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[
"women took care of children",
"women took jobs as servants",
"men were employee in industry",
"men seldom worked in industry"
] | Domestic service because a female job mainly because. | Important change took place in the lives of women in the 19th century. When men went out from their farms to cities to seek jobs in industry, peasant women had to take over the sowing, growing, and harvesting of the fields as well as caring for cattle and raising their children. When women also moved to the cities in search of work, they found that it was increasingly separated by sex and that employment opportunities for women were limited to the lower-paid jobs. Later in the century, women in industry gathered mainly in cloth-making factories, though some worked in mining or took similarly difficult and tiring jobs.
In the 1800s, service work also absorbed(） a great number of women who arrived in the cities from the country. Young women especially took jobs as servants in middle-class and upper-class homes; and as more and more men were drawn into industry, domestic service(） became increasingly a female job. In the second half of the century, however, chances of other service work also opened up to women, from sales jobs in shops to teaching and nursing. These jobs came to be done mainly by women and low paid.
For thousands of years, when almost all work was done on the family farm or in the family firm(），home and workplace had been the same, In these cases, women could do farm work or hand work, and perform home duties such as child care and preparation of meals at the same time, Along with the development of industry, the central workplace, however, such as the factory and the department store, separated home from work. Faced with the necessity for women to choose between home and workplace, Western society began to give particular attention to the role of women as homemakers with more energy than ever before. | 3661.txt | 2 |
[
"more and more women began to work in domestic service",
"women mainly worked as servants, nurses, and miners",
"service and industrial jobs absorbed more women than men",
"women enjoyed working as sellers, teachers, and miners"
] | We knows from the passage that in the 1800s. | Important change took place in the lives of women in the 19th century. When men went out from their farms to cities to seek jobs in industry, peasant women had to take over the sowing, growing, and harvesting of the fields as well as caring for cattle and raising their children. When women also moved to the cities in search of work, they found that it was increasingly separated by sex and that employment opportunities for women were limited to the lower-paid jobs. Later in the century, women in industry gathered mainly in cloth-making factories, though some worked in mining or took similarly difficult and tiring jobs.
In the 1800s, service work also absorbed(） a great number of women who arrived in the cities from the country. Young women especially took jobs as servants in middle-class and upper-class homes; and as more and more men were drawn into industry, domestic service(） became increasingly a female job. In the second half of the century, however, chances of other service work also opened up to women, from sales jobs in shops to teaching and nursing. These jobs came to be done mainly by women and low paid.
For thousands of years, when almost all work was done on the family farm or in the family firm(），home and workplace had been the same, In these cases, women could do farm work or hand work, and perform home duties such as child care and preparation of meals at the same time, Along with the development of industry, the central workplace, however, such as the factory and the department store, separated home from work. Faced with the necessity for women to choose between home and workplace, Western society began to give particular attention to the role of women as homemakers with more energy than ever before. | 3661.txt | 0 |
[
"service and industry",
"female and male jobs",
"women and their work",
"female jobs and the pay"
] | This passage is about In the 19th century. | Important change took place in the lives of women in the 19th century. When men went out from their farms to cities to seek jobs in industry, peasant women had to take over the sowing, growing, and harvesting of the fields as well as caring for cattle and raising their children. When women also moved to the cities in search of work, they found that it was increasingly separated by sex and that employment opportunities for women were limited to the lower-paid jobs. Later in the century, women in industry gathered mainly in cloth-making factories, though some worked in mining or took similarly difficult and tiring jobs.
In the 1800s, service work also absorbed(） a great number of women who arrived in the cities from the country. Young women especially took jobs as servants in middle-class and upper-class homes; and as more and more men were drawn into industry, domestic service(） became increasingly a female job. In the second half of the century, however, chances of other service work also opened up to women, from sales jobs in shops to teaching and nursing. These jobs came to be done mainly by women and low paid.
For thousands of years, when almost all work was done on the family farm or in the family firm(），home and workplace had been the same, In these cases, women could do farm work or hand work, and perform home duties such as child care and preparation of meals at the same time, Along with the development of industry, the central workplace, however, such as the factory and the department store, separated home from work. Faced with the necessity for women to choose between home and workplace, Western society began to give particular attention to the role of women as homemakers with more energy than ever before. | 3661.txt | 2 |
[
"They enjoyed the highest reverence and value of real estate in Victoria's day.",
"They enjoyed the best privilege when Burlington House was built up.",
"They enjoyed special reward by the Queen of really substantial and grand houses.",
"They enjoyed most privileges in Queen Victoria's reign, much more than today."
] | Which one of the following statements is TRUE of the societies in Victoria' day? | It is quite a feat to be invisible while occupying substantial buildings in central London flanking the Royal Academy of Arts. But that's just what the Linnean Society, the Royal Society of Chemistry, the Geological Society of London, the Society of Antiquaries of London and the Royal Astronomical Society managed to do for nearly a century. Then, in 2004, Her Majesty's Government not only noticed but also questioned their right to remain at Burlington House, as the complex is called. To the Learned Societies this may have seemed a bitter irony. In 1857, the government of a previous queen had built Burlington House expressly to house them all. Reverence for such institutions, along with the value of real estate, was not what it had been in Victoria's day. But their terms of occupancy remained unchanged.
When they moved into Burlington House, only the Royal Academy, run by supposedly impractical artists, asked for a lease. It was given 999 years at a peppercorn rent. The Societies and their allegedly hard-headed scientist members, were leaseless and rent-free. As decades passed, keeping a low profile must have seemed a sensible idea. Indeed, by 1920, some fellows of the Society of Antiquaries of London (SAL), thought it essential. When a 1919 Act of Parliament made it illegal to bar women from such societies merely because of their gender, a committee of SAL fellows pressed for immediate action: women must be invited to become fellows at once. This was not in order to right previous wrongs. It was to avoid criticism and with it the risk that people might notice that no rent was being paid. The danger averted, heads stayed below the parapet.
But danger reappeared in 2004. With the reputed aim of clarifying SAL's presence at Burlington House, the government brought a suit against it. Rumour swept through intellectual London that, in fact, the government wanted to turf the Societies out-or to get a full market rent, which would have amounted to much the same thing. Alarmed feathers from five aviaries of rare birds went flying.
Now, three years later, feathers are smooth. Indeed, cooing can be heard occasionally from Burlington House. Compromises reached with the government have given the Learned Societies security of tenure at affordable rents. In return, the Societies have begun introducing themselves to one another and to the public.
They have created a "cultural campus" in the courtyard to share scholarship and conviviality-and reflect their new appreciation that there is strength in numbers. Earlier this year, the Linnean Society announced it was producing a digital archive of its priceless collections of specimens, manuscripts and letters of the world famous Swedish naturalist, Carl Linnaeus, on this the 300th anniversary of his birth.
The SAL, also 300 this year, is celebrating with a nine-month series of lectures. On November 8th at Harvard, home to many of SAL's 100 American-based fellows, Felipe Fernández-Armesto tackles "Don Francisco's nose-piece: forming new empires in Renaissance America". The biggest birthday event is an exhibition of 150 of SAL's treasures at the Royal Academy from September 15th to December 2nd. Among these treasures is an oil on oak portrait of Queen Mary I painted by Hans Eworth in 1554 and a glowing 12th-century enamel casket designed to hold the remains of Thomas Becket. How good that invisibility is a thing of the past. | 3477.txt | 2 |
[
"they were not asked to pay any rent when they were first awarded the houses.",
"the presence privilege was initially endowed by the royal monarch.",
"they are not exempt from public attention given their maintenance of low profile.",
"they have been cautious about keeping their invisibility for nearly a century."
] | Questioning the societies' right to remain at Burlington House seems a bitter irony to the societies because _ | It is quite a feat to be invisible while occupying substantial buildings in central London flanking the Royal Academy of Arts. But that's just what the Linnean Society, the Royal Society of Chemistry, the Geological Society of London, the Society of Antiquaries of London and the Royal Astronomical Society managed to do for nearly a century. Then, in 2004, Her Majesty's Government not only noticed but also questioned their right to remain at Burlington House, as the complex is called. To the Learned Societies this may have seemed a bitter irony. In 1857, the government of a previous queen had built Burlington House expressly to house them all. Reverence for such institutions, along with the value of real estate, was not what it had been in Victoria's day. But their terms of occupancy remained unchanged.
When they moved into Burlington House, only the Royal Academy, run by supposedly impractical artists, asked for a lease. It was given 999 years at a peppercorn rent. The Societies and their allegedly hard-headed scientist members, were leaseless and rent-free. As decades passed, keeping a low profile must have seemed a sensible idea. Indeed, by 1920, some fellows of the Society of Antiquaries of London (SAL), thought it essential. When a 1919 Act of Parliament made it illegal to bar women from such societies merely because of their gender, a committee of SAL fellows pressed for immediate action: women must be invited to become fellows at once. This was not in order to right previous wrongs. It was to avoid criticism and with it the risk that people might notice that no rent was being paid. The danger averted, heads stayed below the parapet.
But danger reappeared in 2004. With the reputed aim of clarifying SAL's presence at Burlington House, the government brought a suit against it. Rumour swept through intellectual London that, in fact, the government wanted to turf the Societies out-or to get a full market rent, which would have amounted to much the same thing. Alarmed feathers from five aviaries of rare birds went flying.
Now, three years later, feathers are smooth. Indeed, cooing can be heard occasionally from Burlington House. Compromises reached with the government have given the Learned Societies security of tenure at affordable rents. In return, the Societies have begun introducing themselves to one another and to the public.
They have created a "cultural campus" in the courtyard to share scholarship and conviviality-and reflect their new appreciation that there is strength in numbers. Earlier this year, the Linnean Society announced it was producing a digital archive of its priceless collections of specimens, manuscripts and letters of the world famous Swedish naturalist, Carl Linnaeus, on this the 300th anniversary of his birth.
The SAL, also 300 this year, is celebrating with a nine-month series of lectures. On November 8th at Harvard, home to many of SAL's 100 American-based fellows, Felipe Fernández-Armesto tackles "Don Francisco's nose-piece: forming new empires in Renaissance America". The biggest birthday event is an exhibition of 150 of SAL's treasures at the Royal Academy from September 15th to December 2nd. Among these treasures is an oil on oak portrait of Queen Mary I painted by Hans Eworth in 1554 and a glowing 12th-century enamel casket designed to hold the remains of Thomas Becket. How good that invisibility is a thing of the past. | 3477.txt | 1 |
[
"free rent.",
"leaseless rent.",
"token rent.",
"rent in kind."
] | "peppercorn rent" (Line 3, Paragraph 2) most probably means _ | It is quite a feat to be invisible while occupying substantial buildings in central London flanking the Royal Academy of Arts. But that's just what the Linnean Society, the Royal Society of Chemistry, the Geological Society of London, the Society of Antiquaries of London and the Royal Astronomical Society managed to do for nearly a century. Then, in 2004, Her Majesty's Government not only noticed but also questioned their right to remain at Burlington House, as the complex is called. To the Learned Societies this may have seemed a bitter irony. In 1857, the government of a previous queen had built Burlington House expressly to house them all. Reverence for such institutions, along with the value of real estate, was not what it had been in Victoria's day. But their terms of occupancy remained unchanged.
When they moved into Burlington House, only the Royal Academy, run by supposedly impractical artists, asked for a lease. It was given 999 years at a peppercorn rent. The Societies and their allegedly hard-headed scientist members, were leaseless and rent-free. As decades passed, keeping a low profile must have seemed a sensible idea. Indeed, by 1920, some fellows of the Society of Antiquaries of London (SAL), thought it essential. When a 1919 Act of Parliament made it illegal to bar women from such societies merely because of their gender, a committee of SAL fellows pressed for immediate action: women must be invited to become fellows at once. This was not in order to right previous wrongs. It was to avoid criticism and with it the risk that people might notice that no rent was being paid. The danger averted, heads stayed below the parapet.
But danger reappeared in 2004. With the reputed aim of clarifying SAL's presence at Burlington House, the government brought a suit against it. Rumour swept through intellectual London that, in fact, the government wanted to turf the Societies out-or to get a full market rent, which would have amounted to much the same thing. Alarmed feathers from five aviaries of rare birds went flying.
Now, three years later, feathers are smooth. Indeed, cooing can be heard occasionally from Burlington House. Compromises reached with the government have given the Learned Societies security of tenure at affordable rents. In return, the Societies have begun introducing themselves to one another and to the public.
They have created a "cultural campus" in the courtyard to share scholarship and conviviality-and reflect their new appreciation that there is strength in numbers. Earlier this year, the Linnean Society announced it was producing a digital archive of its priceless collections of specimens, manuscripts and letters of the world famous Swedish naturalist, Carl Linnaeus, on this the 300th anniversary of his birth.
The SAL, also 300 this year, is celebrating with a nine-month series of lectures. On November 8th at Harvard, home to many of SAL's 100 American-based fellows, Felipe Fernández-Armesto tackles "Don Francisco's nose-piece: forming new empires in Renaissance America". The biggest birthday event is an exhibition of 150 of SAL's treasures at the Royal Academy from September 15th to December 2nd. Among these treasures is an oil on oak portrait of Queen Mary I painted by Hans Eworth in 1554 and a glowing 12th-century enamel casket designed to hold the remains of Thomas Becket. How good that invisibility is a thing of the past. | 3477.txt | 2 |
[
"show how great was the influence of the government.",
"make a simile to describe the reactions of societies.",
"make a metaphor to express the internal anxiety of the societies.",
"add more elements of drama satire to his description."
] | The author mentioned the feathers in Burlington House in order to _ | It is quite a feat to be invisible while occupying substantial buildings in central London flanking the Royal Academy of Arts. But that's just what the Linnean Society, the Royal Society of Chemistry, the Geological Society of London, the Society of Antiquaries of London and the Royal Astronomical Society managed to do for nearly a century. Then, in 2004, Her Majesty's Government not only noticed but also questioned their right to remain at Burlington House, as the complex is called. To the Learned Societies this may have seemed a bitter irony. In 1857, the government of a previous queen had built Burlington House expressly to house them all. Reverence for such institutions, along with the value of real estate, was not what it had been in Victoria's day. But their terms of occupancy remained unchanged.
When they moved into Burlington House, only the Royal Academy, run by supposedly impractical artists, asked for a lease. It was given 999 years at a peppercorn rent. The Societies and their allegedly hard-headed scientist members, were leaseless and rent-free. As decades passed, keeping a low profile must have seemed a sensible idea. Indeed, by 1920, some fellows of the Society of Antiquaries of London (SAL), thought it essential. When a 1919 Act of Parliament made it illegal to bar women from such societies merely because of their gender, a committee of SAL fellows pressed for immediate action: women must be invited to become fellows at once. This was not in order to right previous wrongs. It was to avoid criticism and with it the risk that people might notice that no rent was being paid. The danger averted, heads stayed below the parapet.
But danger reappeared in 2004. With the reputed aim of clarifying SAL's presence at Burlington House, the government brought a suit against it. Rumour swept through intellectual London that, in fact, the government wanted to turf the Societies out-or to get a full market rent, which would have amounted to much the same thing. Alarmed feathers from five aviaries of rare birds went flying.
Now, three years later, feathers are smooth. Indeed, cooing can be heard occasionally from Burlington House. Compromises reached with the government have given the Learned Societies security of tenure at affordable rents. In return, the Societies have begun introducing themselves to one another and to the public.
They have created a "cultural campus" in the courtyard to share scholarship and conviviality-and reflect their new appreciation that there is strength in numbers. Earlier this year, the Linnean Society announced it was producing a digital archive of its priceless collections of specimens, manuscripts and letters of the world famous Swedish naturalist, Carl Linnaeus, on this the 300th anniversary of his birth.
The SAL, also 300 this year, is celebrating with a nine-month series of lectures. On November 8th at Harvard, home to many of SAL's 100 American-based fellows, Felipe Fernández-Armesto tackles "Don Francisco's nose-piece: forming new empires in Renaissance America". The biggest birthday event is an exhibition of 150 of SAL's treasures at the Royal Academy from September 15th to December 2nd. Among these treasures is an oil on oak portrait of Queen Mary I painted by Hans Eworth in 1554 and a glowing 12th-century enamel casket designed to hold the remains of Thomas Becket. How good that invisibility is a thing of the past. | 3477.txt | 1 |
[
"people could see those treasures of the past in the societies.",
"the societies could present themselves before public now.",
"the societies need not avoid the public notice any more.",
"the societies could present the treasures of the past now."
] | "invisibility is a thing of the past" means _ | It is quite a feat to be invisible while occupying substantial buildings in central London flanking the Royal Academy of Arts. But that's just what the Linnean Society, the Royal Society of Chemistry, the Geological Society of London, the Society of Antiquaries of London and the Royal Astronomical Society managed to do for nearly a century. Then, in 2004, Her Majesty's Government not only noticed but also questioned their right to remain at Burlington House, as the complex is called. To the Learned Societies this may have seemed a bitter irony. In 1857, the government of a previous queen had built Burlington House expressly to house them all. Reverence for such institutions, along with the value of real estate, was not what it had been in Victoria's day. But their terms of occupancy remained unchanged.
When they moved into Burlington House, only the Royal Academy, run by supposedly impractical artists, asked for a lease. It was given 999 years at a peppercorn rent. The Societies and their allegedly hard-headed scientist members, were leaseless and rent-free. As decades passed, keeping a low profile must have seemed a sensible idea. Indeed, by 1920, some fellows of the Society of Antiquaries of London (SAL), thought it essential. When a 1919 Act of Parliament made it illegal to bar women from such societies merely because of their gender, a committee of SAL fellows pressed for immediate action: women must be invited to become fellows at once. This was not in order to right previous wrongs. It was to avoid criticism and with it the risk that people might notice that no rent was being paid. The danger averted, heads stayed below the parapet.
But danger reappeared in 2004. With the reputed aim of clarifying SAL's presence at Burlington House, the government brought a suit against it. Rumour swept through intellectual London that, in fact, the government wanted to turf the Societies out-or to get a full market rent, which would have amounted to much the same thing. Alarmed feathers from five aviaries of rare birds went flying.
Now, three years later, feathers are smooth. Indeed, cooing can be heard occasionally from Burlington House. Compromises reached with the government have given the Learned Societies security of tenure at affordable rents. In return, the Societies have begun introducing themselves to one another and to the public.
They have created a "cultural campus" in the courtyard to share scholarship and conviviality-and reflect their new appreciation that there is strength in numbers. Earlier this year, the Linnean Society announced it was producing a digital archive of its priceless collections of specimens, manuscripts and letters of the world famous Swedish naturalist, Carl Linnaeus, on this the 300th anniversary of his birth.
The SAL, also 300 this year, is celebrating with a nine-month series of lectures. On November 8th at Harvard, home to many of SAL's 100 American-based fellows, Felipe Fernández-Armesto tackles "Don Francisco's nose-piece: forming new empires in Renaissance America". The biggest birthday event is an exhibition of 150 of SAL's treasures at the Royal Academy from September 15th to December 2nd. Among these treasures is an oil on oak portrait of Queen Mary I painted by Hans Eworth in 1554 and a glowing 12th-century enamel casket designed to hold the remains of Thomas Becket. How good that invisibility is a thing of the past. | 3477.txt | 1 |
[
"did not like present",
"never got present",
"preferred ties",
"was difficult to choose a present for"
] | Edith's father _ . | As she walked round the huge department store,Edith reflected how difficult it was to choose a suitable Christmas present for her father.She wish that he was as easy to please as her mother, who was always delighted with perfume
Besides,shoppong at this time of the year was a most disgreeable experience :people trod on your toes,poked you with their elbows and almost knocked you overin their haste to get to a bargain ahead of you.
Partly to have a rest, Edith paused in front of a counter where some attracive ties were on display. "They are real silk," the assistant assured her, trying to tempt her. "Worth double the price." But edit knew from past experience that her choice of ties hardly ever pleased her father.
She moved on reluctantly and then quite by chance, stopped where a small crowd of man had gathered round a counter. She found some good quality pipes on sale-----and the prices were very reasonable. Edith did not hesitate for long : although her father only smoked a pipe occasionally, she knew that this was a present which was bund to please him.
When she got home,with her small well-chosen present concealed in her handbag, her parents were already at the supper table. Her mother was in an especially cheerful mood, "Your father has at last to decided to stop smoking." She informed her daughter. | 1627.txt | 3 |
[
"attractive",
"interested in ties",
"tired",
"in need of comfort"
] | The assistant spoke to Edith because she seemed_ . | As she walked round the huge department store,Edith reflected how difficult it was to choose a suitable Christmas present for her father.She wish that he was as easy to please as her mother, who was always delighted with perfume
Besides,shoppong at this time of the year was a most disgreeable experience :people trod on your toes,poked you with their elbows and almost knocked you overin their haste to get to a bargain ahead of you.
Partly to have a rest, Edith paused in front of a counter where some attracive ties were on display. "They are real silk," the assistant assured her, trying to tempt her. "Worth double the price." But edit knew from past experience that her choice of ties hardly ever pleased her father.
She moved on reluctantly and then quite by chance, stopped where a small crowd of man had gathered round a counter. She found some good quality pipes on sale-----and the prices were very reasonable. Edith did not hesitate for long : although her father only smoked a pipe occasionally, she knew that this was a present which was bund to please him.
When she got home,with her small well-chosen present concealed in her handbag, her parents were already at the supper table. Her mother was in an especially cheerful mood, "Your father has at last to decided to stop smoking." She informed her daughter. | 1627.txt | 1 |
[
"purosely",
"suddenly",
"unwillingly",
"accidentally"
] | Edith stopped at the next counter_ . | As she walked round the huge department store,Edith reflected how difficult it was to choose a suitable Christmas present for her father.She wish that he was as easy to please as her mother, who was always delighted with perfume
Besides,shoppong at this time of the year was a most disgreeable experience :people trod on your toes,poked you with their elbows and almost knocked you overin their haste to get to a bargain ahead of you.
Partly to have a rest, Edith paused in front of a counter where some attracive ties were on display. "They are real silk," the assistant assured her, trying to tempt her. "Worth double the price." But edit knew from past experience that her choice of ties hardly ever pleased her father.
She moved on reluctantly and then quite by chance, stopped where a small crowd of man had gathered round a counter. She found some good quality pipes on sale-----and the prices were very reasonable. Edith did not hesitate for long : although her father only smoked a pipe occasionally, she knew that this was a present which was bund to please him.
When she got home,with her small well-chosen present concealed in her handbag, her parents were already at the supper table. Her mother was in an especially cheerful mood, "Your father has at last to decided to stop smoking." She informed her daughter. | 1627.txt | 3 |
[
"when he was obliged",
"on social occasions",
"from time to time",
"when he was delighted"
] | Edith's father smoked a pipe_ . | As she walked round the huge department store,Edith reflected how difficult it was to choose a suitable Christmas present for her father.She wish that he was as easy to please as her mother, who was always delighted with perfume
Besides,shoppong at this time of the year was a most disgreeable experience :people trod on your toes,poked you with their elbows and almost knocked you overin their haste to get to a bargain ahead of you.
Partly to have a rest, Edith paused in front of a counter where some attracive ties were on display. "They are real silk," the assistant assured her, trying to tempt her. "Worth double the price." But edit knew from past experience that her choice of ties hardly ever pleased her father.
She moved on reluctantly and then quite by chance, stopped where a small crowd of man had gathered round a counter. She found some good quality pipes on sale-----and the prices were very reasonable. Edith did not hesitate for long : although her father only smoked a pipe occasionally, she knew that this was a present which was bund to please him.
When she got home,with her small well-chosen present concealed in her handbag, her parents were already at the supper table. Her mother was in an especially cheerful mood, "Your father has at last to decided to stop smoking." She informed her daughter. | 1627.txt | 2 |
[
"coustomers trod on each other's toes",
"coustomers poked each other with their elbows",
"customers knocked each other",
"customers were doing their shopping in a great hurry"
] | Shopping was very disagreeable at that time of the year because_ . | As she walked round the huge department store,Edith reflected how difficult it was to choose a suitable Christmas present for her father.She wish that he was as easy to please as her mother, who was always delighted with perfume
Besides,shoppong at this time of the year was a most disgreeable experience :people trod on your toes,poked you with their elbows and almost knocked you overin their haste to get to a bargain ahead of you.
Partly to have a rest, Edith paused in front of a counter where some attracive ties were on display. "They are real silk," the assistant assured her, trying to tempt her. "Worth double the price." But edit knew from past experience that her choice of ties hardly ever pleased her father.
She moved on reluctantly and then quite by chance, stopped where a small crowd of man had gathered round a counter. She found some good quality pipes on sale-----and the prices were very reasonable. Edith did not hesitate for long : although her father only smoked a pipe occasionally, she knew that this was a present which was bund to please him.
When she got home,with her small well-chosen present concealed in her handbag, her parents were already at the supper table. Her mother was in an especially cheerful mood, "Your father has at last to decided to stop smoking." She informed her daughter. | 1627.txt | 3 |
[
"he believed Dutt was wronged and showed no sympathy.",
"he did not think Dutt had committed a crime.",
"he thought Dutt had committed a serious crime.",
"he thought Gregory Peck was Dutt's good example."
] | The judge said no because _ | After receiving a six-year prison sentence on July 31st, Sanjay Dutt, an Indian film star, begged for bail while he appealed against it. "Sir, I made a mistake," he said. But the judge said no. Mr. Dutt's crime-to have procured two guns from Muslim mobsters who were responsible for bomb attacks in Mumbai in 1993-was serious. Yet he urged Mr. Dutt, 48, to return to the silver screen after serving his sentence. "Don't get perturbed," he said. "You have many years to go and work, like the 'Mackenna's Gold' actor Gregory Peck."
Thus ended one of the longest song-and-dances in India's criminal legal history. Mr. Dutt was convicted last year, having already spent 16 months in jail. He was acquitted of direct involvement in the bombings, which killed 257 people. They were carried out in 1993 in revenge for the demolition of an ancient mosque in the Hindu holy city of Ayodhya by Hindu fanatics, and subsequent Hindu-Muslim rioting. Some 100 people have been found guilty of the bombing. They have all been sentenced in the past three months, including a dozen to death and 20 to life- imprisonment. But the alleged masterminds of the attacks are still at large. One of them, a Mumbai gangster called Dawood Ibrahim, is alleged by Indian officials to be linked to al-Qaeda and to be hiding in Pakistan.
Despite the bleak immediate outlook, Mr. Dutt, who made his name playing tough-guy anti-heroes, is unlikely to find his career much damaged. The son of two of Bollywood's biggest stars, a Hindu-Muslim couple, he has garnered enormous sympathy for his suffering. Many Indians believe his claim that he wanted the guns to protect his family during the riots. Other Bollywood stars express support for Mr. Dutt as passionately as their Hollywood peers worry about global warming.
Then again, Bollywood is rather shady. Gangsters and crooked politicians have long laundered ill-gotten money through film productions. Indeed Mr. Dutt was investigated over money-laundering allegations in 2001. Other recent Bollywood stars to grace the courts include Monica Bedi, an actress convicted of dealing in fake passports. Her accomplice was another Mumbai gangster, Abu Salem, who delivered the guns to Mr. Dutt, and is currently awaiting trial for his alleged part in the 1993 bombings.
An even bigger Bollywood star, Salman Khan, is appealing against two prison sentences of five years and one year for poaching respectively an endangered antelope and two gazelles. A Bollywood film about the case has been scheduled. Mr. Khan has also had to battle a four-year-old charge that he recklessly drove his car over five people sleeping on a pavement in Mumbai, killing one of them.
Bollywood's biggest star, Amitabh Bachchan, also known as "the Big B", is, in contrast, venerated. Where Mr. Khan is vain and brash, he has a reputation for humility and Hindu piety. But even this has been imperilled of late by revelations that Mr. Bachchan and his film-star son, Abhishek, bought valuable plots of land reserved for farmers. They registered themselves thus after being allotted farmland by a former government of the state of Uttar Pradesh, led by the Samajwadi party. Mr. Bachchan is close to one of the party's leading lights, Amar Singh, a famed socialite. Mr. Bachchan's wife, Jaya, an actress, is now also a Samajwadi politician. | 3658.txt | 2 |
[
"Bollywood stars are more sympathetic than their Hollywood peers.",
"Bollywood stars express their support in a modest way.",
"Bollywood stars back up Dutt with strong support and full passion.",
"Bollywood stars are also concerned with environmental issues."
] | The comparison of Bollywood stars' support for Dutt to Holleywood's worries about global warming implies _ | After receiving a six-year prison sentence on July 31st, Sanjay Dutt, an Indian film star, begged for bail while he appealed against it. "Sir, I made a mistake," he said. But the judge said no. Mr. Dutt's crime-to have procured two guns from Muslim mobsters who were responsible for bomb attacks in Mumbai in 1993-was serious. Yet he urged Mr. Dutt, 48, to return to the silver screen after serving his sentence. "Don't get perturbed," he said. "You have many years to go and work, like the 'Mackenna's Gold' actor Gregory Peck."
Thus ended one of the longest song-and-dances in India's criminal legal history. Mr. Dutt was convicted last year, having already spent 16 months in jail. He was acquitted of direct involvement in the bombings, which killed 257 people. They were carried out in 1993 in revenge for the demolition of an ancient mosque in the Hindu holy city of Ayodhya by Hindu fanatics, and subsequent Hindu-Muslim rioting. Some 100 people have been found guilty of the bombing. They have all been sentenced in the past three months, including a dozen to death and 20 to life- imprisonment. But the alleged masterminds of the attacks are still at large. One of them, a Mumbai gangster called Dawood Ibrahim, is alleged by Indian officials to be linked to al-Qaeda and to be hiding in Pakistan.
Despite the bleak immediate outlook, Mr. Dutt, who made his name playing tough-guy anti-heroes, is unlikely to find his career much damaged. The son of two of Bollywood's biggest stars, a Hindu-Muslim couple, he has garnered enormous sympathy for his suffering. Many Indians believe his claim that he wanted the guns to protect his family during the riots. Other Bollywood stars express support for Mr. Dutt as passionately as their Hollywood peers worry about global warming.
Then again, Bollywood is rather shady. Gangsters and crooked politicians have long laundered ill-gotten money through film productions. Indeed Mr. Dutt was investigated over money-laundering allegations in 2001. Other recent Bollywood stars to grace the courts include Monica Bedi, an actress convicted of dealing in fake passports. Her accomplice was another Mumbai gangster, Abu Salem, who delivered the guns to Mr. Dutt, and is currently awaiting trial for his alleged part in the 1993 bombings.
An even bigger Bollywood star, Salman Khan, is appealing against two prison sentences of five years and one year for poaching respectively an endangered antelope and two gazelles. A Bollywood film about the case has been scheduled. Mr. Khan has also had to battle a four-year-old charge that he recklessly drove his car over five people sleeping on a pavement in Mumbai, killing one of them.
Bollywood's biggest star, Amitabh Bachchan, also known as "the Big B", is, in contrast, venerated. Where Mr. Khan is vain and brash, he has a reputation for humility and Hindu piety. But even this has been imperilled of late by revelations that Mr. Bachchan and his film-star son, Abhishek, bought valuable plots of land reserved for farmers. They registered themselves thus after being allotted farmland by a former government of the state of Uttar Pradesh, led by the Samajwadi party. Mr. Bachchan is close to one of the party's leading lights, Amar Singh, a famed socialite. Mr. Bachchan's wife, Jaya, an actress, is now also a Samajwadi politician. | 3658.txt | 1 |
[
"present oneself in the courts.",
"appeal against the courts.",
"be sentenced by the courts.",
"show respect to the courts."
] | The phrase "grace the courts" (Line 3, Paragraph 4) most probably means _ | After receiving a six-year prison sentence on July 31st, Sanjay Dutt, an Indian film star, begged for bail while he appealed against it. "Sir, I made a mistake," he said. But the judge said no. Mr. Dutt's crime-to have procured two guns from Muslim mobsters who were responsible for bomb attacks in Mumbai in 1993-was serious. Yet he urged Mr. Dutt, 48, to return to the silver screen after serving his sentence. "Don't get perturbed," he said. "You have many years to go and work, like the 'Mackenna's Gold' actor Gregory Peck."
Thus ended one of the longest song-and-dances in India's criminal legal history. Mr. Dutt was convicted last year, having already spent 16 months in jail. He was acquitted of direct involvement in the bombings, which killed 257 people. They were carried out in 1993 in revenge for the demolition of an ancient mosque in the Hindu holy city of Ayodhya by Hindu fanatics, and subsequent Hindu-Muslim rioting. Some 100 people have been found guilty of the bombing. They have all been sentenced in the past three months, including a dozen to death and 20 to life- imprisonment. But the alleged masterminds of the attacks are still at large. One of them, a Mumbai gangster called Dawood Ibrahim, is alleged by Indian officials to be linked to al-Qaeda and to be hiding in Pakistan.
Despite the bleak immediate outlook, Mr. Dutt, who made his name playing tough-guy anti-heroes, is unlikely to find his career much damaged. The son of two of Bollywood's biggest stars, a Hindu-Muslim couple, he has garnered enormous sympathy for his suffering. Many Indians believe his claim that he wanted the guns to protect his family during the riots. Other Bollywood stars express support for Mr. Dutt as passionately as their Hollywood peers worry about global warming.
Then again, Bollywood is rather shady. Gangsters and crooked politicians have long laundered ill-gotten money through film productions. Indeed Mr. Dutt was investigated over money-laundering allegations in 2001. Other recent Bollywood stars to grace the courts include Monica Bedi, an actress convicted of dealing in fake passports. Her accomplice was another Mumbai gangster, Abu Salem, who delivered the guns to Mr. Dutt, and is currently awaiting trial for his alleged part in the 1993 bombings.
An even bigger Bollywood star, Salman Khan, is appealing against two prison sentences of five years and one year for poaching respectively an endangered antelope and two gazelles. A Bollywood film about the case has been scheduled. Mr. Khan has also had to battle a four-year-old charge that he recklessly drove his car over five people sleeping on a pavement in Mumbai, killing one of them.
Bollywood's biggest star, Amitabh Bachchan, also known as "the Big B", is, in contrast, venerated. Where Mr. Khan is vain and brash, he has a reputation for humility and Hindu piety. But even this has been imperilled of late by revelations that Mr. Bachchan and his film-star son, Abhishek, bought valuable plots of land reserved for farmers. They registered themselves thus after being allotted farmland by a former government of the state of Uttar Pradesh, led by the Samajwadi party. Mr. Bachchan is close to one of the party's leading lights, Amar Singh, a famed socialite. Mr. Bachchan's wife, Jaya, an actress, is now also a Samajwadi politician. | 3658.txt | 0 |
[
"venerated.",
"vain and brash.",
"reckless and mindless.",
"cruel."
] | Accroding to the passage, the following adjectives can be used to describe Mr. Khan except _ | After receiving a six-year prison sentence on July 31st, Sanjay Dutt, an Indian film star, begged for bail while he appealed against it. "Sir, I made a mistake," he said. But the judge said no. Mr. Dutt's crime-to have procured two guns from Muslim mobsters who were responsible for bomb attacks in Mumbai in 1993-was serious. Yet he urged Mr. Dutt, 48, to return to the silver screen after serving his sentence. "Don't get perturbed," he said. "You have many years to go and work, like the 'Mackenna's Gold' actor Gregory Peck."
Thus ended one of the longest song-and-dances in India's criminal legal history. Mr. Dutt was convicted last year, having already spent 16 months in jail. He was acquitted of direct involvement in the bombings, which killed 257 people. They were carried out in 1993 in revenge for the demolition of an ancient mosque in the Hindu holy city of Ayodhya by Hindu fanatics, and subsequent Hindu-Muslim rioting. Some 100 people have been found guilty of the bombing. They have all been sentenced in the past three months, including a dozen to death and 20 to life- imprisonment. But the alleged masterminds of the attacks are still at large. One of them, a Mumbai gangster called Dawood Ibrahim, is alleged by Indian officials to be linked to al-Qaeda and to be hiding in Pakistan.
Despite the bleak immediate outlook, Mr. Dutt, who made his name playing tough-guy anti-heroes, is unlikely to find his career much damaged. The son of two of Bollywood's biggest stars, a Hindu-Muslim couple, he has garnered enormous sympathy for his suffering. Many Indians believe his claim that he wanted the guns to protect his family during the riots. Other Bollywood stars express support for Mr. Dutt as passionately as their Hollywood peers worry about global warming.
Then again, Bollywood is rather shady. Gangsters and crooked politicians have long laundered ill-gotten money through film productions. Indeed Mr. Dutt was investigated over money-laundering allegations in 2001. Other recent Bollywood stars to grace the courts include Monica Bedi, an actress convicted of dealing in fake passports. Her accomplice was another Mumbai gangster, Abu Salem, who delivered the guns to Mr. Dutt, and is currently awaiting trial for his alleged part in the 1993 bombings.
An even bigger Bollywood star, Salman Khan, is appealing against two prison sentences of five years and one year for poaching respectively an endangered antelope and two gazelles. A Bollywood film about the case has been scheduled. Mr. Khan has also had to battle a four-year-old charge that he recklessly drove his car over five people sleeping on a pavement in Mumbai, killing one of them.
Bollywood's biggest star, Amitabh Bachchan, also known as "the Big B", is, in contrast, venerated. Where Mr. Khan is vain and brash, he has a reputation for humility and Hindu piety. But even this has been imperilled of late by revelations that Mr. Bachchan and his film-star son, Abhishek, bought valuable plots of land reserved for farmers. They registered themselves thus after being allotted farmland by a former government of the state of Uttar Pradesh, led by the Samajwadi party. Mr. Bachchan is close to one of the party's leading lights, Amar Singh, a famed socialite. Mr. Bachchan's wife, Jaya, an actress, is now also a Samajwadi politician. | 3658.txt | 0 |
[
"The Shady Bollywood.",
"Mr Dutt's Legal History.",
"Shady Stars of Bollywood.",
"Bollywood or Bullywood."
] | The best title of this passage can be _ | After receiving a six-year prison sentence on July 31st, Sanjay Dutt, an Indian film star, begged for bail while he appealed against it. "Sir, I made a mistake," he said. But the judge said no. Mr. Dutt's crime-to have procured two guns from Muslim mobsters who were responsible for bomb attacks in Mumbai in 1993-was serious. Yet he urged Mr. Dutt, 48, to return to the silver screen after serving his sentence. "Don't get perturbed," he said. "You have many years to go and work, like the 'Mackenna's Gold' actor Gregory Peck."
Thus ended one of the longest song-and-dances in India's criminal legal history. Mr. Dutt was convicted last year, having already spent 16 months in jail. He was acquitted of direct involvement in the bombings, which killed 257 people. They were carried out in 1993 in revenge for the demolition of an ancient mosque in the Hindu holy city of Ayodhya by Hindu fanatics, and subsequent Hindu-Muslim rioting. Some 100 people have been found guilty of the bombing. They have all been sentenced in the past three months, including a dozen to death and 20 to life- imprisonment. But the alleged masterminds of the attacks are still at large. One of them, a Mumbai gangster called Dawood Ibrahim, is alleged by Indian officials to be linked to al-Qaeda and to be hiding in Pakistan.
Despite the bleak immediate outlook, Mr. Dutt, who made his name playing tough-guy anti-heroes, is unlikely to find his career much damaged. The son of two of Bollywood's biggest stars, a Hindu-Muslim couple, he has garnered enormous sympathy for his suffering. Many Indians believe his claim that he wanted the guns to protect his family during the riots. Other Bollywood stars express support for Mr. Dutt as passionately as their Hollywood peers worry about global warming.
Then again, Bollywood is rather shady. Gangsters and crooked politicians have long laundered ill-gotten money through film productions. Indeed Mr. Dutt was investigated over money-laundering allegations in 2001. Other recent Bollywood stars to grace the courts include Monica Bedi, an actress convicted of dealing in fake passports. Her accomplice was another Mumbai gangster, Abu Salem, who delivered the guns to Mr. Dutt, and is currently awaiting trial for his alleged part in the 1993 bombings.
An even bigger Bollywood star, Salman Khan, is appealing against two prison sentences of five years and one year for poaching respectively an endangered antelope and two gazelles. A Bollywood film about the case has been scheduled. Mr. Khan has also had to battle a four-year-old charge that he recklessly drove his car over five people sleeping on a pavement in Mumbai, killing one of them.
Bollywood's biggest star, Amitabh Bachchan, also known as "the Big B", is, in contrast, venerated. Where Mr. Khan is vain and brash, he has a reputation for humility and Hindu piety. But even this has been imperilled of late by revelations that Mr. Bachchan and his film-star son, Abhishek, bought valuable plots of land reserved for farmers. They registered themselves thus after being allotted farmland by a former government of the state of Uttar Pradesh, led by the Samajwadi party. Mr. Bachchan is close to one of the party's leading lights, Amar Singh, a famed socialite. Mr. Bachchan's wife, Jaya, an actress, is now also a Samajwadi politician. | 3658.txt | 3 |
[
"UK wastes a lot of money importing food products",
"some imported goods cause environmental damage",
"growing certain vegetables damages the environment",
"people waste energy buying food from other countries"
] | The Food Commission is angry because it thinks that _ . | An environmental group called the Food Commission is unhappy and disappointed because of the sale of bottled water from Japan. The water, it angrily argues an public, has traveled 10,000 "food miles" before it reaches Western customers. "Transporting water halfway across the world is
surely the extremely stupid use of fuel when there is plenty of water in the UK." It is also worried that we are wasting our fuel by buying prawns from Indonesia (7,000 food miles) and carrots from Sooth Africa (5,900 food miles).
Counting the number of miles traveled by a product is a strange way of trying to tell the true situation of the environmental damage clone by an industry. Most food is transported around the world on container ships that are extremely energy-efficient . It should be noted that a ton of butter transported 25 miles in a truck to a farmers' market does not necessarily use less fuel on its journey than a similar product transported hundreds of miles by sea. Besides, the idea of "food miles" ignores the amount of fuel used in the production. It is possible to cut down your food miles by buying tomatoes grown in Britain rather than those grown in Ghana; the difference is that the British ones will have been raised in heated greenhouses and the Ghanaian ones in the open sun.
What the idea of "food miles" does provide, however, is the chance to cut out Third World countries from First World food markets. The number of miles traveled by our food should, as I see it, be regarded as a sign of the success of the global trade system, not a sign of damage to the environment. | 3302.txt | 3 |
[
"that a food product travels to a market",
"that a food product travels from one market to another",
"between UK and other food producing countries",
"between a Third World country and a First World food market"
] | The phrase "food miles" in the passage refers to the distance _ . | An environmental group called the Food Commission is unhappy and disappointed because of the sale of bottled water from Japan. The water, it angrily argues an public, has traveled 10,000 "food miles" before it reaches Western customers. "Transporting water halfway across the world is
surely the extremely stupid use of fuel when there is plenty of water in the UK." It is also worried that we are wasting our fuel by buying prawns from Indonesia (7,000 food miles) and carrots from Sooth Africa (5,900 food miles).
Counting the number of miles traveled by a product is a strange way of trying to tell the true situation of the environmental damage clone by an industry. Most food is transported around the world on container ships that are extremely energy-efficient . It should be noted that a ton of butter transported 25 miles in a truck to a farmers' market does not necessarily use less fuel on its journey than a similar product transported hundreds of miles by sea. Besides, the idea of "food miles" ignores the amount of fuel used in the production. It is possible to cut down your food miles by buying tomatoes grown in Britain rather than those grown in Ghana; the difference is that the British ones will have been raised in heated greenhouses and the Ghanaian ones in the open sun.
What the idea of "food miles" does provide, however, is the chance to cut out Third World countries from First World food markets. The number of miles traveled by our food should, as I see it, be regarded as a sign of the success of the global trade system, not a sign of damage to the environment. | 3302.txt | 0 |
[
"British tomatoes are healthier than Ghanaian ones",
"Ghanaian tomatoes taste better than British ones",
"cutting down food miles may not necessarily save fuel",
"protecting the environment may cost a lot of money"
] | By comparing tomatoes raised in Britain and in Ghana, the author tries to explain that _ . | An environmental group called the Food Commission is unhappy and disappointed because of the sale of bottled water from Japan. The water, it angrily argues an public, has traveled 10,000 "food miles" before it reaches Western customers. "Transporting water halfway across the world is
surely the extremely stupid use of fuel when there is plenty of water in the UK." It is also worried that we are wasting our fuel by buying prawns from Indonesia (7,000 food miles) and carrots from Sooth Africa (5,900 food miles).
Counting the number of miles traveled by a product is a strange way of trying to tell the true situation of the environmental damage clone by an industry. Most food is transported around the world on container ships that are extremely energy-efficient . It should be noted that a ton of butter transported 25 miles in a truck to a farmers' market does not necessarily use less fuel on its journey than a similar product transported hundreds of miles by sea. Besides, the idea of "food miles" ignores the amount of fuel used in the production. It is possible to cut down your food miles by buying tomatoes grown in Britain rather than those grown in Ghana; the difference is that the British ones will have been raised in heated greenhouses and the Ghanaian ones in the open sun.
What the idea of "food miles" does provide, however, is the chance to cut out Third World countries from First World food markets. The number of miles traveled by our food should, as I see it, be regarded as a sign of the success of the global trade system, not a sign of damage to the environment. | 3302.txt | 2 |
[
"a supporter of free global trade",
"a member of the Food Commission",
"a supporter of First World food markets",
"a member of an energy development group"
] | From the passage we know that the author is most probably _ . | An environmental group called the Food Commission is unhappy and disappointed because of the sale of bottled water from Japan. The water, it angrily argues an public, has traveled 10,000 "food miles" before it reaches Western customers. "Transporting water halfway across the world is
surely the extremely stupid use of fuel when there is plenty of water in the UK." It is also worried that we are wasting our fuel by buying prawns from Indonesia (7,000 food miles) and carrots from Sooth Africa (5,900 food miles).
Counting the number of miles traveled by a product is a strange way of trying to tell the true situation of the environmental damage clone by an industry. Most food is transported around the world on container ships that are extremely energy-efficient . It should be noted that a ton of butter transported 25 miles in a truck to a farmers' market does not necessarily use less fuel on its journey than a similar product transported hundreds of miles by sea. Besides, the idea of "food miles" ignores the amount of fuel used in the production. It is possible to cut down your food miles by buying tomatoes grown in Britain rather than those grown in Ghana; the difference is that the British ones will have been raised in heated greenhouses and the Ghanaian ones in the open sun.
What the idea of "food miles" does provide, however, is the chance to cut out Third World countries from First World food markets. The number of miles traveled by our food should, as I see it, be regarded as a sign of the success of the global trade system, not a sign of damage to the environment. | 3302.txt | 0 |
[
"An early winter morning.",
"A cold winter afternoon.",
"An early summer morning.",
"A windy summer afternoon."
] | At what time was the story set? | I was walking along the main street of a small seaside town in the north of England looking for somewhere to make a phone call. My car had broken down outside the town and I wanted to contact the AA. Low grey clouds were gathering across the sky and there was a cold damp wind blowing off the sea which nearly threw me off my feet every time I crossed one of the side streets. It had rained in the night and water was dripping from the bare trees that lined the street. I was glad that I was wearing a thick coat.
There was no sign of a call box, nor was there anyone at that early hour whom I could ask. I had thought I might find a shop open selling the Sunday papers or a milkman doing his rounds, but the town was completely dead. The only living thing I saw was a thin frightened cat outside a small restaurant.
Then suddenly I found what I was looking for. There was a small post office, and almost hidden from sight in a dark narrow street next to it was the town's only public call box, which badly needed a coat of paint. I hurried forward, but stopped in astonishment when I saw through the dirty glass that there was a man inside. He was fat, and was wearing a cheap blue plastic raincoat. I could not see his face and he did not even raise his head at the sound of my footsteps.
Discreetly, I remained standing a few feet away and lit a cigarette to wait my turn. It was when I threw the dead match on the ground that I noticed something bright red trickling from under the call box door. | 969.txt | 0 |
[
"Cold and frightening.",
"Dirty and crowded.",
"Empty and dead.",
"Unusual and unpleasant."
] | Which of the following words best describe the writer's impression of the town? | I was walking along the main street of a small seaside town in the north of England looking for somewhere to make a phone call. My car had broken down outside the town and I wanted to contact the AA. Low grey clouds were gathering across the sky and there was a cold damp wind blowing off the sea which nearly threw me off my feet every time I crossed one of the side streets. It had rained in the night and water was dripping from the bare trees that lined the street. I was glad that I was wearing a thick coat.
There was no sign of a call box, nor was there anyone at that early hour whom I could ask. I had thought I might find a shop open selling the Sunday papers or a milkman doing his rounds, but the town was completely dead. The only living thing I saw was a thin frightened cat outside a small restaurant.
Then suddenly I found what I was looking for. There was a small post office, and almost hidden from sight in a dark narrow street next to it was the town's only public call box, which badly needed a coat of paint. I hurried forward, but stopped in astonishment when I saw through the dirty glass that there was a man inside. He was fat, and was wearing a cheap blue plastic raincoat. I could not see his face and he did not even raise his head at the sound of my footsteps.
Discreetly, I remained standing a few feet away and lit a cigarette to wait my turn. It was when I threw the dead match on the ground that I noticed something bright red trickling from under the call box door. | 969.txt | 2 |
[
"the man inside was still wearing a raincoat",
"he didn't expect it to be taken up",
"the man had his back with him",
"the man did not seem to be moving"
] | The author was astonished to a stop as he went forward to the call box because _ . | I was walking along the main street of a small seaside town in the north of England looking for somewhere to make a phone call. My car had broken down outside the town and I wanted to contact the AA. Low grey clouds were gathering across the sky and there was a cold damp wind blowing off the sea which nearly threw me off my feet every time I crossed one of the side streets. It had rained in the night and water was dripping from the bare trees that lined the street. I was glad that I was wearing a thick coat.
There was no sign of a call box, nor was there anyone at that early hour whom I could ask. I had thought I might find a shop open selling the Sunday papers or a milkman doing his rounds, but the town was completely dead. The only living thing I saw was a thin frightened cat outside a small restaurant.
Then suddenly I found what I was looking for. There was a small post office, and almost hidden from sight in a dark narrow street next to it was the town's only public call box, which badly needed a coat of paint. I hurried forward, but stopped in astonishment when I saw through the dirty glass that there was a man inside. He was fat, and was wearing a cheap blue plastic raincoat. I could not see his face and he did not even raise his head at the sound of my footsteps.
Discreetly, I remained standing a few feet away and lit a cigarette to wait my turn. It was when I threw the dead match on the ground that I noticed something bright red trickling from under the call box door. | 969.txt | 1 |
[
"He was annoyed at being seen by the writer.",
"He was angry at being disturbed by the writer.",
"He was probably fast asleep.",
"He was probably killed."
] | Why didn't the man raise his head when the writer came near? | I was walking along the main street of a small seaside town in the north of England looking for somewhere to make a phone call. My car had broken down outside the town and I wanted to contact the AA. Low grey clouds were gathering across the sky and there was a cold damp wind blowing off the sea which nearly threw me off my feet every time I crossed one of the side streets. It had rained in the night and water was dripping from the bare trees that lined the street. I was glad that I was wearing a thick coat.
There was no sign of a call box, nor was there anyone at that early hour whom I could ask. I had thought I might find a shop open selling the Sunday papers or a milkman doing his rounds, but the town was completely dead. The only living thing I saw was a thin frightened cat outside a small restaurant.
Then suddenly I found what I was looking for. There was a small post office, and almost hidden from sight in a dark narrow street next to it was the town's only public call box, which badly needed a coat of paint. I hurried forward, but stopped in astonishment when I saw through the dirty glass that there was a man inside. He was fat, and was wearing a cheap blue plastic raincoat. I could not see his face and he did not even raise his head at the sound of my footsteps.
Discreetly, I remained standing a few feet away and lit a cigarette to wait my turn. It was when I threw the dead match on the ground that I noticed something bright red trickling from under the call box door. | 969.txt | 3 |
[
"not possible",
"difficult",
"more difficult",
"easier"
] | It was _ for people to find work before than today. | Most people want to work, but it has become more difficult in today's world to find work for everyone. The economy of the world needs to grow by 4% each year just to keep the old number of jobs for people. Often this is not possible, and so more people are out of work. Some people have no jobs now because new machines can do the work of many people in short time. Also, machines do not ask for more money and longer holiday. In all of the countries of the world, machines are taking work from people, not only in factories but also on the farms. One machine can often do the work from forty people. About 75,000 people are moving to the cities a day to look for jobs, but only 70% of them can find jobs. | 3418.txt | 3 |
[
"people will have no jobs",
"people can still have jobs as before",
"4% of the people will have jobs",
"97% of the people will have jobs"
] | If the economy of the world grows by 4% each year, _ . | Most people want to work, but it has become more difficult in today's world to find work for everyone. The economy of the world needs to grow by 4% each year just to keep the old number of jobs for people. Often this is not possible, and so more people are out of work. Some people have no jobs now because new machines can do the work of many people in short time. Also, machines do not ask for more money and longer holiday. In all of the countries of the world, machines are taking work from people, not only in factories but also on the farms. One machine can often do the work from forty people. About 75,000 people are moving to the cities a day to look for jobs, but only 70% of them can find jobs. | 3418.txt | 1 |
[
"40% of the people",
"4% of the people in the world",
"40 people",
"75,000 people"
] | One machine can do as much work as _ . | Most people want to work, but it has become more difficult in today's world to find work for everyone. The economy of the world needs to grow by 4% each year just to keep the old number of jobs for people. Often this is not possible, and so more people are out of work. Some people have no jobs now because new machines can do the work of many people in short time. Also, machines do not ask for more money and longer holiday. In all of the countries of the world, machines are taking work from people, not only in factories but also on the farms. One machine can often do the work from forty people. About 75,000 people are moving to the cities a day to look for jobs, but only 70% of them can find jobs. | 3418.txt | 2 |
[
"70% of the people.",
"4% of the people in the world.",
"More than 75,000.",
"About 75,000 people."
] | How many people outside cities go into to look for jobs each day? | Most people want to work, but it has become more difficult in today's world to find work for everyone. The economy of the world needs to grow by 4% each year just to keep the old number of jobs for people. Often this is not possible, and so more people are out of work. Some people have no jobs now because new machines can do the work of many people in short time. Also, machines do not ask for more money and longer holiday. In all of the countries of the world, machines are taking work from people, not only in factories but also on the farms. One machine can often do the work from forty people. About 75,000 people are moving to the cities a day to look for jobs, but only 70% of them can find jobs. | 3418.txt | 3 |
[
"Machines are taking work instead of people.",
"Now more people are out of work.",
"Machines need more money and longer holidays.",
"Most people want to have jobs."
] | Which of the following is NOT true? | Most people want to work, but it has become more difficult in today's world to find work for everyone. The economy of the world needs to grow by 4% each year just to keep the old number of jobs for people. Often this is not possible, and so more people are out of work. Some people have no jobs now because new machines can do the work of many people in short time. Also, machines do not ask for more money and longer holiday. In all of the countries of the world, machines are taking work from people, not only in factories but also on the farms. One machine can often do the work from forty people. About 75,000 people are moving to the cities a day to look for jobs, but only 70% of them can find jobs. | 3418.txt | 2 |
[
"puzzling.",
"uncommon.",
"questionable.",
"undocumented."
] | The word "infrequent" in the passage (paragraph 1) is closest in meaning to | Ever since European first explored Australia, people have been trying to understand the ancient rock drawings and cavings created by the Aborigines, the original inhabitants of the continent. Early in the nineteenth century, encounters with Aboriginal rock art tended to be infrequent and open to speculative interpretation, but since the late nineteenth century, awareness of the extent and variety of Australian rock art has been growing. In the latter decades of the twentieth century there were intensified efforts to understand and record the abundance of Australian rock art.
The systematic study of this art is a relatively new discipline in Australia. Over the past four decades new discoveries have steadily added to the body of knowledge. The most significant data have come from a concentration on three major questions. First, what is the age of Australian rock art? Second, what is its stylistic organization and is it possible to discern a sequence or a pattern of development between styles? Third, is it possible to interpret accurately the subject matter of ancient rock art, bring to bear all available archaeological techniques and the knowledge of present-day Aboriginal informants?
The age of Australia's rock art is constantly being revised, and earlier datings have been proposed as the result of new discoveries. Currently, reliable scientific evidence dates the earliest creation of art on rock surfaces in Australia to somewhere between 30,000 and 50,000 years ago. This in itself is an almost incomprehensible span of generations, and one that makes Australia's rock art the oldest continuous art tradition in the world.
Although the remarkable antiquity of Australia's rock art is now established, the sequences and meanings of its images have been widely debated. Since the mid-1970s, a reasonably stable picture has formed of the organization of Australian rock art. In order to create a sense of structure to this picture, researchers have relied on a distinction that still underlies the forms of much indigenous visual culture-a distinction between geometric and figurative elements. Simple geometric repeated patterns-circles, concentric circles, and lines-constitute the iconography (characteristic images) of the earliest rock-art sites found across Australia. The frequency with which certain simple motifs appear in these oldest sites has led rock-art researchers to adopt a descriptive term-the Panaramitee style-a label which takes its name from the extensive rock pavements at Panaramitee North in desert South Australia, which are covered with motifs pecked into the surface. Certain features of these engravings lead to the conclusion that they are of great age-geological changes had clearly happened after the designs had been made and local Aboriginal informants, when first questioned about them, seemed to know nothing of their origins. Furthermore, the designs were covered with "desert varnish,"a glaze that develops on rock surfaces over thousands of years of exposure to the elements. The simple motifs found at Panaramitee are common to many rock-art sites across Australia. Indeed, sites with engravings of geometric shapes are also to be found on the island of Tasmania, which was separated from the mainland of the continent some 10,000 years ago.
In the 1970s when the study of Australian archaeology was in an exciting phase of development, with the great antiquity of rock art becoming clear. Lesley Maynard, the archaeologist who coined the phrase "Panaramitee style,"suggested that a sequence could be determined for Australian rock art, in which a geometric style gave way to a simple figurative style (outlines of figures and animals), followed by a range of complex figurative styles that, unlike the pan-Australian geometric tradition , tended to much greater regional diversity. While accepting that this sequence fits the archaeological profile of those sites, which were occupied continuously over many thousands of years a number of writers have warned that the underlying assumption of such a sequence-a development from the simple and the geometric to the complex and naturalistic-obscures the cultural continuities in Aboriginal Australia, in which geometric symbolism remains fundamentally important. In this context the simplicity of a geometric motif may be more apparent than real. Motifs of seeming simplicity can encode complex meanings in Aboriginal Australia. And has not twentieth-century art shown that naturalism does not necessarily follow abstraction in some kind of predetermine sequence? | 4248.txt | 1 |
[
"recognized that many different groups of Aborigines created Australian rock art.",
"concentrated on a limited range of Aboriginal rock art.",
"examined Aboriginal art from an Aboriginal rather than from a European perspective.",
"focused more intensely on understanding and documenting rock art."
] | According to paragraph 1, the twentieth-century approach to studying Australian rock art was different from earlier approaches because the twentieth-century approach | Ever since European first explored Australia, people have been trying to understand the ancient rock drawings and cavings created by the Aborigines, the original inhabitants of the continent. Early in the nineteenth century, encounters with Aboriginal rock art tended to be infrequent and open to speculative interpretation, but since the late nineteenth century, awareness of the extent and variety of Australian rock art has been growing. In the latter decades of the twentieth century there were intensified efforts to understand and record the abundance of Australian rock art.
The systematic study of this art is a relatively new discipline in Australia. Over the past four decades new discoveries have steadily added to the body of knowledge. The most significant data have come from a concentration on three major questions. First, what is the age of Australian rock art? Second, what is its stylistic organization and is it possible to discern a sequence or a pattern of development between styles? Third, is it possible to interpret accurately the subject matter of ancient rock art, bring to bear all available archaeological techniques and the knowledge of present-day Aboriginal informants?
The age of Australia's rock art is constantly being revised, and earlier datings have been proposed as the result of new discoveries. Currently, reliable scientific evidence dates the earliest creation of art on rock surfaces in Australia to somewhere between 30,000 and 50,000 years ago. This in itself is an almost incomprehensible span of generations, and one that makes Australia's rock art the oldest continuous art tradition in the world.
Although the remarkable antiquity of Australia's rock art is now established, the sequences and meanings of its images have been widely debated. Since the mid-1970s, a reasonably stable picture has formed of the organization of Australian rock art. In order to create a sense of structure to this picture, researchers have relied on a distinction that still underlies the forms of much indigenous visual culture-a distinction between geometric and figurative elements. Simple geometric repeated patterns-circles, concentric circles, and lines-constitute the iconography (characteristic images) of the earliest rock-art sites found across Australia. The frequency with which certain simple motifs appear in these oldest sites has led rock-art researchers to adopt a descriptive term-the Panaramitee style-a label which takes its name from the extensive rock pavements at Panaramitee North in desert South Australia, which are covered with motifs pecked into the surface. Certain features of these engravings lead to the conclusion that they are of great age-geological changes had clearly happened after the designs had been made and local Aboriginal informants, when first questioned about them, seemed to know nothing of their origins. Furthermore, the designs were covered with "desert varnish,"a glaze that develops on rock surfaces over thousands of years of exposure to the elements. The simple motifs found at Panaramitee are common to many rock-art sites across Australia. Indeed, sites with engravings of geometric shapes are also to be found on the island of Tasmania, which was separated from the mainland of the continent some 10,000 years ago.
In the 1970s when the study of Australian archaeology was in an exciting phase of development, with the great antiquity of rock art becoming clear. Lesley Maynard, the archaeologist who coined the phrase "Panaramitee style,"suggested that a sequence could be determined for Australian rock art, in which a geometric style gave way to a simple figurative style (outlines of figures and animals), followed by a range of complex figurative styles that, unlike the pan-Australian geometric tradition , tended to much greater regional diversity. While accepting that this sequence fits the archaeological profile of those sites, which were occupied continuously over many thousands of years a number of writers have warned that the underlying assumption of such a sequence-a development from the simple and the geometric to the complex and naturalistic-obscures the cultural continuities in Aboriginal Australia, in which geometric symbolism remains fundamentally important. In this context the simplicity of a geometric motif may be more apparent than real. Motifs of seeming simplicity can encode complex meanings in Aboriginal Australia. And has not twentieth-century art shown that naturalism does not necessarily follow abstraction in some kind of predetermine sequence? | 4248.txt | 3 |
[
"completely.",
"comparatively.",
"apparently.",
"particularly."
] | The word "relatively" in the passage (paragraph 2) is closest in meaning to | Ever since European first explored Australia, people have been trying to understand the ancient rock drawings and cavings created by the Aborigines, the original inhabitants of the continent. Early in the nineteenth century, encounters with Aboriginal rock art tended to be infrequent and open to speculative interpretation, but since the late nineteenth century, awareness of the extent and variety of Australian rock art has been growing. In the latter decades of the twentieth century there were intensified efforts to understand and record the abundance of Australian rock art.
The systematic study of this art is a relatively new discipline in Australia. Over the past four decades new discoveries have steadily added to the body of knowledge. The most significant data have come from a concentration on three major questions. First, what is the age of Australian rock art? Second, what is its stylistic organization and is it possible to discern a sequence or a pattern of development between styles? Third, is it possible to interpret accurately the subject matter of ancient rock art, bring to bear all available archaeological techniques and the knowledge of present-day Aboriginal informants?
The age of Australia's rock art is constantly being revised, and earlier datings have been proposed as the result of new discoveries. Currently, reliable scientific evidence dates the earliest creation of art on rock surfaces in Australia to somewhere between 30,000 and 50,000 years ago. This in itself is an almost incomprehensible span of generations, and one that makes Australia's rock art the oldest continuous art tradition in the world.
Although the remarkable antiquity of Australia's rock art is now established, the sequences and meanings of its images have been widely debated. Since the mid-1970s, a reasonably stable picture has formed of the organization of Australian rock art. In order to create a sense of structure to this picture, researchers have relied on a distinction that still underlies the forms of much indigenous visual culture-a distinction between geometric and figurative elements. Simple geometric repeated patterns-circles, concentric circles, and lines-constitute the iconography (characteristic images) of the earliest rock-art sites found across Australia. The frequency with which certain simple motifs appear in these oldest sites has led rock-art researchers to adopt a descriptive term-the Panaramitee style-a label which takes its name from the extensive rock pavements at Panaramitee North in desert South Australia, which are covered with motifs pecked into the surface. Certain features of these engravings lead to the conclusion that they are of great age-geological changes had clearly happened after the designs had been made and local Aboriginal informants, when first questioned about them, seemed to know nothing of their origins. Furthermore, the designs were covered with "desert varnish,"a glaze that develops on rock surfaces over thousands of years of exposure to the elements. The simple motifs found at Panaramitee are common to many rock-art sites across Australia. Indeed, sites with engravings of geometric shapes are also to be found on the island of Tasmania, which was separated from the mainland of the continent some 10,000 years ago.
In the 1970s when the study of Australian archaeology was in an exciting phase of development, with the great antiquity of rock art becoming clear. Lesley Maynard, the archaeologist who coined the phrase "Panaramitee style,"suggested that a sequence could be determined for Australian rock art, in which a geometric style gave way to a simple figurative style (outlines of figures and animals), followed by a range of complex figurative styles that, unlike the pan-Australian geometric tradition , tended to much greater regional diversity. While accepting that this sequence fits the archaeological profile of those sites, which were occupied continuously over many thousands of years a number of writers have warned that the underlying assumption of such a sequence-a development from the simple and the geometric to the complex and naturalistic-obscures the cultural continuities in Aboriginal Australia, in which geometric symbolism remains fundamentally important. In this context the simplicity of a geometric motif may be more apparent than real. Motifs of seeming simplicity can encode complex meanings in Aboriginal Australia. And has not twentieth-century art shown that naturalism does not necessarily follow abstraction in some kind of predetermine sequence? | 4248.txt | 1 |
[
"indicate.",
"apply.",
"identify.",
"repeat."
] | The word "discern" in the passage (paragraph 2) is closest in meaning to | Ever since European first explored Australia, people have been trying to understand the ancient rock drawings and cavings created by the Aborigines, the original inhabitants of the continent. Early in the nineteenth century, encounters with Aboriginal rock art tended to be infrequent and open to speculative interpretation, but since the late nineteenth century, awareness of the extent and variety of Australian rock art has been growing. In the latter decades of the twentieth century there were intensified efforts to understand and record the abundance of Australian rock art.
The systematic study of this art is a relatively new discipline in Australia. Over the past four decades new discoveries have steadily added to the body of knowledge. The most significant data have come from a concentration on three major questions. First, what is the age of Australian rock art? Second, what is its stylistic organization and is it possible to discern a sequence or a pattern of development between styles? Third, is it possible to interpret accurately the subject matter of ancient rock art, bring to bear all available archaeological techniques and the knowledge of present-day Aboriginal informants?
The age of Australia's rock art is constantly being revised, and earlier datings have been proposed as the result of new discoveries. Currently, reliable scientific evidence dates the earliest creation of art on rock surfaces in Australia to somewhere between 30,000 and 50,000 years ago. This in itself is an almost incomprehensible span of generations, and one that makes Australia's rock art the oldest continuous art tradition in the world.
Although the remarkable antiquity of Australia's rock art is now established, the sequences and meanings of its images have been widely debated. Since the mid-1970s, a reasonably stable picture has formed of the organization of Australian rock art. In order to create a sense of structure to this picture, researchers have relied on a distinction that still underlies the forms of much indigenous visual culture-a distinction between geometric and figurative elements. Simple geometric repeated patterns-circles, concentric circles, and lines-constitute the iconography (characteristic images) of the earliest rock-art sites found across Australia. The frequency with which certain simple motifs appear in these oldest sites has led rock-art researchers to adopt a descriptive term-the Panaramitee style-a label which takes its name from the extensive rock pavements at Panaramitee North in desert South Australia, which are covered with motifs pecked into the surface. Certain features of these engravings lead to the conclusion that they are of great age-geological changes had clearly happened after the designs had been made and local Aboriginal informants, when first questioned about them, seemed to know nothing of their origins. Furthermore, the designs were covered with "desert varnish,"a glaze that develops on rock surfaces over thousands of years of exposure to the elements. The simple motifs found at Panaramitee are common to many rock-art sites across Australia. Indeed, sites with engravings of geometric shapes are also to be found on the island of Tasmania, which was separated from the mainland of the continent some 10,000 years ago.
In the 1970s when the study of Australian archaeology was in an exciting phase of development, with the great antiquity of rock art becoming clear. Lesley Maynard, the archaeologist who coined the phrase "Panaramitee style,"suggested that a sequence could be determined for Australian rock art, in which a geometric style gave way to a simple figurative style (outlines of figures and animals), followed by a range of complex figurative styles that, unlike the pan-Australian geometric tradition , tended to much greater regional diversity. While accepting that this sequence fits the archaeological profile of those sites, which were occupied continuously over many thousands of years a number of writers have warned that the underlying assumption of such a sequence-a development from the simple and the geometric to the complex and naturalistic-obscures the cultural continuities in Aboriginal Australia, in which geometric symbolism remains fundamentally important. In this context the simplicity of a geometric motif may be more apparent than real. Motifs of seeming simplicity can encode complex meanings in Aboriginal Australia. And has not twentieth-century art shown that naturalism does not necessarily follow abstraction in some kind of predetermine sequence? | 4248.txt | 2 |
[
"discussed.",
"raised.",
"challenged.",
"changed."
] | The word "revised" in the passage (paragraph 3) is closest in meaning to | Ever since European first explored Australia, people have been trying to understand the ancient rock drawings and cavings created by the Aborigines, the original inhabitants of the continent. Early in the nineteenth century, encounters with Aboriginal rock art tended to be infrequent and open to speculative interpretation, but since the late nineteenth century, awareness of the extent and variety of Australian rock art has been growing. In the latter decades of the twentieth century there were intensified efforts to understand and record the abundance of Australian rock art.
The systematic study of this art is a relatively new discipline in Australia. Over the past four decades new discoveries have steadily added to the body of knowledge. The most significant data have come from a concentration on three major questions. First, what is the age of Australian rock art? Second, what is its stylistic organization and is it possible to discern a sequence or a pattern of development between styles? Third, is it possible to interpret accurately the subject matter of ancient rock art, bring to bear all available archaeological techniques and the knowledge of present-day Aboriginal informants?
The age of Australia's rock art is constantly being revised, and earlier datings have been proposed as the result of new discoveries. Currently, reliable scientific evidence dates the earliest creation of art on rock surfaces in Australia to somewhere between 30,000 and 50,000 years ago. This in itself is an almost incomprehensible span of generations, and one that makes Australia's rock art the oldest continuous art tradition in the world.
Although the remarkable antiquity of Australia's rock art is now established, the sequences and meanings of its images have been widely debated. Since the mid-1970s, a reasonably stable picture has formed of the organization of Australian rock art. In order to create a sense of structure to this picture, researchers have relied on a distinction that still underlies the forms of much indigenous visual culture-a distinction between geometric and figurative elements. Simple geometric repeated patterns-circles, concentric circles, and lines-constitute the iconography (characteristic images) of the earliest rock-art sites found across Australia. The frequency with which certain simple motifs appear in these oldest sites has led rock-art researchers to adopt a descriptive term-the Panaramitee style-a label which takes its name from the extensive rock pavements at Panaramitee North in desert South Australia, which are covered with motifs pecked into the surface. Certain features of these engravings lead to the conclusion that they are of great age-geological changes had clearly happened after the designs had been made and local Aboriginal informants, when first questioned about them, seemed to know nothing of their origins. Furthermore, the designs were covered with "desert varnish,"a glaze that develops on rock surfaces over thousands of years of exposure to the elements. The simple motifs found at Panaramitee are common to many rock-art sites across Australia. Indeed, sites with engravings of geometric shapes are also to be found on the island of Tasmania, which was separated from the mainland of the continent some 10,000 years ago.
In the 1970s when the study of Australian archaeology was in an exciting phase of development, with the great antiquity of rock art becoming clear. Lesley Maynard, the archaeologist who coined the phrase "Panaramitee style,"suggested that a sequence could be determined for Australian rock art, in which a geometric style gave way to a simple figurative style (outlines of figures and animals), followed by a range of complex figurative styles that, unlike the pan-Australian geometric tradition , tended to much greater regional diversity. While accepting that this sequence fits the archaeological profile of those sites, which were occupied continuously over many thousands of years a number of writers have warned that the underlying assumption of such a sequence-a development from the simple and the geometric to the complex and naturalistic-obscures the cultural continuities in Aboriginal Australia, in which geometric symbolism remains fundamentally important. In this context the simplicity of a geometric motif may be more apparent than real. Motifs of seeming simplicity can encode complex meanings in Aboriginal Australia. And has not twentieth-century art shown that naturalism does not necessarily follow abstraction in some kind of predetermine sequence? | 4248.txt | 3 |
[
"Images found at Panaramitee North and images found in other parts of Australia.",
"Images found in a particular type of rock layer and images found in other types of rock layers.",
"Images that have geometric elements and images that have figurative elements.",
"Images that are typically found and image that are rarely found."
] | According to paragraph 4, researchers have organized and structured Australian rock art by distinguishing between which of the following? | Ever since European first explored Australia, people have been trying to understand the ancient rock drawings and cavings created by the Aborigines, the original inhabitants of the continent. Early in the nineteenth century, encounters with Aboriginal rock art tended to be infrequent and open to speculative interpretation, but since the late nineteenth century, awareness of the extent and variety of Australian rock art has been growing. In the latter decades of the twentieth century there were intensified efforts to understand and record the abundance of Australian rock art.
The systematic study of this art is a relatively new discipline in Australia. Over the past four decades new discoveries have steadily added to the body of knowledge. The most significant data have come from a concentration on three major questions. First, what is the age of Australian rock art? Second, what is its stylistic organization and is it possible to discern a sequence or a pattern of development between styles? Third, is it possible to interpret accurately the subject matter of ancient rock art, bring to bear all available archaeological techniques and the knowledge of present-day Aboriginal informants?
The age of Australia's rock art is constantly being revised, and earlier datings have been proposed as the result of new discoveries. Currently, reliable scientific evidence dates the earliest creation of art on rock surfaces in Australia to somewhere between 30,000 and 50,000 years ago. This in itself is an almost incomprehensible span of generations, and one that makes Australia's rock art the oldest continuous art tradition in the world.
Although the remarkable antiquity of Australia's rock art is now established, the sequences and meanings of its images have been widely debated. Since the mid-1970s, a reasonably stable picture has formed of the organization of Australian rock art. In order to create a sense of structure to this picture, researchers have relied on a distinction that still underlies the forms of much indigenous visual culture-a distinction between geometric and figurative elements. Simple geometric repeated patterns-circles, concentric circles, and lines-constitute the iconography (characteristic images) of the earliest rock-art sites found across Australia. The frequency with which certain simple motifs appear in these oldest sites has led rock-art researchers to adopt a descriptive term-the Panaramitee style-a label which takes its name from the extensive rock pavements at Panaramitee North in desert South Australia, which are covered with motifs pecked into the surface. Certain features of these engravings lead to the conclusion that they are of great age-geological changes had clearly happened after the designs had been made and local Aboriginal informants, when first questioned about them, seemed to know nothing of their origins. Furthermore, the designs were covered with "desert varnish,"a glaze that develops on rock surfaces over thousands of years of exposure to the elements. The simple motifs found at Panaramitee are common to many rock-art sites across Australia. Indeed, sites with engravings of geometric shapes are also to be found on the island of Tasmania, which was separated from the mainland of the continent some 10,000 years ago.
In the 1970s when the study of Australian archaeology was in an exciting phase of development, with the great antiquity of rock art becoming clear. Lesley Maynard, the archaeologist who coined the phrase "Panaramitee style,"suggested that a sequence could be determined for Australian rock art, in which a geometric style gave way to a simple figurative style (outlines of figures and animals), followed by a range of complex figurative styles that, unlike the pan-Australian geometric tradition , tended to much greater regional diversity. While accepting that this sequence fits the archaeological profile of those sites, which were occupied continuously over many thousands of years a number of writers have warned that the underlying assumption of such a sequence-a development from the simple and the geometric to the complex and naturalistic-obscures the cultural continuities in Aboriginal Australia, in which geometric symbolism remains fundamentally important. In this context the simplicity of a geometric motif may be more apparent than real. Motifs of seeming simplicity can encode complex meanings in Aboriginal Australia. And has not twentieth-century art shown that naturalism does not necessarily follow abstraction in some kind of predetermine sequence? | 4248.txt | 2 |
[
"The engravings consisted of simple animal drawings.",
"The engravings were covered with a layer of a substance known as \"desert varnish\".",
"Local Aborigines who were asked knew nothing about the origin of the engravings.",
"Geologic changes had occurred after the engravings were made."
] | According to paragraph 4, all of the following are signs of the great age of the Panaramitee engravings EXCEPT: | Ever since European first explored Australia, people have been trying to understand the ancient rock drawings and cavings created by the Aborigines, the original inhabitants of the continent. Early in the nineteenth century, encounters with Aboriginal rock art tended to be infrequent and open to speculative interpretation, but since the late nineteenth century, awareness of the extent and variety of Australian rock art has been growing. In the latter decades of the twentieth century there were intensified efforts to understand and record the abundance of Australian rock art.
The systematic study of this art is a relatively new discipline in Australia. Over the past four decades new discoveries have steadily added to the body of knowledge. The most significant data have come from a concentration on three major questions. First, what is the age of Australian rock art? Second, what is its stylistic organization and is it possible to discern a sequence or a pattern of development between styles? Third, is it possible to interpret accurately the subject matter of ancient rock art, bring to bear all available archaeological techniques and the knowledge of present-day Aboriginal informants?
The age of Australia's rock art is constantly being revised, and earlier datings have been proposed as the result of new discoveries. Currently, reliable scientific evidence dates the earliest creation of art on rock surfaces in Australia to somewhere between 30,000 and 50,000 years ago. This in itself is an almost incomprehensible span of generations, and one that makes Australia's rock art the oldest continuous art tradition in the world.
Although the remarkable antiquity of Australia's rock art is now established, the sequences and meanings of its images have been widely debated. Since the mid-1970s, a reasonably stable picture has formed of the organization of Australian rock art. In order to create a sense of structure to this picture, researchers have relied on a distinction that still underlies the forms of much indigenous visual culture-a distinction between geometric and figurative elements. Simple geometric repeated patterns-circles, concentric circles, and lines-constitute the iconography (characteristic images) of the earliest rock-art sites found across Australia. The frequency with which certain simple motifs appear in these oldest sites has led rock-art researchers to adopt a descriptive term-the Panaramitee style-a label which takes its name from the extensive rock pavements at Panaramitee North in desert South Australia, which are covered with motifs pecked into the surface. Certain features of these engravings lead to the conclusion that they are of great age-geological changes had clearly happened after the designs had been made and local Aboriginal informants, when first questioned about them, seemed to know nothing of their origins. Furthermore, the designs were covered with "desert varnish,"a glaze that develops on rock surfaces over thousands of years of exposure to the elements. The simple motifs found at Panaramitee are common to many rock-art sites across Australia. Indeed, sites with engravings of geometric shapes are also to be found on the island of Tasmania, which was separated from the mainland of the continent some 10,000 years ago.
In the 1970s when the study of Australian archaeology was in an exciting phase of development, with the great antiquity of rock art becoming clear. Lesley Maynard, the archaeologist who coined the phrase "Panaramitee style,"suggested that a sequence could be determined for Australian rock art, in which a geometric style gave way to a simple figurative style (outlines of figures and animals), followed by a range of complex figurative styles that, unlike the pan-Australian geometric tradition , tended to much greater regional diversity. While accepting that this sequence fits the archaeological profile of those sites, which were occupied continuously over many thousands of years a number of writers have warned that the underlying assumption of such a sequence-a development from the simple and the geometric to the complex and naturalistic-obscures the cultural continuities in Aboriginal Australia, in which geometric symbolism remains fundamentally important. In this context the simplicity of a geometric motif may be more apparent than real. Motifs of seeming simplicity can encode complex meanings in Aboriginal Australia. And has not twentieth-century art shown that naturalism does not necessarily follow abstraction in some kind of predetermine sequence? | 4248.txt | 0 |
[
"To provide evidence that the Panaramitee style is widespread and of great age.",
"To prove that Aboriginal Australians could not have made the carvings in Tasmania.",
"To indicate how researchers have determined how long ago Tasmania separated from the mainland.",
"To illustrate the importance of geometric rock art to tourism in Tasmania."
] | Why does the author include information about Tasmania in paragraph 4? | Ever since European first explored Australia, people have been trying to understand the ancient rock drawings and cavings created by the Aborigines, the original inhabitants of the continent. Early in the nineteenth century, encounters with Aboriginal rock art tended to be infrequent and open to speculative interpretation, but since the late nineteenth century, awareness of the extent and variety of Australian rock art has been growing. In the latter decades of the twentieth century there were intensified efforts to understand and record the abundance of Australian rock art.
The systematic study of this art is a relatively new discipline in Australia. Over the past four decades new discoveries have steadily added to the body of knowledge. The most significant data have come from a concentration on three major questions. First, what is the age of Australian rock art? Second, what is its stylistic organization and is it possible to discern a sequence or a pattern of development between styles? Third, is it possible to interpret accurately the subject matter of ancient rock art, bring to bear all available archaeological techniques and the knowledge of present-day Aboriginal informants?
The age of Australia's rock art is constantly being revised, and earlier datings have been proposed as the result of new discoveries. Currently, reliable scientific evidence dates the earliest creation of art on rock surfaces in Australia to somewhere between 30,000 and 50,000 years ago. This in itself is an almost incomprehensible span of generations, and one that makes Australia's rock art the oldest continuous art tradition in the world.
Although the remarkable antiquity of Australia's rock art is now established, the sequences and meanings of its images have been widely debated. Since the mid-1970s, a reasonably stable picture has formed of the organization of Australian rock art. In order to create a sense of structure to this picture, researchers have relied on a distinction that still underlies the forms of much indigenous visual culture-a distinction between geometric and figurative elements. Simple geometric repeated patterns-circles, concentric circles, and lines-constitute the iconography (characteristic images) of the earliest rock-art sites found across Australia. The frequency with which certain simple motifs appear in these oldest sites has led rock-art researchers to adopt a descriptive term-the Panaramitee style-a label which takes its name from the extensive rock pavements at Panaramitee North in desert South Australia, which are covered with motifs pecked into the surface. Certain features of these engravings lead to the conclusion that they are of great age-geological changes had clearly happened after the designs had been made and local Aboriginal informants, when first questioned about them, seemed to know nothing of their origins. Furthermore, the designs were covered with "desert varnish,"a glaze that develops on rock surfaces over thousands of years of exposure to the elements. The simple motifs found at Panaramitee are common to many rock-art sites across Australia. Indeed, sites with engravings of geometric shapes are also to be found on the island of Tasmania, which was separated from the mainland of the continent some 10,000 years ago.
In the 1970s when the study of Australian archaeology was in an exciting phase of development, with the great antiquity of rock art becoming clear. Lesley Maynard, the archaeologist who coined the phrase "Panaramitee style,"suggested that a sequence could be determined for Australian rock art, in which a geometric style gave way to a simple figurative style (outlines of figures and animals), followed by a range of complex figurative styles that, unlike the pan-Australian geometric tradition , tended to much greater regional diversity. While accepting that this sequence fits the archaeological profile of those sites, which were occupied continuously over many thousands of years a number of writers have warned that the underlying assumption of such a sequence-a development from the simple and the geometric to the complex and naturalistic-obscures the cultural continuities in Aboriginal Australia, in which geometric symbolism remains fundamentally important. In this context the simplicity of a geometric motif may be more apparent than real. Motifs of seeming simplicity can encode complex meanings in Aboriginal Australia. And has not twentieth-century art shown that naturalism does not necessarily follow abstraction in some kind of predetermine sequence? | 4248.txt | 0 |
[
"varies significantly from region to region.",
"is more meaningful.",
"appears on only a few types of rocks.",
"has changed little overtime."
] | According to paragraph 5, the complex figurative style differs from the geometric style in that the complex figurative style | Ever since European first explored Australia, people have been trying to understand the ancient rock drawings and cavings created by the Aborigines, the original inhabitants of the continent. Early in the nineteenth century, encounters with Aboriginal rock art tended to be infrequent and open to speculative interpretation, but since the late nineteenth century, awareness of the extent and variety of Australian rock art has been growing. In the latter decades of the twentieth century there were intensified efforts to understand and record the abundance of Australian rock art.
The systematic study of this art is a relatively new discipline in Australia. Over the past four decades new discoveries have steadily added to the body of knowledge. The most significant data have come from a concentration on three major questions. First, what is the age of Australian rock art? Second, what is its stylistic organization and is it possible to discern a sequence or a pattern of development between styles? Third, is it possible to interpret accurately the subject matter of ancient rock art, bring to bear all available archaeological techniques and the knowledge of present-day Aboriginal informants?
The age of Australia's rock art is constantly being revised, and earlier datings have been proposed as the result of new discoveries. Currently, reliable scientific evidence dates the earliest creation of art on rock surfaces in Australia to somewhere between 30,000 and 50,000 years ago. This in itself is an almost incomprehensible span of generations, and one that makes Australia's rock art the oldest continuous art tradition in the world.
Although the remarkable antiquity of Australia's rock art is now established, the sequences and meanings of its images have been widely debated. Since the mid-1970s, a reasonably stable picture has formed of the organization of Australian rock art. In order to create a sense of structure to this picture, researchers have relied on a distinction that still underlies the forms of much indigenous visual culture-a distinction between geometric and figurative elements. Simple geometric repeated patterns-circles, concentric circles, and lines-constitute the iconography (characteristic images) of the earliest rock-art sites found across Australia. The frequency with which certain simple motifs appear in these oldest sites has led rock-art researchers to adopt a descriptive term-the Panaramitee style-a label which takes its name from the extensive rock pavements at Panaramitee North in desert South Australia, which are covered with motifs pecked into the surface. Certain features of these engravings lead to the conclusion that they are of great age-geological changes had clearly happened after the designs had been made and local Aboriginal informants, when first questioned about them, seemed to know nothing of their origins. Furthermore, the designs were covered with "desert varnish,"a glaze that develops on rock surfaces over thousands of years of exposure to the elements. The simple motifs found at Panaramitee are common to many rock-art sites across Australia. Indeed, sites with engravings of geometric shapes are also to be found on the island of Tasmania, which was separated from the mainland of the continent some 10,000 years ago.
In the 1970s when the study of Australian archaeology was in an exciting phase of development, with the great antiquity of rock art becoming clear. Lesley Maynard, the archaeologist who coined the phrase "Panaramitee style,"suggested that a sequence could be determined for Australian rock art, in which a geometric style gave way to a simple figurative style (outlines of figures and animals), followed by a range of complex figurative styles that, unlike the pan-Australian geometric tradition , tended to much greater regional diversity. While accepting that this sequence fits the archaeological profile of those sites, which were occupied continuously over many thousands of years a number of writers have warned that the underlying assumption of such a sequence-a development from the simple and the geometric to the complex and naturalistic-obscures the cultural continuities in Aboriginal Australia, in which geometric symbolism remains fundamentally important. In this context the simplicity of a geometric motif may be more apparent than real. Motifs of seeming simplicity can encode complex meanings in Aboriginal Australia. And has not twentieth-century art shown that naturalism does not necessarily follow abstraction in some kind of predetermine sequence? | 4248.txt | 0 |
[
"There were a pattern of human figures being represented in a more complex style than animal figures.",
"Australian archaeology should concentrate on determining the sequence of styles that led up to the Panaramitee style.",
"The great antiquity of Australian rock art would probably make it impossible to determine the ages of the various styles found in rock art.",
"The geometric style of Australian rock art was replaced by increasingly complex figurative styles."
] | According to paragraph 5, Lesley Maynard made which of the following suggestions about Australian rock art? | Ever since European first explored Australia, people have been trying to understand the ancient rock drawings and cavings created by the Aborigines, the original inhabitants of the continent. Early in the nineteenth century, encounters with Aboriginal rock art tended to be infrequent and open to speculative interpretation, but since the late nineteenth century, awareness of the extent and variety of Australian rock art has been growing. In the latter decades of the twentieth century there were intensified efforts to understand and record the abundance of Australian rock art.
The systematic study of this art is a relatively new discipline in Australia. Over the past four decades new discoveries have steadily added to the body of knowledge. The most significant data have come from a concentration on three major questions. First, what is the age of Australian rock art? Second, what is its stylistic organization and is it possible to discern a sequence or a pattern of development between styles? Third, is it possible to interpret accurately the subject matter of ancient rock art, bring to bear all available archaeological techniques and the knowledge of present-day Aboriginal informants?
The age of Australia's rock art is constantly being revised, and earlier datings have been proposed as the result of new discoveries. Currently, reliable scientific evidence dates the earliest creation of art on rock surfaces in Australia to somewhere between 30,000 and 50,000 years ago. This in itself is an almost incomprehensible span of generations, and one that makes Australia's rock art the oldest continuous art tradition in the world.
Although the remarkable antiquity of Australia's rock art is now established, the sequences and meanings of its images have been widely debated. Since the mid-1970s, a reasonably stable picture has formed of the organization of Australian rock art. In order to create a sense of structure to this picture, researchers have relied on a distinction that still underlies the forms of much indigenous visual culture-a distinction between geometric and figurative elements. Simple geometric repeated patterns-circles, concentric circles, and lines-constitute the iconography (characteristic images) of the earliest rock-art sites found across Australia. The frequency with which certain simple motifs appear in these oldest sites has led rock-art researchers to adopt a descriptive term-the Panaramitee style-a label which takes its name from the extensive rock pavements at Panaramitee North in desert South Australia, which are covered with motifs pecked into the surface. Certain features of these engravings lead to the conclusion that they are of great age-geological changes had clearly happened after the designs had been made and local Aboriginal informants, when first questioned about them, seemed to know nothing of their origins. Furthermore, the designs were covered with "desert varnish,"a glaze that develops on rock surfaces over thousands of years of exposure to the elements. The simple motifs found at Panaramitee are common to many rock-art sites across Australia. Indeed, sites with engravings of geometric shapes are also to be found on the island of Tasmania, which was separated from the mainland of the continent some 10,000 years ago.
In the 1970s when the study of Australian archaeology was in an exciting phase of development, with the great antiquity of rock art becoming clear. Lesley Maynard, the archaeologist who coined the phrase "Panaramitee style,"suggested that a sequence could be determined for Australian rock art, in which a geometric style gave way to a simple figurative style (outlines of figures and animals), followed by a range of complex figurative styles that, unlike the pan-Australian geometric tradition , tended to much greater regional diversity. While accepting that this sequence fits the archaeological profile of those sites, which were occupied continuously over many thousands of years a number of writers have warned that the underlying assumption of such a sequence-a development from the simple and the geometric to the complex and naturalistic-obscures the cultural continuities in Aboriginal Australia, in which geometric symbolism remains fundamentally important. In this context the simplicity of a geometric motif may be more apparent than real. Motifs of seeming simplicity can encode complex meanings in Aboriginal Australia. And has not twentieth-century art shown that naturalism does not necessarily follow abstraction in some kind of predetermine sequence? | 4248.txt | 3 |
[
"emphasize that it may not be possible to determine what the figures in ancient rock art represent.",
"suggest a reply to those who have questioned Maynard's interpretation of the sequence of Australian rock art.",
"provide a counterexample to Maynard's interpretation of the sequence of Australian rock art.",
"indicate that twentieth century art is more advanced than ancient rock art."
] | In paragraph 5, the author indicates that twentieth century art has shown that naturalism does not necessarily follow abstraction in some kind of predetermined sequence in order to | Ever since European first explored Australia, people have been trying to understand the ancient rock drawings and cavings created by the Aborigines, the original inhabitants of the continent. Early in the nineteenth century, encounters with Aboriginal rock art tended to be infrequent and open to speculative interpretation, but since the late nineteenth century, awareness of the extent and variety of Australian rock art has been growing. In the latter decades of the twentieth century there were intensified efforts to understand and record the abundance of Australian rock art.
The systematic study of this art is a relatively new discipline in Australia. Over the past four decades new discoveries have steadily added to the body of knowledge. The most significant data have come from a concentration on three major questions. First, what is the age of Australian rock art? Second, what is its stylistic organization and is it possible to discern a sequence or a pattern of development between styles? Third, is it possible to interpret accurately the subject matter of ancient rock art, bring to bear all available archaeological techniques and the knowledge of present-day Aboriginal informants?
The age of Australia's rock art is constantly being revised, and earlier datings have been proposed as the result of new discoveries. Currently, reliable scientific evidence dates the earliest creation of art on rock surfaces in Australia to somewhere between 30,000 and 50,000 years ago. This in itself is an almost incomprehensible span of generations, and one that makes Australia's rock art the oldest continuous art tradition in the world.
Although the remarkable antiquity of Australia's rock art is now established, the sequences and meanings of its images have been widely debated. Since the mid-1970s, a reasonably stable picture has formed of the organization of Australian rock art. In order to create a sense of structure to this picture, researchers have relied on a distinction that still underlies the forms of much indigenous visual culture-a distinction between geometric and figurative elements. Simple geometric repeated patterns-circles, concentric circles, and lines-constitute the iconography (characteristic images) of the earliest rock-art sites found across Australia. The frequency with which certain simple motifs appear in these oldest sites has led rock-art researchers to adopt a descriptive term-the Panaramitee style-a label which takes its name from the extensive rock pavements at Panaramitee North in desert South Australia, which are covered with motifs pecked into the surface. Certain features of these engravings lead to the conclusion that they are of great age-geological changes had clearly happened after the designs had been made and local Aboriginal informants, when first questioned about them, seemed to know nothing of their origins. Furthermore, the designs were covered with "desert varnish,"a glaze that develops on rock surfaces over thousands of years of exposure to the elements. The simple motifs found at Panaramitee are common to many rock-art sites across Australia. Indeed, sites with engravings of geometric shapes are also to be found on the island of Tasmania, which was separated from the mainland of the continent some 10,000 years ago.
In the 1970s when the study of Australian archaeology was in an exciting phase of development, with the great antiquity of rock art becoming clear. Lesley Maynard, the archaeologist who coined the phrase "Panaramitee style,"suggested that a sequence could be determined for Australian rock art, in which a geometric style gave way to a simple figurative style (outlines of figures and animals), followed by a range of complex figurative styles that, unlike the pan-Australian geometric tradition , tended to much greater regional diversity. While accepting that this sequence fits the archaeological profile of those sites, which were occupied continuously over many thousands of years a number of writers have warned that the underlying assumption of such a sequence-a development from the simple and the geometric to the complex and naturalistic-obscures the cultural continuities in Aboriginal Australia, in which geometric symbolism remains fundamentally important. In this context the simplicity of a geometric motif may be more apparent than real. Motifs of seeming simplicity can encode complex meanings in Aboriginal Australia. And has not twentieth-century art shown that naturalism does not necessarily follow abstraction in some kind of predetermine sequence? | 4248.txt | 2 |
[
"large numbers of people do not need sleep",
"a person was found who actually didn't need any sleep",
"everyone needs some sleep to stay alive",
"people can live longer by trying not to sleep"
] | The main idea of this passage is that _ . | It doesn't matter when or how much a person sleeps, but everyone needs some rest to stay alive. That's what all doctors thought, until they heard about AI Herpin. AI Herpin, it was said, never slept, Could this be true? The doctors decided to see this strange man themselves.
AI Herpin was 90 years old when the doctors came to his home in New Jersey. They thought for sure that he got some sleep of some kind. So they stayed with him and watched every movement he made. But they were surprised. Though they watched him hour after hour and day after day, they never saw Herpin sleeping , In fact, he did not even own a bed. He never needed one.
The only rest that Herpin sometimes got was sitting in a comfortable chair and reading newspapers. The doctors were puzzled by this strange continuous sleeplessness. They found only one answer that might explain his condition. Herpin remembered some talk about his mother having been injurtedseveral days before he was born. But that was all. Was this the real reason? No one could be sure.
Herpin died at the age of 94. | 1342.txt | 1 |
[
"cure him of his sleeplessness",
"find that his sleeplessness was not really true",
"find a way to free people from the need of sleeping",
"find out why some old people didn't need any sleep"
] | The doctors came to visit Herpin , expecting to _ . | It doesn't matter when or how much a person sleeps, but everyone needs some rest to stay alive. That's what all doctors thought, until they heard about AI Herpin. AI Herpin, it was said, never slept, Could this be true? The doctors decided to see this strange man themselves.
AI Herpin was 90 years old when the doctors came to his home in New Jersey. They thought for sure that he got some sleep of some kind. So they stayed with him and watched every movement he made. But they were surprised. Though they watched him hour after hour and day after day, they never saw Herpin sleeping , In fact, he did not even own a bed. He never needed one.
The only rest that Herpin sometimes got was sitting in a comfortable chair and reading newspapers. The doctors were puzzled by this strange continuous sleeplessness. They found only one answer that might explain his condition. Herpin remembered some talk about his mother having been injurtedseveral days before he was born. But that was all. Was this the real reason? No one could be sure.
Herpin died at the age of 94. | 1342.txt | 1 |
[
"was too old to need any sleep",
"often slept in a chair",
"needed no sleep at all",
"needed some kind of sleep"
] | After watching him closely, the doctors came to believe that AL Herpin _ . | It doesn't matter when or how much a person sleeps, but everyone needs some rest to stay alive. That's what all doctors thought, until they heard about AI Herpin. AI Herpin, it was said, never slept, Could this be true? The doctors decided to see this strange man themselves.
AI Herpin was 90 years old when the doctors came to his home in New Jersey. They thought for sure that he got some sleep of some kind. So they stayed with him and watched every movement he made. But they were surprised. Though they watched him hour after hour and day after day, they never saw Herpin sleeping , In fact, he did not even own a bed. He never needed one.
The only rest that Herpin sometimes got was sitting in a comfortable chair and reading newspapers. The doctors were puzzled by this strange continuous sleeplessness. They found only one answer that might explain his condition. Herpin remembered some talk about his mother having been injurtedseveral days before he was born. But that was all. Was this the real reason? No one could be sure.
Herpin died at the age of 94. | 1342.txt | 2 |
[
"that he hadn't got a bed",
"that he had gradually got rid of the sleeping habit",
"his mother's injury before he was born",
"his magnificent physical condition"
] | One reason that might explain Herpin's sleeplessness was _ . | It doesn't matter when or how much a person sleeps, but everyone needs some rest to stay alive. That's what all doctors thought, until they heard about AI Herpin. AI Herpin, it was said, never slept, Could this be true? The doctors decided to see this strange man themselves.
AI Herpin was 90 years old when the doctors came to his home in New Jersey. They thought for sure that he got some sleep of some kind. So they stayed with him and watched every movement he made. But they were surprised. Though they watched him hour after hour and day after day, they never saw Herpin sleeping , In fact, he did not even own a bed. He never needed one.
The only rest that Herpin sometimes got was sitting in a comfortable chair and reading newspapers. The doctors were puzzled by this strange continuous sleeplessness. They found only one answer that might explain his condition. Herpin remembered some talk about his mother having been injurtedseveral days before he was born. But that was all. Was this the real reason? No one could be sure.
Herpin died at the age of 94. | 1342.txt | 2 |
[
"a common one",
"one that could be cured",
"very healthy",
"a rare one"
] | AI Herpin's condition could be regarded as _ . | It doesn't matter when or how much a person sleeps, but everyone needs some rest to stay alive. That's what all doctors thought, until they heard about AI Herpin. AI Herpin, it was said, never slept, Could this be true? The doctors decided to see this strange man themselves.
AI Herpin was 90 years old when the doctors came to his home in New Jersey. They thought for sure that he got some sleep of some kind. So they stayed with him and watched every movement he made. But they were surprised. Though they watched him hour after hour and day after day, they never saw Herpin sleeping , In fact, he did not even own a bed. He never needed one.
The only rest that Herpin sometimes got was sitting in a comfortable chair and reading newspapers. The doctors were puzzled by this strange continuous sleeplessness. They found only one answer that might explain his condition. Herpin remembered some talk about his mother having been injurtedseveral days before he was born. But that was all. Was this the real reason? No one could be sure.
Herpin died at the age of 94. | 1342.txt | 3 |
[
"discuss the place of Coltrane in the world of jazz and describe his musical explorations.",
"examine the nature of bebop and contrast it with improvisational jazz.",
"analyze the musical sources of Coltrane''s style and their influence on his work.",
"acknowledge the influence of Coltrane''s music on rock music and rock musicians."
] | The primary purpose of the text is to | Proponents of different jazz styles have always argued that their predecessor''s musical style did not include essential characteristics that define jazz as jazz. Thus, 1940''s swing was belittled by beboppers of the 1950''s who were themselves attacked by free jazzes of the 1960''s. The neoboppers of the 1980''s and 1990''s attacked almost everybody else. The titanic figure of Black saxophonist John Coltrane has complicated the arguments made by proponents of styles from bebop through neobop because in his own musical journey he drew from all those styles. His influence on all types of jazz was immeasurable. At the height of his popularity, Coltrane largely abandoned playing bebop, the style that had brought him fame, to explore the outer reaches of jazz.
Coltrane himself probably believed that the only essential characteristic of jazz was improvisation, the one constant in his journey from bebop to open-ended improvisations on modal, Indian, and African melodies. On the other hand, this dogged student and prodigious technician - who insisted on spending hours each day practicing scales from theory books - was never able to jettison completely the influence of bebop, with its fast and elaborate chains of notes and ornaments on melody.
Two stylistic characteristics shaped the way Coltrane played the tenor saxophone: he favored playing fast runs of notes built on a melody and depended on heavy, regularly accented beats. The first led Coltrane to sheets of sound" where he raced faster and faster, pile-driving notes into each other to suggest stacked harmonies. The second meant that his sense of rhythm was almost as close to rock as to bebop.
Three recordings illustrate Coltrane''s energizing explorations. Recording Kind of Blue with Miles Davis, Coltrane found himself outside bop, exploring modal melodies. Here he played surging, lengthy solos built largely around repeated motifs - an organizing principle unlike that of free jazz saxophone player Ornette Coleman, who modulated or altered melodies in his solos. On Giant Steps, Coltrane debuted as leader, introducing his own compositions. Here the sheets of sound, downbeat accents, repetitions, and great speed are part of each solo, and the variety of the shapes of his phrases is unique. Coltrane''s searching explorations produced solid achievement. My Favorite Things was another kind of watershed. Here Coltrane played the soprano saxophone, an instrument seldom used by jazz musicians. Musically, the results were astounding. With the soprano''s piping sound, ideas that had sounded dark and brooding acquired a feeling of giddy fantasy.
When Coltrane began recording for the Impulse! Label, he was still searching. His music became raucous, physical. His influence on rockers was enormous, including Jimi Hendrix, the rock guitarist, who, following Coltrane, raised the extended guitar solo using repeated motifs to a kind of rock art form. | 1039.txt | 0 |
[
"A thesis referred to earlier in the text is mentioned and illustrated with three specific examples.",
"A thesis is stated and three examples are given each suggesting that a correction needs to be made to a thesis referred to earlier in the text.",
"A thesis referred to earlier in the text is mentioned, and three examples are presented and ranked in order of their support of the thesis.",
"A thesis is stated, three seemingly opposing examples are presented, and their underlying correspondence is explained."
] | Which of the following best describes the organization of the fourth paragraph? | Proponents of different jazz styles have always argued that their predecessor''s musical style did not include essential characteristics that define jazz as jazz. Thus, 1940''s swing was belittled by beboppers of the 1950''s who were themselves attacked by free jazzes of the 1960''s. The neoboppers of the 1980''s and 1990''s attacked almost everybody else. The titanic figure of Black saxophonist John Coltrane has complicated the arguments made by proponents of styles from bebop through neobop because in his own musical journey he drew from all those styles. His influence on all types of jazz was immeasurable. At the height of his popularity, Coltrane largely abandoned playing bebop, the style that had brought him fame, to explore the outer reaches of jazz.
Coltrane himself probably believed that the only essential characteristic of jazz was improvisation, the one constant in his journey from bebop to open-ended improvisations on modal, Indian, and African melodies. On the other hand, this dogged student and prodigious technician - who insisted on spending hours each day practicing scales from theory books - was never able to jettison completely the influence of bebop, with its fast and elaborate chains of notes and ornaments on melody.
Two stylistic characteristics shaped the way Coltrane played the tenor saxophone: he favored playing fast runs of notes built on a melody and depended on heavy, regularly accented beats. The first led Coltrane to sheets of sound" where he raced faster and faster, pile-driving notes into each other to suggest stacked harmonies. The second meant that his sense of rhythm was almost as close to rock as to bebop.
Three recordings illustrate Coltrane''s energizing explorations. Recording Kind of Blue with Miles Davis, Coltrane found himself outside bop, exploring modal melodies. Here he played surging, lengthy solos built largely around repeated motifs - an organizing principle unlike that of free jazz saxophone player Ornette Coleman, who modulated or altered melodies in his solos. On Giant Steps, Coltrane debuted as leader, introducing his own compositions. Here the sheets of sound, downbeat accents, repetitions, and great speed are part of each solo, and the variety of the shapes of his phrases is unique. Coltrane''s searching explorations produced solid achievement. My Favorite Things was another kind of watershed. Here Coltrane played the soprano saxophone, an instrument seldom used by jazz musicians. Musically, the results were astounding. With the soprano''s piping sound, ideas that had sounded dark and brooding acquired a feeling of giddy fantasy.
When Coltrane began recording for the Impulse! Label, he was still searching. His music became raucous, physical. His influence on rockers was enormous, including Jimi Hendrix, the rock guitarist, who, following Coltrane, raised the extended guitar solo using repeated motifs to a kind of rock art form. | 1039.txt | 2 |
[
"improvise on melodies from a number of different cultures.",
"perform as leader as well as soloist.",
"spend time improving his technical skills.",
"eliminate the influence of bebop on his own music."
] | According to the text, John Coltrane did all of the following during his career EXCEPT | Proponents of different jazz styles have always argued that their predecessor''s musical style did not include essential characteristics that define jazz as jazz. Thus, 1940''s swing was belittled by beboppers of the 1950''s who were themselves attacked by free jazzes of the 1960''s. The neoboppers of the 1980''s and 1990''s attacked almost everybody else. The titanic figure of Black saxophonist John Coltrane has complicated the arguments made by proponents of styles from bebop through neobop because in his own musical journey he drew from all those styles. His influence on all types of jazz was immeasurable. At the height of his popularity, Coltrane largely abandoned playing bebop, the style that had brought him fame, to explore the outer reaches of jazz.
Coltrane himself probably believed that the only essential characteristic of jazz was improvisation, the one constant in his journey from bebop to open-ended improvisations on modal, Indian, and African melodies. On the other hand, this dogged student and prodigious technician - who insisted on spending hours each day practicing scales from theory books - was never able to jettison completely the influence of bebop, with its fast and elaborate chains of notes and ornaments on melody.
Two stylistic characteristics shaped the way Coltrane played the tenor saxophone: he favored playing fast runs of notes built on a melody and depended on heavy, regularly accented beats. The first led Coltrane to sheets of sound" where he raced faster and faster, pile-driving notes into each other to suggest stacked harmonies. The second meant that his sense of rhythm was almost as close to rock as to bebop.
Three recordings illustrate Coltrane''s energizing explorations. Recording Kind of Blue with Miles Davis, Coltrane found himself outside bop, exploring modal melodies. Here he played surging, lengthy solos built largely around repeated motifs - an organizing principle unlike that of free jazz saxophone player Ornette Coleman, who modulated or altered melodies in his solos. On Giant Steps, Coltrane debuted as leader, introducing his own compositions. Here the sheets of sound, downbeat accents, repetitions, and great speed are part of each solo, and the variety of the shapes of his phrases is unique. Coltrane''s searching explorations produced solid achievement. My Favorite Things was another kind of watershed. Here Coltrane played the soprano saxophone, an instrument seldom used by jazz musicians. Musically, the results were astounding. With the soprano''s piping sound, ideas that had sounded dark and brooding acquired a feeling of giddy fantasy.
When Coltrane began recording for the Impulse! Label, he was still searching. His music became raucous, physical. His influence on rockers was enormous, including Jimi Hendrix, the rock guitarist, who, following Coltrane, raised the extended guitar solo using repeated motifs to a kind of rock art form. | 1039.txt | 3 |
[
"degree to which Coltrane''s music encompassed all of jazz.",
"repetition of motifs that Coltrane used in his solos.",
"number of his own compositions that Coltrane recorded.",
"indifference Coltrane maintained to musical technique."
] | According to the text a major difference between Coltrane and other jazz musicians was the | Proponents of different jazz styles have always argued that their predecessor''s musical style did not include essential characteristics that define jazz as jazz. Thus, 1940''s swing was belittled by beboppers of the 1950''s who were themselves attacked by free jazzes of the 1960''s. The neoboppers of the 1980''s and 1990''s attacked almost everybody else. The titanic figure of Black saxophonist John Coltrane has complicated the arguments made by proponents of styles from bebop through neobop because in his own musical journey he drew from all those styles. His influence on all types of jazz was immeasurable. At the height of his popularity, Coltrane largely abandoned playing bebop, the style that had brought him fame, to explore the outer reaches of jazz.
Coltrane himself probably believed that the only essential characteristic of jazz was improvisation, the one constant in his journey from bebop to open-ended improvisations on modal, Indian, and African melodies. On the other hand, this dogged student and prodigious technician - who insisted on spending hours each day practicing scales from theory books - was never able to jettison completely the influence of bebop, with its fast and elaborate chains of notes and ornaments on melody.
Two stylistic characteristics shaped the way Coltrane played the tenor saxophone: he favored playing fast runs of notes built on a melody and depended on heavy, regularly accented beats. The first led Coltrane to sheets of sound" where he raced faster and faster, pile-driving notes into each other to suggest stacked harmonies. The second meant that his sense of rhythm was almost as close to rock as to bebop.
Three recordings illustrate Coltrane''s energizing explorations. Recording Kind of Blue with Miles Davis, Coltrane found himself outside bop, exploring modal melodies. Here he played surging, lengthy solos built largely around repeated motifs - an organizing principle unlike that of free jazz saxophone player Ornette Coleman, who modulated or altered melodies in his solos. On Giant Steps, Coltrane debuted as leader, introducing his own compositions. Here the sheets of sound, downbeat accents, repetitions, and great speed are part of each solo, and the variety of the shapes of his phrases is unique. Coltrane''s searching explorations produced solid achievement. My Favorite Things was another kind of watershed. Here Coltrane played the soprano saxophone, an instrument seldom used by jazz musicians. Musically, the results were astounding. With the soprano''s piping sound, ideas that had sounded dark and brooding acquired a feeling of giddy fantasy.
When Coltrane began recording for the Impulse! Label, he was still searching. His music became raucous, physical. His influence on rockers was enormous, including Jimi Hendrix, the rock guitarist, who, following Coltrane, raised the extended guitar solo using repeated motifs to a kind of rock art form. | 1039.txt | 0 |
[
"dogmatic explanation.",
"indignant denial.",
"enthusiastic praise.",
"speculative study."
] | In terms of its tone and form, the text can best be characterized as | Proponents of different jazz styles have always argued that their predecessor''s musical style did not include essential characteristics that define jazz as jazz. Thus, 1940''s swing was belittled by beboppers of the 1950''s who were themselves attacked by free jazzes of the 1960''s. The neoboppers of the 1980''s and 1990''s attacked almost everybody else. The titanic figure of Black saxophonist John Coltrane has complicated the arguments made by proponents of styles from bebop through neobop because in his own musical journey he drew from all those styles. His influence on all types of jazz was immeasurable. At the height of his popularity, Coltrane largely abandoned playing bebop, the style that had brought him fame, to explore the outer reaches of jazz.
Coltrane himself probably believed that the only essential characteristic of jazz was improvisation, the one constant in his journey from bebop to open-ended improvisations on modal, Indian, and African melodies. On the other hand, this dogged student and prodigious technician - who insisted on spending hours each day practicing scales from theory books - was never able to jettison completely the influence of bebop, with its fast and elaborate chains of notes and ornaments on melody.
Two stylistic characteristics shaped the way Coltrane played the tenor saxophone: he favored playing fast runs of notes built on a melody and depended on heavy, regularly accented beats. The first led Coltrane to sheets of sound" where he raced faster and faster, pile-driving notes into each other to suggest stacked harmonies. The second meant that his sense of rhythm was almost as close to rock as to bebop.
Three recordings illustrate Coltrane''s energizing explorations. Recording Kind of Blue with Miles Davis, Coltrane found himself outside bop, exploring modal melodies. Here he played surging, lengthy solos built largely around repeated motifs - an organizing principle unlike that of free jazz saxophone player Ornette Coleman, who modulated or altered melodies in his solos. On Giant Steps, Coltrane debuted as leader, introducing his own compositions. Here the sheets of sound, downbeat accents, repetitions, and great speed are part of each solo, and the variety of the shapes of his phrases is unique. Coltrane''s searching explorations produced solid achievement. My Favorite Things was another kind of watershed. Here Coltrane played the soprano saxophone, an instrument seldom used by jazz musicians. Musically, the results were astounding. With the soprano''s piping sound, ideas that had sounded dark and brooding acquired a feeling of giddy fantasy.
When Coltrane began recording for the Impulse! Label, he was still searching. His music became raucous, physical. His influence on rockers was enormous, including Jimi Hendrix, the rock guitarist, who, following Coltrane, raised the extended guitar solo using repeated motifs to a kind of rock art form. | 1039.txt | 2 |
[
"sat on either side of man and woman",
"could read the magazine",
"was leading the woman",
"belonged to the woman"
] | The poodle _ . | A man was sitting in the park watching the duckson the pond. When a woman approached him. Shehad a white poodle on a leash .
She sat down on a bench, took out a magazineand began to read.
After it had been sitting quietly for about tenminutes, the poodle turned and looked up at the man.
―Excuse me,‖ the dog whispered. ―But you look like a kind man. Please buy me from hisawful woman.‖The man could hardly believe his ears. A dog was whispering to him. In English!
―She is so mean to me,‖ the dog continued. ―She never pets me or plays with me whenshe‘s in a bad mood, which is most of the time.‖
The man was amazed to hear the dog say all this. He was even more surprised when thedog added, ―And I‘m really a very good dog. I‘m quite famous, too. I won a medal in the lastwar and was twice wounded in action. I‘ve rescued three children-two from drowning and onefrom a fire.‖
The man decided that he would try to buy the dog from the woman. He would pay a lot ofmoney if necessary. The dog would soon earn tens of thousands of dollars on television. It wouldbe the world‘s first talking dog.
―Excuse me,‖ he said to the woman, ―but I love your little dog. Will you sell him to me?‖ ―I‘ll be delighted to sell him,‖ the woman said. ―You can have him for ten dollars.‖
―Ten dollars!‖ the man said. ―Only the dollars? Why so little?‖ ―Because,‖ the womansaid, ―he‘s a trouble-making liar.‖ | 2574.txt | 3 |
[
"insulted the man",
"asked the man to buy it",
"started talking as soon as it sat down",
"couldn‘t speak properly"
] | The dog _ . | A man was sitting in the park watching the duckson the pond. When a woman approached him. Shehad a white poodle on a leash .
She sat down on a bench, took out a magazineand began to read.
After it had been sitting quietly for about tenminutes, the poodle turned and looked up at the man.
―Excuse me,‖ the dog whispered. ―But you look like a kind man. Please buy me from hisawful woman.‖The man could hardly believe his ears. A dog was whispering to him. In English!
―She is so mean to me,‖ the dog continued. ―She never pets me or plays with me whenshe‘s in a bad mood, which is most of the time.‖
The man was amazed to hear the dog say all this. He was even more surprised when thedog added, ―And I‘m really a very good dog. I‘m quite famous, too. I won a medal in the lastwar and was twice wounded in action. I‘ve rescued three children-two from drowning and onefrom a fire.‖
The man decided that he would try to buy the dog from the woman. He would pay a lot ofmoney if necessary. The dog would soon earn tens of thousands of dollars on television. It wouldbe the world‘s first talking dog.
―Excuse me,‖ he said to the woman, ―but I love your little dog. Will you sell him to me?‖ ―I‘ll be delighted to sell him,‖ the woman said. ―You can have him for ten dollars.‖
―Ten dollars!‖ the man said. ―Only the dollars? Why so little?‖ ―Because,‖ the womansaid, ―he‘s a trouble-making liar.‖ | 2574.txt | 1 |
[
"to hear it speak",
"to see it feed",
"to hear it bark",
"to see if being beaten"
] | The man was surprised _ . | A man was sitting in the park watching the duckson the pond. When a woman approached him. Shehad a white poodle on a leash .
She sat down on a bench, took out a magazineand began to read.
After it had been sitting quietly for about tenminutes, the poodle turned and looked up at the man.
―Excuse me,‖ the dog whispered. ―But you look like a kind man. Please buy me from hisawful woman.‖The man could hardly believe his ears. A dog was whispering to him. In English!
―She is so mean to me,‖ the dog continued. ―She never pets me or plays with me whenshe‘s in a bad mood, which is most of the time.‖
The man was amazed to hear the dog say all this. He was even more surprised when thedog added, ―And I‘m really a very good dog. I‘m quite famous, too. I won a medal in the lastwar and was twice wounded in action. I‘ve rescued three children-two from drowning and onefrom a fire.‖
The man decided that he would try to buy the dog from the woman. He would pay a lot ofmoney if necessary. The dog would soon earn tens of thousands of dollars on television. It wouldbe the world‘s first talking dog.
―Excuse me,‖ he said to the woman, ―but I love your little dog. Will you sell him to me?‖ ―I‘ll be delighted to sell him,‖ the woman said. ―You can have him for ten dollars.‖
―Ten dollars!‖ the man said. ―Only the dollars? Why so little?‖ ―Because,‖ the womansaid, ―he‘s a trouble-making liar.‖ | 2574.txt | 0 |
[
"stopped a fireman from saving three children",
"never been in the war",
"acted heroically in dangerous situations",
"refused a medal in the last war"
] | The dog explained that it had _ . | A man was sitting in the park watching the duckson the pond. When a woman approached him. Shehad a white poodle on a leash .
She sat down on a bench, took out a magazineand began to read.
After it had been sitting quietly for about tenminutes, the poodle turned and looked up at the man.
―Excuse me,‖ the dog whispered. ―But you look like a kind man. Please buy me from hisawful woman.‖The man could hardly believe his ears. A dog was whispering to him. In English!
―She is so mean to me,‖ the dog continued. ―She never pets me or plays with me whenshe‘s in a bad mood, which is most of the time.‖
The man was amazed to hear the dog say all this. He was even more surprised when thedog added, ―And I‘m really a very good dog. I‘m quite famous, too. I won a medal in the lastwar and was twice wounded in action. I‘ve rescued three children-two from drowning and onefrom a fire.‖
The man decided that he would try to buy the dog from the woman. He would pay a lot ofmoney if necessary. The dog would soon earn tens of thousands of dollars on television. It wouldbe the world‘s first talking dog.
―Excuse me,‖ he said to the woman, ―but I love your little dog. Will you sell him to me?‖ ―I‘ll be delighted to sell him,‖ the woman said. ―You can have him for ten dollars.‖
―Ten dollars!‖ the man said. ―Only the dollars? Why so little?‖ ―Because,‖ the womansaid, ―he‘s a trouble-making liar.‖ | 2574.txt | 2 |
[
"advertising her dog",
"happy to sell her dog",
"reluctant to sell her dog",
"Hoping her dog would earn thousand of dollars on television"
] | The woman was _ . | A man was sitting in the park watching the duckson the pond. When a woman approached him. Shehad a white poodle on a leash .
She sat down on a bench, took out a magazineand began to read.
After it had been sitting quietly for about tenminutes, the poodle turned and looked up at the man.
―Excuse me,‖ the dog whispered. ―But you look like a kind man. Please buy me from hisawful woman.‖The man could hardly believe his ears. A dog was whispering to him. In English!
―She is so mean to me,‖ the dog continued. ―She never pets me or plays with me whenshe‘s in a bad mood, which is most of the time.‖
The man was amazed to hear the dog say all this. He was even more surprised when thedog added, ―And I‘m really a very good dog. I‘m quite famous, too. I won a medal in the lastwar and was twice wounded in action. I‘ve rescued three children-two from drowning and onefrom a fire.‖
The man decided that he would try to buy the dog from the woman. He would pay a lot ofmoney if necessary. The dog would soon earn tens of thousands of dollars on television. It wouldbe the world‘s first talking dog.
―Excuse me,‖ he said to the woman, ―but I love your little dog. Will you sell him to me?‖ ―I‘ll be delighted to sell him,‖ the woman said. ―You can have him for ten dollars.‖
―Ten dollars!‖ the man said. ―Only the dollars? Why so little?‖ ―Because,‖ the womansaid, ―he‘s a trouble-making liar.‖ | 2574.txt | 1 |
[
"a technical failure",
"a technical wonder",
"a good life-saver",
"an effective means to treat heart disease"
] | According to the passage, the Jarvik-7 artificial heart proved to be _____. | Just seven years ago, the Jarvik-7 artificial heart was being cheered as the model of human creativeness. The sight of Barney Clark-alive and conscious after trading his diseased heart for a metal-and-plastic pump-convinced the press, the public and many doctors that the future had arrived. It hadn't. After monitoring production of the Jarvik-7, and reviewing its effects on the 150 or so patients (most of whom got the device as a temporary measure) the U.S. Food and Drug Administration concluded that the machine was doing more to endanger lives than to save them. Last week the agency cancelled its earlier approval, effectively banning the device.
The recall may hurt Symbion Inc., maker of the Jarvik-7, but it won't end the request for an artificial heart. One problem with the banned mode is that the tubes connecting it to an external power source createda passage for infection. Inventors are now working on new devices that would be fully placed, along with atiny power pack, in the patient's chest. The first sample products aren't expected for another 10 or 20 years. But some people are already worrying that they'll work-and that America's overextended health-care programs will lose a precious $2.5 billion to $5 billion a year providing them for a relatively few dying patients. If such expenditures cut into funding for more basic care, the net effect could actually be a decline in the nation's health. | 3200.txt | 0 |
[
"has been banned by the government from producing artificial hearts",
"will review the effects of artificial hearts before designing new models",
"may continue to work on new models of reliable artificial hearts",
"can make new models of artificial hearts available on the market in 10 to 20 years"
] | From the passage we know that Symbion Inc. _____. | Just seven years ago, the Jarvik-7 artificial heart was being cheered as the model of human creativeness. The sight of Barney Clark-alive and conscious after trading his diseased heart for a metal-and-plastic pump-convinced the press, the public and many doctors that the future had arrived. It hadn't. After monitoring production of the Jarvik-7, and reviewing its effects on the 150 or so patients (most of whom got the device as a temporary measure) the U.S. Food and Drug Administration concluded that the machine was doing more to endanger lives than to save them. Last week the agency cancelled its earlier approval, effectively banning the device.
The recall may hurt Symbion Inc., maker of the Jarvik-7, but it won't end the request for an artificial heart. One problem with the banned mode is that the tubes connecting it to an external power source createda passage for infection. Inventors are now working on new devices that would be fully placed, along with atiny power pack, in the patient's chest. The first sample products aren't expected for another 10 or 20 years. But some people are already worrying that they'll work-and that America's overextended health-care programs will lose a precious $2.5 billion to $5 billion a year providing them for a relatively few dying patients. If such expenditures cut into funding for more basic care, the net effect could actually be a decline in the nation's health. | 3200.txt | 2 |
[
"to have a working life of 10 or 20 years",
"to be set fully in the patient's chest",
"to be equipped with an external power source",
"to create a new passage for infection"
] | The new models of artificial hearts are expected ______. | Just seven years ago, the Jarvik-7 artificial heart was being cheered as the model of human creativeness. The sight of Barney Clark-alive and conscious after trading his diseased heart for a metal-and-plastic pump-convinced the press, the public and many doctors that the future had arrived. It hadn't. After monitoring production of the Jarvik-7, and reviewing its effects on the 150 or so patients (most of whom got the device as a temporary measure) the U.S. Food and Drug Administration concluded that the machine was doing more to endanger lives than to save them. Last week the agency cancelled its earlier approval, effectively banning the device.
The recall may hurt Symbion Inc., maker of the Jarvik-7, but it won't end the request for an artificial heart. One problem with the banned mode is that the tubes connecting it to an external power source createda passage for infection. Inventors are now working on new devices that would be fully placed, along with atiny power pack, in the patient's chest. The first sample products aren't expected for another 10 or 20 years. But some people are already worrying that they'll work-and that America's overextended health-care programs will lose a precious $2.5 billion to $5 billion a year providing them for a relatively few dying patients. If such expenditures cut into funding for more basic care, the net effect could actually be a decline in the nation's health. | 3200.txt | 1 |
[
"doctors who treat heart diseases",
"makers of artificial hearts",
"America's health-care programs",
"New model of artificial hearts"
] | The word "them" in Line 7, Para. 2 refers to _____. | Just seven years ago, the Jarvik-7 artificial heart was being cheered as the model of human creativeness. The sight of Barney Clark-alive and conscious after trading his diseased heart for a metal-and-plastic pump-convinced the press, the public and many doctors that the future had arrived. It hadn't. After monitoring production of the Jarvik-7, and reviewing its effects on the 150 or so patients (most of whom got the device as a temporary measure) the U.S. Food and Drug Administration concluded that the machine was doing more to endanger lives than to save them. Last week the agency cancelled its earlier approval, effectively banning the device.
The recall may hurt Symbion Inc., maker of the Jarvik-7, but it won't end the request for an artificial heart. One problem with the banned mode is that the tubes connecting it to an external power source createda passage for infection. Inventors are now working on new devices that would be fully placed, along with atiny power pack, in the patient's chest. The first sample products aren't expected for another 10 or 20 years. But some people are already worrying that they'll work-and that America's overextended health-care programs will lose a precious $2.5 billion to $5 billion a year providing them for a relatively few dying patients. If such expenditures cut into funding for more basic care, the net effect could actually be a decline in the nation's health. | 3200.txt | 3 |
[
"artificial hearts are seldom effective",
"the country should not spend so much money on artificial hearts",
"the country is not spending enough money on artificial hearts",
"America's health-care programs are not doing enough for the nation's health"
] | Some people feel that ______. | Just seven years ago, the Jarvik-7 artificial heart was being cheered as the model of human creativeness. The sight of Barney Clark-alive and conscious after trading his diseased heart for a metal-and-plastic pump-convinced the press, the public and many doctors that the future had arrived. It hadn't. After monitoring production of the Jarvik-7, and reviewing its effects on the 150 or so patients (most of whom got the device as a temporary measure) the U.S. Food and Drug Administration concluded that the machine was doing more to endanger lives than to save them. Last week the agency cancelled its earlier approval, effectively banning the device.
The recall may hurt Symbion Inc., maker of the Jarvik-7, but it won't end the request for an artificial heart. One problem with the banned mode is that the tubes connecting it to an external power source createda passage for infection. Inventors are now working on new devices that would be fully placed, along with atiny power pack, in the patient's chest. The first sample products aren't expected for another 10 or 20 years. But some people are already worrying that they'll work-and that America's overextended health-care programs will lose a precious $2.5 billion to $5 billion a year providing them for a relatively few dying patients. If such expenditures cut into funding for more basic care, the net effect could actually be a decline in the nation's health. | 3200.txt | 1 |
[
"he is in favour of it.",
"his view is balanced.",
"he is slightly critical of it.",
"he is strongly critical of it."
] | When the book reviewer discusses the Internet University, | Text A
The University in Transformation, edited by Australian futurists Sohail Inayatullah and Jennifer Gidley, presents some 20 highly varied outlooks on tomorrow's universities by writers representing both Western and non-Western perspectives.Their essays raise a broad range of issues,questioning nearly every key assumption we have about higher education today.
The most widely discussed alternative to the traditional campus is the Internet University-a voluntary community to scholars/teachers physically scattered throughout a country or around the world but all linked in cyberspace.A computerized university could have many advantages,such as easy scheduling,efficient delivery of lectures to thousands or even millions of students at once,and ready access for students everywhere to the resources of all the world's great libraries.
Yet the Internet University poses dangers,too.For example,a line of franchised courseware,produced by a few superstar teachers,marketed under the brand name of a famous institution,and heavily advertised,might eventually come to dominate the global education market,warns sociology professor Peter Manicas of the University of Hawaii at Manoa.Besides enforcing a rigidly standardized curriculum,such a"college education in a box"could undersell the offerings of many traditional brick and mortar institutions,effectively driving them out of business and throwing thousands of career academics out of work,note Australian communications professors David Rooney and Greg Hearn.
On the other hand,while global connectivity seems highly likely to play some significant role in future higher education,that does not mean greater uniformity in course content-or other dangers-will necessarily follow.Counter-movements are also at work.
Many in academia,including scholars contributing to this volume,are questioning the fundamental mission of university education.What if,for instance,instead of receiving primarily technical training and building their individual careers,university students and professors could focus their learning and research efforts on existing problems in their local communities and the world? Feminist scholar Ivana Milojevic dares to dream what a university might become"if we believed that childcare workers and teachers in early childhood education should be one of the highest (rather than lowest) paid professionals?"
Co-editor Jennifer Gidley shows how tomorrows university faculty,instead of giving lectures and conducting independent research,may take on three new roles.Some would act as brokers,assembling customized degree-credit programmes for individual students by mixing and matching the best course offerings available from institutions all around the world.A second group,mentors,would function much like today's faculty advisers,but are likely to be working with many more students outside their own academic specialty.This would require them to constantly be learning from their students as well as instructing them.
A third new role for faculty,and in Gidley's view the most challenging and rewarding of all,would be as meaning-makers: charismatic sages and practitioners leading groups of students/colleagues in collaborative efforts to find spiritual as well as rational and technological solutions to specific real-world problems.
Moreover,there seems little reason to suppose that any one form of university must necessarily drive out all other options.Students may be"enrolled"in courses offered at virtual campuses on the Internet,between-or even during-sessions at a realworld problemfocused institution.
As co-editor Sohail Inayatullah points out in his introduction,no future is inevitable,and the very act of imagining and thinking through alternative possibilities can directly affect how thoughtfully,creatively and urgently even a dominant technology is adapted and applied.Even in academia,the future belongs to those who care enough to work their visions into practical,sustainable realities. | 1841.txt | 1 |
[
"Internetbased courses may be less costly than traditional ones.",
"Teachers in traditional institutions may lose their jobs.",
"Internetbased courseware may lack variety in course content.",
"The Internet University may produce teachers with a lot of publicity."
] | Which of the following is NOT seen as a potential danger of the Internet University? | Text A
The University in Transformation, edited by Australian futurists Sohail Inayatullah and Jennifer Gidley, presents some 20 highly varied outlooks on tomorrow's universities by writers representing both Western and non-Western perspectives.Their essays raise a broad range of issues,questioning nearly every key assumption we have about higher education today.
The most widely discussed alternative to the traditional campus is the Internet University-a voluntary community to scholars/teachers physically scattered throughout a country or around the world but all linked in cyberspace.A computerized university could have many advantages,such as easy scheduling,efficient delivery of lectures to thousands or even millions of students at once,and ready access for students everywhere to the resources of all the world's great libraries.
Yet the Internet University poses dangers,too.For example,a line of franchised courseware,produced by a few superstar teachers,marketed under the brand name of a famous institution,and heavily advertised,might eventually come to dominate the global education market,warns sociology professor Peter Manicas of the University of Hawaii at Manoa.Besides enforcing a rigidly standardized curriculum,such a"college education in a box"could undersell the offerings of many traditional brick and mortar institutions,effectively driving them out of business and throwing thousands of career academics out of work,note Australian communications professors David Rooney and Greg Hearn.
On the other hand,while global connectivity seems highly likely to play some significant role in future higher education,that does not mean greater uniformity in course content-or other dangers-will necessarily follow.Counter-movements are also at work.
Many in academia,including scholars contributing to this volume,are questioning the fundamental mission of university education.What if,for instance,instead of receiving primarily technical training and building their individual careers,university students and professors could focus their learning and research efforts on existing problems in their local communities and the world? Feminist scholar Ivana Milojevic dares to dream what a university might become"if we believed that childcare workers and teachers in early childhood education should be one of the highest (rather than lowest) paid professionals?"
Co-editor Jennifer Gidley shows how tomorrows university faculty,instead of giving lectures and conducting independent research,may take on three new roles.Some would act as brokers,assembling customized degree-credit programmes for individual students by mixing and matching the best course offerings available from institutions all around the world.A second group,mentors,would function much like today's faculty advisers,but are likely to be working with many more students outside their own academic specialty.This would require them to constantly be learning from their students as well as instructing them.
A third new role for faculty,and in Gidley's view the most challenging and rewarding of all,would be as meaning-makers: charismatic sages and practitioners leading groups of students/colleagues in collaborative efforts to find spiritual as well as rational and technological solutions to specific real-world problems.
Moreover,there seems little reason to suppose that any one form of university must necessarily drive out all other options.Students may be"enrolled"in courses offered at virtual campuses on the Internet,between-or even during-sessions at a realworld problemfocused institution.
As co-editor Sohail Inayatullah points out in his introduction,no future is inevitable,and the very act of imagining and thinking through alternative possibilities can directly affect how thoughtfully,creatively and urgently even a dominant technology is adapted and applied.Even in academia,the future belongs to those who care enough to work their visions into practical,sustainable realities. | 1841.txt | 0 |
[
"Knowledge learning and career building.",
"Learning how to solve existing social problems.",
"Researching into solutions to current world problems.",
"Combining research efforts of teachers and students in learning."
] | According to the review,what is the fundamental mission of traditional university education? | Text A
The University in Transformation, edited by Australian futurists Sohail Inayatullah and Jennifer Gidley, presents some 20 highly varied outlooks on tomorrow's universities by writers representing both Western and non-Western perspectives.Their essays raise a broad range of issues,questioning nearly every key assumption we have about higher education today.
The most widely discussed alternative to the traditional campus is the Internet University-a voluntary community to scholars/teachers physically scattered throughout a country or around the world but all linked in cyberspace.A computerized university could have many advantages,such as easy scheduling,efficient delivery of lectures to thousands or even millions of students at once,and ready access for students everywhere to the resources of all the world's great libraries.
Yet the Internet University poses dangers,too.For example,a line of franchised courseware,produced by a few superstar teachers,marketed under the brand name of a famous institution,and heavily advertised,might eventually come to dominate the global education market,warns sociology professor Peter Manicas of the University of Hawaii at Manoa.Besides enforcing a rigidly standardized curriculum,such a"college education in a box"could undersell the offerings of many traditional brick and mortar institutions,effectively driving them out of business and throwing thousands of career academics out of work,note Australian communications professors David Rooney and Greg Hearn.
On the other hand,while global connectivity seems highly likely to play some significant role in future higher education,that does not mean greater uniformity in course content-or other dangers-will necessarily follow.Counter-movements are also at work.
Many in academia,including scholars contributing to this volume,are questioning the fundamental mission of university education.What if,for instance,instead of receiving primarily technical training and building their individual careers,university students and professors could focus their learning and research efforts on existing problems in their local communities and the world? Feminist scholar Ivana Milojevic dares to dream what a university might become"if we believed that childcare workers and teachers in early childhood education should be one of the highest (rather than lowest) paid professionals?"
Co-editor Jennifer Gidley shows how tomorrows university faculty,instead of giving lectures and conducting independent research,may take on three new roles.Some would act as brokers,assembling customized degree-credit programmes for individual students by mixing and matching the best course offerings available from institutions all around the world.A second group,mentors,would function much like today's faculty advisers,but are likely to be working with many more students outside their own academic specialty.This would require them to constantly be learning from their students as well as instructing them.
A third new role for faculty,and in Gidley's view the most challenging and rewarding of all,would be as meaning-makers: charismatic sages and practitioners leading groups of students/colleagues in collaborative efforts to find spiritual as well as rational and technological solutions to specific real-world problems.
Moreover,there seems little reason to suppose that any one form of university must necessarily drive out all other options.Students may be"enrolled"in courses offered at virtual campuses on the Internet,between-or even during-sessions at a realworld problemfocused institution.
As co-editor Sohail Inayatullah points out in his introduction,no future is inevitable,and the very act of imagining and thinking through alternative possibilities can directly affect how thoughtfully,creatively and urgently even a dominant technology is adapted and applied.Even in academia,the future belongs to those who care enough to work their visions into practical,sustainable realities. | 1841.txt | 0 |
[
"are required to conduct more independent research.",
"are required to offer more courses to their students.",
"are supposed to assume more demanding duties.",
"are supposed to supervise more students in their specialty."
] | Judging from the three new roles envisioned for tomorrows university faculty,university teachers | Text A
The University in Transformation, edited by Australian futurists Sohail Inayatullah and Jennifer Gidley, presents some 20 highly varied outlooks on tomorrow's universities by writers representing both Western and non-Western perspectives.Their essays raise a broad range of issues,questioning nearly every key assumption we have about higher education today.
The most widely discussed alternative to the traditional campus is the Internet University-a voluntary community to scholars/teachers physically scattered throughout a country or around the world but all linked in cyberspace.A computerized university could have many advantages,such as easy scheduling,efficient delivery of lectures to thousands or even millions of students at once,and ready access for students everywhere to the resources of all the world's great libraries.
Yet the Internet University poses dangers,too.For example,a line of franchised courseware,produced by a few superstar teachers,marketed under the brand name of a famous institution,and heavily advertised,might eventually come to dominate the global education market,warns sociology professor Peter Manicas of the University of Hawaii at Manoa.Besides enforcing a rigidly standardized curriculum,such a"college education in a box"could undersell the offerings of many traditional brick and mortar institutions,effectively driving them out of business and throwing thousands of career academics out of work,note Australian communications professors David Rooney and Greg Hearn.
On the other hand,while global connectivity seems highly likely to play some significant role in future higher education,that does not mean greater uniformity in course content-or other dangers-will necessarily follow.Counter-movements are also at work.
Many in academia,including scholars contributing to this volume,are questioning the fundamental mission of university education.What if,for instance,instead of receiving primarily technical training and building their individual careers,university students and professors could focus their learning and research efforts on existing problems in their local communities and the world? Feminist scholar Ivana Milojevic dares to dream what a university might become"if we believed that childcare workers and teachers in early childhood education should be one of the highest (rather than lowest) paid professionals?"
Co-editor Jennifer Gidley shows how tomorrows university faculty,instead of giving lectures and conducting independent research,may take on three new roles.Some would act as brokers,assembling customized degree-credit programmes for individual students by mixing and matching the best course offerings available from institutions all around the world.A second group,mentors,would function much like today's faculty advisers,but are likely to be working with many more students outside their own academic specialty.This would require them to constantly be learning from their students as well as instructing them.
A third new role for faculty,and in Gidley's view the most challenging and rewarding of all,would be as meaning-makers: charismatic sages and practitioners leading groups of students/colleagues in collaborative efforts to find spiritual as well as rational and technological solutions to specific real-world problems.
Moreover,there seems little reason to suppose that any one form of university must necessarily drive out all other options.Students may be"enrolled"in courses offered at virtual campuses on the Internet,between-or even during-sessions at a realworld problemfocused institution.
As co-editor Sohail Inayatullah points out in his introduction,no future is inevitable,and the very act of imagining and thinking through alternative possibilities can directly affect how thoughtfully,creatively and urgently even a dominant technology is adapted and applied.Even in academia,the future belongs to those who care enough to work their visions into practical,sustainable realities. | 1841.txt | 2 |
[
"Narration.",
"Description.",
"Persuasion.",
"Exposition."
] | Which category of writing does the review belong to? | Text A
The University in Transformation, edited by Australian futurists Sohail Inayatullah and Jennifer Gidley, presents some 20 highly varied outlooks on tomorrow's universities by writers representing both Western and non-Western perspectives.Their essays raise a broad range of issues,questioning nearly every key assumption we have about higher education today.
The most widely discussed alternative to the traditional campus is the Internet University-a voluntary community to scholars/teachers physically scattered throughout a country or around the world but all linked in cyberspace.A computerized university could have many advantages,such as easy scheduling,efficient delivery of lectures to thousands or even millions of students at once,and ready access for students everywhere to the resources of all the world's great libraries.
Yet the Internet University poses dangers,too.For example,a line of franchised courseware,produced by a few superstar teachers,marketed under the brand name of a famous institution,and heavily advertised,might eventually come to dominate the global education market,warns sociology professor Peter Manicas of the University of Hawaii at Manoa.Besides enforcing a rigidly standardized curriculum,such a"college education in a box"could undersell the offerings of many traditional brick and mortar institutions,effectively driving them out of business and throwing thousands of career academics out of work,note Australian communications professors David Rooney and Greg Hearn.
On the other hand,while global connectivity seems highly likely to play some significant role in future higher education,that does not mean greater uniformity in course content-or other dangers-will necessarily follow.Counter-movements are also at work.
Many in academia,including scholars contributing to this volume,are questioning the fundamental mission of university education.What if,for instance,instead of receiving primarily technical training and building their individual careers,university students and professors could focus their learning and research efforts on existing problems in their local communities and the world? Feminist scholar Ivana Milojevic dares to dream what a university might become"if we believed that childcare workers and teachers in early childhood education should be one of the highest (rather than lowest) paid professionals?"
Co-editor Jennifer Gidley shows how tomorrows university faculty,instead of giving lectures and conducting independent research,may take on three new roles.Some would act as brokers,assembling customized degree-credit programmes for individual students by mixing and matching the best course offerings available from institutions all around the world.A second group,mentors,would function much like today's faculty advisers,but are likely to be working with many more students outside their own academic specialty.This would require them to constantly be learning from their students as well as instructing them.
A third new role for faculty,and in Gidley's view the most challenging and rewarding of all,would be as meaning-makers: charismatic sages and practitioners leading groups of students/colleagues in collaborative efforts to find spiritual as well as rational and technological solutions to specific real-world problems.
Moreover,there seems little reason to suppose that any one form of university must necessarily drive out all other options.Students may be"enrolled"in courses offered at virtual campuses on the Internet,between-or even during-sessions at a realworld problemfocused institution.
As co-editor Sohail Inayatullah points out in his introduction,no future is inevitable,and the very act of imagining and thinking through alternative possibilities can directly affect how thoughtfully,creatively and urgently even a dominant technology is adapted and applied.Even in academia,the future belongs to those who care enough to work their visions into practical,sustainable realities. | 1841.txt | 3 |
[
"Parents help their children develop interests in more activities.",
"Parents put more trust in their children's abilities.",
"Parents and children talk more about sex and drugs.",
"Parents share more interests with their children."
] | Which of the following shows that the generation gap is disappearing? | Parents and kids today dress alike,listen to the same music,and are friends.Is this a good thing? Sometimes,when Mr.Ballmer and his 16-year-old daughter, Eliza-
beth,listen to rock music together and talk about interests both enjoy,such as pop culture,he remembers his more distant relationship with his parents when he was a teenager.
"I would never have said to my mom,'Hey,the new Weezer album is really great.How do you like it?'"says Ballmer."There was just a complete gap in taste."
Music was not the only gulf.From clothing and hairstyles to activities and expectations,earlier generations of parents and children often appeared to move in separate orbits.
Today,the generation gap has not disappeared,but it is getting narrow in many families.Conversations on subjects such as sex and drugs would not have taken place a generation ago.Now they are comfortable and common.And parent-child activities,
from shopping to sports,involve a feeling of trust and friendship that can continue into adulthood.
No wonder greeting cards today carry the message,"To my mother,my best friend."
But family experts warn that the new equality can also result in less respect for parents.
"There's still a lot of strictness and authority on the part of parents out there,but there is a change happening,"says Kerrie,a psychology professor at Lebanon Valley College."In the middle of that change,there is a lot of confusion among parents."
Family researchers offer a variety of reasons for these evolving roles and attitudes.They see the 1960s as a turning point.Great cultural changes led to more open communication and a more democratic process that encourages everyone to have a say.
"My parents were on the ‘before' side of that change,but today's parents,the 40-year-olds,were on the ‘after' side,"explains Mr.Ballmer."It's not something easily accomplished by parents these days,because life is more difficult to understand or deal with,but sharing interests does make it more fun to be a parent now." | 3476.txt | 3 |
[
"more confusion among parents",
"new equality between parents and children",
"less respect for parents from children",
"more strictness and authority on the part of parents"
] | The change in today's parent-child relationship is. | Parents and kids today dress alike,listen to the same music,and are friends.Is this a good thing? Sometimes,when Mr.Ballmer and his 16-year-old daughter, Eliza-
beth,listen to rock music together and talk about interests both enjoy,such as pop culture,he remembers his more distant relationship with his parents when he was a teenager.
"I would never have said to my mom,'Hey,the new Weezer album is really great.How do you like it?'"says Ballmer."There was just a complete gap in taste."
Music was not the only gulf.From clothing and hairstyles to activities and expectations,earlier generations of parents and children often appeared to move in separate orbits.
Today,the generation gap has not disappeared,but it is getting narrow in many families.Conversations on subjects such as sex and drugs would not have taken place a generation ago.Now they are comfortable and common.And parent-child activities,
from shopping to sports,involve a feeling of trust and friendship that can continue into adulthood.
No wonder greeting cards today carry the message,"To my mother,my best friend."
But family experts warn that the new equality can also result in less respect for parents.
"There's still a lot of strictness and authority on the part of parents out there,but there is a change happening,"says Kerrie,a psychology professor at Lebanon Valley College."In the middle of that change,there is a lot of confusion among parents."
Family researchers offer a variety of reasons for these evolving roles and attitudes.They see the 1960s as a turning point.Great cultural changes led to more open communication and a more democratic process that encourages everyone to have a say.
"My parents were on the ‘before' side of that change,but today's parents,the 40-year-olds,were on the ‘after' side,"explains Mr.Ballmer."It's not something easily accomplished by parents these days,because life is more difficult to understand or deal with,but sharing interests does make it more fun to be a parent now." | 3476.txt | 1 |
[
"follow the trend of the change",
"can set a limit to the change",
"fail to take the change seriously",
"have little difficulty adjusting to the change"
] | By saying "today's parents,the 40-year-olds,were on the'after'side,"the author means that today's parents. | Parents and kids today dress alike,listen to the same music,and are friends.Is this a good thing? Sometimes,when Mr.Ballmer and his 16-year-old daughter, Eliza-
beth,listen to rock music together and talk about interests both enjoy,such as pop culture,he remembers his more distant relationship with his parents when he was a teenager.
"I would never have said to my mom,'Hey,the new Weezer album is really great.How do you like it?'"says Ballmer."There was just a complete gap in taste."
Music was not the only gulf.From clothing and hairstyles to activities and expectations,earlier generations of parents and children often appeared to move in separate orbits.
Today,the generation gap has not disappeared,but it is getting narrow in many families.Conversations on subjects such as sex and drugs would not have taken place a generation ago.Now they are comfortable and common.And parent-child activities,
from shopping to sports,involve a feeling of trust and friendship that can continue into adulthood.
No wonder greeting cards today carry the message,"To my mother,my best friend."
But family experts warn that the new equality can also result in less respect for parents.
"There's still a lot of strictness and authority on the part of parents out there,but there is a change happening,"says Kerrie,a psychology professor at Lebanon Valley College."In the middle of that change,there is a lot of confusion among parents."
Family researchers offer a variety of reasons for these evolving roles and attitudes.They see the 1960s as a turning point.Great cultural changes led to more open communication and a more democratic process that encourages everyone to have a say.
"My parents were on the ‘before' side of that change,but today's parents,the 40-year-olds,were on the ‘after' side,"explains Mr.Ballmer."It's not something easily accomplished by parents these days,because life is more difficult to understand or deal with,but sharing interests does make it more fun to be a parent now." | 3476.txt | 0 |
[
"describe the difficulties today's parents have met with",
"discuss the development of the parent-child relationship",
"suggest the ways to handle the parent-child relationship",
"compare today's parent-child relationship with that in the past"
] | The purpose of the passage is to. | Parents and kids today dress alike,listen to the same music,and are friends.Is this a good thing? Sometimes,when Mr.Ballmer and his 16-year-old daughter, Eliza-
beth,listen to rock music together and talk about interests both enjoy,such as pop culture,he remembers his more distant relationship with his parents when he was a teenager.
"I would never have said to my mom,'Hey,the new Weezer album is really great.How do you like it?'"says Ballmer."There was just a complete gap in taste."
Music was not the only gulf.From clothing and hairstyles to activities and expectations,earlier generations of parents and children often appeared to move in separate orbits.
Today,the generation gap has not disappeared,but it is getting narrow in many families.Conversations on subjects such as sex and drugs would not have taken place a generation ago.Now they are comfortable and common.And parent-child activities,
from shopping to sports,involve a feeling of trust and friendship that can continue into adulthood.
No wonder greeting cards today carry the message,"To my mother,my best friend."
But family experts warn that the new equality can also result in less respect for parents.
"There's still a lot of strictness and authority on the part of parents out there,but there is a change happening,"says Kerrie,a psychology professor at Lebanon Valley College."In the middle of that change,there is a lot of confusion among parents."
Family researchers offer a variety of reasons for these evolving roles and attitudes.They see the 1960s as a turning point.Great cultural changes led to more open communication and a more democratic process that encourages everyone to have a say.
"My parents were on the ‘before' side of that change,but today's parents,the 40-year-olds,were on the ‘after' side,"explains Mr.Ballmer."It's not something easily accomplished by parents these days,because life is more difficult to understand or deal with,but sharing interests does make it more fun to be a parent now." | 3476.txt | 1 |
[
"during the 1970's, old building in many cities were recycled for modern use",
"recent interest in ecology issues has led to the cleaning up of many rivers",
"the San Antonio example shows that bulldozers are not the right way to fight urban decay",
"strong government support has made adaptive rehabilitation a reality in Boston"
] | The main idea of the passage is_ . | The most interesting architectural phenomenon of the 1970's was the enthusiasm for refurnishing older building. Obviously, this was not an entirely new phenomenon. What is new is the whole scale in reusing the past, in recycling, in adaptive rehabilitation ( ). A few trial efforts, such as Ghirardelli Square in San Francisco, proved their financial feasibility in the 1960's, but it was in the 1970's, with strong government support through tax incentives and rapid depreciation , as well as growing interest in ecology issues, that recycling became a major factor on the urban scene. One of the most comprehensive ventures was the restoration and transformation of Boston's eighteenth century Faneuil Hall and the Quincy Market, designed in 1824. This section had fallen on hard times, but beginning with the construction of a new city hall immediately nearby, it has returned to life with the intelligent reuse of these fine old buildings under the design leadership of Benjamin Thompson. He has provided a marvelous setting for dining, shopping, professional office, and simply walking.
Butler Square, in Minneapolis, serves as an example of major changes in its complex of offices, commercial space, and public amenities carved out of a massive pile designed in 1906 as a hardware warehouse. The exciting interior timber structure of the building was highlighted by cutting light courts through the interior and adding large skylights.
San Antonio, Texas, offers a big object lesson for numerous other cities combating urban decay. Rather than bringing in the bulldozers ( ) , San Antonio's leaders rehabilitated existing structures, while simultaneously cleaning up the San Antonio River, which runs through the business district. | 1511.txt | 0 |
[
"Boston",
"San Francisco",
"Minneapolis",
"San Antonio"
] | According to the passage, Benjamin Thompson was the designer for a project in | The most interesting architectural phenomenon of the 1970's was the enthusiasm for refurnishing older building. Obviously, this was not an entirely new phenomenon. What is new is the whole scale in reusing the past, in recycling, in adaptive rehabilitation ( ). A few trial efforts, such as Ghirardelli Square in San Francisco, proved their financial feasibility in the 1960's, but it was in the 1970's, with strong government support through tax incentives and rapid depreciation , as well as growing interest in ecology issues, that recycling became a major factor on the urban scene. One of the most comprehensive ventures was the restoration and transformation of Boston's eighteenth century Faneuil Hall and the Quincy Market, designed in 1824. This section had fallen on hard times, but beginning with the construction of a new city hall immediately nearby, it has returned to life with the intelligent reuse of these fine old buildings under the design leadership of Benjamin Thompson. He has provided a marvelous setting for dining, shopping, professional office, and simply walking.
Butler Square, in Minneapolis, serves as an example of major changes in its complex of offices, commercial space, and public amenities carved out of a massive pile designed in 1906 as a hardware warehouse. The exciting interior timber structure of the building was highlighted by cutting light courts through the interior and adding large skylights.
San Antonio, Texas, offers a big object lesson for numerous other cities combating urban decay. Rather than bringing in the bulldozers ( ) , San Antonio's leaders rehabilitated existing structures, while simultaneously cleaning up the San Antonio River, which runs through the business district. | 1511.txt | 0 |
[
"Boston's new city hall",
"sports and recreational facilities",
"commercial and industrial warehouses",
"restaurants, offices, and stores"
] | The space at Quincy Market is now used as_ . | The most interesting architectural phenomenon of the 1970's was the enthusiasm for refurnishing older building. Obviously, this was not an entirely new phenomenon. What is new is the whole scale in reusing the past, in recycling, in adaptive rehabilitation ( ). A few trial efforts, such as Ghirardelli Square in San Francisco, proved their financial feasibility in the 1960's, but it was in the 1970's, with strong government support through tax incentives and rapid depreciation , as well as growing interest in ecology issues, that recycling became a major factor on the urban scene. One of the most comprehensive ventures was the restoration and transformation of Boston's eighteenth century Faneuil Hall and the Quincy Market, designed in 1824. This section had fallen on hard times, but beginning with the construction of a new city hall immediately nearby, it has returned to life with the intelligent reuse of these fine old buildings under the design leadership of Benjamin Thompson. He has provided a marvelous setting for dining, shopping, professional office, and simply walking.
Butler Square, in Minneapolis, serves as an example of major changes in its complex of offices, commercial space, and public amenities carved out of a massive pile designed in 1906 as a hardware warehouse. The exciting interior timber structure of the building was highlighted by cutting light courts through the interior and adding large skylights.
San Antonio, Texas, offers a big object lesson for numerous other cities combating urban decay. Rather than bringing in the bulldozers ( ) , San Antonio's leaders rehabilitated existing structures, while simultaneously cleaning up the San Antonio River, which runs through the business district. | 1511.txt | 3 |
[
"It is clearly the best of the projects discussed.",
"It is a good project that could be copied by other cities.",
"The extensive use of bulldozers made the project unnecessarily costly.",
"The work done on the river was more important than work done on the buildings."
] | What is the author's opinion of the San Antonio's project? | The most interesting architectural phenomenon of the 1970's was the enthusiasm for refurnishing older building. Obviously, this was not an entirely new phenomenon. What is new is the whole scale in reusing the past, in recycling, in adaptive rehabilitation ( ). A few trial efforts, such as Ghirardelli Square in San Francisco, proved their financial feasibility in the 1960's, but it was in the 1970's, with strong government support through tax incentives and rapid depreciation , as well as growing interest in ecology issues, that recycling became a major factor on the urban scene. One of the most comprehensive ventures was the restoration and transformation of Boston's eighteenth century Faneuil Hall and the Quincy Market, designed in 1824. This section had fallen on hard times, but beginning with the construction of a new city hall immediately nearby, it has returned to life with the intelligent reuse of these fine old buildings under the design leadership of Benjamin Thompson. He has provided a marvelous setting for dining, shopping, professional office, and simply walking.
Butler Square, in Minneapolis, serves as an example of major changes in its complex of offices, commercial space, and public amenities carved out of a massive pile designed in 1906 as a hardware warehouse. The exciting interior timber structure of the building was highlighted by cutting light courts through the interior and adding large skylights.
San Antonio, Texas, offers a big object lesson for numerous other cities combating urban decay. Rather than bringing in the bulldozers ( ) , San Antonio's leaders rehabilitated existing structures, while simultaneously cleaning up the San Antonio River, which runs through the business district. | 1511.txt | 2 |
[
"it consisted primarily of new buildings",
"it occurred in the business district",
"it involved the environment as well as buildings",
"it was designed to combat urban decay"
] | The passage states that the San Antonio project differed from those in Boston and Minneapolis in that_ . | The most interesting architectural phenomenon of the 1970's was the enthusiasm for refurnishing older building. Obviously, this was not an entirely new phenomenon. What is new is the whole scale in reusing the past, in recycling, in adaptive rehabilitation ( ). A few trial efforts, such as Ghirardelli Square in San Francisco, proved their financial feasibility in the 1960's, but it was in the 1970's, with strong government support through tax incentives and rapid depreciation , as well as growing interest in ecology issues, that recycling became a major factor on the urban scene. One of the most comprehensive ventures was the restoration and transformation of Boston's eighteenth century Faneuil Hall and the Quincy Market, designed in 1824. This section had fallen on hard times, but beginning with the construction of a new city hall immediately nearby, it has returned to life with the intelligent reuse of these fine old buildings under the design leadership of Benjamin Thompson. He has provided a marvelous setting for dining, shopping, professional office, and simply walking.
Butler Square, in Minneapolis, serves as an example of major changes in its complex of offices, commercial space, and public amenities carved out of a massive pile designed in 1906 as a hardware warehouse. The exciting interior timber structure of the building was highlighted by cutting light courts through the interior and adding large skylights.
San Antonio, Texas, offers a big object lesson for numerous other cities combating urban decay. Rather than bringing in the bulldozers ( ) , San Antonio's leaders rehabilitated existing structures, while simultaneously cleaning up the San Antonio River, which runs through the business district. | 1511.txt | 1 |
[
"cannot cause a suture to develop",
"has no effect on where a suture will occur",
"cannot provide information about the nature of underlying rocks",
"is similar on the two sides of a rift unless a suture divides the two sides"
] | Part of the Harris and Gass hypothesis about the Red Sea rift would be weakened if it could be demonstrated that the composition of upper rock layers | Geologists Harris and Gass hypothesized that the Red Sea rift developed along the line of a suture (a splice in the Earth's crust) formed during the late Proterozoic era, and that significant observable differences in the composition of the upper layers of rocks deposited on either side of the suture give clues to the different natures of the underlying igneous rocks.
Other geologists argued that neither the upper rock layer nor the underlying igneous rocks on the one side of the rift differ fundamentally from the corresponding layers on the other side. These geologists believe, therefore, that there is inadequate evidence to conclude that a suture underlies the rift.
In response, Harris and Gass asserted that the upper rock layers on the two sides of the rift had not been shown to be of similar age, structure, or geochemical content. Further- more, they cited new evidence that the underlying igneous rocks on either side of the rift contain significantly different kinds of rare metals. | 1931.txt | 2 |
[
"Similar geological features along both sides of a possible suture imply the existence of that suture",
"Sutures can be discovered only where they are not obscured by superimposed geological features.",
"The composition of igneous rocks permits pre- diction of the likelihood of a rift developing through them.",
"he existence of rock layers on one side of a rift that are similar in composition to rock layers on the other side suggests that no suture exists between the two sides."
] | It can be inferred from the passage that the "Other geologists" (line 8) would be most likely to agree with which of the following statements? | Geologists Harris and Gass hypothesized that the Red Sea rift developed along the line of a suture (a splice in the Earth's crust) formed during the late Proterozoic era, and that significant observable differences in the composition of the upper layers of rocks deposited on either side of the suture give clues to the different natures of the underlying igneous rocks.
Other geologists argued that neither the upper rock layer nor the underlying igneous rocks on the one side of the rift differ fundamentally from the corresponding layers on the other side. These geologists believe, therefore, that there is inadequate evidence to conclude that a suture underlies the rift.
In response, Harris and Gass asserted that the upper rock layers on the two sides of the rift had not been shown to be of similar age, structure, or geochemical content. Further- more, they cited new evidence that the underlying igneous rocks on either side of the rift contain significantly different kinds of rare metals. | 1931.txt | 3 |
[
"Drawn detailed diagrams of the Red Sea rift.",
"Based their conclusions on the way in which sutures develop in the Earth's crust.",
"Rejected other geologists objections to their hypothesis about the Red Sea rift.",
"Suggested that the presence of rare metals in rocks indicates an underlying suture."
] | It can be inferred from the passage that Harris and Gass have done which of the following? | Geologists Harris and Gass hypothesized that the Red Sea rift developed along the line of a suture (a splice in the Earth's crust) formed during the late Proterozoic era, and that significant observable differences in the composition of the upper layers of rocks deposited on either side of the suture give clues to the different natures of the underlying igneous rocks.
Other geologists argued that neither the upper rock layer nor the underlying igneous rocks on the one side of the rift differ fundamentally from the corresponding layers on the other side. These geologists believe, therefore, that there is inadequate evidence to conclude that a suture underlies the rift.
In response, Harris and Gass asserted that the upper rock layers on the two sides of the rift had not been shown to be of similar age, structure, or geochemical content. Further- more, they cited new evidence that the underlying igneous rocks on either side of the rift contain significantly different kinds of rare metals. | 1931.txt | 2 |
[
"age of the upper layers of rock",
"structure of the upper layers of rocks",
"geochemical content of the upper layers of rocks",
"age of the underlying igneous rocks"
] | According to the passage, Harris and Gass have mentioned all of the following properties of rocks along the Red Sea rift EXCEPT | Geologists Harris and Gass hypothesized that the Red Sea rift developed along the line of a suture (a splice in the Earth's crust) formed during the late Proterozoic era, and that significant observable differences in the composition of the upper layers of rocks deposited on either side of the suture give clues to the different natures of the underlying igneous rocks.
Other geologists argued that neither the upper rock layer nor the underlying igneous rocks on the one side of the rift differ fundamentally from the corresponding layers on the other side. These geologists believe, therefore, that there is inadequate evidence to conclude that a suture underlies the rift.
In response, Harris and Gass asserted that the upper rock layers on the two sides of the rift had not been shown to be of similar age, structure, or geochemical content. Further- more, they cited new evidence that the underlying igneous rocks on either side of the rift contain significantly different kinds of rare metals. | 1931.txt | 3 |
[
"It makes attempts to help the poor on a social level.",
"It is aimed at treating poor people for free.",
"It is designed to help the poor rise from poverty.",
"It offers community help to those who are poor."
] | What makes the "Partners in Health" system unique compared with traditional hospitals? | When it comes to health, the poor are doubly cursed. Not only are they more prone to deadly infectious diseases than the rich, but they have far less access to the means of improvement. Twenty years ago, Paul Farmer, an American doctor and anthropologist, set out to do something about this. Amid the political turmoiland poverty of rural Haiti, he created a community based health care system called Zanmi Lasante, or Partners in Health. It not only delivers appropriate, affordable medical treatment to thousands of poor people, but goes beyond the clinic to address the social causes making them sick and keeping them from getting better.
As Dr. Farmer argues, improving the health of the poor is not just a medical challenge, but a question of human rights. Tackling the inequality, racism, sexism and other forms of "structural violence" which oppress the poor is as critical as extending the drugs. Or as his Haiti patients put it, medicine without food is like washing one's hands and drying them in the dirt.
Unfortunately, Dr. Farmer's powerful message is often weakened by his book's academic tone. It does, however, scream out in passages describing the human face of "structural violence". It is these personal stories that make Dr. Farmer's anger at such "stupid deaths" so compelling.
The good doctor's motives and methods are better described in Mountains Beyond Mountains. This biography by Tracy Kidder traces Dr. Farmer from his unconventional upbringing and unusual education, shuttling between the shacks of central Haiti and the halls of Harvard Medical School, to his later work around the world. Though well written, Mr. Kidder's book also makes for uncomfortable reading. The author is clearly close to his subject, having traveled with Dr. Farmer from the green poverty of Haiti to the tubercular whiteness of Russia. Too close, perhaps. The biographer seems to be seeking his subject's approval, rather than the other way round. Mr. Kidder writes, rather disturbingly, about his fear of disappointing Dr. Farmer, his own pain at wounding him with a critical remark and his relief at the doctor's forgiveness.
When Mr. Kidder's health falls, this dependence becomes all the more intense. But rather than compromise the book's equity, this intimacy serves to highlight Dr. Farmer's admirable, yet ultimately irritating, character. As Mr. Kidder observes, "Farmer wasn't put on earth to make anyone feel comfortable, except those lucky enough to be his patients or those unlucky enough to need him." | 2771.txt | 0 |
[
"Hands should not be dried in the dirt after washing.",
"Medicine is also needed for cleaning hands.",
"Medicine is not a long term cure to their poor health.",
"Food can cure their disease better than any medicine."
] | What can be inferred from the last sentence of the second paragraph? | When it comes to health, the poor are doubly cursed. Not only are they more prone to deadly infectious diseases than the rich, but they have far less access to the means of improvement. Twenty years ago, Paul Farmer, an American doctor and anthropologist, set out to do something about this. Amid the political turmoiland poverty of rural Haiti, he created a community based health care system called Zanmi Lasante, or Partners in Health. It not only delivers appropriate, affordable medical treatment to thousands of poor people, but goes beyond the clinic to address the social causes making them sick and keeping them from getting better.
As Dr. Farmer argues, improving the health of the poor is not just a medical challenge, but a question of human rights. Tackling the inequality, racism, sexism and other forms of "structural violence" which oppress the poor is as critical as extending the drugs. Or as his Haiti patients put it, medicine without food is like washing one's hands and drying them in the dirt.
Unfortunately, Dr. Farmer's powerful message is often weakened by his book's academic tone. It does, however, scream out in passages describing the human face of "structural violence". It is these personal stories that make Dr. Farmer's anger at such "stupid deaths" so compelling.
The good doctor's motives and methods are better described in Mountains Beyond Mountains. This biography by Tracy Kidder traces Dr. Farmer from his unconventional upbringing and unusual education, shuttling between the shacks of central Haiti and the halls of Harvard Medical School, to his later work around the world. Though well written, Mr. Kidder's book also makes for uncomfortable reading. The author is clearly close to his subject, having traveled with Dr. Farmer from the green poverty of Haiti to the tubercular whiteness of Russia. Too close, perhaps. The biographer seems to be seeking his subject's approval, rather than the other way round. Mr. Kidder writes, rather disturbingly, about his fear of disappointing Dr. Farmer, his own pain at wounding him with a critical remark and his relief at the doctor's forgiveness.
When Mr. Kidder's health falls, this dependence becomes all the more intense. But rather than compromise the book's equity, this intimacy serves to highlight Dr. Farmer's admirable, yet ultimately irritating, character. As Mr. Kidder observes, "Farmer wasn't put on earth to make anyone feel comfortable, except those lucky enough to be his patients or those unlucky enough to need him." | 2771.txt | 2 |
[
"the plots in the book are not attractive enough",
"the way he tells the stories is not compelling enough",
"the anger he expresses at \"stupid deaths\" is too strong",
"the tone is not strong enough to arouse people's attention"
] | The disadvantage of Dr. Farmer's book seems to be that. | When it comes to health, the poor are doubly cursed. Not only are they more prone to deadly infectious diseases than the rich, but they have far less access to the means of improvement. Twenty years ago, Paul Farmer, an American doctor and anthropologist, set out to do something about this. Amid the political turmoiland poverty of rural Haiti, he created a community based health care system called Zanmi Lasante, or Partners in Health. It not only delivers appropriate, affordable medical treatment to thousands of poor people, but goes beyond the clinic to address the social causes making them sick and keeping them from getting better.
As Dr. Farmer argues, improving the health of the poor is not just a medical challenge, but a question of human rights. Tackling the inequality, racism, sexism and other forms of "structural violence" which oppress the poor is as critical as extending the drugs. Or as his Haiti patients put it, medicine without food is like washing one's hands and drying them in the dirt.
Unfortunately, Dr. Farmer's powerful message is often weakened by his book's academic tone. It does, however, scream out in passages describing the human face of "structural violence". It is these personal stories that make Dr. Farmer's anger at such "stupid deaths" so compelling.
The good doctor's motives and methods are better described in Mountains Beyond Mountains. This biography by Tracy Kidder traces Dr. Farmer from his unconventional upbringing and unusual education, shuttling between the shacks of central Haiti and the halls of Harvard Medical School, to his later work around the world. Though well written, Mr. Kidder's book also makes for uncomfortable reading. The author is clearly close to his subject, having traveled with Dr. Farmer from the green poverty of Haiti to the tubercular whiteness of Russia. Too close, perhaps. The biographer seems to be seeking his subject's approval, rather than the other way round. Mr. Kidder writes, rather disturbingly, about his fear of disappointing Dr. Farmer, his own pain at wounding him with a critical remark and his relief at the doctor's forgiveness.
When Mr. Kidder's health falls, this dependence becomes all the more intense. But rather than compromise the book's equity, this intimacy serves to highlight Dr. Farmer's admirable, yet ultimately irritating, character. As Mr. Kidder observes, "Farmer wasn't put on earth to make anyone feel comfortable, except those lucky enough to be his patients or those unlucky enough to need him." | 2771.txt | 3 |
[
"Mr. Kidder himself has never been involved in Dr. Farmer's life",
"Mr. Kidder is afraid of making true comments on Dr. Farmer",
"Mr. Kidder's emotions prevent him from independent writing",
"Mr. Kidder is always waiting for Dr. Farmer's forgiveness"
] | Mr. Kidder's book also makes for uncomfortable reading because . | When it comes to health, the poor are doubly cursed. Not only are they more prone to deadly infectious diseases than the rich, but they have far less access to the means of improvement. Twenty years ago, Paul Farmer, an American doctor and anthropologist, set out to do something about this. Amid the political turmoiland poverty of rural Haiti, he created a community based health care system called Zanmi Lasante, or Partners in Health. It not only delivers appropriate, affordable medical treatment to thousands of poor people, but goes beyond the clinic to address the social causes making them sick and keeping them from getting better.
As Dr. Farmer argues, improving the health of the poor is not just a medical challenge, but a question of human rights. Tackling the inequality, racism, sexism and other forms of "structural violence" which oppress the poor is as critical as extending the drugs. Or as his Haiti patients put it, medicine without food is like washing one's hands and drying them in the dirt.
Unfortunately, Dr. Farmer's powerful message is often weakened by his book's academic tone. It does, however, scream out in passages describing the human face of "structural violence". It is these personal stories that make Dr. Farmer's anger at such "stupid deaths" so compelling.
The good doctor's motives and methods are better described in Mountains Beyond Mountains. This biography by Tracy Kidder traces Dr. Farmer from his unconventional upbringing and unusual education, shuttling between the shacks of central Haiti and the halls of Harvard Medical School, to his later work around the world. Though well written, Mr. Kidder's book also makes for uncomfortable reading. The author is clearly close to his subject, having traveled with Dr. Farmer from the green poverty of Haiti to the tubercular whiteness of Russia. Too close, perhaps. The biographer seems to be seeking his subject's approval, rather than the other way round. Mr. Kidder writes, rather disturbingly, about his fear of disappointing Dr. Farmer, his own pain at wounding him with a critical remark and his relief at the doctor's forgiveness.
When Mr. Kidder's health falls, this dependence becomes all the more intense. But rather than compromise the book's equity, this intimacy serves to highlight Dr. Farmer's admirable, yet ultimately irritating, character. As Mr. Kidder observes, "Farmer wasn't put on earth to make anyone feel comfortable, except those lucky enough to be his patients or those unlucky enough to need him." | 2771.txt | 2 |
[
"Dr. Farmer only helped those who are lucky enough",
"Dr. Farmer may have severely criticized the society",
"Dr. Farmer was not actually making his patients comfortable",
"Dr. Farmer's job is not to make people comfortable"
] | It can be inferred from the last paragraph that . | When it comes to health, the poor are doubly cursed. Not only are they more prone to deadly infectious diseases than the rich, but they have far less access to the means of improvement. Twenty years ago, Paul Farmer, an American doctor and anthropologist, set out to do something about this. Amid the political turmoiland poverty of rural Haiti, he created a community based health care system called Zanmi Lasante, or Partners in Health. It not only delivers appropriate, affordable medical treatment to thousands of poor people, but goes beyond the clinic to address the social causes making them sick and keeping them from getting better.
As Dr. Farmer argues, improving the health of the poor is not just a medical challenge, but a question of human rights. Tackling the inequality, racism, sexism and other forms of "structural violence" which oppress the poor is as critical as extending the drugs. Or as his Haiti patients put it, medicine without food is like washing one's hands and drying them in the dirt.
Unfortunately, Dr. Farmer's powerful message is often weakened by his book's academic tone. It does, however, scream out in passages describing the human face of "structural violence". It is these personal stories that make Dr. Farmer's anger at such "stupid deaths" so compelling.
The good doctor's motives and methods are better described in Mountains Beyond Mountains. This biography by Tracy Kidder traces Dr. Farmer from his unconventional upbringing and unusual education, shuttling between the shacks of central Haiti and the halls of Harvard Medical School, to his later work around the world. Though well written, Mr. Kidder's book also makes for uncomfortable reading. The author is clearly close to his subject, having traveled with Dr. Farmer from the green poverty of Haiti to the tubercular whiteness of Russia. Too close, perhaps. The biographer seems to be seeking his subject's approval, rather than the other way round. Mr. Kidder writes, rather disturbingly, about his fear of disappointing Dr. Farmer, his own pain at wounding him with a critical remark and his relief at the doctor's forgiveness.
When Mr. Kidder's health falls, this dependence becomes all the more intense. But rather than compromise the book's equity, this intimacy serves to highlight Dr. Farmer's admirable, yet ultimately irritating, character. As Mr. Kidder observes, "Farmer wasn't put on earth to make anyone feel comfortable, except those lucky enough to be his patients or those unlucky enough to need him." | 2771.txt | 1 |
[
"For years, scientists' endeavor of imitating opals' unique characteristics has reached to nil.",
"Opals could be brilliant mainly because they have some kind of iridescent properties.",
"Opals could be brilliant because they have tiny crystals which could scatter light.",
"Opals could be used to make a sparkling substitute for paint."
] | Which one of the following statement is NOT true of the opals according to the passage? | William Illiam Morris (the wallpaper designer, rather than the carmaker) suggested that nothing should have a place that is not known to be useful or believed to be beautiful. Opals, though, might be both. A group of researchers from the University of Southampton, in England, and the German Plastics Institute in Darmstadt, led by Jeremy Baumberg, have discovered how to create a plastic with the gemstone's iridescent properties. Their invention could be used to make a sparkling substitute for paint, banknotes that are hard to counterfeit and chemical sensors that can act as visible sell-by dates.
Opals get their milky sheen and rainbow sparkle from the way light is scattered by the tiny crystals that form them. These crystals are stacked in what is known as a face-centred cubic structure. This means that the constituent atoms are arranged in a lattice of cubes, with one extra atom sitting at the centre of each cube's six faces. Light entering this lattice gets bounced around in ways that generate colour by reinforcing the peaks of some wavelengths and cancelling out those of others.
For many years researchers have been trying to develop a synthetic material with the same light-scattering properties as an opal, by etching patterns into various materials. That approach has failed. Instead, Dr Baumberg has built his opalescent material from scratch. He and his team grew tiny polystyrene spheres until they were some 200 nanometres across, before hardening them with a blast of heat. They then coated the spheres with a sticky polymer before heating them again. As the mixture was baked, the spheres moved naturally into a face-centred cubic structure.
The result is a flexible film of crystals with opalescent properties that can be used to coat malleable surfaces, producing attractive iridescent hues. The size of the spheres can be tailored to scatter particular wavelengths of light-a useful property for security applications in which it is important that materials can be identified precisely. Moreover, when the film is warped, the spaces between the crystals change-and the colours produced change with them. These two properties make opalescent film an obvious material for currency. Banknotes containing it would produce distinctive colours when stretched, unlike counterfeits made from other materials.
To use the film to detect food spoilage, Dr Baumberg proposes adding a sprinkle of carbon particles even smaller than the polystyrene spheres. These would nestle in the spaces between the spheres and cause the material to scatter light from even more angles, making it yet more iridescent. This arrangement could be "tuned" to react to specific toxic chemicals. Food packaging made from such a material would thus change colour as the rot set in.
Such packaging need not be expensive. The polymer spheres and carbon particles arrange themselves spontaneously into the correct crystal structure when encouraged by a little heat, so manufacturing opalescent film should be easy. Indeed Merck, a German chemical company that was a partner in the research, has already produced rolls of the stuff a metre wide and 100 metres long. Perfect for wallpaper. | 3577.txt | 0 |
[
"the face-centred cubic structure of the opals.",
"the light scattering properties of the opals.",
"the tiny polystyrene spheres of the opals.",
"the flexible film of crystals of the opals."
] | The opalescent material that Dr Baumberg and his team have developed model itself on _ | William Illiam Morris (the wallpaper designer, rather than the carmaker) suggested that nothing should have a place that is not known to be useful or believed to be beautiful. Opals, though, might be both. A group of researchers from the University of Southampton, in England, and the German Plastics Institute in Darmstadt, led by Jeremy Baumberg, have discovered how to create a plastic with the gemstone's iridescent properties. Their invention could be used to make a sparkling substitute for paint, banknotes that are hard to counterfeit and chemical sensors that can act as visible sell-by dates.
Opals get their milky sheen and rainbow sparkle from the way light is scattered by the tiny crystals that form them. These crystals are stacked in what is known as a face-centred cubic structure. This means that the constituent atoms are arranged in a lattice of cubes, with one extra atom sitting at the centre of each cube's six faces. Light entering this lattice gets bounced around in ways that generate colour by reinforcing the peaks of some wavelengths and cancelling out those of others.
For many years researchers have been trying to develop a synthetic material with the same light-scattering properties as an opal, by etching patterns into various materials. That approach has failed. Instead, Dr Baumberg has built his opalescent material from scratch. He and his team grew tiny polystyrene spheres until they were some 200 nanometres across, before hardening them with a blast of heat. They then coated the spheres with a sticky polymer before heating them again. As the mixture was baked, the spheres moved naturally into a face-centred cubic structure.
The result is a flexible film of crystals with opalescent properties that can be used to coat malleable surfaces, producing attractive iridescent hues. The size of the spheres can be tailored to scatter particular wavelengths of light-a useful property for security applications in which it is important that materials can be identified precisely. Moreover, when the film is warped, the spaces between the crystals change-and the colours produced change with them. These two properties make opalescent film an obvious material for currency. Banknotes containing it would produce distinctive colours when stretched, unlike counterfeits made from other materials.
To use the film to detect food spoilage, Dr Baumberg proposes adding a sprinkle of carbon particles even smaller than the polystyrene spheres. These would nestle in the spaces between the spheres and cause the material to scatter light from even more angles, making it yet more iridescent. This arrangement could be "tuned" to react to specific toxic chemicals. Food packaging made from such a material would thus change colour as the rot set in.
Such packaging need not be expensive. The polymer spheres and carbon particles arrange themselves spontaneously into the correct crystal structure when encouraged by a little heat, so manufacturing opalescent film should be easy. Indeed Merck, a German chemical company that was a partner in the research, has already produced rolls of the stuff a metre wide and 100 metres long. Perfect for wallpaper. | 3577.txt | 0 |
[
"it can be used to coat malleable surfaces so that the currency could have iridescent hues.",
"the colour change as the film is bent so that the currency could be identified precisely.",
"different colours could be produced as the film could be tailored to scatter particular wavelengths of light.",
"certain colours could be made as the currency is distended so that it is easy to distinguish."
] | The flexible film of crystals Dr Baumberg has finally got is an ideal material for currency because _ | William Illiam Morris (the wallpaper designer, rather than the carmaker) suggested that nothing should have a place that is not known to be useful or believed to be beautiful. Opals, though, might be both. A group of researchers from the University of Southampton, in England, and the German Plastics Institute in Darmstadt, led by Jeremy Baumberg, have discovered how to create a plastic with the gemstone's iridescent properties. Their invention could be used to make a sparkling substitute for paint, banknotes that are hard to counterfeit and chemical sensors that can act as visible sell-by dates.
Opals get their milky sheen and rainbow sparkle from the way light is scattered by the tiny crystals that form them. These crystals are stacked in what is known as a face-centred cubic structure. This means that the constituent atoms are arranged in a lattice of cubes, with one extra atom sitting at the centre of each cube's six faces. Light entering this lattice gets bounced around in ways that generate colour by reinforcing the peaks of some wavelengths and cancelling out those of others.
For many years researchers have been trying to develop a synthetic material with the same light-scattering properties as an opal, by etching patterns into various materials. That approach has failed. Instead, Dr Baumberg has built his opalescent material from scratch. He and his team grew tiny polystyrene spheres until they were some 200 nanometres across, before hardening them with a blast of heat. They then coated the spheres with a sticky polymer before heating them again. As the mixture was baked, the spheres moved naturally into a face-centred cubic structure.
The result is a flexible film of crystals with opalescent properties that can be used to coat malleable surfaces, producing attractive iridescent hues. The size of the spheres can be tailored to scatter particular wavelengths of light-a useful property for security applications in which it is important that materials can be identified precisely. Moreover, when the film is warped, the spaces between the crystals change-and the colours produced change with them. These two properties make opalescent film an obvious material for currency. Banknotes containing it would produce distinctive colours when stretched, unlike counterfeits made from other materials.
To use the film to detect food spoilage, Dr Baumberg proposes adding a sprinkle of carbon particles even smaller than the polystyrene spheres. These would nestle in the spaces between the spheres and cause the material to scatter light from even more angles, making it yet more iridescent. This arrangement could be "tuned" to react to specific toxic chemicals. Food packaging made from such a material would thus change colour as the rot set in.
Such packaging need not be expensive. The polymer spheres and carbon particles arrange themselves spontaneously into the correct crystal structure when encouraged by a little heat, so manufacturing opalescent film should be easy. Indeed Merck, a German chemical company that was a partner in the research, has already produced rolls of the stuff a metre wide and 100 metres long. Perfect for wallpaper. | 3577.txt | 1 |
[
"the carbon particles Dr Baumberg adds into the film could react to specific toxic chemicals.",
"the polystyrene spheres could scatter light from more angeles.",
"carbon particles positioned among the spheres could be adjusted to be sensitive to addled materials.",
"carbon particles added into the polystyrene spheres could make the film more iridescent."
] | The logic that food spoilage could be detected by use of the film is that _ | William Illiam Morris (the wallpaper designer, rather than the carmaker) suggested that nothing should have a place that is not known to be useful or believed to be beautiful. Opals, though, might be both. A group of researchers from the University of Southampton, in England, and the German Plastics Institute in Darmstadt, led by Jeremy Baumberg, have discovered how to create a plastic with the gemstone's iridescent properties. Their invention could be used to make a sparkling substitute for paint, banknotes that are hard to counterfeit and chemical sensors that can act as visible sell-by dates.
Opals get their milky sheen and rainbow sparkle from the way light is scattered by the tiny crystals that form them. These crystals are stacked in what is known as a face-centred cubic structure. This means that the constituent atoms are arranged in a lattice of cubes, with one extra atom sitting at the centre of each cube's six faces. Light entering this lattice gets bounced around in ways that generate colour by reinforcing the peaks of some wavelengths and cancelling out those of others.
For many years researchers have been trying to develop a synthetic material with the same light-scattering properties as an opal, by etching patterns into various materials. That approach has failed. Instead, Dr Baumberg has built his opalescent material from scratch. He and his team grew tiny polystyrene spheres until they were some 200 nanometres across, before hardening them with a blast of heat. They then coated the spheres with a sticky polymer before heating them again. As the mixture was baked, the spheres moved naturally into a face-centred cubic structure.
The result is a flexible film of crystals with opalescent properties that can be used to coat malleable surfaces, producing attractive iridescent hues. The size of the spheres can be tailored to scatter particular wavelengths of light-a useful property for security applications in which it is important that materials can be identified precisely. Moreover, when the film is warped, the spaces between the crystals change-and the colours produced change with them. These two properties make opalescent film an obvious material for currency. Banknotes containing it would produce distinctive colours when stretched, unlike counterfeits made from other materials.
To use the film to detect food spoilage, Dr Baumberg proposes adding a sprinkle of carbon particles even smaller than the polystyrene spheres. These would nestle in the spaces between the spheres and cause the material to scatter light from even more angles, making it yet more iridescent. This arrangement could be "tuned" to react to specific toxic chemicals. Food packaging made from such a material would thus change colour as the rot set in.
Such packaging need not be expensive. The polymer spheres and carbon particles arrange themselves spontaneously into the correct crystal structure when encouraged by a little heat, so manufacturing opalescent film should be easy. Indeed Merck, a German chemical company that was a partner in the research, has already produced rolls of the stuff a metre wide and 100 metres long. Perfect for wallpaper. | 3577.txt | 2 |
[
"paint.",
"banknote.",
"chemical sensors.",
"wallpaper."
] | The film of crystals with opalescent properties can be used to make the following materials except _ | William Illiam Morris (the wallpaper designer, rather than the carmaker) suggested that nothing should have a place that is not known to be useful or believed to be beautiful. Opals, though, might be both. A group of researchers from the University of Southampton, in England, and the German Plastics Institute in Darmstadt, led by Jeremy Baumberg, have discovered how to create a plastic with the gemstone's iridescent properties. Their invention could be used to make a sparkling substitute for paint, banknotes that are hard to counterfeit and chemical sensors that can act as visible sell-by dates.
Opals get their milky sheen and rainbow sparkle from the way light is scattered by the tiny crystals that form them. These crystals are stacked in what is known as a face-centred cubic structure. This means that the constituent atoms are arranged in a lattice of cubes, with one extra atom sitting at the centre of each cube's six faces. Light entering this lattice gets bounced around in ways that generate colour by reinforcing the peaks of some wavelengths and cancelling out those of others.
For many years researchers have been trying to develop a synthetic material with the same light-scattering properties as an opal, by etching patterns into various materials. That approach has failed. Instead, Dr Baumberg has built his opalescent material from scratch. He and his team grew tiny polystyrene spheres until they were some 200 nanometres across, before hardening them with a blast of heat. They then coated the spheres with a sticky polymer before heating them again. As the mixture was baked, the spheres moved naturally into a face-centred cubic structure.
The result is a flexible film of crystals with opalescent properties that can be used to coat malleable surfaces, producing attractive iridescent hues. The size of the spheres can be tailored to scatter particular wavelengths of light-a useful property for security applications in which it is important that materials can be identified precisely. Moreover, when the film is warped, the spaces between the crystals change-and the colours produced change with them. These two properties make opalescent film an obvious material for currency. Banknotes containing it would produce distinctive colours when stretched, unlike counterfeits made from other materials.
To use the film to detect food spoilage, Dr Baumberg proposes adding a sprinkle of carbon particles even smaller than the polystyrene spheres. These would nestle in the spaces between the spheres and cause the material to scatter light from even more angles, making it yet more iridescent. This arrangement could be "tuned" to react to specific toxic chemicals. Food packaging made from such a material would thus change colour as the rot set in.
Such packaging need not be expensive. The polymer spheres and carbon particles arrange themselves spontaneously into the correct crystal structure when encouraged by a little heat, so manufacturing opalescent film should be easy. Indeed Merck, a German chemical company that was a partner in the research, has already produced rolls of the stuff a metre wide and 100 metres long. Perfect for wallpaper. | 3577.txt | 0 |
[
"take advantage of different kinds of audience.",
"make fun of the disorganized people.",
"address different problems to different people.",
"show sympathy for your listeners."
] | To make your humor work, you should? | If you intend using humor in your talk to make people smile, you must know how to identify shared experiences and problems. Your humor must be relevant to the audience and should help to show them that you are one of them or that you understand their situation and are in sympathy with their point of view. Dependi
ng on whom you are addressing, the problems will be different. If you are talking to asgroupsor managers, you may refer to the disorganized methods of their secretaries; alternatively if you are addressing secretaries, you may want to comment on their disorganized bosses.?
Here is an example, which I heard at a nurses' convention, of a story which works well because the audience all shared the same view of doctors. A man arrives in heaven and is being shown around by St. Peter. He sees wonderful accommodations, beautiful gardens, sunny weather, and so on. Everyone is very peaceful, polite and friendly until, waiting in a line for lunch, the new arrival is suddenly pushed aside by a man in a white coat, who rushes to the head of the line, grabs his food and stomps over to a table by himself. "Who is that?" the new arrival asked St. Peter. "Oh, that's God." came the reply, "but sometimes he thinks he's a doctor."
If you are part of thesgroupswhich you are addressing, you will be in a position to know the experiences and problems which are common to all of you and it'll be appropriate for you to make a passing remark about the inedible canteen food or the chairman's notorious bad taste in ties. With other audiences you mustn't attempt to cut in with humor as they will resent an outsider making disparaging remarks about their canteen or their chairman. You will be on safer ground if you stick to scapegoats like the Post Office or the telephone system.?
If you feel awkward being humorous, you must practice so that it becomes more natural. Include a few casual and apparently off-the-cuff remarks which you can deliver in a relaxed and unforced manner. Often it's the delivery which causes the audience to smile, so speak slowly and remember that a raised eyebrow or an unbelieving look may help to show that you are making a light-hearted remark.?
Look for the humor. It often comes from the unexpected. A twist on a familiar quote "If at first you don't succeed, give up" or a play on words or on a situation. Search for exaggeration and understatements. Look at your talk and pick out a few words or sentences which you can turn about and inject with humor.?? | 2646.txt | 2 |
[
"impolite to new arrivals.",
"very conscious of their godlike role.",
"entitled to some privileges.",
"very busy even during lunch hours."
] | The joke about doctors implies that, in the eyes of nurses, they are? | If you intend using humor in your talk to make people smile, you must know how to identify shared experiences and problems. Your humor must be relevant to the audience and should help to show them that you are one of them or that you understand their situation and are in sympathy with their point of view. Dependi
ng on whom you are addressing, the problems will be different. If you are talking to asgroupsor managers, you may refer to the disorganized methods of their secretaries; alternatively if you are addressing secretaries, you may want to comment on their disorganized bosses.?
Here is an example, which I heard at a nurses' convention, of a story which works well because the audience all shared the same view of doctors. A man arrives in heaven and is being shown around by St. Peter. He sees wonderful accommodations, beautiful gardens, sunny weather, and so on. Everyone is very peaceful, polite and friendly until, waiting in a line for lunch, the new arrival is suddenly pushed aside by a man in a white coat, who rushes to the head of the line, grabs his food and stomps over to a table by himself. "Who is that?" the new arrival asked St. Peter. "Oh, that's God." came the reply, "but sometimes he thinks he's a doctor."
If you are part of thesgroupswhich you are addressing, you will be in a position to know the experiences and problems which are common to all of you and it'll be appropriate for you to make a passing remark about the inedible canteen food or the chairman's notorious bad taste in ties. With other audiences you mustn't attempt to cut in with humor as they will resent an outsider making disparaging remarks about their canteen or their chairman. You will be on safer ground if you stick to scapegoats like the Post Office or the telephone system.?
If you feel awkward being humorous, you must practice so that it becomes more natural. Include a few casual and apparently off-the-cuff remarks which you can deliver in a relaxed and unforced manner. Often it's the delivery which causes the audience to smile, so speak slowly and remember that a raised eyebrow or an unbelieving look may help to show that you are making a light-hearted remark.?
Look for the humor. It often comes from the unexpected. A twist on a familiar quote "If at first you don't succeed, give up" or a play on words or on a situation. Search for exaggeration and understatements. Look at your talk and pick out a few words or sentences which you can turn about and inject with humor.?? | 2646.txt | 1 |
[
"have benefited many people.",
"are the focus of public attention.",
"are an inappropriate subject for humor.",
"have often been the laughing stock."
] | It can be inferred from the text that public services? | If you intend using humor in your talk to make people smile, you must know how to identify shared experiences and problems. Your humor must be relevant to the audience and should help to show them that you are one of them or that you understand their situation and are in sympathy with their point of view. Dependi
ng on whom you are addressing, the problems will be different. If you are talking to asgroupsor managers, you may refer to the disorganized methods of their secretaries; alternatively if you are addressing secretaries, you may want to comment on their disorganized bosses.?
Here is an example, which I heard at a nurses' convention, of a story which works well because the audience all shared the same view of doctors. A man arrives in heaven and is being shown around by St. Peter. He sees wonderful accommodations, beautiful gardens, sunny weather, and so on. Everyone is very peaceful, polite and friendly until, waiting in a line for lunch, the new arrival is suddenly pushed aside by a man in a white coat, who rushes to the head of the line, grabs his food and stomps over to a table by himself. "Who is that?" the new arrival asked St. Peter. "Oh, that's God." came the reply, "but sometimes he thinks he's a doctor."
If you are part of thesgroupswhich you are addressing, you will be in a position to know the experiences and problems which are common to all of you and it'll be appropriate for you to make a passing remark about the inedible canteen food or the chairman's notorious bad taste in ties. With other audiences you mustn't attempt to cut in with humor as they will resent an outsider making disparaging remarks about their canteen or their chairman. You will be on safer ground if you stick to scapegoats like the Post Office or the telephone system.?
If you feel awkward being humorous, you must practice so that it becomes more natural. Include a few casual and apparently off-the-cuff remarks which you can deliver in a relaxed and unforced manner. Often it's the delivery which causes the audience to smile, so speak slowly and remember that a raised eyebrow or an unbelieving look may help to show that you are making a light-hearted remark.?
Look for the humor. It often comes from the unexpected. A twist on a familiar quote "If at first you don't succeed, give up" or a play on words or on a situation. Search for exaggeration and understatements. Look at your talk and pick out a few words or sentences which you can turn about and inject with humor.?? | 2646.txt | 3 |
[
"in well-worded language.",
"as awkwardly as possible.",
"in exaggerated statement.",
"as casually as possible."
] | To achieve the desired result, humorous stories should be delivered? | If you intend using humor in your talk to make people smile, you must know how to identify shared experiences and problems. Your humor must be relevant to the audience and should help to show them that you are one of them or that you understand their situation and are in sympathy with their point of view. Dependi
ng on whom you are addressing, the problems will be different. If you are talking to asgroupsor managers, you may refer to the disorganized methods of their secretaries; alternatively if you are addressing secretaries, you may want to comment on their disorganized bosses.?
Here is an example, which I heard at a nurses' convention, of a story which works well because the audience all shared the same view of doctors. A man arrives in heaven and is being shown around by St. Peter. He sees wonderful accommodations, beautiful gardens, sunny weather, and so on. Everyone is very peaceful, polite and friendly until, waiting in a line for lunch, the new arrival is suddenly pushed aside by a man in a white coat, who rushes to the head of the line, grabs his food and stomps over to a table by himself. "Who is that?" the new arrival asked St. Peter. "Oh, that's God." came the reply, "but sometimes he thinks he's a doctor."
If you are part of thesgroupswhich you are addressing, you will be in a position to know the experiences and problems which are common to all of you and it'll be appropriate for you to make a passing remark about the inedible canteen food or the chairman's notorious bad taste in ties. With other audiences you mustn't attempt to cut in with humor as they will resent an outsider making disparaging remarks about their canteen or their chairman. You will be on safer ground if you stick to scapegoats like the Post Office or the telephone system.?
If you feel awkward being humorous, you must practice so that it becomes more natural. Include a few casual and apparently off-the-cuff remarks which you can deliver in a relaxed and unforced manner. Often it's the delivery which causes the audience to smile, so speak slowly and remember that a raised eyebrow or an unbelieving look may help to show that you are making a light-hearted remark.?
Look for the humor. It often comes from the unexpected. A twist on a familiar quote "If at first you don't succeed, give up" or a play on words or on a situation. Search for exaggeration and understatements. Look at your talk and pick out a few words or sentences which you can turn about and inject with humor.?? | 2646.txt | 3 |
[
"Use Humor Effectively.",
"Various Kinds of Humor.",
"Add Humor to Speech.",
"Different Humor Strategies."
] | The best title for the text may be? | If you intend using humor in your talk to make people smile, you must know how to identify shared experiences and problems. Your humor must be relevant to the audience and should help to show them that you are one of them or that you understand their situation and are in sympathy with their point of view. Dependi
ng on whom you are addressing, the problems will be different. If you are talking to asgroupsor managers, you may refer to the disorganized methods of their secretaries; alternatively if you are addressing secretaries, you may want to comment on their disorganized bosses.?
Here is an example, which I heard at a nurses' convention, of a story which works well because the audience all shared the same view of doctors. A man arrives in heaven and is being shown around by St. Peter. He sees wonderful accommodations, beautiful gardens, sunny weather, and so on. Everyone is very peaceful, polite and friendly until, waiting in a line for lunch, the new arrival is suddenly pushed aside by a man in a white coat, who rushes to the head of the line, grabs his food and stomps over to a table by himself. "Who is that?" the new arrival asked St. Peter. "Oh, that's God." came the reply, "but sometimes he thinks he's a doctor."
If you are part of thesgroupswhich you are addressing, you will be in a position to know the experiences and problems which are common to all of you and it'll be appropriate for you to make a passing remark about the inedible canteen food or the chairman's notorious bad taste in ties. With other audiences you mustn't attempt to cut in with humor as they will resent an outsider making disparaging remarks about their canteen or their chairman. You will be on safer ground if you stick to scapegoats like the Post Office or the telephone system.?
If you feel awkward being humorous, you must practice so that it becomes more natural. Include a few casual and apparently off-the-cuff remarks which you can deliver in a relaxed and unforced manner. Often it's the delivery which causes the audience to smile, so speak slowly and remember that a raised eyebrow or an unbelieving look may help to show that you are making a light-hearted remark.?
Look for the humor. It often comes from the unexpected. A twist on a familiar quote "If at first you don't succeed, give up" or a play on words or on a situation. Search for exaggeration and understatements. Look at your talk and pick out a few words or sentences which you can turn about and inject with humor.?? | 2646.txt | 0 |
[
"Scared.",
"Confused.",
"Upset.",
"Curious."
] | How did the writer feel when he saw the fence and bulldozers? | My family and I lived across the street from Southway Park since I was four years old. Then just last year they city put a chain link fence around the park and started bulldozing the trees and grass to make way for a new apartment complex. When I saw the fence and bulldozers, I asked myself, "Why don't they just leave it alone?"
Looking back, I think what sentenced the part to oblivion was the drought we had about four years ago. Up until then, Southway Park was a nice green park with plenty of trees and a public swimming pool. My friends and I rollerskated on the sidewalks, climbed the tress, and swam in the pool all the years I was growing up. The park was almost like my own yard. Then the summer I was fifteen the drought came and things changed.
There had been almost no rain at all that year. The city stopped watering the park grass. Within a few weeks I found myself living across the street from a huge brown desert. Leaves fell off the park tress, and pretty soon the trees started dying, too. Next, the park swimming pool was closed. The city cut down on the work force that kept the park, and pretty soon it just got too ugly and dirty to enjoy anymore.
As the drought lasted into the fall, the park got worse every month. The rubbish piled up or blew across the brown grass. Soon the only people in the park were beggars and other people down on their luck. People said drugs were being sold or traded there now. The park had gotten scary, and my mother told us kids not to go there anymore.
The drought finally ended and things seemed to get back to normal, that is, everything but the park. It had gotten into such bad shape that the city just let it stay that way. Then about six months ago I heard that the city was going to "redevelop" certain worn-out areas of the city. It turned out that the city had planned to get rid of the park, sell the land and let someone build rows of apartment buildings on it.
The chain-link fencing and the bulldozers did their work. Now we live across the street from six rows of apartment buildings. Each of them is three units high and stretches a block in each direction. The neighborhood has changed without the park. The streets I used to play in are jammed with cars now. Things will never be the same again. Sometimes I wonder, though, what changes another drought would make in the way things are today. | 3766.txt | 2 |
[
"It was being rebuilt.",
"It was dangerous.",
"It because crowded.",
"It had turned into a desert."
] | Why was the writer told not to go to the park by his mother? | My family and I lived across the street from Southway Park since I was four years old. Then just last year they city put a chain link fence around the park and started bulldozing the trees and grass to make way for a new apartment complex. When I saw the fence and bulldozers, I asked myself, "Why don't they just leave it alone?"
Looking back, I think what sentenced the part to oblivion was the drought we had about four years ago. Up until then, Southway Park was a nice green park with plenty of trees and a public swimming pool. My friends and I rollerskated on the sidewalks, climbed the tress, and swam in the pool all the years I was growing up. The park was almost like my own yard. Then the summer I was fifteen the drought came and things changed.
There had been almost no rain at all that year. The city stopped watering the park grass. Within a few weeks I found myself living across the street from a huge brown desert. Leaves fell off the park tress, and pretty soon the trees started dying, too. Next, the park swimming pool was closed. The city cut down on the work force that kept the park, and pretty soon it just got too ugly and dirty to enjoy anymore.
As the drought lasted into the fall, the park got worse every month. The rubbish piled up or blew across the brown grass. Soon the only people in the park were beggars and other people down on their luck. People said drugs were being sold or traded there now. The park had gotten scary, and my mother told us kids not to go there anymore.
The drought finally ended and things seemed to get back to normal, that is, everything but the park. It had gotten into such bad shape that the city just let it stay that way. Then about six months ago I heard that the city was going to "redevelop" certain worn-out areas of the city. It turned out that the city had planned to get rid of the park, sell the land and let someone build rows of apartment buildings on it.
The chain-link fencing and the bulldozers did their work. Now we live across the street from six rows of apartment buildings. Each of them is three units high and stretches a block in each direction. The neighborhood has changed without the park. The streets I used to play in are jammed with cars now. Things will never be the same again. Sometimes I wonder, though, what changes another drought would make in the way things are today. | 3766.txt | 1 |
[
"The drought.",
"The crime.",
"The beggars and the rubbish.",
"The decisions of the city."
] | According to the writer, what eventually brought about the disappearance of the park? | My family and I lived across the street from Southway Park since I was four years old. Then just last year they city put a chain link fence around the park and started bulldozing the trees and grass to make way for a new apartment complex. When I saw the fence and bulldozers, I asked myself, "Why don't they just leave it alone?"
Looking back, I think what sentenced the part to oblivion was the drought we had about four years ago. Up until then, Southway Park was a nice green park with plenty of trees and a public swimming pool. My friends and I rollerskated on the sidewalks, climbed the tress, and swam in the pool all the years I was growing up. The park was almost like my own yard. Then the summer I was fifteen the drought came and things changed.
There had been almost no rain at all that year. The city stopped watering the park grass. Within a few weeks I found myself living across the street from a huge brown desert. Leaves fell off the park tress, and pretty soon the trees started dying, too. Next, the park swimming pool was closed. The city cut down on the work force that kept the park, and pretty soon it just got too ugly and dirty to enjoy anymore.
As the drought lasted into the fall, the park got worse every month. The rubbish piled up or blew across the brown grass. Soon the only people in the park were beggars and other people down on their luck. People said drugs were being sold or traded there now. The park had gotten scary, and my mother told us kids not to go there anymore.
The drought finally ended and things seemed to get back to normal, that is, everything but the park. It had gotten into such bad shape that the city just let it stay that way. Then about six months ago I heard that the city was going to "redevelop" certain worn-out areas of the city. It turned out that the city had planned to get rid of the park, sell the land and let someone build rows of apartment buildings on it.
The chain-link fencing and the bulldozers did their work. Now we live across the street from six rows of apartment buildings. Each of them is three units high and stretches a block in each direction. The neighborhood has changed without the park. The streets I used to play in are jammed with cars now. Things will never be the same again. Sometimes I wonder, though, what changes another drought would make in the way things are today. | 3766.txt | 3 |
[
"the situation would be much worse",
"people would have to desert their homes",
"the city would be fully prepared in advance",
"the city would have to redevelop the neighborhood"
] | The last sentence of the passage implies that if another drought came, _ . | My family and I lived across the street from Southway Park since I was four years old. Then just last year they city put a chain link fence around the park and started bulldozing the trees and grass to make way for a new apartment complex. When I saw the fence and bulldozers, I asked myself, "Why don't they just leave it alone?"
Looking back, I think what sentenced the part to oblivion was the drought we had about four years ago. Up until then, Southway Park was a nice green park with plenty of trees and a public swimming pool. My friends and I rollerskated on the sidewalks, climbed the tress, and swam in the pool all the years I was growing up. The park was almost like my own yard. Then the summer I was fifteen the drought came and things changed.
There had been almost no rain at all that year. The city stopped watering the park grass. Within a few weeks I found myself living across the street from a huge brown desert. Leaves fell off the park tress, and pretty soon the trees started dying, too. Next, the park swimming pool was closed. The city cut down on the work force that kept the park, and pretty soon it just got too ugly and dirty to enjoy anymore.
As the drought lasted into the fall, the park got worse every month. The rubbish piled up or blew across the brown grass. Soon the only people in the park were beggars and other people down on their luck. People said drugs were being sold or traded there now. The park had gotten scary, and my mother told us kids not to go there anymore.
The drought finally ended and things seemed to get back to normal, that is, everything but the park. It had gotten into such bad shape that the city just let it stay that way. Then about six months ago I heard that the city was going to "redevelop" certain worn-out areas of the city. It turned out that the city had planned to get rid of the park, sell the land and let someone build rows of apartment buildings on it.
The chain-link fencing and the bulldozers did their work. Now we live across the street from six rows of apartment buildings. Each of them is three units high and stretches a block in each direction. The neighborhood has changed without the park. The streets I used to play in are jammed with cars now. Things will never be the same again. Sometimes I wonder, though, what changes another drought would make in the way things are today. | 3766.txt | 0 |
[
"Musical concerts.",
"Fresh air.",
"Song of birds.",
"Close contact with nature."
] | What can't country people often enjoy? | People living in the country enjoy several advantages that people living in the city cannot enjoy.
They are in close contact with nature. They make friends with trees and stones. owns can dogs. They breathe fresh air. They fight with strong winds. They listen to the song of birds.
This contact with nature is good for health. There are many diseases that are common in the city, but are not to be found in the country, For example, near---sightedness is almost unknown to country people.
Because of the absence of cars, one can walk more freely in the country than in the city, There are no rules of the road nor traffic signs to obey.
People living in the country can easily get fresh vegetables, fresh fruit and fresh milk, Are they get them at lower prices than in the city.
Country life is economical in other ways, too. There are practically no temptations to waste money.
Country people are mostly honest. They say what they mean, and make and keep promises with sincerity . They do not put on air . They do not pretend to have those ridiculous manners which are necessary in what we call polite society. | 1406.txt | 0 |
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