, went to families for their own use. This had become possible because a new household convenience, the icebox, a precursor of the modern refrigerator, had been invented.
Making an efficient icebox was not as easy as we might now suppose. In the early nineteenth century, the knowledge of the physics of heat, which was essential to a science of refrigeration, was rudimentary. The commonsense notion that the best icebox was one that prevented the ice from melting was of course mistaken, for it was the melting of the ice that performed the cooling. Nevertheless, early efforts to economize ice included wrapping the ice in blankets, which kept the ice from doing its job. Not until near the end of the nineteenth century did inventors achieve the delicate balance of insulation and circulation needed for an efficient icebox.
But as early as 1803, an ingenious Maryland farmer, Thomas Moore, had been on the right track. He owned a farm about twenty miles outside the city of Washington, for which the village of Georgetown was the market center. When he used an icebox of his own design to transport his butter to market, he found that customers would pass up the rapidly melting stuff in the tubs of his competitors to pay a premium price for his butter, still fresh and hard in neat, one-pound bricks. One advantage of his icebox, Moore explained, was that farmers would no longer have to travel to market at night in order to keep their produce cool. | 339.txt | 1 |
[
"progressive",
"popular",
"thrifty",
"well-established"
] | The phrase forward-looking in line 4 is closest in meaning to | By the mid-nineteenth century, the term "icebox" had entered the American language, but ice was still only beginning to affect the diet of ordinary citizens in the United States. The ice trade grew with the growth of cities. Ice was used in hotels, taverns, and hospitals, and by some forward-looking city dealers in fresh meat, fresh fish, and butter. After the Civil War (1861-1865), as ice was used to refrigerate freight cars, it also came into household use. Even before 1880, half the ice sold in New York, Philadelphia, and Baltimore, and one-third of that sold in Boston and Chicago, went to families for their own use. This had become possible because a new household convenience, the icebox, a precursor of the modern refrigerator, had been invented.
Making an efficient icebox was not as easy as we might now suppose. In the early nineteenth century, the knowledge of the physics of heat, which was essential to a science of refrigeration, was rudimentary. The commonsense notion that the best icebox was one that prevented the ice from melting was of course mistaken, for it was the melting of the ice that performed the cooling. Nevertheless, early efforts to economize ice included wrapping the ice in blankets, which kept the ice from doing its job. Not until near the end of the nineteenth century did inventors achieve the delicate balance of insulation and circulation needed for an efficient icebox.
But as early as 1803, an ingenious Maryland farmer, Thomas Moore, had been on the right track. He owned a farm about twenty miles outside the city of Washington, for which the village of Georgetown was the market center. When he used an icebox of his own design to transport his butter to market, he found that customers would pass up the rapidly melting stuff in the tubs of his competitors to pay a premium price for his butter, still fresh and hard in neat, one-pound bricks. One advantage of his icebox, Moore explained, was that farmers would no longer have to travel to market at night in order to keep their produce cool. | 339.txt | 0 |
[
"many fish dealers also sold ice",
"fish was shipped in refrigerated freight cars",
"fish dealers were among the early commercial users of ice",
"fish was not part of the ordinary person's diet before the invention of the icebox"
] | The author mentions fish in line 4 because | By the mid-nineteenth century, the term "icebox" had entered the American language, but ice was still only beginning to affect the diet of ordinary citizens in the United States. The ice trade grew with the growth of cities. Ice was used in hotels, taverns, and hospitals, and by some forward-looking city dealers in fresh meat, fresh fish, and butter. After the Civil War (1861-1865), as ice was used to refrigerate freight cars, it also came into household use. Even before 1880, half the ice sold in New York, Philadelphia, and Baltimore, and one-third of that sold in Boston and Chicago, went to families for their own use. This had become possible because a new household convenience, the icebox, a precursor of the modern refrigerator, had been invented.
Making an efficient icebox was not as easy as we might now suppose. In the early nineteenth century, the knowledge of the physics of heat, which was essential to a science of refrigeration, was rudimentary. The commonsense notion that the best icebox was one that prevented the ice from melting was of course mistaken, for it was the melting of the ice that performed the cooling. Nevertheless, early efforts to economize ice included wrapping the ice in blankets, which kept the ice from doing its job. Not until near the end of the nineteenth century did inventors achieve the delicate balance of insulation and circulation needed for an efficient icebox.
But as early as 1803, an ingenious Maryland farmer, Thomas Moore, had been on the right track. He owned a farm about twenty miles outside the city of Washington, for which the village of Georgetown was the market center. When he used an icebox of his own design to transport his butter to market, he found that customers would pass up the rapidly melting stuff in the tubs of his competitors to pay a premium price for his butter, still fresh and hard in neat, one-pound bricks. One advantage of his icebox, Moore explained, was that farmers would no longer have to travel to market at night in order to keep their produce cool. | 339.txt | 2 |
[
"fresh meat",
"the Civil War",
"ice",
"a refrigerator"
] | The word it in line 5 refers to | By the mid-nineteenth century, the term "icebox" had entered the American language, but ice was still only beginning to affect the diet of ordinary citizens in the United States. The ice trade grew with the growth of cities. Ice was used in hotels, taverns, and hospitals, and by some forward-looking city dealers in fresh meat, fresh fish, and butter. After the Civil War (1861-1865), as ice was used to refrigerate freight cars, it also came into household use. Even before 1880, half the ice sold in New York, Philadelphia, and Baltimore, and one-third of that sold in Boston and Chicago, went to families for their own use. This had become possible because a new household convenience, the icebox, a precursor of the modern refrigerator, had been invented.
Making an efficient icebox was not as easy as we might now suppose. In the early nineteenth century, the knowledge of the physics of heat, which was essential to a science of refrigeration, was rudimentary. The commonsense notion that the best icebox was one that prevented the ice from melting was of course mistaken, for it was the melting of the ice that performed the cooling. Nevertheless, early efforts to economize ice included wrapping the ice in blankets, which kept the ice from doing its job. Not until near the end of the nineteenth century did inventors achieve the delicate balance of insulation and circulation needed for an efficient icebox.
But as early as 1803, an ingenious Maryland farmer, Thomas Moore, had been on the right track. He owned a farm about twenty miles outside the city of Washington, for which the village of Georgetown was the market center. When he used an icebox of his own design to transport his butter to market, he found that customers would pass up the rapidly melting stuff in the tubs of his competitors to pay a premium price for his butter, still fresh and hard in neat, one-pound bricks. One advantage of his icebox, Moore explained, was that farmers would no longer have to travel to market at night in order to keep their produce cool. | 339.txt | 2 |
[
"Competition among the owners of refrigerated freight cars",
"The lack of a network for the distribution of ice",
"The use of insufficient insulation",
"Inadequate understanding of physics"
] | According to the passage , which of the following was an obstacle to the development of the icebox? | By the mid-nineteenth century, the term "icebox" had entered the American language, but ice was still only beginning to affect the diet of ordinary citizens in the United States. The ice trade grew with the growth of cities. Ice was used in hotels, taverns, and hospitals, and by some forward-looking city dealers in fresh meat, fresh fish, and butter. After the Civil War (1861-1865), as ice was used to refrigerate freight cars, it also came into household use. Even before 1880, half the ice sold in New York, Philadelphia, and Baltimore, and one-third of that sold in Boston and Chicago, went to families for their own use. This had become possible because a new household convenience, the icebox, a precursor of the modern refrigerator, had been invented.
Making an efficient icebox was not as easy as we might now suppose. In the early nineteenth century, the knowledge of the physics of heat, which was essential to a science of refrigeration, was rudimentary. The commonsense notion that the best icebox was one that prevented the ice from melting was of course mistaken, for it was the melting of the ice that performed the cooling. Nevertheless, early efforts to economize ice included wrapping the ice in blankets, which kept the ice from doing its job. Not until near the end of the nineteenth century did inventors achieve the delicate balance of insulation and circulation needed for an efficient icebox.
But as early as 1803, an ingenious Maryland farmer, Thomas Moore, had been on the right track. He owned a farm about twenty miles outside the city of Washington, for which the village of Georgetown was the market center. When he used an icebox of his own design to transport his butter to market, he found that customers would pass up the rapidly melting stuff in the tubs of his competitors to pay a premium price for his butter, still fresh and hard in neat, one-pound bricks. One advantage of his icebox, Moore explained, was that farmers would no longer have to travel to market at night in order to keep their produce cool. | 339.txt | 3 |
[
"growing",
"undeveloped",
"necessary",
"uninteresting"
] | The word rudimentary in line 12 is closest in meaning to | By the mid-nineteenth century, the term "icebox" had entered the American language, but ice was still only beginning to affect the diet of ordinary citizens in the United States. The ice trade grew with the growth of cities. Ice was used in hotels, taverns, and hospitals, and by some forward-looking city dealers in fresh meat, fresh fish, and butter. After the Civil War (1861-1865), as ice was used to refrigerate freight cars, it also came into household use. Even before 1880, half the ice sold in New York, Philadelphia, and Baltimore, and one-third of that sold in Boston and Chicago, went to families for their own use. This had become possible because a new household convenience, the icebox, a precursor of the modern refrigerator, had been invented.
Making an efficient icebox was not as easy as we might now suppose. In the early nineteenth century, the knowledge of the physics of heat, which was essential to a science of refrigeration, was rudimentary. The commonsense notion that the best icebox was one that prevented the ice from melting was of course mistaken, for it was the melting of the ice that performed the cooling. Nevertheless, early efforts to economize ice included wrapping the ice in blankets, which kept the ice from doing its job. Not until near the end of the nineteenth century did inventors achieve the delicate balance of insulation and circulation needed for an efficient icebox.
But as early as 1803, an ingenious Maryland farmer, Thomas Moore, had been on the right track. He owned a farm about twenty miles outside the city of Washington, for which the village of Georgetown was the market center. When he used an icebox of his own design to transport his butter to market, he found that customers would pass up the rapidly melting stuff in the tubs of his competitors to pay a premium price for his butter, still fresh and hard in neat, one-pound bricks. One advantage of his icebox, Moore explained, was that farmers would no longer have to travel to market at night in order to keep their produce cool. | 339.txt | 1 |
[
"completely prevent ice from melting",
"stop air from circulating",
"allow ice to melt slowly",
"use blankets to conserve ice"
] | According to the information in the second paragraph, an ideal icebox would | By the mid-nineteenth century, the term "icebox" had entered the American language, but ice was still only beginning to affect the diet of ordinary citizens in the United States. The ice trade grew with the growth of cities. Ice was used in hotels, taverns, and hospitals, and by some forward-looking city dealers in fresh meat, fresh fish, and butter. After the Civil War (1861-1865), as ice was used to refrigerate freight cars, it also came into household use. Even before 1880, half the ice sold in New York, Philadelphia, and Baltimore, and one-third of that sold in Boston and Chicago, went to families for their own use. This had become possible because a new household convenience, the icebox, a precursor of the modern refrigerator, had been invented.
Making an efficient icebox was not as easy as we might now suppose. In the early nineteenth century, the knowledge of the physics of heat, which was essential to a science of refrigeration, was rudimentary. The commonsense notion that the best icebox was one that prevented the ice from melting was of course mistaken, for it was the melting of the ice that performed the cooling. Nevertheless, early efforts to economize ice included wrapping the ice in blankets, which kept the ice from doing its job. Not until near the end of the nineteenth century did inventors achieve the delicate balance of insulation and circulation needed for an efficient icebox.
But as early as 1803, an ingenious Maryland farmer, Thomas Moore, had been on the right track. He owned a farm about twenty miles outside the city of Washington, for which the village of Georgetown was the market center. When he used an icebox of his own design to transport his butter to market, he found that customers would pass up the rapidly melting stuff in the tubs of his competitors to pay a premium price for his butter, still fresh and hard in neat, one-pound bricks. One advantage of his icebox, Moore explained, was that farmers would no longer have to travel to market at night in order to keep their produce cool. | 339.txt | 2 |
[
"the road to the market passed close to Moore's farm",
"Moore was an honest merchant",
"Moore was a prosperous farmer",
"Moore's design was fairly successful"
] | The author describes Thomas Moore as having been on the right track lines 18-19. to indicate that | By the mid-nineteenth century, the term "icebox" had entered the American language, but ice was still only beginning to affect the diet of ordinary citizens in the United States. The ice trade grew with the growth of cities. Ice was used in hotels, taverns, and hospitals, and by some forward-looking city dealers in fresh meat, fresh fish, and butter. After the Civil War (1861-1865), as ice was used to refrigerate freight cars, it also came into household use. Even before 1880, half the ice sold in New York, Philadelphia, and Baltimore, and one-third of that sold in Boston and Chicago, went to families for their own use. This had become possible because a new household convenience, the icebox, a precursor of the modern refrigerator, had been invented.
Making an efficient icebox was not as easy as we might now suppose. In the early nineteenth century, the knowledge of the physics of heat, which was essential to a science of refrigeration, was rudimentary. The commonsense notion that the best icebox was one that prevented the ice from melting was of course mistaken, for it was the melting of the ice that performed the cooling. Nevertheless, early efforts to economize ice included wrapping the ice in blankets, which kept the ice from doing its job. Not until near the end of the nineteenth century did inventors achieve the delicate balance of insulation and circulation needed for an efficient icebox.
But as early as 1803, an ingenious Maryland farmer, Thomas Moore, had been on the right track. He owned a farm about twenty miles outside the city of Washington, for which the village of Georgetown was the market center. When he used an icebox of his own design to transport his butter to market, he found that customers would pass up the rapidly melting stuff in the tubs of his competitors to pay a premium price for his butter, still fresh and hard in neat, one-pound bricks. One advantage of his icebox, Moore explained, was that farmers would no longer have to travel to market at night in order to keep their produce cool. | 339.txt | 3 |
[
"charge more for his butter",
"travel to market at night",
"manufacture butter more quickly",
"produce ice all year round"
] | According to the passage , Moore's icebox allowed him to | By the mid-nineteenth century, the term "icebox" had entered the American language, but ice was still only beginning to affect the diet of ordinary citizens in the United States. The ice trade grew with the growth of cities. Ice was used in hotels, taverns, and hospitals, and by some forward-looking city dealers in fresh meat, fresh fish, and butter. After the Civil War (1861-1865), as ice was used to refrigerate freight cars, it also came into household use. Even before 1880, half the ice sold in New York, Philadelphia, and Baltimore, and one-third of that sold in Boston and Chicago, went to families for their own use. This had become possible because a new household convenience, the icebox, a precursor of the modern refrigerator, had been invented.
Making an efficient icebox was not as easy as we might now suppose. In the early nineteenth century, the knowledge of the physics of heat, which was essential to a science of refrigeration, was rudimentary. The commonsense notion that the best icebox was one that prevented the ice from melting was of course mistaken, for it was the melting of the ice that performed the cooling. Nevertheless, early efforts to economize ice included wrapping the ice in blankets, which kept the ice from doing its job. Not until near the end of the nineteenth century did inventors achieve the delicate balance of insulation and circulation needed for an efficient icebox.
But as early as 1803, an ingenious Maryland farmer, Thomas Moore, had been on the right track. He owned a farm about twenty miles outside the city of Washington, for which the village of Georgetown was the market center. When he used an icebox of his own design to transport his butter to market, he found that customers would pass up the rapidly melting stuff in the tubs of his competitors to pay a premium price for his butter, still fresh and hard in neat, one-pound bricks. One advantage of his icebox, Moore explained, was that farmers would no longer have to travel to market at night in order to keep their produce cool. | 339.txt | 0 |
[
"iceboxes",
"butter",
"ice",
"markets"
] | The produce mentioned in line 25 could include | By the mid-nineteenth century, the term "icebox" had entered the American language, but ice was still only beginning to affect the diet of ordinary citizens in the United States. The ice trade grew with the growth of cities. Ice was used in hotels, taverns, and hospitals, and by some forward-looking city dealers in fresh meat, fresh fish, and butter. After the Civil War (1861-1865), as ice was used to refrigerate freight cars, it also came into household use. Even before 1880, half the ice sold in New York, Philadelphia, and Baltimore, and one-third of that sold in Boston and Chicago, went to families for their own use. This had become possible because a new household convenience, the icebox, a precursor of the modern refrigerator, had been invented.
Making an efficient icebox was not as easy as we might now suppose. In the early nineteenth century, the knowledge of the physics of heat, which was essential to a science of refrigeration, was rudimentary. The commonsense notion that the best icebox was one that prevented the ice from melting was of course mistaken, for it was the melting of the ice that performed the cooling. Nevertheless, early efforts to economize ice included wrapping the ice in blankets, which kept the ice from doing its job. Not until near the end of the nineteenth century did inventors achieve the delicate balance of insulation and circulation needed for an efficient icebox.
But as early as 1803, an ingenious Maryland farmer, Thomas Moore, had been on the right track. He owned a farm about twenty miles outside the city of Washington, for which the village of Georgetown was the market center. When he used an icebox of his own design to transport his butter to market, he found that customers would pass up the rapidly melting stuff in the tubs of his competitors to pay a premium price for his butter, still fresh and hard in neat, one-pound bricks. One advantage of his icebox, Moore explained, was that farmers would no longer have to travel to market at night in order to keep their produce cool. | 339.txt | 1 |
[
"innovation",
"skilled",
"eventual",
"widespread"
] | The word "pervasive" in the passage is closest in meaning to | At the end of the nineteenth century, there were basically two kinds of buildings in the United States. On one hand were the buildings produced for the wealthy or for civic purposes, which tended to echo the architecture of the past and to use traditional styles of ornamentation. On the other hand were purely utilitarian structures, such as factories and grain elevators, which employed modern materials such as steel girders and plate glass in an undisguised and unadorned manner. Such buildings, however, were viewed in a category separate from "fine" architecture, and in fact were often designed by engineers and builders rather than architects. The development of modern architecture might in large part be seen as an adaptation of this sort of functional building and its pervasive application for daily use. Indeed, in this influential book Toward a New Architecture, the Swiss architect Le Corbusier illustrated his text with photographs of American factories and grain storage silos, as well as ships, airplanes, and other industrial objects. Nonetheless, modern architects did not simply employ these new materials in a strictly practical fashionthey consciously exploited their aesthetic possibilities. For example, glass could be used to open up walls and eliminate their stone and brick masonry because large spaces could now be spanned with steel beams.
The fundamental premise of modern architecture was that the appearance of the building should exhibit the nature of its materials and forms of physical support. This often led to effects that looked odd from a traditional standpoint but that became hallmarks of modern architecture for precisely this reason. For example, in traditional architecture, stone or brick walls served a structural role, but in a steel-beam building the walls were essentially hung from the internal skeleton of steel beams, which meant that walls and corners no longer needed to be solid but could be opened up in unexpected ways. At the Fagus shoe factory in Germany, for example, German architect Walter Gropius placed glass walls in the corners, effectively breaking open the box of traditional architecture and creating a new sense of light and openness. Similarly, steel beams could be used to construct balconies that projected out from the building without any support beneath them. These dramatic balconies quickly became a signature of modern architects such as Frank Lloyd Wright. Wright's most dramatic residence, Fallingwater, has balconies that thrust far out over a stream in a way that seems to defy gravity.
The ways in which new technology transformed architectural design are dramatically illustrated through the evolution of the high-rise office building. After ten or twelve stories, masonry construction reaches a maximum possible height, since it runs into difficulties of compression and of inadequate lateral strength to combat wind shear. Steel construction, on the other hand, can support a building of 50 or 100 stories without difficulty. Such buildings were so different from any previous form of architecture that they quickly acquired a new namethe skyscraper.
From the standpoint of real estate developers, the purpose of skyscrapers was to increase rental space in valuable urban locations. But to create usable high-rise buildings, a number of technical challenges needed to be solved. One problem was getting people to the upper floors, since after five or six stories it becomes exhausting to climb stairs. Updated and electrified versions of the freight elevator that had been introduced by Elisha Graves Otis in 1853 (several decades before skyscraper construction) solved this problem. Another issue was fire safety. The metal supporting buildings became soft when exposed to fire and collapsed relatively quickly. (They could melt at 2700 Fahrenheit, whereas major fires achieve temperatures of 3000degrees). However, when the metal is encased in fire-retardant materials, its vulnerability to fire is much decreased. In Chicago, a system was developed for surrounding the metal components with hollow tiles made from brick-like terra-cotta. Such tiles are impervious to fire. The terra-cotta tiles were used both to encase the supporting members and as flooring. A structure built with steel beams protected by terra-cotta tiles was still three times lighter than a comparably sized building that used masonry construction, so the weight of the tiles was not a problem. | 3380.txt | 3 |
[
"get rid of",
"avoid",
"minimize",
"replace"
] | The word "eliminate" in the passage is closest in meaning to | At the end of the nineteenth century, there were basically two kinds of buildings in the United States. On one hand were the buildings produced for the wealthy or for civic purposes, which tended to echo the architecture of the past and to use traditional styles of ornamentation. On the other hand were purely utilitarian structures, such as factories and grain elevators, which employed modern materials such as steel girders and plate glass in an undisguised and unadorned manner. Such buildings, however, were viewed in a category separate from "fine" architecture, and in fact were often designed by engineers and builders rather than architects. The development of modern architecture might in large part be seen as an adaptation of this sort of functional building and its pervasive application for daily use. Indeed, in this influential book Toward a New Architecture, the Swiss architect Le Corbusier illustrated his text with photographs of American factories and grain storage silos, as well as ships, airplanes, and other industrial objects. Nonetheless, modern architects did not simply employ these new materials in a strictly practical fashionthey consciously exploited their aesthetic possibilities. For example, glass could be used to open up walls and eliminate their stone and brick masonry because large spaces could now be spanned with steel beams.
The fundamental premise of modern architecture was that the appearance of the building should exhibit the nature of its materials and forms of physical support. This often led to effects that looked odd from a traditional standpoint but that became hallmarks of modern architecture for precisely this reason. For example, in traditional architecture, stone or brick walls served a structural role, but in a steel-beam building the walls were essentially hung from the internal skeleton of steel beams, which meant that walls and corners no longer needed to be solid but could be opened up in unexpected ways. At the Fagus shoe factory in Germany, for example, German architect Walter Gropius placed glass walls in the corners, effectively breaking open the box of traditional architecture and creating a new sense of light and openness. Similarly, steel beams could be used to construct balconies that projected out from the building without any support beneath them. These dramatic balconies quickly became a signature of modern architects such as Frank Lloyd Wright. Wright's most dramatic residence, Fallingwater, has balconies that thrust far out over a stream in a way that seems to defy gravity.
The ways in which new technology transformed architectural design are dramatically illustrated through the evolution of the high-rise office building. After ten or twelve stories, masonry construction reaches a maximum possible height, since it runs into difficulties of compression and of inadequate lateral strength to combat wind shear. Steel construction, on the other hand, can support a building of 50 or 100 stories without difficulty. Such buildings were so different from any previous form of architecture that they quickly acquired a new namethe skyscraper.
From the standpoint of real estate developers, the purpose of skyscrapers was to increase rental space in valuable urban locations. But to create usable high-rise buildings, a number of technical challenges needed to be solved. One problem was getting people to the upper floors, since after five or six stories it becomes exhausting to climb stairs. Updated and electrified versions of the freight elevator that had been introduced by Elisha Graves Otis in 1853 (several decades before skyscraper construction) solved this problem. Another issue was fire safety. The metal supporting buildings became soft when exposed to fire and collapsed relatively quickly. (They could melt at 2700 Fahrenheit, whereas major fires achieve temperatures of 3000degrees). However, when the metal is encased in fire-retardant materials, its vulnerability to fire is much decreased. In Chicago, a system was developed for surrounding the metal components with hollow tiles made from brick-like terra-cotta. Such tiles are impervious to fire. The terra-cotta tiles were used both to encase the supporting members and as flooring. A structure built with steel beams protected by terra-cotta tiles was still three times lighter than a comparably sized building that used masonry construction, so the weight of the tiles was not a problem. | 3380.txt | 0 |
[
"To argue that Le Corbusier should be considered more of a builder or an engineer than an architect.",
"To support the claim that modern architects was influenced by practical structures and the ways they were built.",
"To provide evidence that modern architects were more concerned with practicality than with aesthetics.",
"To document how architects moved from designing only buildings to designing vehicles and industrial objects."
] | Why does the author mention that Le Corbusier included "photographs of American factories and grain storage silos, as well as ships, airplanes, and other industrial objects" in Toward a New Architecture? | At the end of the nineteenth century, there were basically two kinds of buildings in the United States. On one hand were the buildings produced for the wealthy or for civic purposes, which tended to echo the architecture of the past and to use traditional styles of ornamentation. On the other hand were purely utilitarian structures, such as factories and grain elevators, which employed modern materials such as steel girders and plate glass in an undisguised and unadorned manner. Such buildings, however, were viewed in a category separate from "fine" architecture, and in fact were often designed by engineers and builders rather than architects. The development of modern architecture might in large part be seen as an adaptation of this sort of functional building and its pervasive application for daily use. Indeed, in this influential book Toward a New Architecture, the Swiss architect Le Corbusier illustrated his text with photographs of American factories and grain storage silos, as well as ships, airplanes, and other industrial objects. Nonetheless, modern architects did not simply employ these new materials in a strictly practical fashionthey consciously exploited their aesthetic possibilities. For example, glass could be used to open up walls and eliminate their stone and brick masonry because large spaces could now be spanned with steel beams.
The fundamental premise of modern architecture was that the appearance of the building should exhibit the nature of its materials and forms of physical support. This often led to effects that looked odd from a traditional standpoint but that became hallmarks of modern architecture for precisely this reason. For example, in traditional architecture, stone or brick walls served a structural role, but in a steel-beam building the walls were essentially hung from the internal skeleton of steel beams, which meant that walls and corners no longer needed to be solid but could be opened up in unexpected ways. At the Fagus shoe factory in Germany, for example, German architect Walter Gropius placed glass walls in the corners, effectively breaking open the box of traditional architecture and creating a new sense of light and openness. Similarly, steel beams could be used to construct balconies that projected out from the building without any support beneath them. These dramatic balconies quickly became a signature of modern architects such as Frank Lloyd Wright. Wright's most dramatic residence, Fallingwater, has balconies that thrust far out over a stream in a way that seems to defy gravity.
The ways in which new technology transformed architectural design are dramatically illustrated through the evolution of the high-rise office building. After ten or twelve stories, masonry construction reaches a maximum possible height, since it runs into difficulties of compression and of inadequate lateral strength to combat wind shear. Steel construction, on the other hand, can support a building of 50 or 100 stories without difficulty. Such buildings were so different from any previous form of architecture that they quickly acquired a new namethe skyscraper.
From the standpoint of real estate developers, the purpose of skyscrapers was to increase rental space in valuable urban locations. But to create usable high-rise buildings, a number of technical challenges needed to be solved. One problem was getting people to the upper floors, since after five or six stories it becomes exhausting to climb stairs. Updated and electrified versions of the freight elevator that had been introduced by Elisha Graves Otis in 1853 (several decades before skyscraper construction) solved this problem. Another issue was fire safety. The metal supporting buildings became soft when exposed to fire and collapsed relatively quickly. (They could melt at 2700 Fahrenheit, whereas major fires achieve temperatures of 3000degrees). However, when the metal is encased in fire-retardant materials, its vulnerability to fire is much decreased. In Chicago, a system was developed for surrounding the metal components with hollow tiles made from brick-like terra-cotta. Such tiles are impervious to fire. The terra-cotta tiles were used both to encase the supporting members and as flooring. A structure built with steel beams protected by terra-cotta tiles was still three times lighter than a comparably sized building that used masonry construction, so the weight of the tiles was not a problem. | 3380.txt | 1 |
[
"Function",
"Cost",
"Material",
"ornamentation"
] | Which of the following is NOT mentioned in paragraph 1 as distinguishing the two kinds ofbuildings in the United States at the end of the nineteenth century? | At the end of the nineteenth century, there were basically two kinds of buildings in the United States. On one hand were the buildings produced for the wealthy or for civic purposes, which tended to echo the architecture of the past and to use traditional styles of ornamentation. On the other hand were purely utilitarian structures, such as factories and grain elevators, which employed modern materials such as steel girders and plate glass in an undisguised and unadorned manner. Such buildings, however, were viewed in a category separate from "fine" architecture, and in fact were often designed by engineers and builders rather than architects. The development of modern architecture might in large part be seen as an adaptation of this sort of functional building and its pervasive application for daily use. Indeed, in this influential book Toward a New Architecture, the Swiss architect Le Corbusier illustrated his text with photographs of American factories and grain storage silos, as well as ships, airplanes, and other industrial objects. Nonetheless, modern architects did not simply employ these new materials in a strictly practical fashionthey consciously exploited their aesthetic possibilities. For example, glass could be used to open up walls and eliminate their stone and brick masonry because large spaces could now be spanned with steel beams.
The fundamental premise of modern architecture was that the appearance of the building should exhibit the nature of its materials and forms of physical support. This often led to effects that looked odd from a traditional standpoint but that became hallmarks of modern architecture for precisely this reason. For example, in traditional architecture, stone or brick walls served a structural role, but in a steel-beam building the walls were essentially hung from the internal skeleton of steel beams, which meant that walls and corners no longer needed to be solid but could be opened up in unexpected ways. At the Fagus shoe factory in Germany, for example, German architect Walter Gropius placed glass walls in the corners, effectively breaking open the box of traditional architecture and creating a new sense of light and openness. Similarly, steel beams could be used to construct balconies that projected out from the building without any support beneath them. These dramatic balconies quickly became a signature of modern architects such as Frank Lloyd Wright. Wright's most dramatic residence, Fallingwater, has balconies that thrust far out over a stream in a way that seems to defy gravity.
The ways in which new technology transformed architectural design are dramatically illustrated through the evolution of the high-rise office building. After ten or twelve stories, masonry construction reaches a maximum possible height, since it runs into difficulties of compression and of inadequate lateral strength to combat wind shear. Steel construction, on the other hand, can support a building of 50 or 100 stories without difficulty. Such buildings were so different from any previous form of architecture that they quickly acquired a new namethe skyscraper.
From the standpoint of real estate developers, the purpose of skyscrapers was to increase rental space in valuable urban locations. But to create usable high-rise buildings, a number of technical challenges needed to be solved. One problem was getting people to the upper floors, since after five or six stories it becomes exhausting to climb stairs. Updated and electrified versions of the freight elevator that had been introduced by Elisha Graves Otis in 1853 (several decades before skyscraper construction) solved this problem. Another issue was fire safety. The metal supporting buildings became soft when exposed to fire and collapsed relatively quickly. (They could melt at 2700 Fahrenheit, whereas major fires achieve temperatures of 3000degrees). However, when the metal is encased in fire-retardant materials, its vulnerability to fire is much decreased. In Chicago, a system was developed for surrounding the metal components with hollow tiles made from brick-like terra-cotta. Such tiles are impervious to fire. The terra-cotta tiles were used both to encase the supporting members and as flooring. A structure built with steel beams protected by terra-cotta tiles was still three times lighter than a comparably sized building that used masonry construction, so the weight of the tiles was not a problem. | 3380.txt | 1 |
[
"show",
"determine",
"make attractive",
"include"
] | The word "exhibit" in the passage is closest in meaning to | At the end of the nineteenth century, there were basically two kinds of buildings in the United States. On one hand were the buildings produced for the wealthy or for civic purposes, which tended to echo the architecture of the past and to use traditional styles of ornamentation. On the other hand were purely utilitarian structures, such as factories and grain elevators, which employed modern materials such as steel girders and plate glass in an undisguised and unadorned manner. Such buildings, however, were viewed in a category separate from "fine" architecture, and in fact were often designed by engineers and builders rather than architects. The development of modern architecture might in large part be seen as an adaptation of this sort of functional building and its pervasive application for daily use. Indeed, in this influential book Toward a New Architecture, the Swiss architect Le Corbusier illustrated his text with photographs of American factories and grain storage silos, as well as ships, airplanes, and other industrial objects. Nonetheless, modern architects did not simply employ these new materials in a strictly practical fashionthey consciously exploited their aesthetic possibilities. For example, glass could be used to open up walls and eliminate their stone and brick masonry because large spaces could now be spanned with steel beams.
The fundamental premise of modern architecture was that the appearance of the building should exhibit the nature of its materials and forms of physical support. This often led to effects that looked odd from a traditional standpoint but that became hallmarks of modern architecture for precisely this reason. For example, in traditional architecture, stone or brick walls served a structural role, but in a steel-beam building the walls were essentially hung from the internal skeleton of steel beams, which meant that walls and corners no longer needed to be solid but could be opened up in unexpected ways. At the Fagus shoe factory in Germany, for example, German architect Walter Gropius placed glass walls in the corners, effectively breaking open the box of traditional architecture and creating a new sense of light and openness. Similarly, steel beams could be used to construct balconies that projected out from the building without any support beneath them. These dramatic balconies quickly became a signature of modern architects such as Frank Lloyd Wright. Wright's most dramatic residence, Fallingwater, has balconies that thrust far out over a stream in a way that seems to defy gravity.
The ways in which new technology transformed architectural design are dramatically illustrated through the evolution of the high-rise office building. After ten or twelve stories, masonry construction reaches a maximum possible height, since it runs into difficulties of compression and of inadequate lateral strength to combat wind shear. Steel construction, on the other hand, can support a building of 50 or 100 stories without difficulty. Such buildings were so different from any previous form of architecture that they quickly acquired a new namethe skyscraper.
From the standpoint of real estate developers, the purpose of skyscrapers was to increase rental space in valuable urban locations. But to create usable high-rise buildings, a number of technical challenges needed to be solved. One problem was getting people to the upper floors, since after five or six stories it becomes exhausting to climb stairs. Updated and electrified versions of the freight elevator that had been introduced by Elisha Graves Otis in 1853 (several decades before skyscraper construction) solved this problem. Another issue was fire safety. The metal supporting buildings became soft when exposed to fire and collapsed relatively quickly. (They could melt at 2700 Fahrenheit, whereas major fires achieve temperatures of 3000degrees). However, when the metal is encased in fire-retardant materials, its vulnerability to fire is much decreased. In Chicago, a system was developed for surrounding the metal components with hollow tiles made from brick-like terra-cotta. Such tiles are impervious to fire. The terra-cotta tiles were used both to encase the supporting members and as flooring. A structure built with steel beams protected by terra-cotta tiles was still three times lighter than a comparably sized building that used masonry construction, so the weight of the tiles was not a problem. | 3380.txt | 0 |
[
"the use of glass walls",
"the sense of light and openness",
"the construction of balconies with solid supports beneath them",
"the hanging of walls from an internal structure of steel beams"
] | It can be inferred from paragraph 2 that all of the following features of modern architecture seemed odd from the standpoint of traditional architecture EXCEPT | At the end of the nineteenth century, there were basically two kinds of buildings in the United States. On one hand were the buildings produced for the wealthy or for civic purposes, which tended to echo the architecture of the past and to use traditional styles of ornamentation. On the other hand were purely utilitarian structures, such as factories and grain elevators, which employed modern materials such as steel girders and plate glass in an undisguised and unadorned manner. Such buildings, however, were viewed in a category separate from "fine" architecture, and in fact were often designed by engineers and builders rather than architects. The development of modern architecture might in large part be seen as an adaptation of this sort of functional building and its pervasive application for daily use. Indeed, in this influential book Toward a New Architecture, the Swiss architect Le Corbusier illustrated his text with photographs of American factories and grain storage silos, as well as ships, airplanes, and other industrial objects. Nonetheless, modern architects did not simply employ these new materials in a strictly practical fashionthey consciously exploited their aesthetic possibilities. For example, glass could be used to open up walls and eliminate their stone and brick masonry because large spaces could now be spanned with steel beams.
The fundamental premise of modern architecture was that the appearance of the building should exhibit the nature of its materials and forms of physical support. This often led to effects that looked odd from a traditional standpoint but that became hallmarks of modern architecture for precisely this reason. For example, in traditional architecture, stone or brick walls served a structural role, but in a steel-beam building the walls were essentially hung from the internal skeleton of steel beams, which meant that walls and corners no longer needed to be solid but could be opened up in unexpected ways. At the Fagus shoe factory in Germany, for example, German architect Walter Gropius placed glass walls in the corners, effectively breaking open the box of traditional architecture and creating a new sense of light and openness. Similarly, steel beams could be used to construct balconies that projected out from the building without any support beneath them. These dramatic balconies quickly became a signature of modern architects such as Frank Lloyd Wright. Wright's most dramatic residence, Fallingwater, has balconies that thrust far out over a stream in a way that seems to defy gravity.
The ways in which new technology transformed architectural design are dramatically illustrated through the evolution of the high-rise office building. After ten or twelve stories, masonry construction reaches a maximum possible height, since it runs into difficulties of compression and of inadequate lateral strength to combat wind shear. Steel construction, on the other hand, can support a building of 50 or 100 stories without difficulty. Such buildings were so different from any previous form of architecture that they quickly acquired a new namethe skyscraper.
From the standpoint of real estate developers, the purpose of skyscrapers was to increase rental space in valuable urban locations. But to create usable high-rise buildings, a number of technical challenges needed to be solved. One problem was getting people to the upper floors, since after five or six stories it becomes exhausting to climb stairs. Updated and electrified versions of the freight elevator that had been introduced by Elisha Graves Otis in 1853 (several decades before skyscraper construction) solved this problem. Another issue was fire safety. The metal supporting buildings became soft when exposed to fire and collapsed relatively quickly. (They could melt at 2700 Fahrenheit, whereas major fires achieve temperatures of 3000degrees). However, when the metal is encased in fire-retardant materials, its vulnerability to fire is much decreased. In Chicago, a system was developed for surrounding the metal components with hollow tiles made from brick-like terra-cotta. Such tiles are impervious to fire. The terra-cotta tiles were used both to encase the supporting members and as flooring. A structure built with steel beams protected by terra-cotta tiles was still three times lighter than a comparably sized building that used masonry construction, so the weight of the tiles was not a problem. | 3380.txt | 2 |
[
"They cannot be more than 50 stories high.",
"They cannot successfully combat wind shear.",
"They have greater lateral strength than masonry buildings.",
"They are usually skyscrapers."
] | According to paragraph3, which of the following is true of steel-frame buildings? | At the end of the nineteenth century, there were basically two kinds of buildings in the United States. On one hand were the buildings produced for the wealthy or for civic purposes, which tended to echo the architecture of the past and to use traditional styles of ornamentation. On the other hand were purely utilitarian structures, such as factories and grain elevators, which employed modern materials such as steel girders and plate glass in an undisguised and unadorned manner. Such buildings, however, were viewed in a category separate from "fine" architecture, and in fact were often designed by engineers and builders rather than architects. The development of modern architecture might in large part be seen as an adaptation of this sort of functional building and its pervasive application for daily use. Indeed, in this influential book Toward a New Architecture, the Swiss architect Le Corbusier illustrated his text with photographs of American factories and grain storage silos, as well as ships, airplanes, and other industrial objects. Nonetheless, modern architects did not simply employ these new materials in a strictly practical fashionthey consciously exploited their aesthetic possibilities. For example, glass could be used to open up walls and eliminate their stone and brick masonry because large spaces could now be spanned with steel beams.
The fundamental premise of modern architecture was that the appearance of the building should exhibit the nature of its materials and forms of physical support. This often led to effects that looked odd from a traditional standpoint but that became hallmarks of modern architecture for precisely this reason. For example, in traditional architecture, stone or brick walls served a structural role, but in a steel-beam building the walls were essentially hung from the internal skeleton of steel beams, which meant that walls and corners no longer needed to be solid but could be opened up in unexpected ways. At the Fagus shoe factory in Germany, for example, German architect Walter Gropius placed glass walls in the corners, effectively breaking open the box of traditional architecture and creating a new sense of light and openness. Similarly, steel beams could be used to construct balconies that projected out from the building without any support beneath them. These dramatic balconies quickly became a signature of modern architects such as Frank Lloyd Wright. Wright's most dramatic residence, Fallingwater, has balconies that thrust far out over a stream in a way that seems to defy gravity.
The ways in which new technology transformed architectural design are dramatically illustrated through the evolution of the high-rise office building. After ten or twelve stories, masonry construction reaches a maximum possible height, since it runs into difficulties of compression and of inadequate lateral strength to combat wind shear. Steel construction, on the other hand, can support a building of 50 or 100 stories without difficulty. Such buildings were so different from any previous form of architecture that they quickly acquired a new namethe skyscraper.
From the standpoint of real estate developers, the purpose of skyscrapers was to increase rental space in valuable urban locations. But to create usable high-rise buildings, a number of technical challenges needed to be solved. One problem was getting people to the upper floors, since after five or six stories it becomes exhausting to climb stairs. Updated and electrified versions of the freight elevator that had been introduced by Elisha Graves Otis in 1853 (several decades before skyscraper construction) solved this problem. Another issue was fire safety. The metal supporting buildings became soft when exposed to fire and collapsed relatively quickly. (They could melt at 2700 Fahrenheit, whereas major fires achieve temperatures of 3000degrees). However, when the metal is encased in fire-retardant materials, its vulnerability to fire is much decreased. In Chicago, a system was developed for surrounding the metal components with hollow tiles made from brick-like terra-cotta. Such tiles are impervious to fire. The terra-cotta tiles were used both to encase the supporting members and as flooring. A structure built with steel beams protected by terra-cotta tiles was still three times lighter than a comparably sized building that used masonry construction, so the weight of the tiles was not a problem. | 3380.txt | 2 |
[
"hardened by",
"transformed by",
"manufactured with",
"unaffected by"
] | The phrase "Impervious to" in the passage is closest in meaning to | At the end of the nineteenth century, there were basically two kinds of buildings in the United States. On one hand were the buildings produced for the wealthy or for civic purposes, which tended to echo the architecture of the past and to use traditional styles of ornamentation. On the other hand were purely utilitarian structures, such as factories and grain elevators, which employed modern materials such as steel girders and plate glass in an undisguised and unadorned manner. Such buildings, however, were viewed in a category separate from "fine" architecture, and in fact were often designed by engineers and builders rather than architects. The development of modern architecture might in large part be seen as an adaptation of this sort of functional building and its pervasive application for daily use. Indeed, in this influential book Toward a New Architecture, the Swiss architect Le Corbusier illustrated his text with photographs of American factories and grain storage silos, as well as ships, airplanes, and other industrial objects. Nonetheless, modern architects did not simply employ these new materials in a strictly practical fashionthey consciously exploited their aesthetic possibilities. For example, glass could be used to open up walls and eliminate their stone and brick masonry because large spaces could now be spanned with steel beams.
The fundamental premise of modern architecture was that the appearance of the building should exhibit the nature of its materials and forms of physical support. This often led to effects that looked odd from a traditional standpoint but that became hallmarks of modern architecture for precisely this reason. For example, in traditional architecture, stone or brick walls served a structural role, but in a steel-beam building the walls were essentially hung from the internal skeleton of steel beams, which meant that walls and corners no longer needed to be solid but could be opened up in unexpected ways. At the Fagus shoe factory in Germany, for example, German architect Walter Gropius placed glass walls in the corners, effectively breaking open the box of traditional architecture and creating a new sense of light and openness. Similarly, steel beams could be used to construct balconies that projected out from the building without any support beneath them. These dramatic balconies quickly became a signature of modern architects such as Frank Lloyd Wright. Wright's most dramatic residence, Fallingwater, has balconies that thrust far out over a stream in a way that seems to defy gravity.
The ways in which new technology transformed architectural design are dramatically illustrated through the evolution of the high-rise office building. After ten or twelve stories, masonry construction reaches a maximum possible height, since it runs into difficulties of compression and of inadequate lateral strength to combat wind shear. Steel construction, on the other hand, can support a building of 50 or 100 stories without difficulty. Such buildings were so different from any previous form of architecture that they quickly acquired a new namethe skyscraper.
From the standpoint of real estate developers, the purpose of skyscrapers was to increase rental space in valuable urban locations. But to create usable high-rise buildings, a number of technical challenges needed to be solved. One problem was getting people to the upper floors, since after five or six stories it becomes exhausting to climb stairs. Updated and electrified versions of the freight elevator that had been introduced by Elisha Graves Otis in 1853 (several decades before skyscraper construction) solved this problem. Another issue was fire safety. The metal supporting buildings became soft when exposed to fire and collapsed relatively quickly. (They could melt at 2700 Fahrenheit, whereas major fires achieve temperatures of 3000degrees). However, when the metal is encased in fire-retardant materials, its vulnerability to fire is much decreased. In Chicago, a system was developed for surrounding the metal components with hollow tiles made from brick-like terra-cotta. Such tiles are impervious to fire. The terra-cotta tiles were used both to encase the supporting members and as flooring. A structure built with steel beams protected by terra-cotta tiles was still three times lighter than a comparably sized building that used masonry construction, so the weight of the tiles was not a problem. | 3380.txt | 3 |
[
"The inventor of the elevator, Elisha Graves Otis.",
"Engineers and construction workers.",
"People who used the lower floors of tall buildings.",
"Real estate developers."
] | According to paragraph 4, who benefited from solving problems associated with skyscraper construction? | At the end of the nineteenth century, there were basically two kinds of buildings in the United States. On one hand were the buildings produced for the wealthy or for civic purposes, which tended to echo the architecture of the past and to use traditional styles of ornamentation. On the other hand were purely utilitarian structures, such as factories and grain elevators, which employed modern materials such as steel girders and plate glass in an undisguised and unadorned manner. Such buildings, however, were viewed in a category separate from "fine" architecture, and in fact were often designed by engineers and builders rather than architects. The development of modern architecture might in large part be seen as an adaptation of this sort of functional building and its pervasive application for daily use. Indeed, in this influential book Toward a New Architecture, the Swiss architect Le Corbusier illustrated his text with photographs of American factories and grain storage silos, as well as ships, airplanes, and other industrial objects. Nonetheless, modern architects did not simply employ these new materials in a strictly practical fashionthey consciously exploited their aesthetic possibilities. For example, glass could be used to open up walls and eliminate their stone and brick masonry because large spaces could now be spanned with steel beams.
The fundamental premise of modern architecture was that the appearance of the building should exhibit the nature of its materials and forms of physical support. This often led to effects that looked odd from a traditional standpoint but that became hallmarks of modern architecture for precisely this reason. For example, in traditional architecture, stone or brick walls served a structural role, but in a steel-beam building the walls were essentially hung from the internal skeleton of steel beams, which meant that walls and corners no longer needed to be solid but could be opened up in unexpected ways. At the Fagus shoe factory in Germany, for example, German architect Walter Gropius placed glass walls in the corners, effectively breaking open the box of traditional architecture and creating a new sense of light and openness. Similarly, steel beams could be used to construct balconies that projected out from the building without any support beneath them. These dramatic balconies quickly became a signature of modern architects such as Frank Lloyd Wright. Wright's most dramatic residence, Fallingwater, has balconies that thrust far out over a stream in a way that seems to defy gravity.
The ways in which new technology transformed architectural design are dramatically illustrated through the evolution of the high-rise office building. After ten or twelve stories, masonry construction reaches a maximum possible height, since it runs into difficulties of compression and of inadequate lateral strength to combat wind shear. Steel construction, on the other hand, can support a building of 50 or 100 stories without difficulty. Such buildings were so different from any previous form of architecture that they quickly acquired a new namethe skyscraper.
From the standpoint of real estate developers, the purpose of skyscrapers was to increase rental space in valuable urban locations. But to create usable high-rise buildings, a number of technical challenges needed to be solved. One problem was getting people to the upper floors, since after five or six stories it becomes exhausting to climb stairs. Updated and electrified versions of the freight elevator that had been introduced by Elisha Graves Otis in 1853 (several decades before skyscraper construction) solved this problem. Another issue was fire safety. The metal supporting buildings became soft when exposed to fire and collapsed relatively quickly. (They could melt at 2700 Fahrenheit, whereas major fires achieve temperatures of 3000degrees). However, when the metal is encased in fire-retardant materials, its vulnerability to fire is much decreased. In Chicago, a system was developed for surrounding the metal components with hollow tiles made from brick-like terra-cotta. Such tiles are impervious to fire. The terra-cotta tiles were used both to encase the supporting members and as flooring. A structure built with steel beams protected by terra-cotta tiles was still three times lighter than a comparably sized building that used masonry construction, so the weight of the tiles was not a problem. | 3380.txt | 3 |
[
"explain why fire safety was a crucial issue for steel-frame buildings",
"describe the process by which steel is molded into beams",
"argue that there is no way to make steel buildings safe",
"support the position that steel was not a good material for use in tall buildings"
] | In paragraph 4, the author provides information about the melting point of metal in order to | At the end of the nineteenth century, there were basically two kinds of buildings in the United States. On one hand were the buildings produced for the wealthy or for civic purposes, which tended to echo the architecture of the past and to use traditional styles of ornamentation. On the other hand were purely utilitarian structures, such as factories and grain elevators, which employed modern materials such as steel girders and plate glass in an undisguised and unadorned manner. Such buildings, however, were viewed in a category separate from "fine" architecture, and in fact were often designed by engineers and builders rather than architects. The development of modern architecture might in large part be seen as an adaptation of this sort of functional building and its pervasive application for daily use. Indeed, in this influential book Toward a New Architecture, the Swiss architect Le Corbusier illustrated his text with photographs of American factories and grain storage silos, as well as ships, airplanes, and other industrial objects. Nonetheless, modern architects did not simply employ these new materials in a strictly practical fashionthey consciously exploited their aesthetic possibilities. For example, glass could be used to open up walls and eliminate their stone and brick masonry because large spaces could now be spanned with steel beams.
The fundamental premise of modern architecture was that the appearance of the building should exhibit the nature of its materials and forms of physical support. This often led to effects that looked odd from a traditional standpoint but that became hallmarks of modern architecture for precisely this reason. For example, in traditional architecture, stone or brick walls served a structural role, but in a steel-beam building the walls were essentially hung from the internal skeleton of steel beams, which meant that walls and corners no longer needed to be solid but could be opened up in unexpected ways. At the Fagus shoe factory in Germany, for example, German architect Walter Gropius placed glass walls in the corners, effectively breaking open the box of traditional architecture and creating a new sense of light and openness. Similarly, steel beams could be used to construct balconies that projected out from the building without any support beneath them. These dramatic balconies quickly became a signature of modern architects such as Frank Lloyd Wright. Wright's most dramatic residence, Fallingwater, has balconies that thrust far out over a stream in a way that seems to defy gravity.
The ways in which new technology transformed architectural design are dramatically illustrated through the evolution of the high-rise office building. After ten or twelve stories, masonry construction reaches a maximum possible height, since it runs into difficulties of compression and of inadequate lateral strength to combat wind shear. Steel construction, on the other hand, can support a building of 50 or 100 stories without difficulty. Such buildings were so different from any previous form of architecture that they quickly acquired a new namethe skyscraper.
From the standpoint of real estate developers, the purpose of skyscrapers was to increase rental space in valuable urban locations. But to create usable high-rise buildings, a number of technical challenges needed to be solved. One problem was getting people to the upper floors, since after five or six stories it becomes exhausting to climb stairs. Updated and electrified versions of the freight elevator that had been introduced by Elisha Graves Otis in 1853 (several decades before skyscraper construction) solved this problem. Another issue was fire safety. The metal supporting buildings became soft when exposed to fire and collapsed relatively quickly. (They could melt at 2700 Fahrenheit, whereas major fires achieve temperatures of 3000degrees). However, when the metal is encased in fire-retardant materials, its vulnerability to fire is much decreased. In Chicago, a system was developed for surrounding the metal components with hollow tiles made from brick-like terra-cotta. Such tiles are impervious to fire. The terra-cotta tiles were used both to encase the supporting members and as flooring. A structure built with steel beams protected by terra-cotta tiles was still three times lighter than a comparably sized building that used masonry construction, so the weight of the tiles was not a problem. | 3380.txt | 0 |
[
"Terra-cotta is lighter than steel.",
"Terra-cotta is a fire-retardant material.",
"Terra-cotta tiles were as cheap as bricks.",
"Terra-cotta tiles could be used for flooring."
] | According to paragraph 4, why were terra-cotta tiles used in buildings with steel beams? | At the end of the nineteenth century, there were basically two kinds of buildings in the United States. On one hand were the buildings produced for the wealthy or for civic purposes, which tended to echo the architecture of the past and to use traditional styles of ornamentation. On the other hand were purely utilitarian structures, such as factories and grain elevators, which employed modern materials such as steel girders and plate glass in an undisguised and unadorned manner. Such buildings, however, were viewed in a category separate from "fine" architecture, and in fact were often designed by engineers and builders rather than architects. The development of modern architecture might in large part be seen as an adaptation of this sort of functional building and its pervasive application for daily use. Indeed, in this influential book Toward a New Architecture, the Swiss architect Le Corbusier illustrated his text with photographs of American factories and grain storage silos, as well as ships, airplanes, and other industrial objects. Nonetheless, modern architects did not simply employ these new materials in a strictly practical fashionthey consciously exploited their aesthetic possibilities. For example, glass could be used to open up walls and eliminate their stone and brick masonry because large spaces could now be spanned with steel beams.
The fundamental premise of modern architecture was that the appearance of the building should exhibit the nature of its materials and forms of physical support. This often led to effects that looked odd from a traditional standpoint but that became hallmarks of modern architecture for precisely this reason. For example, in traditional architecture, stone or brick walls served a structural role, but in a steel-beam building the walls were essentially hung from the internal skeleton of steel beams, which meant that walls and corners no longer needed to be solid but could be opened up in unexpected ways. At the Fagus shoe factory in Germany, for example, German architect Walter Gropius placed glass walls in the corners, effectively breaking open the box of traditional architecture and creating a new sense of light and openness. Similarly, steel beams could be used to construct balconies that projected out from the building without any support beneath them. These dramatic balconies quickly became a signature of modern architects such as Frank Lloyd Wright. Wright's most dramatic residence, Fallingwater, has balconies that thrust far out over a stream in a way that seems to defy gravity.
The ways in which new technology transformed architectural design are dramatically illustrated through the evolution of the high-rise office building. After ten or twelve stories, masonry construction reaches a maximum possible height, since it runs into difficulties of compression and of inadequate lateral strength to combat wind shear. Steel construction, on the other hand, can support a building of 50 or 100 stories without difficulty. Such buildings were so different from any previous form of architecture that they quickly acquired a new namethe skyscraper.
From the standpoint of real estate developers, the purpose of skyscrapers was to increase rental space in valuable urban locations. But to create usable high-rise buildings, a number of technical challenges needed to be solved. One problem was getting people to the upper floors, since after five or six stories it becomes exhausting to climb stairs. Updated and electrified versions of the freight elevator that had been introduced by Elisha Graves Otis in 1853 (several decades before skyscraper construction) solved this problem. Another issue was fire safety. The metal supporting buildings became soft when exposed to fire and collapsed relatively quickly. (They could melt at 2700 Fahrenheit, whereas major fires achieve temperatures of 3000degrees). However, when the metal is encased in fire-retardant materials, its vulnerability to fire is much decreased. In Chicago, a system was developed for surrounding the metal components with hollow tiles made from brick-like terra-cotta. Such tiles are impervious to fire. The terra-cotta tiles were used both to encase the supporting members and as flooring. A structure built with steel beams protected by terra-cotta tiles was still three times lighter than a comparably sized building that used masonry construction, so the weight of the tiles was not a problem. | 3380.txt | 1 |
[
"introduce, in an interesting manner, the discussion of food.",
"show the connection between food and nationality of food.",
"indicate that there are various ways to prepare food.",
"impress upon the reader the food value of fish."
] | The reviewer uses a Polish proverb at the beginning of the article in order to | A Polish proverb claims that fish, to taste right, should three times-in water, in butter and in wine. The early efforts of the basic scientists in the food industry were directed at improving the preparation, preservation, and distribution of safe and nutritious food. Our memories of certain foodstuffs eaten during the World War II suggest that, although these might have been safe and nutritious, they certainly did not taste right nor were they particularly appetizing in appearance or smell. This neglect of the sensory appeal of foods is happily becoming a thing of the past. Bow, in the book "Principles of Sensory Evaluation of Food," the authors hope that it will be useful to food technologists in industry and also to others engaged in research into problem of sensory evaluation of foods. An attempt has clearly been make to collect every possible piece of information, which might be useful, more than one thousand five hundred references being quoted. As a result, the book seems at first sight to be an exhaustive and critically useful review of the literature. This it certainly is, but this is by no means is its only achievement, for there are many suggestions for further lines of research, and the discursive passages are crisply provocative of new ideas and new ways of looking at established findings.
Of particular interest is the weight given to the psychological aspects of perception, both objectively and subjectively. The relation between stimuli and perception is well covered, and includes a valuable discussion of the uses and disadvantages of the Weber fraction of differences. It is interesting to find that in spite of many attempts to separate and define the modalities of taste, nothing better has been achieved than the familiar classification into sweet, sour salty and bitter. Nor is there as yet any clear-cut evidence of the physiological nature of the taste stimulus. With regard to smell, systems of classification are of little value because of the extraordinary sensitivity of the nose and because the response to the stimulus is so subjective. The authors suggest that a classification based on the size, shape and electronic status of the molecule involved merits further investigation, as does the theoretical proposition that weak physical binding of the stimulant molecule to he receptor site is a necessary part of the mechanism of stimulation.
Apart from taste and smell, there are many other components of perception of the sensations from food in the mouth. The basic modalities of pain, cold, warmth and touch, together with vibration sense, discrimination and localization may all play a part, as, of course, does auditory reception of bone-conducted vibratory stimuli from the teeth when eating crisp or crunchy foods. In this connection the authors rightly point out that this type of stimulus requires much more investigation, suggesting that a start might be made by using subjects afflicted with various forms of deafness. It is well-known that extraneous noise may alter discrimination, and the attention of the authors is directed to the work of Prof. H. J. Eysenck on the "stimulus hunger" of extroverts and the "stimulus avoidance" of introverts. | 1743.txt | 0 |
[
"mixed feelings.",
"indifference",
"high praise.",
"faint praise."
] | The reviewers appraisal of "Principles of Sensory Evaluation of Food" is one of | A Polish proverb claims that fish, to taste right, should three times-in water, in butter and in wine. The early efforts of the basic scientists in the food industry were directed at improving the preparation, preservation, and distribution of safe and nutritious food. Our memories of certain foodstuffs eaten during the World War II suggest that, although these might have been safe and nutritious, they certainly did not taste right nor were they particularly appetizing in appearance or smell. This neglect of the sensory appeal of foods is happily becoming a thing of the past. Bow, in the book "Principles of Sensory Evaluation of Food," the authors hope that it will be useful to food technologists in industry and also to others engaged in research into problem of sensory evaluation of foods. An attempt has clearly been make to collect every possible piece of information, which might be useful, more than one thousand five hundred references being quoted. As a result, the book seems at first sight to be an exhaustive and critically useful review of the literature. This it certainly is, but this is by no means is its only achievement, for there are many suggestions for further lines of research, and the discursive passages are crisply provocative of new ideas and new ways of looking at established findings.
Of particular interest is the weight given to the psychological aspects of perception, both objectively and subjectively. The relation between stimuli and perception is well covered, and includes a valuable discussion of the uses and disadvantages of the Weber fraction of differences. It is interesting to find that in spite of many attempts to separate and define the modalities of taste, nothing better has been achieved than the familiar classification into sweet, sour salty and bitter. Nor is there as yet any clear-cut evidence of the physiological nature of the taste stimulus. With regard to smell, systems of classification are of little value because of the extraordinary sensitivity of the nose and because the response to the stimulus is so subjective. The authors suggest that a classification based on the size, shape and electronic status of the molecule involved merits further investigation, as does the theoretical proposition that weak physical binding of the stimulant molecule to he receptor site is a necessary part of the mechanism of stimulation.
Apart from taste and smell, there are many other components of perception of the sensations from food in the mouth. The basic modalities of pain, cold, warmth and touch, together with vibration sense, discrimination and localization may all play a part, as, of course, does auditory reception of bone-conducted vibratory stimuli from the teeth when eating crisp or crunchy foods. In this connection the authors rightly point out that this type of stimulus requires much more investigation, suggesting that a start might be made by using subjects afflicted with various forms of deafness. It is well-known that extraneous noise may alter discrimination, and the attention of the authors is directed to the work of Prof. H. J. Eysenck on the "stimulus hunger" of extroverts and the "stimulus avoidance" of introverts. | 1743.txt | 2 |
[
"sharply defined classifications of taste are needed.",
"more research should be done regarding the molecular constituency of food.",
"food values are objectively determined by an expert \"smeller\".",
"temperature is an important factor in the value of food."
] | The writer of the article does not express the view, either directly or by implication, that | A Polish proverb claims that fish, to taste right, should three times-in water, in butter and in wine. The early efforts of the basic scientists in the food industry were directed at improving the preparation, preservation, and distribution of safe and nutritious food. Our memories of certain foodstuffs eaten during the World War II suggest that, although these might have been safe and nutritious, they certainly did not taste right nor were they particularly appetizing in appearance or smell. This neglect of the sensory appeal of foods is happily becoming a thing of the past. Bow, in the book "Principles of Sensory Evaluation of Food," the authors hope that it will be useful to food technologists in industry and also to others engaged in research into problem of sensory evaluation of foods. An attempt has clearly been make to collect every possible piece of information, which might be useful, more than one thousand five hundred references being quoted. As a result, the book seems at first sight to be an exhaustive and critically useful review of the literature. This it certainly is, but this is by no means is its only achievement, for there are many suggestions for further lines of research, and the discursive passages are crisply provocative of new ideas and new ways of looking at established findings.
Of particular interest is the weight given to the psychological aspects of perception, both objectively and subjectively. The relation between stimuli and perception is well covered, and includes a valuable discussion of the uses and disadvantages of the Weber fraction of differences. It is interesting to find that in spite of many attempts to separate and define the modalities of taste, nothing better has been achieved than the familiar classification into sweet, sour salty and bitter. Nor is there as yet any clear-cut evidence of the physiological nature of the taste stimulus. With regard to smell, systems of classification are of little value because of the extraordinary sensitivity of the nose and because the response to the stimulus is so subjective. The authors suggest that a classification based on the size, shape and electronic status of the molecule involved merits further investigation, as does the theoretical proposition that weak physical binding of the stimulant molecule to he receptor site is a necessary part of the mechanism of stimulation.
Apart from taste and smell, there are many other components of perception of the sensations from food in the mouth. The basic modalities of pain, cold, warmth and touch, together with vibration sense, discrimination and localization may all play a part, as, of course, does auditory reception of bone-conducted vibratory stimuli from the teeth when eating crisp or crunchy foods. In this connection the authors rightly point out that this type of stimulus requires much more investigation, suggesting that a start might be made by using subjects afflicted with various forms of deafness. It is well-known that extraneous noise may alter discrimination, and the attention of the authors is directed to the work of Prof. H. J. Eysenck on the "stimulus hunger" of extroverts and the "stimulus avoidance" of introverts. | 1743.txt | 2 |
[
"deaf people are generally introversive.",
"the auditory sense is an important factor in food evaluation.",
"they are more fastidious in their choice of foods.",
"All types of subjects should be used."
] | The authors of the book suggest the use of deaf subject because | A Polish proverb claims that fish, to taste right, should three times-in water, in butter and in wine. The early efforts of the basic scientists in the food industry were directed at improving the preparation, preservation, and distribution of safe and nutritious food. Our memories of certain foodstuffs eaten during the World War II suggest that, although these might have been safe and nutritious, they certainly did not taste right nor were they particularly appetizing in appearance or smell. This neglect of the sensory appeal of foods is happily becoming a thing of the past. Bow, in the book "Principles of Sensory Evaluation of Food," the authors hope that it will be useful to food technologists in industry and also to others engaged in research into problem of sensory evaluation of foods. An attempt has clearly been make to collect every possible piece of information, which might be useful, more than one thousand five hundred references being quoted. As a result, the book seems at first sight to be an exhaustive and critically useful review of the literature. This it certainly is, but this is by no means is its only achievement, for there are many suggestions for further lines of research, and the discursive passages are crisply provocative of new ideas and new ways of looking at established findings.
Of particular interest is the weight given to the psychological aspects of perception, both objectively and subjectively. The relation between stimuli and perception is well covered, and includes a valuable discussion of the uses and disadvantages of the Weber fraction of differences. It is interesting to find that in spite of many attempts to separate and define the modalities of taste, nothing better has been achieved than the familiar classification into sweet, sour salty and bitter. Nor is there as yet any clear-cut evidence of the physiological nature of the taste stimulus. With regard to smell, systems of classification are of little value because of the extraordinary sensitivity of the nose and because the response to the stimulus is so subjective. The authors suggest that a classification based on the size, shape and electronic status of the molecule involved merits further investigation, as does the theoretical proposition that weak physical binding of the stimulant molecule to he receptor site is a necessary part of the mechanism of stimulation.
Apart from taste and smell, there are many other components of perception of the sensations from food in the mouth. The basic modalities of pain, cold, warmth and touch, together with vibration sense, discrimination and localization may all play a part, as, of course, does auditory reception of bone-conducted vibratory stimuli from the teeth when eating crisp or crunchy foods. In this connection the authors rightly point out that this type of stimulus requires much more investigation, suggesting that a start might be made by using subjects afflicted with various forms of deafness. It is well-known that extraneous noise may alter discrimination, and the attention of the authors is directed to the work of Prof. H. J. Eysenck on the "stimulus hunger" of extroverts and the "stimulus avoidance" of introverts. | 1743.txt | 1 |
[
"ruined",
"destroyed",
"killed",
"stopped"
] | The expression "silenced"(Line 5， Paragraph 2) most probably means _ . | The basic workings of DNA and RNA are no mystery. It's now well known that DNA consists of four nucleotide "bases" (A， T， C and G)， whose linear sequences (AATAGGCTCC……) encode hereditary information. Genes--discrete segments of long DNA molecules--transcribe their sequences onto single-strand messenger RNA molecules， which then serve as templates for proteins. In short， DNA makes messenger RNA， and messenger RNA makes proteins. The production of a particular protein is the goal of each gene. This 50-year-old insight is the bedrock of modern biology， but science has not fully solved a related mystery. If every cell in an organism contains the same full complement of genes， why are the cells themselves so varied? How do different genes get turned on ("expressed") or off ("silenced") in just the right combinations to produce heart cells， bone cells and brain cells?
That's where microRNA enters the picture. In the early 1990s， researchers studying a species of worm discovered genes for a very short and very unusual piece of RNA. Instead of synthesizing proteins， this tiny RNA molecule latched onto messenger RNAs (chart)， causing their destruction. Without messenger RNA， no protein was produced. In effect， the gene for that protein had been silenced. The discovery was initially dismissed as an oddity in a worm， but scientists have since found genes for hundreds of microRNAs in various plants and animals--200 in humans alone. Many of these genes have survived in identical forms in different species， indicating that they are essential to life. What， exactly， is their role? We now suspect that by silencing particular genes at just the right times--a process called RNA interference--they push genetically identical cells down different paths of development， enabling some to digest food while others perceive light.
RNA interference gives researchers a new tool for understanding how living things grow--how a plant assumes a particular shape， for example， or how a baby's hand forms during gestation. Moreover， because microRNAs are so small and simple in structure， they can be manufactured for use as research tools. If scientists suspect that a particular gene is responsible for a disease， they can design microRNA to silence the gene in affected laboratory animals. If the disease is prevented or cured， the gene becomes a target for treatment.
RNA interference has yet to generate new medicines， but if the technique fulfills its promise， it could help us treat everything from viral infections to cancer. MicroRNAs could be used to seal off human cells from disease-causing viruses， or to disable viruses that gain entry. In a recent test-tube study， researchers showed that RNA interference could make cells impermeable to HIV. Early studies suggest that microRNAs can also boost the production of stem cells in culture. By blocking production of growth-promoting proteins， microRNAs may even help contain cancer cells.
It is one thing to manipulate cells in a test tube， quite another to treat people. Getting microRNAs safely into the right cells in the body will be complicated. No one has yet attempted a human experiment. Even so， a field that was just a curiosity in 1993 is now poised to change the world--all because we invested in basic research. The scientists who discovered microRNAs were not trying to prevent AIDS， grow stem cells or treat cancer. They just wanted to figure out how something happened in a worm. As Buckminster Fuller observed， "Development is programmable; discovery is not." | 1081.txt | 3 |
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