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Harland and Wolff
The war years & Post-war period
May 1941 causing considerable damage to the shipbuilding facilities and destroying the aircraft factory. Post-war period With the rise of the jet-powered airliner in the late 1950s, the demand for ocean liners declined. This, coupled with competition from Japan, led to difficulties for the British shipbuilding industry. The last liner that the company launched was MV Arlanza for Royal Mail Line in 1960, whilst the last liner completed was SS Canberra for P&O in 1961. In the 1960s, notable achievements for the yard included the tanker Myrina, which was the first supertanker built in the UK and the largest vessel ever
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Harland and Wolff
Post-war period
launched down a slipway, as it was in the September of 1967. In the same period the yard also built the semi-submersible drilling rig Sea Quest which, due to its three-legged design, was launched down three parallel slipways. This was a first and only time this was ever done. In the mid-1960s, the British government started advancing loans and subsidies to British shipyards to preserve jobs. Some of this money was used to finance the modernisation of the yard, allowing it to build the much larger post-war merchant ships including one of 333,000 tonnes. The shipyard already had a reputation as a
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Harland and Wolff
Post-war period
Protestant factory, and in 1970, during the Troubles, 500 Catholic workers were expelled from their role. Continuing problems led to the company's nationalisation, though not as part of British Shipbuilders, in 1977. In 1971, the Arrol Gantry complex, within which many ships were built until the early 1960s, was demolished. The nationalised company was sold by the British government in 1989 to a management/employee buy-out in partnership with the Norwegian shipping magnate Fred Olsen; leading to a new company called Harland & Wolff Holdings Plc. By this time, the number of people employed by the company had fallen to around 3,000. For
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Harland and Wolff
Post-war period
the next few years, Harland & Wolff specialised in building standard Suezmax oil tankers, and has continued to concentrate on vessels for the offshore oil and gas industry. It has made some forays outside this market. The company bid unsuccessfully tendered against Chantiers de l'Atlantique for the construction of Cunard line's new Queen Mary 2. In the late 1990s, the yard was part of the then British Aerospace's team for the Royal Navy's Future Carrier (CVF) programme. It was envisaged that the ship would be assembled at the Harland & Wolff dry-dock in Belfast. In 1999 BAE merged with Marconi Electronic
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Harland and Wolff
Post-war period & Restructuring and near collapse
Systems. The new company, BAE Systems Marine, included the former Marconi shipyards on the Clyde and at Barrow-in-Furness thus rendering H&W's involvement surplus to requirements. Restructuring and near collapse Faced with competitive pressures, Harland & Wolff sought to shift and broaden their portfolio, focusing less on shipbuilding and more on design and structural engineering, as well as ship repair, offshore construction projects and competing for other projects to do with metal engineering and construction. This led to Harland and Wolff constructing a series of bridges in Britain and also in the Republic of Ireland, such as the James Joyce Bridge
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Harland and Wolff
Restructuring and near collapse
and the restoration of Dublin's Ha'penny Bridge, building on the success of its first foray into the civil engineering sector with the construction of the Foyle Bridge in the 1980s. Harland & Wolff's last shipbuilding project was MV Anvil Point, one of six near identical Point-class sealift ships built for use by the Ministry of Defence. The ship, built under licence from German shipbuilders Flensburger Schiffbau-Gesellschaft, was launched in 2003. Harland and Wolff tendered for the contract to build RMS Queen Mary 2 in 2003, but was not given the government guarantee necessary to do so. As a result, the contract was
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Harland and Wolff
Restructuring and near collapse
awarded to Chantiers de l'Atlantique. The ship entered service in 2004. In recent years the company had seen its ship-related workload increase slightly. Whilst Harland & Wolff had no involvement in any shipbuilding projects for the foreseeable future, the company is increasingly involved in overhaul, re-fitting and ship repair, as well as the construction and repair of off-shore equipment such as oil platforms. On 1 February 2011 it was announced that Harland & Wolff had won the contract to refurbish SS Nomadic, effectively rekindling its nearly 150-year association with the White Star Line. Structural steel work on the ship began on 10
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Harland and Wolff
Restructuring and near collapse
February 2011 and was completed in time for the 2012 Belfast Titanic Festival. In July 2012 Harland & Wolff was to carry out the dry docking and service of the Husky Oil SeaRose FPSO (Floating Production, Storage and Offloading) vessel. Belfast's skyline is still dominated today by Harland & Wolff's famous twin gantry cranes, Samson and Goliath, built in 1974 and 1969 respectively. There is also speculation about a resurgence in the prosperity of the shipyard thanks to the company's diversification into emerging technologies, particularly in renewable energy development, such as offshore wind turbine and tidal power construction, which may provide
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Harland and Wolff
Restructuring and near collapse
an opportunity to further improve the company's fortunes in the long term. For example, the United Kingdom planned to build 7,500 new offshore wind turbines between 2008 and 2020, creating great demand for heavy assembly work. Unlike land-based wind turbines, where assembly occurs on site, offshore wind turbines have part of their assembly done in a shipyard, and then construction barges transport the tower sections, rotors, and nacelles to the site for final erection and assembly. As a result of this, in late 2007, the 'Goliath' gantry crane was re-commissioned, having been moth-balled in 2003 due to the lack of
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Harland and Wolff
Restructuring and near collapse
heavy-lifting work at the yard. In June 2008, assembly work at the Belfast yard was underway on 60 Vestas V90-3MW wind turbines for the Robin Rigg Wind Farm. This was the second offshore wind farm assembled by the company for Vestas having completed the logistics for the Barrow Offshore Wind Farm in 2006. In August 2011 Harland and Wolff completed the logistics for the Ormonde Wind Farm which consisted of 30 REpower 5MW turbines. In March 2008, the construction of the world's first commercial tidal stream turbine, for Marine Current Turbines, was completed at the Belfast yard. The installation of the 1.2MW
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Harland and Wolff
Restructuring and near collapse
SeaGen Tidal System was begun in Strangford Lough in April 2008. In July 2010, Harland & Wolff secured a contract to make a prototype tidal energy turbine for Scotrenewables Ltd. Manufacture of the SR250 device was completed in May 2011 and has been undergoing testing in Orkney since. As of April 2012, the booming offshore wind power industry had taken centre stage. Harland & Wolff had been working on three innovative meteorological mast foundations for the Dogger Bank and Firth of Forth offshore wind farms, as well as putting the finishing touches to two Siemens substations for the Gwynt y Môr offshore
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Harland and Wolff
Restructuring and near collapse
wind farm. Seventy-five per cent of the company's work was based on offshore renewable energy. Harland & Wolff was one of many UK and international companies profiting from the emergence of UK wind- and marine-generated electricity, which had been attracting significant inward investment. As the business environment became increasingly competitive the yard began to have difficulty in generating enough business to meet overhead expenses. The yard was last profitable in 2015 and the following year it had an operating loss of 6M GBP. In 2018 the parent company underwent a restructuring and decided to place Harland and Wolff
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Harland and Wolff
Restructuring and near collapse & Archives
up for sale. No buyer emerged and on August 5, 2019 the company announced that they would cease trading and entered formal administration. Subsequently, on the 1st of October 2019, It was announced that the company was bought for £6m by the London-based energy firm, InfraStrata. Archives A collection of Harland & Wolff papers are held at Public Record Office of Northern Ireland (PRONI). Their "Introduction to the Harland and Wolff Papers" issued 2007, notes: "The Harland & Wolff archive in PRONI comprises c.2,000 files, c.200 volumes and c.16,000 documents, 1861–1987, documenting most aspects of the history of Belfast's famous shipbuilding
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Harland and Wolff
Archives
firm". A further major archive is held at the Ulster Folk and Transport Museum (UFTM). This has a photographic collection and a ships' plans collection (i.e., technical drawings). Around 8,000 prints of Harland & Wolff-built ships covering the period 1890-1945 are held in bound volumes in the UFTM's library. However the UFTM's collection of ships' plans is not currently available to the public nor is there a copy service. Selected early ship's plans (dating from 1860 to 1882) are reproduced in a pictorial book by McCluskie (1998). Records relating to the Govan yard of Harland & Wolff plc are maintained
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Harland and Wolff
Archives & List of ships built
by the Archives of the University of Glasgow (GUAS). List of ships built See: List of ships built by Harland and Wolff
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Haukur Tómasson
Haukur Tómasson Haukur Tómasson (born January 9, 1960) is an Icelandic composer. He has a Master's degree from the University of California, San Diego. He has also attended the Reykjavík College of Music, the Cologne University for Music and the Sweelinck Conservatory of Amsterdam. See also haukurtomasson.com His works include six orchestral pieces, three concertos and the chamber opera Gudruns 4th Song, for which he was awarded the 2004 Nordic Council Music Prize. His orchestral piece Strati won the Icelandic National Broadcasting System Music Prize in 1993. Other prizes include the 1996 Bröste Optimism Prize and the 1998 Icelandic Music Award
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Haukur Tómasson
for Gudrun's 4th Song. His composition Saga (Fabella) for ensemble won the State Radio's 70th anniversary competition in 2000. His music is energetic, scintillating and vibrant, combining musical imagination and technical brilliance, with unusual instrumental combinations producing remarkable colourful and complex sounds. His earliest works (Octette and Eco del passato) used Fibonacci numbers to determine the intervals and durations. Later works such as Spiral, Strati and Offspring use a different approach based on his so-called "spiral technique". He also started to use Icelandic folk material in his compositions in the late 1990s. His music is recorded on BIS Records, 12 Tónar and
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Haukur Tómasson
ITM.
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Hennie Daniller
Career
Hennie Daniller Career Daniller started his professional career in Pretoria with the Bulls and after shining early on and making 7 appearances in the 2004 Super 2012 season his career began to falter. He moved south to join the Boland Cavaliers in 2006 and helped them earn promotion to the Currie Cup Premier Division in his first season. Impressive displays in Wellington earned him a move to the Cheetahs. He initially struggled to get game time and spent a spell on loan at the Griffons in 2008. However, he has since become a dependable player for the Cheetahs
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Hennie Daniller
Career & International
and currently boasts a combined total of over 130 caps in all competitions. In May 2014, it was announced that Daniller would move to Italian Pro12 side Zebre for the 2014–15 Pro12 season. He played there for one season before returning to South Africa and rejoining the Boland Cavaliers. International Daniller represented South Africa Under 19 in the 2003 IRB Under 19 World Championship and South Africa Under 21 in the 2004 and 2005 IRB Under 21 World Championships.
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Henry Padwick
Life & Racing
Henry Padwick Henry Padwick (1805–1879) was an English solicitor and figure of the horse racing world, known also as a moneylender, gambler and speculator. Life He was the son of William Padwick (died 1834) of Cosham House, Hampshire. He retired from the legal profession in 1855. He became a magistrate in Middlesex and Deputy-Keeper of Holyrood Palace. As a solicitor in Horsham, Padwick was involved as electoral agent to William Vesey-FitzGerald in canvassing, the subject of an electoral corruption case for an 1848 by-election for Horsham. In the 1857 general election Padwick stood unsuccessfully as a Conservative candidate at Bridgwater. Racing
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Henry Padwick
Racing
Padwick employed the trainer John Barham Day from 1845 to 1855, when he was sacked after a scandal involving the Two Thousand Guineas. From 1849 Padwick used "Mr. Howard" as his nom de course. In 1854 he won £80,000 on his horse Virago, losing the sum in stock market speculation. In 1854, also, Padwick was co-owner with John Gully of Andover, winner of the Epsom Derby. In the aftermath of the 1855 departure from the United Kingdom of the Member of Parliament Francis Child Villiers, known as Frank, Padwick became involved in trying to clear up his heavy unpaid betting debts.
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Henry Padwick
Racing & Family
To this end he was an adviser to George Child Villiers, 5th Earl of Jersey, Frank's father, and worked with Benjamin Disraeli. In the 1868 Derby, won by Blue Gown, after the favourite Lady Elizabeth owned by the 4th Marquess of Hastings performed badly, Padwick and the bookmaker Harry Hill were implicated in the scratching from the race of the Marquess's other horse, The Earl. The Marquess owed Padwick money. Family Padwick married in 1825 Susan Chasemore, daughter of Philip Chasemore of Horsham. They had one son, Henry.
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History of Sinn Féin
Early years
History of Sinn Féin Sinn Féin ("We Ourselves", often mistranslated as "Ourselves Alone") is the name of an Irish political party founded in 1905 by Arthur Griffith. It subsequently became a focus for various forms of Irish nationalism, especially Irish republicanism. Its splits during the Irish Civil War in 1922 and again at the beginning of the Troubles in 1969 had dramatic effects on politics in Ireland. Today Sinn Féin is a republican, left-wing nationalist and secular party. Early years The ideas that led to Sinn Féin were first propounded by the United Irishman newspaper and its editor, Arthur Griffith.
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History of Sinn Féin
Early years
An article by Griffith in that paper in March 1900 called for the creation of an association to bring together the disparate Irish nationalist groups of the time, and as a result Cumann na nGaedheal was formed at the end of 1900. Griffith first put forward his proposal for the abstention of Irish members of parliament from the Westminster parliament at the 1902 Cumann na nGaedheal convention. A second organisation, the National Council, was formed in 1903 by Maud Gonne and others, including Griffith, on the occasion of the visit of King Edward VII to Dublin. Its purpose was to
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History of Sinn Féin
Early years
lobby Dublin Corporation to refrain from presenting an address to the king. The motion to present an address was duly defeated, but the National Council remained in existence as a pressure group with the aim of increasing nationalist representation on local councils. Griffith elaborated his policy in a series of articles in the United Irishman in 1904, which outlined how the policy of withdrawing from the imperial parliament and passive resistance had been successfully followed in Hungary, leading to the Austro-Hungarian Compromise of 1867 and the creation of a dual monarchy, and proposed that Irish MPs should follow the same course.
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History of Sinn Féin
Early years
These were published later that year in a booklet entitled The Resurrection of Hungary. Also in 1904, a friend of Griffith, Mary Ellen Butler (a cousin of Unionist leader Edward Carson), remarked in a conversation that his ideas were "the policy of Sinn Féin, in fact" and Griffith enthusiastically adopted the term. The phrase Sinn Féin ('ourselves' or 'we ourselves') had been in use since the 1880s as an expression of separatist thinking, and was used as a slogan by the Gaelic League in the 1890s. The first annual convention of the National Council on 28 November 1905 was notable for
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History of Sinn Féin
Early years
two things: the decision, by a majority vote (with Griffith dissenting), to open branches and organise on a national basis; and the presentation by Griffith of his 'Hungarian' policy, which was now called the Sinn Féin policy. This meeting is usually taken as the date of the foundation of the Sinn Féin party. In the meantime, a third organisation, the Dungannon Clubs, named after the Dungannon Convention of 1782, had been formed in Belfast by Bulmer Hobson, and it also considered itself to be part of 'the Sinn Féin movement'. By 1907, there was pressure on the three organisations to unite—especially
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History of Sinn Féin
Early years
from the US, where John Devoy offered funding, but only to a unified party. The pressure increased when C. J. Dolan, the Irish Parliamentary Party MP for Leitrim North, announced his intention to resign his seat and contest it on a Sinn Féin platform. In April 1907, Cumann na nGaedheal and the Dungannon Clubs merged as the 'Sinn Féin League'. Negotiations continued until August when, at the National Council annual convention, the League and the National Council merged on terms favourable to Griffith. The resulting party was named Sinn Féin, and its foundation was backdated to the National Council convention
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History of Sinn Féin
Early years & Aftermath of the Easter Rising
of November 1905. In the 1908 North Leitrim by-election, Sinn Féin secured 27% of the vote. Thereafter, both support and membership fell. Attendance was poor at the 1910 Ard Fheis (party conference), and there was difficulty finding members willing to take seats on the executive. While some local councillors were elected running under the party banner in the 1911 local elections, by 1915 the party was, in the words of one of Griffith's colleagues, "on the rocks", and so insolvent financially that it could not pay the rent on its headquarters in Harcourt Street in Dublin. Aftermath of the Easter Rising
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History of Sinn Féin
Aftermath of the Easter Rising
Sinn Féin was not involved in the Easter Rising, despite being blamed by the British Government for it. The leaders of the Rising were looking for more than the Sinn Féin proposal of a separation stronger than Home Rule under a dual monarchy. Any group that disagreed with mainstream constitutional politics was branded 'Sinn Féin' by British commentators. In January 1917, Count Plunkett, father of the executed 1916 leader Joseph Plunkett, stood for election as an independent in the North Roscommon by-election, in a campaign led by Fr. Michael O'Flanagan, a Sinn Féin organiser, on a policy of appealing for Irish
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History of Sinn Féin
Aftermath of the Easter Rising
independence at the post-war peace conference. Polling took place in heavy snow on 3 February 1917. Plunkett took the seat by a large majority, and surprised his audience by announcing he intended to abstain from Westminster. Plunkett summoned a convention in the Mansion House, Dublin in April 1917, where his supporters and those of Griffith failed to reach consensus. When a split seemed imminent, O'Flanagan mediated an agreement between Griffith and Plunkett, and a group known as the Mansion House Committee was formed, tasked with organising forthcoming by-elections and sending an envoy to the Paris peace conference. Plunkett joined the Sinn
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History of Sinn Féin
Aftermath of the Easter Rising
Féin party. Sinn Féin contested another by-election in South Longford, where a reluctant Joe McGuinness, imprisoned in Lewes jail for his part in the Rising, was elected on the slogan "Put him in to get him out." Over the summer of 1917, surviving members of the Rising were freed from prison by Lloyd George, wary of public opinion as he attempted to get America to join the war. Éamon de Valera finally overcame his reluctance to enter electoral politics, when he was elected in East Clare on 10 July 1917. A fourth by-election was won by W. T. Cosgrave in
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History of Sinn Féin
Aftermath of the Easter Rising
Kilkenny City. The Mansion House Committee organised an Ard Fheis in October 1917, where again the party nearly split between its monarchist and republican wings. De Valera was elected president, with Griffith and O'Flanagan as vice-presidents. A compromise motion was passed, which read: Sinn Féin aims at securing the international recognition of Ireland as an independent Irish republic. Having achieved that status the Irish people may by referendum freely choose their own form of Government. This kept the party's options open on the question of the constitutional form of an independent Ireland, although in practice it became increasingly republican in nature. Sinn Féin's
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History of Sinn Féin
Aftermath of the Easter Rising
status was boosted in public opinion by the anger over General Sir John Maxwell's policy of executing the Rising's leaders. The Irish Parliamentary Party (IPP) under John Redmond—and later under John Dillon—won three by-elections in early 1918. Sinn Féin came back with victories for Patrick McCartan in Tullamore in April, and Arthur Griffith in East Cavan in June (when Fr. O'Flanagan was suspended by the Church for making his "Suppressed Speech"). When the British prime minister David Lloyd George called the Irish Convention in July 1917, in an attempt to reach agreement on introducing all-Ireland Home Rule, Sinn Féin declined its
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History of Sinn Féin
Aftermath of the Easter Rising & 1918 electoral victory
allocated five seats on the grounds that the Convention did not allow debate on the full independence of Ireland. After the First World War German Spring Offensive in March 1918, when Britain threatened to impose conscription on Ireland to bring its decimated divisions up to strength, the ensuing Conscription Crisis decisively swung support behind Sinn Féin. The British Government responded by arresting and interning the leading members of Sinn Féin and hundreds of others not involved in the organisation, accused of complicity in a fictitious German Plot. 1918 electoral victory Sinn Féin won 73 of Ireland's 105 seats in the
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History of Sinn Féin
1918 electoral victory
United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland parliament at the general election in December 1918, twenty-five of them uncontested. The IPP, despite having been the largest party in Ireland for forty years, had not fought a general election since 1910; in many parts of Ireland its organisation had decayed and was no longer capable of mounting an electoral challenge. Many other seats were uncontested owing to Sinn Féin's evident mass support, with other parties deciding that there was no point in challenging Sinn Féin given that it was certain to win. Contemporary documents also suggest a degree of intimidation of opponents.
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1,295
History of Sinn Féin
1918 electoral victory
Piaras Béaslaí recorded one example in a by-election in Longford in 1917 where a Sinn Féin activist put a gun against the head of a Returning Officer and forced him to announce the election of the Sinn Féin candidate even though the IPP candidate had more votes. Potential candidates who were thought of as serious challengers to Sinn Féin candidates were warned against seeking election in some Ulster constituencies and in Munster. In County Cork all the All-for-Ireland Party MPs stood down voluntarily in favour of Sinn Féin candidates. In Ulster, unionists won 23 seats, Sinn Féin 10 and the Irish
{"datasets_id": 160493, "wiki_id": "Q5866515", "sp": 16, "sc": 1295, "ep": 16, "ec": 1969}
160,493
Q5866515
16
1,295
16
1,969
History of Sinn Féin
1918 electoral victory
Parliamentary Party won five (where they were not opposed by Sinn Féin). In the thirty-two counties of Ireland, twenty-four (24) returned only Sinn Féin candidates. In the nine counties of Ulster, unionists polled a majority in four. Because twenty-five seats were uncontested under dubious circumstances, it has been difficult to determine what the actual support for the party was in the country. Various accounts range from 45% to 80%. Academic analysts at the Northern Ireland demographic institute (ARK) estimate a figure of 53%. Another estimate suggests Sinn Féin had the support of approximately 65% of the electorate (unionists accounting for approximately
{"datasets_id": 160493, "wiki_id": "Q5866515", "sp": 16, "sc": 1969, "ep": 16, "ec": 2599}
160,493
Q5866515
16
1,969
16
2,599
History of Sinn Féin
1918 electoral victory
20–25% and other nationalists for the remainder). Lastly, emigration was difficult during the war, which meant that tens of thousands of young people were in Ireland who would not have been there under normal circumstances. On 21 January 1919, twenty-seven Sinn Féin MPs assembled in Dublin's Mansion House and proclaimed themselves the parliament of Ireland, the First Dáil Éireann. They elected an Aireacht (ministry) headed by a Príomh Aire (prime minister). Although the state was declared to be a republic, no provision was made for a head of state. This was rectified in August 1921 when the Príomh Aire (also known
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160,493
Q5866515
16
2,599
16
3,207
History of Sinn Féin
1918 electoral victory
as President of Dáil Éireann) was upgraded to President of the Republic, a full head of state. In the 1920 city council elections, Sinn Féin gained control of ten of the twelve city councils in Ireland. Only Belfast and Derry remained under unionist and IPP (respectively) control. In the local elections of the same year, Sinn Féin won control of 25 of the 33 county councils. (Tipperary had two county councils, so there were 33.) Antrim, Down, Londonderry and Armagh were controlled by Unionists, Fermanagh and Tyrone by the Nationalist Party, and in Galway and Waterford no party had a majority.
{"datasets_id": 160493, "wiki_id": "Q5866515", "sp": 18, "sc": 0, "ep": 20, "ec": 602}
160,493
Q5866515
18
0
20
602
History of Sinn Féin
Treaty and Civil War
Treaty and Civil War Following the conclusion of the Anglo-Irish Treaty negotiations between representatives of the British Government and the republican government in December 1921 and the narrow approval of the Treaty by Dáil Éireann, a state called the Irish Free State was established. Northern Ireland (a six-county region set up under the British Government of Ireland Act 1920) opted out, as the Treaty allowed. The reasons for the split were various, although partition was not one of them – the IRA did not split in the new Northern Ireland and pro- and anti-treaty republicans there looked to IRA Chief of
{"datasets_id": 160493, "wiki_id": "Q5866515", "sp": 20, "sc": 602, "ep": 20, "ec": 1209}
160,493
Q5866515
20
602
20
1,209
History of Sinn Féin
Treaty and Civil War
Staff (and pro-treaty) Michael Collins for leadership (and weapons). The principal reason for the split is usually described as the question of the Oath of Allegiance to the Irish Free State, which members of the new Dáil would be required to take. The Treaty explicitly provided that the Free State would be a dominion of the British Empire, the Oath also included a statement of fidelity to the British King: many republicans found that unacceptable. Supporters of the treaty argued that it gave "freedom to achieve freedom". In the elections of June 1922 in the southern and western twenty-six counties,
{"datasets_id": 160493, "wiki_id": "Q5866515", "sp": 20, "sc": 1209, "ep": 20, "ec": 1814}
160,493
Q5866515
20
1,209
20
1,814
History of Sinn Féin
Treaty and Civil War
the pro-treaty Sinn Féin candidates secured 38% of the first preference vote and 58 seats to 21% and 35 seats for anti-treaty candidates. Within days of the election, the short and bitter Civil War erupted between the supporters of the Treaty and its opponents. De Valera and his supporters sided with the anti-treaty IRA against the National Army. The pro-treaty parties, including the Labour Party and Farmers' Party, sat as the Third Dáil; pro-treaty Sinn Féin TDs formed the government of the Irish Free State. Early in 1923, pro-treaty Sinn Féin TDs led by W. T. Cosgrave formed a new party,
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160,493
Q5866515
20
1,814
24
183
History of Sinn Féin
Treaty and Civil War & 1923–1932
Cumann na nGaedheal. The Civil War ended in May 1923, when the anti-Treaty IRA stood down and "dumped arms". In the 1923 general election, Cumann na nGaedheal won 41% of the popular vote and 63 seats; the Anti-Treaty faction (standing as "Republican" and led by de Valera) secured 29% of the vote and 44 seats, but applied an abstentionist policy to the new Dáil Éireann. 1923–1932 The seeds of another split were sown when leader Éamon de Valera came to believe that abstentionism was not a workable tactic. In March 1926 the party held its Ard Fheis and de Valera
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160,493
Q5866515
24
183
24
806
History of Sinn Féin
1923–1932
proposed that elected members be allowed to take their seats in the Dáil if and when the controversial oath of allegiance was removed. Mary MacSwiney and Michael O'Flanagan led the abstentionist section opposing the motion. The conference instructed a joint committee of representatives from the two sections to arrange a basis for co-operation. That day it issued a statement declaring "the division within our ranks is a division of Republicans." The next day De Valera's motion narrowly failed by a vote of 223 to 218. De Valera resigned and formed a new party, Fianna Fáil, on a platform of republicanising the
{"datasets_id": 160493, "wiki_id": "Q5866515", "sp": 24, "sc": 806, "ep": 24, "ec": 1405}
160,493
Q5866515
24
806
24
1,405
History of Sinn Féin
1923–1932
Free State from within. He took the great majority of Sinn Féin support with him, along with most of Sinn Féin's financial support from America. The remains of Sinn Féin fielded only 15 candidates and won only six seats in the June election, support sinking to a level not seen since before 1916. In the August 1927 by-election following the death of Constance Markievicz, Sinn Féin's Cathal Ó Murchadha gained just 2.5% of the vote. Shortly afterward, Vice-President and de facto leader MacSwiney announced that the party simply did not have the funds to contest the second general election called
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160,493
Q5866515
24
1,405
28
220
History of Sinn Féin
1923–1932 & 1932–1946
that year, declaring "no true Irish citizen can vote for any of the other parties". John J O'Kelly had been elected president in place of de Valera and remained in this position until 1931 when Brian O'Higgins took over the leadership. The party did not contest the 1932 general election, which saw Fianna Fáil enter government for the first time. 1932–1946 During the 1930s Sinn Féin did not contest any elections. Its relationship with the Irish Republican Army (IRA) soured and during the 1930s the IRA severed its links with the party. The party did not have a leader of the
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160,493
Q5866515
28
220
28
811
History of Sinn Féin
1932–1946
stature of Cosgrave or de Valera. Numbers attending the Ard Fheis had dropped to the mid-40s and debates were mainly dominated with issues such as whether members should accept IRA war pensions from the government. Mary MacSwiney left in 1934 when members decided to accept the pensions. Cathal Ó Murchadha led the party from 1935 to 1937. Margaret Buckley was president from 1937 to 1950. The party suffered with the introduction of internment during the Emergency. An attempt in the 1940s to access funds which had been put in the care of the High Court led to the Sinn Féin Funds
{"datasets_id": 160493, "wiki_id": "Q5866515", "sp": 28, "sc": 811, "ep": 32, "ec": 468}
160,493
Q5866515
28
811
32
468
History of Sinn Féin
1932–1946 & 1947–1968
case, which the party lost and in which the judge ruled that it was not the direct successor of the Sinn Féin of 1917. 1947–1968 In 1947 the IRA held its first Army Convention since World War II. The leadership became dominated by three figures, known jokingly as the "three Macs", Tony Magan, Paddy McLogan, and Tomás Óg Mac Curtain. The "three Macs" believed that a political organisation was necessary to help rebuild the IRA. The relationship with Sinn Féin was improved. IRA members were instructed to join the organisation and a newspaper, United Irishman, was launched. Paddy McLogan served
{"datasets_id": 160493, "wiki_id": "Q5866515", "sp": 32, "sc": 468, "ep": 32, "ec": 1112}
160,493
Q5866515
32
468
32
1,112
History of Sinn Féin
1947–1968
as President of Sinn Féin. The party began to advocate a corporatist social policy inspired by the Papal Encyclicals of Pope Pius XI, with the aim of creating a Catholic state, and opposed parliamentary democracy, advocating its replacement with a form of government akin to Portugal's Estado Novo, but rejected fascism as they considered a fascist state to be too secular and centralized. The re-organisation yielded fruit during the Border Campaign which was launched on 12 December 1956. In the Irish general election of 1957 Sinn Féin fielded 19 abstentionist candidates and won four seats and 6.5% of the popular vote. The
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160,493
Q5866515
32
1,112
32
1,746
History of Sinn Féin
1947–1968
introduction of internment and the establishment of military tribunals hindered the IRA campaign and it was called off in 1962. In the 1961 General Election the party won no seats and its vote dropped to 3.2%. Tomas MacGiolla was elected president in 1962. His presidency marked a significant shift towards the left. The Wolfe Tone Directories were set up to encourage debate about policy. The directory attracted many left wing thinkers and people associated with the Communist Party of Ireland such as Roy Johnston. In his analysis, the primary obstacle to Irish unity was the continuing division between the Protestant and
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160,493
Q5866515
32
1,746
32
2,429
History of Sinn Féin
1947–1968
Catholic working classes. This they attributed to the 'divide and rule' policies of capitalism, whose interests a divided working class served. Military activity was seen as counterproductive since its effect was to further entrench the sectarian divisions. If the working classes could be united in class struggle to overthrow their common rulers, it was believed that a 32-county socialist republic would be the inevitable outcome. The party became involved in the Dublin Housing Action Committee, protests against ground-rent landlordism, and the co-operative movement. In one case Joe Clarke, a veteran of the Easter Rising, was ejected from a function commemorating the
{"datasets_id": 160493, "wiki_id": "Q5866515", "sp": 32, "sc": 2429, "ep": 32, "ec": 3086}
160,493
Q5866515
32
2,429
32
3,086
History of Sinn Féin
1947–1968
Rising, as he had interrupted (now President of Ireland) de Valera's speech with criticisms over Fianna Fáil's poor provision of housing. Sinn Féin, which ran under the label "Republican Clubs" in the North, became involved with the Northern Ireland Civil Rights Association, although it never controlled it as some unionists believed. However abstentionism was also a dominant feature of debate. Although Sinn Féin had taken seats at council level since the 1950s, many people in the party were becoming in favour of abandoning it while a significant number were still opposed to taking seats in "partitionist parliaments". Matters were not helped
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160,493
Q5866515
32
3,086
36
276
History of Sinn Féin
1947–1968 & 1969–1974
by a report from the Garland Commission, a committee led by Sean Garland to investigate and caucus opinion about abstentionism, which favoured ending the policy. Many were concerned about the downplaying of the role of the IRA. Opponents of the move would galvanise around Sean MacStiofain, Seamus Twomey and Ruairí Ó Brádaigh. 1969–1974 There were parallel splits in the republican movement in the period 1969 to 1970; one in December 1969 in the IRA, and the other in Sinn Féin in January 1970. The stated reason for the split in the IRA was ‘partition parliaments’, however, the division was the product
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160,493
Q5866515
36
276
36
880
History of Sinn Féin
1969–1974
of discussions throughout the 1960s over the merits of political involvement as opposed to a purely military strategy. The political strategy of the leadership was to seek to unite the Protestant and Catholic working classes in class struggle against capitalism: it saw the sectarian troubles as fomented to divide and rule the working class. The split, when it finally did come, arose over the playing down of the role of the IRA and its inability to adequately defend the nationalist population in Northern Ireland in the violent beginning to the Troubles. One section of the Army Council wanted to go
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160,493
Q5866515
36
880
36
1,522
History of Sinn Féin
1969–1974
down a purely political (Marxist) road, and abandon armed struggle. Some writers allege that "IRA" had been dabbed on walls over the north and was used to disparage the IRA, by writing beside it, "I Ran Away". Those in favour of a purely military strategy accused the leadership of rigging both the Army Convention, held in December at Knockvicar House in Boyle, County Roscommon, and the vote on abandoning the policy of abstentionism and defence of nationalist areas. Traditional republicans and opponents of abstentionism formed the "Provisional" Army Council in December 1969, after the split. Seán Mac Stiofáin, Dáithí Ó Conaill
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160,493
Q5866515
36
1,522
36
2,184
History of Sinn Féin
1969–1974
and Seamus Twomey and others established themselves as a "Provisional Army Council". The split in the republican movement was completed at the Sinn Féin Ard Fheis on 10–11 January at the Intercontinental Hotel in Ballsbridge, Dublin, when the proposal to drop abstention was put before the members. The policy of abandoning abstentionism had to be passed by a two-thirds majority to change the party's constitution. Again, there were allegations of malpractice and that pro-Goulding supporters cast votes they were not entitled to. In addition, the leadership had also refused delegate status (voting rights) to a number of Sinn Féin cumainn (branches),
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160,493
Q5866515
36
2,184
36
2,747
History of Sinn Féin
1969–1974
particularly in the north and in County Kerry, where they knew them to be opposed. The motion was debated all of the second day, and when it was put to a vote at 5.30 p.m. the result was 153:104 in favour of the motion but failing to achieve the necessary two-thirds majority. The leadership then attempted to propose a motion in support of the (pro-Goulding) IRA Army Council, led by Tomás Mac Giolla. This motion would only have required a simple majority. As the (pro Goulding) IRA Army Council had already resolved to drop abstentionism, this was seen by the
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160,493
Q5866515
36
2,747
36
3,411
History of Sinn Féin
1969–1974
minority group (led by MacStiofain and Ó Brádaigh) as an attempt to subvert the party's constitution. They refused to vote and withdrew from the meeting. Anticipating this move by the leadership, they had already booked a hall in 44 Parnell Square, where they established a "caretaker executive" of Sinn Féin. The Caretaker Executive declared itself opposed to the ending of abstentionism, the drift towards "extreme forms of socialism", the failure of the leadership to defend the nationalist people of Belfast during the 1969 Northern Ireland riots, and the expulsion of traditional republicans by the leadership during the 1960s. The leadership faction
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160,493
Q5866515
36
3,411
36
4,021
History of Sinn Féin
1969–1974
of the party was referred to as Sinn Féin (Gardiner Place) – the offices of Sinn Féin for many years – and the other as Sinn Féin (Kevin Street), the location of the opposing offices. Both Goulding's IRA faction and Mac Stíofáin's group called themselves the IRA. At the end of 1970 then, the terms 'Official IRA' and 'Regular IRA' were introduced by the press to differentiate Goulding's 'Officials' from Mac Stíofáin's 'Provisionals'. During 1971, the rival Sinn Féins played out their conflict in the press, with the Officials referring to their rivals as the "Provisional Alliance", while the Provisionals
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160,493
Q5866515
36
4,021
36
4,682
History of Sinn Féin
1969–1974
referred to the Officials (IRA and Sinn Féin) as the "NLF" (National Liberation Front). To add to the confusion both groups continued to call their respective political organisations in the North the "Republican Clubs". With an intensification in the conflict the British government made a number of military decisions that had serious political consequences. The Falls Road Curfew would boost the "Provos" in Belfast, coupled with internment in August 1971 followed by Bloody Sunday in Derry in January 1972. These events produced an influx into the Provisionals on the military side, making them the dominant force and finally eclipsing the Officials
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160,493
Q5866515
36
4,682
36
5,278
History of Sinn Féin
1969–1974
everywhere while bringing hundreds into Ó Brádaigh's Sinn Féin. People began to flock to join the "Provos", as they were called, and in an effort to reassert its authority, the Goulding section began to call itself "Official IRA" and "Official Sinn Féin", but to no avail. Within two years the Provisionals had secured control, with the 'Officials' both North and South considered a 'discredited rump' and "regarded as a faction" by what was now the main body of the movement. Despite the dropping of the word 'provisional' at a convention of the IRA Army Council in September 1970, and becoming
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160,493
Q5866515
36
5,278
40
525
History of Sinn Féin
1969–1974 & 1983–1993
the dominant group, they are still known, "to the mild irritation of senior members" as Provisionals, Provos or Provies. 1983–1993 Under Adams's leadership electoral politics became increasingly important. In 1983 Alex Maskey was elected to Belfast City Council, the first Sinn Féin member to sit on that body. Sinn Féin polled over 100,000 votes in the Westminster elections that year, with Adams winning the West Belfast seat previously held by the Social Democratic and Labour Party (SDLP). In the 1985 local elections it won fifty-nine seats on seventeen of the twenty-six Northern Ireland councils, including seven on Belfast City Council. The
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160,493
Q5866515
40
525
40
1,093
History of Sinn Féin
1983–1993
party began a reappraisal of the policy of abstention from the Dáil. At the 1983 Ard Fheis the constitution was amended to remove the ban on the discussion of abstentionism, so as to allow Sinn Féin to run a candidate in the forthcoming European elections, although in his address Adams said, "We are an abstentionist party. It is not my intention to advocate change in this situation."" A motion to permit entry into the Dáil was allowed at the 1985 Ard Fheis, but without the active support of the leadership, and Adams did not speak. The motion failed narrowly. By
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160,493
Q5866515
40
1,093
40
1,645
History of Sinn Féin
1983–1993
October of the following year an IRA Convention had indicated its support for elected Sinn Féin Teachtaí Dála (TDs) taking their seats. Thus, when the motion to end abstention was put to the Ard Fheis on 1 November 1986, it was clear that there would not be a split in the IRA as there had been in 1970. The motion was passed with a two-thirds majority. Ó Brádaigh and about twenty other delegates walked out, and re-convened in a Dublin hotel to form a new party, Republican Sinn Féin. Tom Maguire, the last surviving member of the Second Dáil, whose
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160,493
Q5866515
40
1,645
40
2,294
History of Sinn Féin
1983–1993
support had been of importance in the formation of the Provisional IRA, rejected the new policy and supported Republican Sinn Féin. What would become known as the Northern Ireland peace process began in 1986 when Father Alec Reid, of the Clonard monastery in West Belfast, wrote to SDLP leader John Hume and to the Irish opposition leader Charles Haughey, to try to initiate direct talks between Sinn Féin and the other nationalist parties, north and south. On becoming Taoiseach in 1987, Haughey authorised face-to-face discussions between Martin Mansergh, Head of Research for Fianna Fáil, and Sinn Féin representatives Adams, Pat Doherty
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160,493
Q5866515
40
2,294
40
2,914
History of Sinn Féin
1983–1993
and Mitchel McLaughlin. Meetings between the SDLP and Sinn Féin began in January 1988 and continued during the year. Sinn Féin aimed at forming an alliance of Irish nationalist parties for the purpose of achieving self-determination for the whole of Ireland, but the SDLP insisted that this could only happen in the context of an end to IRA violence and the dropping of the demand for immediate British withdrawal. The talks broke up in September 1988 without any agreement being reached. In November 1991 Peter Brooke, the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland, announced multi-party talks involving the SDLP, Ulster
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160,493
Q5866515
40
2,914
44
287
History of Sinn Féin
1983–1993 & 1994–present
Unionist Party, Democratic Unionist Party and Alliance Party. Sinn Féin was excluded from these talks; however, talks between John Hume and Gerry Adams resumed about this time, and led to the 'Hume-Adams' document of April 1993. This was the basis of the Downing Street Declaration, agreed between the British and Irish governments in December 1993. 1994–present In 1994, the IRA announced a ceasefire, paving the way for Sinn Féin's involvement in the Northern Ireland peace process talks which eventually led to the Belfast Agreement and participation in the power-sharing Northern Ireland Executive. The Agreement saw Sinn Féin drop some long-held
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160,493
Q5866515
44
287
44
729
History of Sinn Féin
1994–present
positions, e.g. on the viability of a Stormont government and the principle of consent. Many in Sinn Féin disagreed with its path and left the party, becoming known as dissident republicans. More left after the party agreed to support the Police Service of Northern Ireland in 2007. Sinn Féin has enjoyed continued electoral success, overtaking the SDLP to become the largest nationalist party in Northern Ireland in the early 2000s.
{"datasets_id": 160494, "wiki_id": "Q11549575", "sp": 2, "sc": 0, "ep": 10, "ec": 143}
160,494
Q11549575
2
0
10
143
Hiyama Kiyoteru
Development & Additional software
Hiyama Kiyoteru Development He was released on the same day as Kaai Yuki and SF-A2 Miki with Kaai Yuki and he being released as "student" and "teacher" vocals. The voice who had been sampled for him had been secret for a time, however, Kiyoshi himself announced it on Nico Nico Live on August 12, 2010. His vocals were one of the Vocaloid 2 male vocals which was used in reference to the creation of VY2. Additional software Silhouettes for the AH-Software Vocaloid 2 vocals were revealed on a poster on November 6, 2014; however, it was unconfirmed what they were for
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160,494
Q11549575
10
143
10
750
Hiyama Kiyoteru
Additional software
at the time. On November 20, it was confirmed in the livestream for Vocaloid 4 that they all, with the exception of Tohoku Zunko, would receive updated vocals for the new engine. Kiyoteru's new vocals were recorded from scratch to improve his upper and lower ranges. Kiyoteru was confirmed to receive a "Natural" and "Rock" vocal for his Vocaloid release, allowing him to make use of the cross-synthesis feature in Vocaloid 4. In an interview, Tomohide Ogata expressed a desire to produce English versions of their Vocals, however, the project is too complex. He went on to explain that because all
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160,494
Q11549575
10
750
10
910
Hiyama Kiyoteru
Additional software
of their providers are Japanese, they would rather seek English speakers of a similar voice to the Japanese versions from the United States and United Kingdom.
{"datasets_id": 160495, "wiki_id": "Q2967733", "sp": 2, "sc": 0, "ep": 6, "ec": 401}
160,495
Q2967733
2
0
6
401
Horseshoe Falls (Tasmania)
Location and features
Horseshoe Falls (Tasmania) Location and features The Horseshoe Falls are situated in the Mount Field National Park, 100 metres (330 ft) upstream of Russell Falls, approximately 70 kilometres (43 mi) northwest of Hobart via the Brooker Highway to New Norfolk and are a popular tourist attraction. The waterfall descends over horizontal marine Permian siltstone benches, while the vertical faces of the falls are composed of resistant sandstone layers.
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160,496
Q5958367
2
0
6
641
Hyperoffice
History
Hyperoffice History HyperOffice was founded in 1999 by Drew Morris and Shervin Pishevar. The lead angel investor was Strategic Technology Investors, co-managed by Roy Morris and Steve Zecola, two former telecom executives. It was one of the earliest incarnations of hosted groupware, along with sites such as Jump.com (bought by Microsoft), When.com (bought by AOL), and Hotoffice (which died but was resurrected). It was amongst the early few companies to offer software-as-a-service (SaaS), a popular and emergent approach to application deployment today. Also, its later incarnation, WebOS, had a contribution in the emergence of the rich Internet language
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Hyperoffice
History & WebOS
known as Ajax. The product was originally launched as a free service and targeted toward individuals and small businesses. It enjoyed modest success and was soon funded by a group of private investors. WebOS While HyperOffice was building out its collaboration functions, a young Swedish programmer, Fredrik Malmer released a web site known as webos.org to demonstrate the power of a web-based desktop. The site was immediately heralded for its innovative use of JavaScript and DHTML. Within months of its release Malmer was contacted by HyperOffice and joined the company. Shortly afterwards the company changed its name to myWebOS.com, a year
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WebOS
later it became WebOS.com. Within a few months Daniel Steinman, Erik Arviddson and Emil A Eklund joined the team. Each of these developers went on to be prominent members of the web development community . The company then began work on the WebOS API, a predecessor of the now-ubiquitous Ajax. The WebOS API served as one of the earliest JavaScript event/object models that was overlaid on the browser. It formalized a process for asynchronous communication through the use of Iframes or Layers (depending on the browser). Perhaps more importantly, the WebOS API marked the first time a collection of JavaScript libraries were
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Hyperoffice
WebOS & Rebirth
managed by a single central "kernel" and loaded on demand whenever a dependent object was instantiated, a practice common in compiled languages. This was a step forward in the history of rich Internet applications as it formalized a process that is now used in almost all of the modern Ajax frameworks. Although the WebOS API's were published briefly, they were published as the company was going through a dissolution process. They were largely ignored by the developer community because of the company's lack of support for them. Rebirth Although the company had changed its name multiple times to focus on the
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Rebirth
WebOS portion of its business, the core functionality of its products had always rested in its collaboration technologies. After the dotcom bubble burst in 2001, the HyperOffice service was maintained by its founders for over a year. In 2002 the company began development anew under its old name, HyperOffice, and re-dedicated its efforts to provide a collaboration suite (this time as a paid service). HyperOffice has continued to operate on the online collaboration market since then and is one of the well known names in the crowded market today. It has served around 300,000 customers worldwide since its re-establishment. HyperOffice won
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Rebirth
the ComputerWorld Horizon Awards in 2006, and also the Small Business Technology Magazine “Product To Watch Award” the same year,.
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Ignác Raab
Biography
Ignác Raab Biography Raab was born in 1715 in Nechanice near Nový Bydžov, the 12th child of his family. Considering him to have a great talent for painting as a child, his father František decided to send him to Jičín to study art under painter Jan Jiří Major, a disciple of painter Petr Brandl. He studied with him for seven years. In 1744, at the age of 29, he entered the novitiate of the Society of Jesus. After two years as a brother novice in Brno, he was sent to Jesuit houses in Klatovy, Uherské Hradiště, University of Olomouc, Jihlava, Kutná
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Ignác Raab
Biography
Hora, and to Prague. There he was at St. Clement and later the college of St. Ignatius in the New Town. He was then sent to Opava. In his service at these sites, he worked primarily as a skilled hand painter. In addition, he also performed various other supporting roles, such as table service (involving the preparation of meals for a common dining room) and care of elderly Jesuit companions. During this period, Raab produced a large number of images. His painting was involved in the decoration of a series of new churches, large-scale cycles of the lives of saints
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Ignác Raab
Biography
in corridors of Jesuit colleges, and to a lesser extent, frescos. The longest period of his Jesuit life was spent at the Clementinum in Prague, where he lived from 1758 to 1769 and again in 1771. At the Clementinum he gradually created around him a painting workshop. In addition to paintings, Raab also produced drawings for works of sculpture, oversaw their implementation, and, if necessary, sculpted them himself. His Jesuit colleagues included the painter Josef Kramolín. Raab's stay at the Clementinum was only interrupted in 1770, when he lived at the Church of St. Ignatius in the New Town of Prague. Four
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Ignác Raab
Biography
altarpieces by Raab are still visible in St. Ignatius: St. Liborius, St. Francis Xavier (with a small painting of St. Thecla), St. Barbara, and St. Francis Borgia. Corridors of the adjacent dormitory buildings were originally decorated with three major life cycles of the Jesuit saints, namely St. Ignatius of Loyola (27 canvases; 24 of which are preserved at Bohosudov), St. Francis Xavier (29, of which 12 are preserved at Bohosudov) and St. John Francis Regis (21, all of which are now lost). Associated with these are a series of ten paintings in the refectory, which represent scenes from the Old
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Ignác Raab
Biography
and New Testaments relating to food (four remain the property of the Vyšehrad Chapter). He also produced series of St. Aloysius Gonzaga (21, still preserved in Štěkeň) and St. Stanislaus Kostka (26, preserved in Štěkeň) which were done at the Clementinum. These 137 images of the saints (92 of them hanging in the New Church of St. Ignatius and adjacent buildings), each of approximately 2.2 x 2 meters, and mostly of high quality, were completed in about three years, between 1769-71. Raab was sometimes assisted in this work by his workshop, but the quality of many of them indicates that
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Ignác Raab
Biography
they were created by Raab alone. In 1773, the Jesuit Order was abolished and Raab had to adapt to a new life. He was eventually accepted by the Cistercian monks of Velehrad. The quality of his work gradually declined, with the light virtuosity of the Rococo style replaced with Classical elements. In 1784, the Velehrad Monastery met the fate of many other religious houses in the Habsburg empire, and was abolished. However, Raab opted to stay, and spent the rest of his life in Velehrad, earning a livelihood from his artistic work. He died in 1787.
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Im Soo-jung
Career
Im Soo-jung Career Im Soo-jung made her debut in 1998 as a cover model for teen magazines. She then moved onto acting and debuted in the teen drama School 4, but it was Kim Jee-woon's 2003 stylish horror A Tale of Two Sisters that first drew her critical notice and newcomer awards. A year later, the hit KBS2 drama series I'm Sorry, I Love You catapulted her into stardom. With Im looking much younger than her age, those projects solidified her image as an eternal ingenue, as did touching character study ...ing, horse jockey film Lump Sugar, and Park Chan-wook's
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Im Soo-jung
Career
surrealist I'm a Cyborg, But That's OK. In recent years she began shedding that image by taking on more adult roles, notable among them Hur Jin-ho's romantic melodrama Happiness, Choi Dong-hoon's blockbuster fantasy Jeon Woo-chi: The Taoist Wizard, romantic comedy Finding Mr. Destiny, and Lee Yoon-ki's minimalist breakup indie Come Rain, Come Shine. For her performance in All About My Wife, she won Best Actress at the Blue Dragon Film Awards, and the Women in Film Korea Awards. Im and Lee Jung-jae played two artists in a post-apocalyptic environment in the short film El Fin del Mundo ("The End of the World"),
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Im Soo-jung
Career
which screened at the prestigious contemporary art exhibition dOCUMENTA. She also acted opposite veteran Thai actor Sorapong Chatree in Aditya Assarat's short film Phuket, which was commissioned jointly by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and the Association of Tourism and Hotel Operators of Phuket. Im was previously part of the SidusHQ agency, but moved to being managed by KeyEast. KeyEast launched her official website in June 2012. According to the actress, the online space will be a place where she can converse with her fans directly. In 2015, Im starred in Perfect Proposal, a remake of British crime thriller Woman of Straw
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Im Soo-jung
Career
that was partly shot in Macau. She next starred in Time Renegades, a time-hopping romantic thriller where she played dual roles. In October 2015, her contract with KeyEast expired and she decided to sign with new management agency YNK Entertainment. Im then starred in the female-centric indie film The Table directed by Kim Jong-kwan, which premiered at the 21st Busan International Film Festival. In February 2017, Im was cast in the drama Chicago Typewriter alongside Yoo Ah-in. This marks Im's small screen come back after thirteen years since 2004. The same year, she was named the cultural ambassador for the UK-Korea Creative Futures
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Im Soo-jung
Career
mutual exchange. She then returned to the big screen with Mothers based on the book Your Request - My Other Mother by Lee Dong-eun, who also directs the film. Im is set to return to the small screen with fantasy drama Search: WWW in 2019.
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Index set
Other uses
Index set In mathematics, an index set is a set whose members label (or index) members of another set. For instance, if the elements of a set A may be indexed or labeled by means of the elements of a set J, then J is an index set. The indexing consists of a surjective function from J onto A and the indexed collection is typically called an (indexed) family, often written as {Aⱼ}ⱼ∈J. Other uses In computational complexity theory and cryptography, an index set is a set for which there exists an algorithm that can sample the set
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Index set
Other uses
efficiently; e.g., on input , can efficiently select a poly(n)-bit long element from the set.
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Inigo Montoya
Character background
Inigo Montoya Character background In The Princess Bride, Inigo Montoya is portrayed as a Spanish fencer and henchman to the Sicilian criminal Vizzini. Inigo's father Domingo was a great swordcrafter, but he remained obscure because he disliked dealing with the stupid rich and privileged. When Count Rugen, a nobleman with a six-fingered right hand, asked him to forge a sword to accommodate his unusual grip, Domingo labored over the sword for a year. When Rugen returned, he would not pay his promised price. Thus, Domingo refused to sell him the sword, not as a matter of money, but because Count
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Inigo Montoya
Character background
Rugen could not appreciate the great work of the sword. He proclaimed that the sword would now belong to Inigo. Rugen then promptly killed Domingo. Eleven-year-old Inigo witnessed the crime and challenged Rugen to a fight, wherein Rugen disarmed Inigo in under a minute, but was genuinely disconcerted by the boy's skill at fencing; recognizing Inigo's talent, Rugen spared his life and allowed him to keep the sword, but gave him two scars, one on each cheek. Inigo then went to live with his father's friend and fellow swordmaker Yeste for two years; devastated by the loss, he devoted himself to
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Inigo Montoya
Character background
becoming a great swordsman to be able to avenge his father. His training included tutelage under the most skilled fencing masters of his time. In the 30th anniversary version of "The Princess Bride", it is revealed that, while training for his revenge against Count Rugen, Inigo falls in love with a servant girl, Giulietta. He woos her, and she reveals that she is a Countess and is in love with him as well. The two dance, and it is implied that Inigo leaves the next day. After ten years of training, Inigo becomes the greatest swordsman of his generation and
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Inigo Montoya
Character background & In The Princess Bride
the only living man to hold the rank of "wizard" (a fictional fencing rank above "master"). In The Princess Bride Unable to find his father's killer and fearing that he would never fulfill his quest, Inigo sinks into depression and alcoholism before the criminal Vizzini finds him. Vizzini, Inigo, and a Turk named Fezzik are hired by an unknown man to kidnap and kill the "princess bride", Buttercup. Subsequent events lead to Inigo's duel with the "Man in Black" (Westley), an extended sequence in both the book and the movie, in which both contestants begin fencing left-handed and eventually convert
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Inigo Montoya
In The Princess Bride
to their dominant right hands as the contest intensifies. Westley eventually bests Inigo in the battle, but spares his life (knocking Inigo unconscious instead) out of respect for his abilities. When Inigo regains consciousness, he enters the Thieves' Quarter of Florin City, falls into depression, and becomes a useless drunkard once more. Eventually, Fezzik finds him and helps him regain his health. They eventually rescue Westley from Rugen's torture chamber but find, to their chagrin, that he appears to be dead. In desperation, they take him to Miracle Max, the king's former "miracle man", who tells them that Westley is only
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In The Princess Bride
"mostly dead". Inigo persuades Max to help by appealing to Max's hatred of Prince Humperdinck, who had fired him, and they bring Westley back to life. That night, Inigo joins Westley to fight Humperdinck, and finally confronts his father's killer with the words he had waited half his life to say: "Hello. My name is Inigo Montoya. You killed my father. Prepare to die." Rugen runs away. Inigo chases him throughout the castle until Rugen suddenly throws a knife at him and seriously wounds him, mocking his quest as he prepares to deliver the fatal blow. At the last second, Inigo
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Inigo Montoya
In The Princess Bride
recovers his strength and duels his father's murderer, repeating his fateful words as he corners Rugen, inflicting on him the same dueling scars. Rugen begs for his life and offers to give Inigo anything he wants before trying to attack him again; Inigo catches Rugen's sword arm and replies, "I want my father back, you son of a bitch", as he kills him. This scene from the film was ranked #86 by IGN in their list of "Top 100 Movie Moments". Mandy Patinkin has said that his inspiration for the scene was the real-life loss of his father to cancer