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[
"he could discuss the problem with me",
"he had not seem me for a long time",
"he was afraid of darkness",
"he felt quite lonely"
] | Grandpa was happy to see me because _ . | My parents were in a huge argument, and I was really upset about it. I didn't know who I should talk with about how I was feeling. So I asked Mom to allow me to stay the night at my best friend's house. Though I knew I wouldn't tell her about my parents' situation, I was looking forward to getting out of the house. I was in the middle of packing up my things when suddenly the power went out in the neighborhood. Mom came to tell me that I should stay with my grandpa until the power came back on.
I was really disappointed because I felt that we did not have much to talk about. But I knew he would be frightened alone in the dark. I went to his room and told him that I'd stay with him until the power was restored. He was quite happy and said, "Great opportunity."
"What is?" I asked.
"To talk, you and I," he said. "To hold a private little meeting about what we're going to do with your mom and dad, and what we're going to do with ourselves now that we're in the situation we are in."
"But we can't do anything about it, Grandpa," I said, surprised that here was someone with whom I could share my feelings and someone who was in the same"boat" as I was.
And that's how the most unbelievable friendship between my grandfather and me started. Sitting there in the dark, we talked about our feeling and fears of life---from how fast things change, to how they sometimes don't change fast enough. That night, because the power went out, I found a new friend, with whom I could safely talked about all my fears and pains, whatever they may be.
Suddenly, the lights all came back on. "Well," he said, "I guess that means you'll want to go now. I really like our talk. I hope the power will go out every few nights!" | 973.txt | 0 |
[
"The grandchild was eager to leave.",
"They would have more chats.",
"The lights would go our again.",
"It would no longer be dark."
] | What can be inferred from the passage? | My parents were in a huge argument, and I was really upset about it. I didn't know who I should talk with about how I was feeling. So I asked Mom to allow me to stay the night at my best friend's house. Though I knew I wouldn't tell her about my parents' situation, I was looking forward to getting out of the house. I was in the middle of packing up my things when suddenly the power went out in the neighborhood. Mom came to tell me that I should stay with my grandpa until the power came back on.
I was really disappointed because I felt that we did not have much to talk about. But I knew he would be frightened alone in the dark. I went to his room and told him that I'd stay with him until the power was restored. He was quite happy and said, "Great opportunity."
"What is?" I asked.
"To talk, you and I," he said. "To hold a private little meeting about what we're going to do with your mom and dad, and what we're going to do with ourselves now that we're in the situation we are in."
"But we can't do anything about it, Grandpa," I said, surprised that here was someone with whom I could share my feelings and someone who was in the same"boat" as I was.
And that's how the most unbelievable friendship between my grandfather and me started. Sitting there in the dark, we talked about our feeling and fears of life---from how fast things change, to how they sometimes don't change fast enough. That night, because the power went out, I found a new friend, with whom I could safely talked about all my fears and pains, whatever they may be.
Suddenly, the lights all came back on. "Well," he said, "I guess that means you'll want to go now. I really like our talk. I hope the power will go out every few nights!" | 973.txt | 1 |
[
"find entertainment in music",
"be friendly to music",
"express your feelings in music",
"discover the things and places in music"
] | In the first paragraph, the author tells us to _ . | As you research music, you will find music that isfamiliar to you. You will find music which tells ofinteresting places and exciting things to do. You willfind music which expresses feelings that are oftenyour own.
Music is an expression of the people. As youresearch, you will find music of people at work andplay. You will find music expressing love of the country, love of nature, and love of home.
Music is also an expression of the composer. The composer expresses his own musicalideas. He studies the materials of music and discovers ways of using them. He looks for newkinds of musical expression.
Music can suggest actions and feelings which we all share. We can enjoy playing and singingmusic, dancing and listening to the music of the people and the composers of different timesand places. | 2373.txt | 0 |
[
"if we love music, we will love the country, nature and home",
"music sings of the country, nature and home",
"you may listen to music at work or at play",
"music can express how people live, work and think"
] | From the second paragraph, we know that _ . | As you research music, you will find music that isfamiliar to you. You will find music which tells ofinteresting places and exciting things to do. You willfind music which expresses feelings that are oftenyour own.
Music is an expression of the people. As youresearch, you will find music of people at work andplay. You will find music expressing love of the country, love of nature, and love of home.
Music is also an expression of the composer. The composer expresses his own musicalideas. He studies the materials of music and discovers ways of using them. He looks for newkinds of musical expression.
Music can suggest actions and feelings which we all share. We can enjoy playing and singingmusic, dancing and listening to the music of the people and the composers of different timesand places. | 2373.txt | 1 |
[
"you would study with them",
"you would share his feelings and ideas",
"you would express your own feelings",
"you help discover ways of using music and new kinds of musical expression"
] | By means of music, the composer wishes that _ . | As you research music, you will find music that isfamiliar to you. You will find music which tells ofinteresting places and exciting things to do. You willfind music which expresses feelings that are oftenyour own.
Music is an expression of the people. As youresearch, you will find music of people at work andplay. You will find music expressing love of the country, love of nature, and love of home.
Music is also an expression of the composer. The composer expresses his own musicalideas. He studies the materials of music and discovers ways of using them. He looks for newkinds of musical expression.
Music can suggest actions and feelings which we all share. We can enjoy playing and singingmusic, dancing and listening to the music of the people and the composers of different timesand places. | 2373.txt | 1 |
[
"the music can express actions and feelings at the same time",
"bring understanding between people of different times and places",
"that people can enjoy playing and singing music, dancing and listening to the music at thesame time",
"that people of different time and places can get together"
] | The last paragraph shows that music makes it possible _ . | As you research music, you will find music that isfamiliar to you. You will find music which tells ofinteresting places and exciting things to do. You willfind music which expresses feelings that are oftenyour own.
Music is an expression of the people. As youresearch, you will find music of people at work andplay. You will find music expressing love of the country, love of nature, and love of home.
Music is also an expression of the composer. The composer expresses his own musicalideas. He studies the materials of music and discovers ways of using them. He looks for newkinds of musical expression.
Music can suggest actions and feelings which we all share. We can enjoy playing and singingmusic, dancing and listening to the music of the people and the composers of different timesand places. | 2373.txt | 0 |
[
"the feelings of our own",
"people's love of the country",
"the composer's feelings",
"people's musical ideas"
] | Which of the following statements is NOT true. Music expresses _ . | As you research music, you will find music that isfamiliar to you. You will find music which tells ofinteresting places and exciting things to do. You willfind music which expresses feelings that are oftenyour own.
Music is an expression of the people. As youresearch, you will find music of people at work andplay. You will find music expressing love of the country, love of nature, and love of home.
Music is also an expression of the composer. The composer expresses his own musicalideas. He studies the materials of music and discovers ways of using them. He looks for newkinds of musical expression.
Music can suggest actions and feelings which we all share. We can enjoy playing and singingmusic, dancing and listening to the music of the people and the composers of different timesand places. | 2373.txt | 3 |
[
"prepare people for international travel",
"declare the laws of different kinds",
"give advice to travellers to the country",
"inform people of the punishment for breaking laws"
] | The main purpose of this speech would be to _ . | Good afternoon, and welcome to England. We hope that your visit here will be a pleasant one. Today, I would like to draw your attention to a few of our laws.
The first one is about drinking. Now, you may not buy alcohol in this country if you are under 18 years of age, nor may your friends buy it for you.
Secondly, noise. Enjoy yourselves by all means, but please don't make unnecessary noise, particularly at night. We ask you to respect other people who may wish to be quiet.
Thirdly crossing the road. Be careful. The traffic moves on the left side of he road in this country. Use pedestrian crossings and do not take any chances when crossing the road.
My next point is about litter (throwing away waste material in a public place). It is an offence to drop litter in the street. When you have something to throw away, please put it in your pocket and take it home, or put it in a litter bin.
Finally, as regards smoking, it is against the law to buy cigarettes or tobacco if you are under 16 years of age.
I'd like to finish by saying that if you require any sort of help or assistance, you should contact your local police station, who will be pleased to help you.
Now, are there any questions? | 886.txt | 2 |
[
"Three.",
"Four.",
"Five.",
"Six"
] | How many laws are there discussed in the speech? | Good afternoon, and welcome to England. We hope that your visit here will be a pleasant one. Today, I would like to draw your attention to a few of our laws.
The first one is about drinking. Now, you may not buy alcohol in this country if you are under 18 years of age, nor may your friends buy it for you.
Secondly, noise. Enjoy yourselves by all means, but please don't make unnecessary noise, particularly at night. We ask you to respect other people who may wish to be quiet.
Thirdly crossing the road. Be careful. The traffic moves on the left side of he road in this country. Use pedestrian crossings and do not take any chances when crossing the road.
My next point is about litter (throwing away waste material in a public place). It is an offence to drop litter in the street. When you have something to throw away, please put it in your pocket and take it home, or put it in a litter bin.
Finally, as regards smoking, it is against the law to buy cigarettes or tobacco if you are under 16 years of age.
I'd like to finish by saying that if you require any sort of help or assistance, you should contact your local police station, who will be pleased to help you.
Now, are there any questions? | 886.txt | 2 |
[
"In this country, if you are under 18 years of age, you may not buy alcohol, but your friend can buy it for you.",
"You may not buy cigarettes or tobacco unless you are above 16 years of age.",
"Because the traffic moves on the left side of he road ,you must use pedestrian crossings when crossing the road.",
"You can't make noise except at night."
] | From the speech we learn that _ . | Good afternoon, and welcome to England. We hope that your visit here will be a pleasant one. Today, I would like to draw your attention to a few of our laws.
The first one is about drinking. Now, you may not buy alcohol in this country if you are under 18 years of age, nor may your friends buy it for you.
Secondly, noise. Enjoy yourselves by all means, but please don't make unnecessary noise, particularly at night. We ask you to respect other people who may wish to be quiet.
Thirdly crossing the road. Be careful. The traffic moves on the left side of he road in this country. Use pedestrian crossings and do not take any chances when crossing the road.
My next point is about litter (throwing away waste material in a public place). It is an offence to drop litter in the street. When you have something to throw away, please put it in your pocket and take it home, or put it in a litter bin.
Finally, as regards smoking, it is against the law to buy cigarettes or tobacco if you are under 16 years of age.
I'd like to finish by saying that if you require any sort of help or assistance, you should contact your local police station, who will be pleased to help you.
Now, are there any questions? | 886.txt | 1 |
[
"A policeman",
"A lawmaker",
"A teacher",
"A lawyer"
] | Who do you think is most likely to make the speech? | Good afternoon, and welcome to England. We hope that your visit here will be a pleasant one. Today, I would like to draw your attention to a few of our laws.
The first one is about drinking. Now, you may not buy alcohol in this country if you are under 18 years of age, nor may your friends buy it for you.
Secondly, noise. Enjoy yourselves by all means, but please don't make unnecessary noise, particularly at night. We ask you to respect other people who may wish to be quiet.
Thirdly crossing the road. Be careful. The traffic moves on the left side of he road in this country. Use pedestrian crossings and do not take any chances when crossing the road.
My next point is about litter (throwing away waste material in a public place). It is an offence to drop litter in the street. When you have something to throw away, please put it in your pocket and take it home, or put it in a litter bin.
Finally, as regards smoking, it is against the law to buy cigarettes or tobacco if you are under 16 years of age.
I'd like to finish by saying that if you require any sort of help or assistance, you should contact your local police station, who will be pleased to help you.
Now, are there any questions? | 886.txt | 0 |
[
"know you are unique",
"lose the bslance of life",
"begin to learn something new",
"get tired of routine practice"
] | Imitation proves useful when you _ . | Blind imitation is self-destruction.To those who do not recognize their unique worth. Imitation appears attractive: to those who know their strenghth. Imitation is unacceptable.
In the early stages of skill or character development, imitation is helpful. When I first learned to cook, I used recipes and turned out some tasty dishes. But soon I grew bored. Why follow someone else's way of cooking when I could create my own? Imitating role models is like using training wheels on a child's bicycle; they help you get going, but once you find your own balance, you fly faster and farther without relying on them.
In daily life, imitation can hurt us if we subconsciously hold poor role models. If, as a child, you observed people whose lives were bad, you may have accepted their fear and pain as normal and gone on to follow what they did. If you do not make strong choices for yourself, you will get the results of the weak choices of others.
In the field of entertainment, our culture glorifies celebrities. Those stars look great on screen. But when they step off screen, their personal lives may be disastrous. If you are going to follow someone, focus on their talent, not their bad character or unacceptable behaviors.
Blessed is the person willing to act on their sundden desire to create somrthing unique.Think of the movies,books,teachers,and friends that have affected you most deeply.They touched you because their creations were motivated by inspiration,not desperation.The world is changed not by those who do what has been done brfore them,but by those who do what has been done inside them.Creative people have an endless resource of ideas.The problem a creator faces is not running out of material;it is what to do with the material knocking at the door of imagination.
Syudy your role models,accept the gifts they have given,and leave behind what does not server.Then you can say,"I stand on the shoulders of my ancestors"tragedies and tory ,and know that they are cheering on. | 516.txt | 2 |
[
"forget daily fear and pain",
"choose the right example",
"ask others for decisions",
"stay away from stars"
] | To avoid the bad result of imitation, we should _ . | Blind imitation is self-destruction.To those who do not recognize their unique worth. Imitation appears attractive: to those who know their strenghth. Imitation is unacceptable.
In the early stages of skill or character development, imitation is helpful. When I first learned to cook, I used recipes and turned out some tasty dishes. But soon I grew bored. Why follow someone else's way of cooking when I could create my own? Imitating role models is like using training wheels on a child's bicycle; they help you get going, but once you find your own balance, you fly faster and farther without relying on them.
In daily life, imitation can hurt us if we subconsciously hold poor role models. If, as a child, you observed people whose lives were bad, you may have accepted their fear and pain as normal and gone on to follow what they did. If you do not make strong choices for yourself, you will get the results of the weak choices of others.
In the field of entertainment, our culture glorifies celebrities. Those stars look great on screen. But when they step off screen, their personal lives may be disastrous. If you are going to follow someone, focus on their talent, not their bad character or unacceptable behaviors.
Blessed is the person willing to act on their sundden desire to create somrthing unique.Think of the movies,books,teachers,and friends that have affected you most deeply.They touched you because their creations were motivated by inspiration,not desperation.The world is changed not by those who do what has been done brfore them,but by those who do what has been done inside them.Creative people have an endless resource of ideas.The problem a creator faces is not running out of material;it is what to do with the material knocking at the door of imagination.
Syudy your role models,accept the gifts they have given,and leave behind what does not server.Then you can say,"I stand on the shoulders of my ancestors"tragedies and tory ,and know that they are cheering on. | 516.txt | 1 |
[
"desperate to intruence others with their knowledge",
"ready to turn their original ideas into reality",
"eager to discover what their ancestors did",
"willing to accept others'ideas"
] | Acording to the author. The world moves on because of those who are _ . | Blind imitation is self-destruction.To those who do not recognize their unique worth. Imitation appears attractive: to those who know their strenghth. Imitation is unacceptable.
In the early stages of skill or character development, imitation is helpful. When I first learned to cook, I used recipes and turned out some tasty dishes. But soon I grew bored. Why follow someone else's way of cooking when I could create my own? Imitating role models is like using training wheels on a child's bicycle; they help you get going, but once you find your own balance, you fly faster and farther without relying on them.
In daily life, imitation can hurt us if we subconsciously hold poor role models. If, as a child, you observed people whose lives were bad, you may have accepted their fear and pain as normal and gone on to follow what they did. If you do not make strong choices for yourself, you will get the results of the weak choices of others.
In the field of entertainment, our culture glorifies celebrities. Those stars look great on screen. But when they step off screen, their personal lives may be disastrous. If you are going to follow someone, focus on their talent, not their bad character or unacceptable behaviors.
Blessed is the person willing to act on their sundden desire to create somrthing unique.Think of the movies,books,teachers,and friends that have affected you most deeply.They touched you because their creations were motivated by inspiration,not desperation.The world is changed not by those who do what has been done brfore them,but by those who do what has been done inside them.Creative people have an endless resource of ideas.The problem a creator faces is not running out of material;it is what to do with the material knocking at the door of imagination.
Syudy your role models,accept the gifts they have given,and leave behind what does not server.Then you can say,"I stand on the shoulders of my ancestors"tragedies and tory ,and know that they are cheering on. | 516.txt | 1 |
[
"the lack of strong motivation",
"the absence of practical ideas",
"how to search for more materials",
"how to use imagination creatively"
] | The trouble a creator faces is. | Blind imitation is self-destruction.To those who do not recognize their unique worth. Imitation appears attractive: to those who know their strenghth. Imitation is unacceptable.
In the early stages of skill or character development, imitation is helpful. When I first learned to cook, I used recipes and turned out some tasty dishes. But soon I grew bored. Why follow someone else's way of cooking when I could create my own? Imitating role models is like using training wheels on a child's bicycle; they help you get going, but once you find your own balance, you fly faster and farther without relying on them.
In daily life, imitation can hurt us if we subconsciously hold poor role models. If, as a child, you observed people whose lives were bad, you may have accepted their fear and pain as normal and gone on to follow what they did. If you do not make strong choices for yourself, you will get the results of the weak choices of others.
In the field of entertainment, our culture glorifies celebrities. Those stars look great on screen. But when they step off screen, their personal lives may be disastrous. If you are going to follow someone, focus on their talent, not their bad character or unacceptable behaviors.
Blessed is the person willing to act on their sundden desire to create somrthing unique.Think of the movies,books,teachers,and friends that have affected you most deeply.They touched you because their creations were motivated by inspiration,not desperation.The world is changed not by those who do what has been done brfore them,but by those who do what has been done inside them.Creative people have an endless resource of ideas.The problem a creator faces is not running out of material;it is what to do with the material knocking at the door of imagination.
Syudy your role models,accept the gifts they have given,and leave behind what does not server.Then you can say,"I stand on the shoulders of my ancestors"tragedies and tory ,and know that they are cheering on. | 516.txt | 3 |
[
"To highlight the importance of creatively.",
"To criticize the characters of role models.",
"To compare imitation with creation.",
"To explain the meaning of success."
] | What is the author's purpose in writing this passage? | Blind imitation is self-destruction.To those who do not recognize their unique worth. Imitation appears attractive: to those who know their strenghth. Imitation is unacceptable.
In the early stages of skill or character development, imitation is helpful. When I first learned to cook, I used recipes and turned out some tasty dishes. But soon I grew bored. Why follow someone else's way of cooking when I could create my own? Imitating role models is like using training wheels on a child's bicycle; they help you get going, but once you find your own balance, you fly faster and farther without relying on them.
In daily life, imitation can hurt us if we subconsciously hold poor role models. If, as a child, you observed people whose lives were bad, you may have accepted their fear and pain as normal and gone on to follow what they did. If you do not make strong choices for yourself, you will get the results of the weak choices of others.
In the field of entertainment, our culture glorifies celebrities. Those stars look great on screen. But when they step off screen, their personal lives may be disastrous. If you are going to follow someone, focus on their talent, not their bad character or unacceptable behaviors.
Blessed is the person willing to act on their sundden desire to create somrthing unique.Think of the movies,books,teachers,and friends that have affected you most deeply.They touched you because their creations were motivated by inspiration,not desperation.The world is changed not by those who do what has been done brfore them,but by those who do what has been done inside them.Creative people have an endless resource of ideas.The problem a creator faces is not running out of material;it is what to do with the material knocking at the door of imagination.
Syudy your role models,accept the gifts they have given,and leave behind what does not server.Then you can say,"I stand on the shoulders of my ancestors"tragedies and tory ,and know that they are cheering on. | 516.txt | 0 |
[
"George IIUs tyranny",
"heightened executive power during wartime",
"the suspension of habeas corpus by Abraham Lincoln",
"a host of reforms following Richard Nixons abuses of power"
] | Americas constant suspicion of government can be illustrated by_ | In one way, paranoia is one of Americas great strengths--part of its long-standing suspicion of government.America was born in a revolution against George IIIs tyranny.Hostility towards central government has been a constant of American history.Most periods of heightened executive power during wartime have been followed by sharp reactions.Abraham Lincoln, who suspended habeas corpus, was accused of dictatorship and his Republican Party lost seats in 1862; Richard Nixons abuses of power spawned a host of reforms, including the wiretapping-oversight system that Mr Bush has tangled with.
But there is something less healthy at work on both the left and the right.Hofstadter argued that the politics of paranoia is fuelled by a sense of dispossession--by fury at your loss of relative power to rising groups, In the 1960s, the right was driven by a sense that it was being eclipsed by cosmopolitans and intellectuals.Now the left thinks it is losing power to businessmen and suburbanites.It cannot believe that the north-east--the vortex of civilised America---is losing influence to the South and the West, to people who believe in God and guns, to Mr Bush.
That does not let the president off the hook.Put simply, a man who claimed he would unite the country has given his enemies far too much to be paranoid about.There may well be a case for wire- tapping people in contact with al-Qaeda;but what about refusing to reveal who is on the energy task- force, let alone the (possibly legal but ghastly) treatment of inmates at Guantdnamo? There may be a case for asking people to rally around the flag at a time of war,but how does that square with Mr Bush using terrorism to divide his opponents and advance his partys political interests, as he did in 2002 and 2004?
Hofstadter argued that the paranoid style has more to do with the way in which ideas are believed than with the truth or falsity of their content.The problem for America's left is not the lack of justified complaints about Mr Bush.It is that their paranoid style--with its propensity to exaggeration and conspiracy-mongering and its inability to distinguish between justified complaints and hysteria-- means that their cries are seldom listened to except by people who suffer from the same affliction.Which is sometimes a pity.[392 words] | 1228.txt | 3 |
[
"the anger at the loss of relative power may cause mania",
"the north-east is losing influence to the South and the West",
"the government has lost its relative power to rising groups",
"the government is losing power to businessmen and suburbanites"
] | Hofstadter believes that_ | In one way, paranoia is one of Americas great strengths--part of its long-standing suspicion of government.America was born in a revolution against George IIIs tyranny.Hostility towards central government has been a constant of American history.Most periods of heightened executive power during wartime have been followed by sharp reactions.Abraham Lincoln, who suspended habeas corpus, was accused of dictatorship and his Republican Party lost seats in 1862; Richard Nixons abuses of power spawned a host of reforms, including the wiretapping-oversight system that Mr Bush has tangled with.
But there is something less healthy at work on both the left and the right.Hofstadter argued that the politics of paranoia is fuelled by a sense of dispossession--by fury at your loss of relative power to rising groups, In the 1960s, the right was driven by a sense that it was being eclipsed by cosmopolitans and intellectuals.Now the left thinks it is losing power to businessmen and suburbanites.It cannot believe that the north-east--the vortex of civilised America---is losing influence to the South and the West, to people who believe in God and guns, to Mr Bush.
That does not let the president off the hook.Put simply, a man who claimed he would unite the country has given his enemies far too much to be paranoid about.There may well be a case for wire- tapping people in contact with al-Qaeda;but what about refusing to reveal who is on the energy task- force, let alone the (possibly legal but ghastly) treatment of inmates at Guantdnamo? There may be a case for asking people to rally around the flag at a time of war,but how does that square with Mr Bush using terrorism to divide his opponents and advance his partys political interests, as he did in 2002 and 2004?
Hofstadter argued that the paranoid style has more to do with the way in which ideas are believed than with the truth or falsity of their content.The problem for America's left is not the lack of justified complaints about Mr Bush.It is that their paranoid style--with its propensity to exaggeration and conspiracy-mongering and its inability to distinguish between justified complaints and hysteria-- means that their cries are seldom listened to except by people who suffer from the same affliction.Which is sometimes a pity.[392 words] | 1228.txt | 0 |
[
"Mr Bush using terrorism to divide his opponents.",
"A case for wire-tapping people in contact with al-Qaeda.",
"A case for asking people to rally around the flag at a time of war.",
"The claim that he would unite the country to fight against the enemy."
] | Which of the following can prove Mr Bush's paranoia? | In one way, paranoia is one of Americas great strengths--part of its long-standing suspicion of government.America was born in a revolution against George IIIs tyranny.Hostility towards central government has been a constant of American history.Most periods of heightened executive power during wartime have been followed by sharp reactions.Abraham Lincoln, who suspended habeas corpus, was accused of dictatorship and his Republican Party lost seats in 1862; Richard Nixons abuses of power spawned a host of reforms, including the wiretapping-oversight system that Mr Bush has tangled with.
But there is something less healthy at work on both the left and the right.Hofstadter argued that the politics of paranoia is fuelled by a sense of dispossession--by fury at your loss of relative power to rising groups, In the 1960s, the right was driven by a sense that it was being eclipsed by cosmopolitans and intellectuals.Now the left thinks it is losing power to businessmen and suburbanites.It cannot believe that the north-east--the vortex of civilised America---is losing influence to the South and the West, to people who believe in God and guns, to Mr Bush.
That does not let the president off the hook.Put simply, a man who claimed he would unite the country has given his enemies far too much to be paranoid about.There may well be a case for wire- tapping people in contact with al-Qaeda;but what about refusing to reveal who is on the energy task- force, let alone the (possibly legal but ghastly) treatment of inmates at Guantdnamo? There may be a case for asking people to rally around the flag at a time of war,but how does that square with Mr Bush using terrorism to divide his opponents and advance his partys political interests, as he did in 2002 and 2004?
Hofstadter argued that the paranoid style has more to do with the way in which ideas are believed than with the truth or falsity of their content.The problem for America's left is not the lack of justified complaints about Mr Bush.It is that their paranoid style--with its propensity to exaggeration and conspiracy-mongering and its inability to distinguish between justified complaints and hysteria-- means that their cries are seldom listened to except by people who suffer from the same affliction.Which is sometimes a pity.[392 words] | 1228.txt | 0 |
[
"Mr Bush tends to exaggerate and monger conspiracy",
"Normal people are not interested in Mr Bushes cries at all",
"Americas left is not short of justified complaints about Mr Bush",
"Mr Bush has no ability to distinguish between justified complaints and hysteria"
] | According to Hofstadter, _ | In one way, paranoia is one of Americas great strengths--part of its long-standing suspicion of government.America was born in a revolution against George IIIs tyranny.Hostility towards central government has been a constant of American history.Most periods of heightened executive power during wartime have been followed by sharp reactions.Abraham Lincoln, who suspended habeas corpus, was accused of dictatorship and his Republican Party lost seats in 1862; Richard Nixons abuses of power spawned a host of reforms, including the wiretapping-oversight system that Mr Bush has tangled with.
But there is something less healthy at work on both the left and the right.Hofstadter argued that the politics of paranoia is fuelled by a sense of dispossession--by fury at your loss of relative power to rising groups, In the 1960s, the right was driven by a sense that it was being eclipsed by cosmopolitans and intellectuals.Now the left thinks it is losing power to businessmen and suburbanites.It cannot believe that the north-east--the vortex of civilised America---is losing influence to the South and the West, to people who believe in God and guns, to Mr Bush.
That does not let the president off the hook.Put simply, a man who claimed he would unite the country has given his enemies far too much to be paranoid about.There may well be a case for wire- tapping people in contact with al-Qaeda;but what about refusing to reveal who is on the energy task- force, let alone the (possibly legal but ghastly) treatment of inmates at Guantdnamo? There may be a case for asking people to rally around the flag at a time of war,but how does that square with Mr Bush using terrorism to divide his opponents and advance his partys political interests, as he did in 2002 and 2004?
Hofstadter argued that the paranoid style has more to do with the way in which ideas are believed than with the truth or falsity of their content.The problem for America's left is not the lack of justified complaints about Mr Bush.It is that their paranoid style--with its propensity to exaggeration and conspiracy-mongering and its inability to distinguish between justified complaints and hysteria-- means that their cries are seldom listened to except by people who suffer from the same affliction.Which is sometimes a pity.[392 words] | 1228.txt | 2 |
[
"paranoia is healthy",
"paranoia is less healthy",
"the left is more paranoid than the right",
"both the left and the right manifest paranoid"
] | The author believes that_ | In one way, paranoia is one of Americas great strengths--part of its long-standing suspicion of government.America was born in a revolution against George IIIs tyranny.Hostility towards central government has been a constant of American history.Most periods of heightened executive power during wartime have been followed by sharp reactions.Abraham Lincoln, who suspended habeas corpus, was accused of dictatorship and his Republican Party lost seats in 1862; Richard Nixons abuses of power spawned a host of reforms, including the wiretapping-oversight system that Mr Bush has tangled with.
But there is something less healthy at work on both the left and the right.Hofstadter argued that the politics of paranoia is fuelled by a sense of dispossession--by fury at your loss of relative power to rising groups, In the 1960s, the right was driven by a sense that it was being eclipsed by cosmopolitans and intellectuals.Now the left thinks it is losing power to businessmen and suburbanites.It cannot believe that the north-east--the vortex of civilised America---is losing influence to the South and the West, to people who believe in God and guns, to Mr Bush.
That does not let the president off the hook.Put simply, a man who claimed he would unite the country has given his enemies far too much to be paranoid about.There may well be a case for wire- tapping people in contact with al-Qaeda;but what about refusing to reveal who is on the energy task- force, let alone the (possibly legal but ghastly) treatment of inmates at Guantdnamo? There may be a case for asking people to rally around the flag at a time of war,but how does that square with Mr Bush using terrorism to divide his opponents and advance his partys political interests, as he did in 2002 and 2004?
Hofstadter argued that the paranoid style has more to do with the way in which ideas are believed than with the truth or falsity of their content.The problem for America's left is not the lack of justified complaints about Mr Bush.It is that their paranoid style--with its propensity to exaggeration and conspiracy-mongering and its inability to distinguish between justified complaints and hysteria-- means that their cries are seldom listened to except by people who suffer from the same affliction.Which is sometimes a pity.[392 words] | 1228.txt | 3 |
[
"who were born as aristocrat",
"who have the right to sit in the House of Lords",
"who speak in many different local accents",
"who are prosperous businessmen or who work in some professions"
] | The middle class mainly refers to people . | As regards social conventions, we must say a word about the well-known English class system. 『This is an embarrassing subject for English people, and one they tend to be ashamed of, though during the present century class-consciousness has grown less and less, and the class system less rigid.』① But it still exists below the surface. Broadly speaking, it means there are two classes, the " middle class" and the " working class" . (We shall ignore for a moment the old " upper class" , including the hereditary aristocracy, since it is extremely small in numbers; but some of its members have the right to sit in the House of Lords, and some newspapers take a surprising interest in their private life.) The middle class consists chiefly of well-to-do businessmen and professional people of all kinds. The working class consists chiefly of manual and unskilled workers.
The most obvious difference between them is in their accent. Middle-class people use slightly varying kinds of " received pronunciation" which is the kind of English spoken by BBC announcers and taught to overseas pupils. Typical working-class people speak in many different local accents which are generally felt to be rather ugly and uneducated. One of the biggest barriers of social equality in England is the two-class education system. To have been to a so-called " public school" immediately marks you out as one of the middle class. The middle classes tend to live a more formal life than working-class people, and are usually more cultured. Their midday meal is " lunch" and they have a rather formal evening meal called " dinner" , whereas the working man's dinner, if his working hours permit, is at midday, and his smaller, late-evening meal is called supper.
As we have said, however, the class system is much less rigid than it was, and for a long time it has been government policy to reduce class distinctions. 『Working-class students very commonly receive a university education and enter the professions, and working-class incomes have grown so much recently that the distinctions between the two classes are becoming less and less clear. 』②However, regardless of one's social status, certain standards of politeness are expected of everybody, and a well-bred person is polite to everyone he meets, and treats a labourer with the same respect he gives an important businessman. Servility inspires both embarrassment and dislike. Even the word " sir" , except in school and in certain occupations (e.g. commerce, the army etc.) sounds too servile to be commonly used. | 776.txt | 3 |
[
"dress",
"work",
"accent",
"meal"
] | The most obvious difference between the working class and the middle class in English is their . | As regards social conventions, we must say a word about the well-known English class system. 『This is an embarrassing subject for English people, and one they tend to be ashamed of, though during the present century class-consciousness has grown less and less, and the class system less rigid.』① But it still exists below the surface. Broadly speaking, it means there are two classes, the " middle class" and the " working class" . (We shall ignore for a moment the old " upper class" , including the hereditary aristocracy, since it is extremely small in numbers; but some of its members have the right to sit in the House of Lords, and some newspapers take a surprising interest in their private life.) The middle class consists chiefly of well-to-do businessmen and professional people of all kinds. The working class consists chiefly of manual and unskilled workers.
The most obvious difference between them is in their accent. Middle-class people use slightly varying kinds of " received pronunciation" which is the kind of English spoken by BBC announcers and taught to overseas pupils. Typical working-class people speak in many different local accents which are generally felt to be rather ugly and uneducated. One of the biggest barriers of social equality in England is the two-class education system. To have been to a so-called " public school" immediately marks you out as one of the middle class. The middle classes tend to live a more formal life than working-class people, and are usually more cultured. Their midday meal is " lunch" and they have a rather formal evening meal called " dinner" , whereas the working man's dinner, if his working hours permit, is at midday, and his smaller, late-evening meal is called supper.
As we have said, however, the class system is much less rigid than it was, and for a long time it has been government policy to reduce class distinctions. 『Working-class students very commonly receive a university education and enter the professions, and working-class incomes have grown so much recently that the distinctions between the two classes are becoming less and less clear. 』②However, regardless of one's social status, certain standards of politeness are expected of everybody, and a well-bred person is polite to everyone he meets, and treats a labourer with the same respect he gives an important businessman. Servility inspires both embarrassment and dislike. Even the word " sir" , except in school and in certain occupations (e.g. commerce, the army etc.) sounds too servile to be commonly used. | 776.txt | 2 |
[
"Because it sounds too servile and is likely to cause embarrassment.",
"Because it can only be used in some certain occupations.",
"Because it is an impolite word.",
"Because it shows that the speaker is not a well-bred person."
] | Why isn't the word " sir" commonly used in Britain? | As regards social conventions, we must say a word about the well-known English class system. 『This is an embarrassing subject for English people, and one they tend to be ashamed of, though during the present century class-consciousness has grown less and less, and the class system less rigid.』① But it still exists below the surface. Broadly speaking, it means there are two classes, the " middle class" and the " working class" . (We shall ignore for a moment the old " upper class" , including the hereditary aristocracy, since it is extremely small in numbers; but some of its members have the right to sit in the House of Lords, and some newspapers take a surprising interest in their private life.) The middle class consists chiefly of well-to-do businessmen and professional people of all kinds. The working class consists chiefly of manual and unskilled workers.
The most obvious difference between them is in their accent. Middle-class people use slightly varying kinds of " received pronunciation" which is the kind of English spoken by BBC announcers and taught to overseas pupils. Typical working-class people speak in many different local accents which are generally felt to be rather ugly and uneducated. One of the biggest barriers of social equality in England is the two-class education system. To have been to a so-called " public school" immediately marks you out as one of the middle class. The middle classes tend to live a more formal life than working-class people, and are usually more cultured. Their midday meal is " lunch" and they have a rather formal evening meal called " dinner" , whereas the working man's dinner, if his working hours permit, is at midday, and his smaller, late-evening meal is called supper.
As we have said, however, the class system is much less rigid than it was, and for a long time it has been government policy to reduce class distinctions. 『Working-class students very commonly receive a university education and enter the professions, and working-class incomes have grown so much recently that the distinctions between the two classes are becoming less and less clear. 』②However, regardless of one's social status, certain standards of politeness are expected of everybody, and a well-bred person is polite to everyone he meets, and treats a labourer with the same respect he gives an important businessman. Servility inspires both embarrassment and dislike. Even the word " sir" , except in school and in certain occupations (e.g. commerce, the army etc.) sounds too servile to be commonly used. | 776.txt | 0 |
[
"are extremely small in number so that media pays no attention to them",
"still uses old words like \" Sir\" in their everyday life",
"includes the hereditary aristocracy",
"refers only to the royal family"
] | The " upper class" in England today . | As regards social conventions, we must say a word about the well-known English class system. 『This is an embarrassing subject for English people, and one they tend to be ashamed of, though during the present century class-consciousness has grown less and less, and the class system less rigid.』① But it still exists below the surface. Broadly speaking, it means there are two classes, the " middle class" and the " working class" . (We shall ignore for a moment the old " upper class" , including the hereditary aristocracy, since it is extremely small in numbers; but some of its members have the right to sit in the House of Lords, and some newspapers take a surprising interest in their private life.) The middle class consists chiefly of well-to-do businessmen and professional people of all kinds. The working class consists chiefly of manual and unskilled workers.
The most obvious difference between them is in their accent. Middle-class people use slightly varying kinds of " received pronunciation" which is the kind of English spoken by BBC announcers and taught to overseas pupils. Typical working-class people speak in many different local accents which are generally felt to be rather ugly and uneducated. One of the biggest barriers of social equality in England is the two-class education system. To have been to a so-called " public school" immediately marks you out as one of the middle class. The middle classes tend to live a more formal life than working-class people, and are usually more cultured. Their midday meal is " lunch" and they have a rather formal evening meal called " dinner" , whereas the working man's dinner, if his working hours permit, is at midday, and his smaller, late-evening meal is called supper.
As we have said, however, the class system is much less rigid than it was, and for a long time it has been government policy to reduce class distinctions. 『Working-class students very commonly receive a university education and enter the professions, and working-class incomes have grown so much recently that the distinctions between the two classes are becoming less and less clear. 』②However, regardless of one's social status, certain standards of politeness are expected of everybody, and a well-bred person is polite to everyone he meets, and treats a labourer with the same respect he gives an important businessman. Servility inspires both embarrassment and dislike. Even the word " sir" , except in school and in certain occupations (e.g. commerce, the army etc.) sounds too servile to be commonly used. | 776.txt | 2 |
[
"It is an embarrassing subject for English people.",
"Working-class students cannot receive a university education.",
"The class system is much less rigid than it was.",
"The class system still exists below the surface."
] | Which of the following is not true about the English class system? | As regards social conventions, we must say a word about the well-known English class system. 『This is an embarrassing subject for English people, and one they tend to be ashamed of, though during the present century class-consciousness has grown less and less, and the class system less rigid.』① But it still exists below the surface. Broadly speaking, it means there are two classes, the " middle class" and the " working class" . (We shall ignore for a moment the old " upper class" , including the hereditary aristocracy, since it is extremely small in numbers; but some of its members have the right to sit in the House of Lords, and some newspapers take a surprising interest in their private life.) The middle class consists chiefly of well-to-do businessmen and professional people of all kinds. The working class consists chiefly of manual and unskilled workers.
The most obvious difference between them is in their accent. Middle-class people use slightly varying kinds of " received pronunciation" which is the kind of English spoken by BBC announcers and taught to overseas pupils. Typical working-class people speak in many different local accents which are generally felt to be rather ugly and uneducated. One of the biggest barriers of social equality in England is the two-class education system. To have been to a so-called " public school" immediately marks you out as one of the middle class. The middle classes tend to live a more formal life than working-class people, and are usually more cultured. Their midday meal is " lunch" and they have a rather formal evening meal called " dinner" , whereas the working man's dinner, if his working hours permit, is at midday, and his smaller, late-evening meal is called supper.
As we have said, however, the class system is much less rigid than it was, and for a long time it has been government policy to reduce class distinctions. 『Working-class students very commonly receive a university education and enter the professions, and working-class incomes have grown so much recently that the distinctions between the two classes are becoming less and less clear. 』②However, regardless of one's social status, certain standards of politeness are expected of everybody, and a well-bred person is polite to everyone he meets, and treats a labourer with the same respect he gives an important businessman. Servility inspires both embarrassment and dislike. Even the word " sir" , except in school and in certain occupations (e.g. commerce, the army etc.) sounds too servile to be commonly used. | 776.txt | 1 |
[
"corn borer",
"Japanese beetle",
"gypsy moth",
"fire ant"
] | An insecticide was used in Louisiana to kill the troublesome _ . | For as long as humans have raised crops as a source of food and other products, insects have damaged them. Between 1870 and 1880, locusts ate millions of dollars' worth of crops in the Mississippi Valley. Today in the United States the cotton boll weevil damages about 300 million dollars' worth of crops each year. Additional millions are lost each year to the appetites of other plant-eating insects. Some of these are corn borers, gypsy moths, potato beetles, and Japanese beetles.
In modern times, many powerful insecticides have been used in an attempt to destroy insects that damage crops and trees. Some kinds of insecticides, when carefully used, have worked well. Yet the same insecticides have caused some unexpected problems. In one large area, an insecticide was used against Japanese beetles, which eat almost any kind of flower or leaf. Shortly afterward, the number of corn borers almost doubled. As intended, the insecticide had killed many Japanese beetles. But it had killed many of the insect enemies of the corn borer as well.
In another case, an insecticide was used in Louisiana to kill the troublesome fire ant. The insecticide did not kill many fire ants. It did kill several small animals. It also killed some insect enemies of the sugarcane borer, a much more destructive pest than the fire ants. As a result, the number of sugarcane borers increased and severely damaged the sugarcane crop.
To be sure that one insect pest will not be traded for another when an insecticide is used, scientists must perform careful experiments and do wide research. The experiments and research provide knowledge of the possible hazards an insecticide may bring to plant and animal communities. Without such knowledge, we have found that nature sometimes responds to insecticides in unexpected ways. | 957.txt | 3 |
[
"insecticides are not dangerous to any small animals",
"insecticides do not always accomplish their purposes",
"insecticides are no longer being used to kill insects",
"insecticides do no harm to people"
] | While it is not directly stated, the article suggests that _ . | For as long as humans have raised crops as a source of food and other products, insects have damaged them. Between 1870 and 1880, locusts ate millions of dollars' worth of crops in the Mississippi Valley. Today in the United States the cotton boll weevil damages about 300 million dollars' worth of crops each year. Additional millions are lost each year to the appetites of other plant-eating insects. Some of these are corn borers, gypsy moths, potato beetles, and Japanese beetles.
In modern times, many powerful insecticides have been used in an attempt to destroy insects that damage crops and trees. Some kinds of insecticides, when carefully used, have worked well. Yet the same insecticides have caused some unexpected problems. In one large area, an insecticide was used against Japanese beetles, which eat almost any kind of flower or leaf. Shortly afterward, the number of corn borers almost doubled. As intended, the insecticide had killed many Japanese beetles. But it had killed many of the insect enemies of the corn borer as well.
In another case, an insecticide was used in Louisiana to kill the troublesome fire ant. The insecticide did not kill many fire ants. It did kill several small animals. It also killed some insect enemies of the sugarcane borer, a much more destructive pest than the fire ants. As a result, the number of sugarcane borers increased and severely damaged the sugarcane crop.
To be sure that one insect pest will not be traded for another when an insecticide is used, scientists must perform careful experiments and do wide research. The experiments and research provide knowledge of the possible hazards an insecticide may bring to plant and animal communities. Without such knowledge, we have found that nature sometimes responds to insecticides in unexpected ways. | 957.txt | 1 |
[
"the appetites of plant-eating insects",
"the best way to kill boll weevils",
"the dangers in using insecticides",
"the best way to grow crops"
] | On the whole, the article tells about _ . | For as long as humans have raised crops as a source of food and other products, insects have damaged them. Between 1870 and 1880, locusts ate millions of dollars' worth of crops in the Mississippi Valley. Today in the United States the cotton boll weevil damages about 300 million dollars' worth of crops each year. Additional millions are lost each year to the appetites of other plant-eating insects. Some of these are corn borers, gypsy moths, potato beetles, and Japanese beetles.
In modern times, many powerful insecticides have been used in an attempt to destroy insects that damage crops and trees. Some kinds of insecticides, when carefully used, have worked well. Yet the same insecticides have caused some unexpected problems. In one large area, an insecticide was used against Japanese beetles, which eat almost any kind of flower or leaf. Shortly afterward, the number of corn borers almost doubled. As intended, the insecticide had killed many Japanese beetles. But it had killed many of the insect enemies of the corn borer as well.
In another case, an insecticide was used in Louisiana to kill the troublesome fire ant. The insecticide did not kill many fire ants. It did kill several small animals. It also killed some insect enemies of the sugarcane borer, a much more destructive pest than the fire ants. As a result, the number of sugarcane borers increased and severely damaged the sugarcane crop.
To be sure that one insect pest will not be traded for another when an insecticide is used, scientists must perform careful experiments and do wide research. The experiments and research provide knowledge of the possible hazards an insecticide may bring to plant and animal communities. Without such knowledge, we have found that nature sometimes responds to insecticides in unexpected ways. | 957.txt | 2 |
[
"All changes are predictable.",
"Nothing ever changes in nature.",
"Nature is not always predictable.",
"Nature always serves man well."
] | Which statement does this article lead you to believe? | For as long as humans have raised crops as a source of food and other products, insects have damaged them. Between 1870 and 1880, locusts ate millions of dollars' worth of crops in the Mississippi Valley. Today in the United States the cotton boll weevil damages about 300 million dollars' worth of crops each year. Additional millions are lost each year to the appetites of other plant-eating insects. Some of these are corn borers, gypsy moths, potato beetles, and Japanese beetles.
In modern times, many powerful insecticides have been used in an attempt to destroy insects that damage crops and trees. Some kinds of insecticides, when carefully used, have worked well. Yet the same insecticides have caused some unexpected problems. In one large area, an insecticide was used against Japanese beetles, which eat almost any kind of flower or leaf. Shortly afterward, the number of corn borers almost doubled. As intended, the insecticide had killed many Japanese beetles. But it had killed many of the insect enemies of the corn borer as well.
In another case, an insecticide was used in Louisiana to kill the troublesome fire ant. The insecticide did not kill many fire ants. It did kill several small animals. It also killed some insect enemies of the sugarcane borer, a much more destructive pest than the fire ants. As a result, the number of sugarcane borers increased and severely damaged the sugarcane crop.
To be sure that one insect pest will not be traded for another when an insecticide is used, scientists must perform careful experiments and do wide research. The experiments and research provide knowledge of the possible hazards an insecticide may bring to plant and animal communities. Without such knowledge, we have found that nature sometimes responds to insecticides in unexpected ways. | 957.txt | 2 |
[
"they must learn to destroy all the insects that we need",
"they must be sure one insect pest is not traded for another",
"research keeps them from inventing new insecticide for the crops",
"research helps them find a way to kill all insects"
] | Scientists perform careful experiments and do wide research because _ . | For as long as humans have raised crops as a source of food and other products, insects have damaged them. Between 1870 and 1880, locusts ate millions of dollars' worth of crops in the Mississippi Valley. Today in the United States the cotton boll weevil damages about 300 million dollars' worth of crops each year. Additional millions are lost each year to the appetites of other plant-eating insects. Some of these are corn borers, gypsy moths, potato beetles, and Japanese beetles.
In modern times, many powerful insecticides have been used in an attempt to destroy insects that damage crops and trees. Some kinds of insecticides, when carefully used, have worked well. Yet the same insecticides have caused some unexpected problems. In one large area, an insecticide was used against Japanese beetles, which eat almost any kind of flower or leaf. Shortly afterward, the number of corn borers almost doubled. As intended, the insecticide had killed many Japanese beetles. But it had killed many of the insect enemies of the corn borer as well.
In another case, an insecticide was used in Louisiana to kill the troublesome fire ant. The insecticide did not kill many fire ants. It did kill several small animals. It also killed some insect enemies of the sugarcane borer, a much more destructive pest than the fire ants. As a result, the number of sugarcane borers increased and severely damaged the sugarcane crop.
To be sure that one insect pest will not be traded for another when an insecticide is used, scientists must perform careful experiments and do wide research. The experiments and research provide knowledge of the possible hazards an insecticide may bring to plant and animal communities. Without such knowledge, we have found that nature sometimes responds to insecticides in unexpected ways. | 957.txt | 1 |
[
"They tend to exaggerate the healthful effect of \"light\" beer.",
"They usually ignore the effect of exercise on losing weight.",
"They prefer \"light\" beer and low-calorie bread to other drinks and food.",
"They know the factors that play a positive role in keeping down body weight."
] | What is said about the average American in the passage? | Exercise is one of the few factors with a positive role in long-term maintenance of body weight. Unfortunately, that message has not gotten through to the average American, who would rather try switching to "light" beer and low-calorie bread than increase physical exertion. The Centers for Disease Control, for example, found that fewer than one-fourth of overweight adults who were trying to shed pounds said they were combining exercise with their diet.
In rejecting exercise, some people may be discouraged too much by caloric-expenditure charts: for example, one would have to briskly walk three miles just to work off the 275 calories in one delicious Danish pastry . Even exercise professionals concede half a point here. "Exercise by itself is a very tough way to lose weight," says York Onnen, program director of the President's Council on Physical Fitness and Sports.
Still, exercise's supporting role in weight reduction is vital. A study at the of overweight police officers and other public employees confirmed that those who dieted without exercise regained almost all their old weight, while those who worked exercise into their daily routine maintained their new weight.
If you have been sedentary and decide to start walking one mile a day, the added exercise could burn an extra 100 calories daily. In a year's time, assuming no increase in food intake, you could lose ten pounds. By increasing the distance of your walks gradually and making other dietary adjustments, you may lose even more weight. | 719.txt | 1 |
[
"they think it is physically exhausting",
"they find it hard to exercise while on a diet",
"they don't think it possible to walk 3 miles every day",
"they find consulting caloric-expenditure charts troublesome"
] | Some people dislike exercise because _ . | Exercise is one of the few factors with a positive role in long-term maintenance of body weight. Unfortunately, that message has not gotten through to the average American, who would rather try switching to "light" beer and low-calorie bread than increase physical exertion. The Centers for Disease Control, for example, found that fewer than one-fourth of overweight adults who were trying to shed pounds said they were combining exercise with their diet.
In rejecting exercise, some people may be discouraged too much by caloric-expenditure charts: for example, one would have to briskly walk three miles just to work off the 275 calories in one delicious Danish pastry . Even exercise professionals concede half a point here. "Exercise by itself is a very tough way to lose weight," says York Onnen, program director of the President's Council on Physical Fitness and Sports.
Still, exercise's supporting role in weight reduction is vital. A study at the of overweight police officers and other public employees confirmed that those who dieted without exercise regained almost all their old weight, while those who worked exercise into their daily routine maintained their new weight.
If you have been sedentary and decide to start walking one mile a day, the added exercise could burn an extra 100 calories daily. In a year's time, assuming no increase in food intake, you could lose ten pounds. By increasing the distance of your walks gradually and making other dietary adjustments, you may lose even more weight. | 719.txt | 1 |
[
"agree that the calories in a small piece of pastry can be difficult to work off by exercise",
"partially believe diet plays a supporting role in weight reduction",
"are not fully convinced that dieting can help maintain one's new weight",
"are not sufficiently informed of the positive role of exercise in losing weight"
] | "Even exercise professionals concede half a point here" (Line 3, Para. 2) means "They _ ". | Exercise is one of the few factors with a positive role in long-term maintenance of body weight. Unfortunately, that message has not gotten through to the average American, who would rather try switching to "light" beer and low-calorie bread than increase physical exertion. The Centers for Disease Control, for example, found that fewer than one-fourth of overweight adults who were trying to shed pounds said they were combining exercise with their diet.
In rejecting exercise, some people may be discouraged too much by caloric-expenditure charts: for example, one would have to briskly walk three miles just to work off the 275 calories in one delicious Danish pastry . Even exercise professionals concede half a point here. "Exercise by itself is a very tough way to lose weight," says York Onnen, program director of the President's Council on Physical Fitness and Sports.
Still, exercise's supporting role in weight reduction is vital. A study at the of overweight police officers and other public employees confirmed that those who dieted without exercise regained almost all their old weight, while those who worked exercise into their daily routine maintained their new weight.
If you have been sedentary and decide to start walking one mile a day, the added exercise could burn an extra 100 calories daily. In a year's time, assuming no increase in food intake, you could lose ten pounds. By increasing the distance of your walks gradually and making other dietary adjustments, you may lose even more weight. | 719.txt | 1 |
[
"Controlling one's calorie intake is more important than doing exercise.",
"Even occasional exercise can help reduce weight.",
"Weight reduction is impossible without exercise.",
"One could lose ten pounds in a year's time if there's no increase in food intake."
] | What was confirmed by the 's study? | Exercise is one of the few factors with a positive role in long-term maintenance of body weight. Unfortunately, that message has not gotten through to the average American, who would rather try switching to "light" beer and low-calorie bread than increase physical exertion. The Centers for Disease Control, for example, found that fewer than one-fourth of overweight adults who were trying to shed pounds said they were combining exercise with their diet.
In rejecting exercise, some people may be discouraged too much by caloric-expenditure charts: for example, one would have to briskly walk three miles just to work off the 275 calories in one delicious Danish pastry . Even exercise professionals concede half a point here. "Exercise by itself is a very tough way to lose weight," says York Onnen, program director of the President's Council on Physical Fitness and Sports.
Still, exercise's supporting role in weight reduction is vital. A study at the of overweight police officers and other public employees confirmed that those who dieted without exercise regained almost all their old weight, while those who worked exercise into their daily routine maintained their new weight.
If you have been sedentary and decide to start walking one mile a day, the added exercise could burn an extra 100 calories daily. In a year's time, assuming no increase in food intake, you could lose ten pounds. By increasing the distance of your walks gradually and making other dietary adjustments, you may lose even more weight. | 719.txt | 2 |
[
"To justify the study of the .",
"To stress the importance of maintaining proper weight.",
"To support the statement made by York Onnen.",
"To show the most effective way to lose weight."
] | What is the author's purpose in writing this article? | Exercise is one of the few factors with a positive role in long-term maintenance of body weight. Unfortunately, that message has not gotten through to the average American, who would rather try switching to "light" beer and low-calorie bread than increase physical exertion. The Centers for Disease Control, for example, found that fewer than one-fourth of overweight adults who were trying to shed pounds said they were combining exercise with their diet.
In rejecting exercise, some people may be discouraged too much by caloric-expenditure charts: for example, one would have to briskly walk three miles just to work off the 275 calories in one delicious Danish pastry . Even exercise professionals concede half a point here. "Exercise by itself is a very tough way to lose weight," says York Onnen, program director of the President's Council on Physical Fitness and Sports.
Still, exercise's supporting role in weight reduction is vital. A study at the of overweight police officers and other public employees confirmed that those who dieted without exercise regained almost all their old weight, while those who worked exercise into their daily routine maintained their new weight.
If you have been sedentary and decide to start walking one mile a day, the added exercise could burn an extra 100 calories daily. In a year's time, assuming no increase in food intake, you could lose ten pounds. By increasing the distance of your walks gradually and making other dietary adjustments, you may lose even more weight. | 719.txt | 3 |
[
"doctors used to increase drug dosages to control their patients' pain",
"it is still illegal for doctors to help the dying end their lives",
"the Supreme Court strongly opposes physician-assisted suicide",
"patients have no constitutional right to commit suicide"
] | From the first three paragraphs, we learn that _ . | The Supreme Court's decisions on physician-assisted suicide carry important implications for how medicine seeks to relieve dying patients of pain and suffering.
Although it ruled that there is no constitutional right to physician-assisted suicide, the Court in effect supported the medical principle of "double effect," a centuries-old moral principle holding that an action having two effects a good one that is intended and a harmful one that is foreseen is permissible if the actor intends only the good effect.
Doctors have used that principle in recent years to justify using high doses of morphine to control terminally ill patients' pain, even though increasing dosages will eventually kill the patient.
Nancy Dubler, director of Montefiore Medical Center, contends that the principle will shield doctors who "until now have very, very strongly insisted that they could not give patients sufficient mediation to control their pain if that might hasten death."
George Annas, chair of the health law department at Boston University, maintains that, as long as a doctor prescribes a drug for a legitimate medical purpose, the doctor has done nothing illegal even if the patient uses the drug to hasten death. "It's like surgery," he says. "We don't call those deaths homicides because the doctors didn't intend to kill their patients, although they risked their death. If you're a physician, you can risk your patient's suicide as long as you don't intend their suicide."
On another level, many in the medical community acknowledge that the assisted-suicide debate has been fueled in part by the despair of patients for whom modern medicine has prolonged the physical agony of dying.
Just three weeks before the Court's ruling on physician-assisted suicide, the National Academy of Science (NAS) released a two-volume report, Approaching Death: Improving Care at the End of Life. It identifies the undertreatment of pain and the aggressive use of "ineffectual and forced medical procedures that may prolong and even dishonor the period of dying" as the twin problems of end-of-life care.
The profession is taking steps to require young doctors to train in hospices, to test knowledge of aggressive pain management therapies, to develop a Medicare billing code for hospital-based care, and to develop new standards for assessing and treating pain at the end of life.
Annas says lawyers can play a key role in insisting that these well-meaning medical initiatives translate into better care. "Large numbers of physicians seem unconcerned with the pain their patients are needlessly and predictably suffering," to the extent that it constitutes "systematic patient abuse." He says medical licensing boards "must make it clear... that painful deaths are presumptively ones that are incompetently managed and should result in license suspension." | 3360.txt | 1 |
[
"Doctors will be held guilty if they risk their patients' death.",
"Modern medicine has assisted terminally ill patients in painless recovery.",
"The Court ruled that high-dosage pain-relieving medication can be prescribed.",
"A doctor's medication is no longer justified by his intentions."
] | Which of the following statements is true according to the text? | The Supreme Court's decisions on physician-assisted suicide carry important implications for how medicine seeks to relieve dying patients of pain and suffering.
Although it ruled that there is no constitutional right to physician-assisted suicide, the Court in effect supported the medical principle of "double effect," a centuries-old moral principle holding that an action having two effects a good one that is intended and a harmful one that is foreseen is permissible if the actor intends only the good effect.
Doctors have used that principle in recent years to justify using high doses of morphine to control terminally ill patients' pain, even though increasing dosages will eventually kill the patient.
Nancy Dubler, director of Montefiore Medical Center, contends that the principle will shield doctors who "until now have very, very strongly insisted that they could not give patients sufficient mediation to control their pain if that might hasten death."
George Annas, chair of the health law department at Boston University, maintains that, as long as a doctor prescribes a drug for a legitimate medical purpose, the doctor has done nothing illegal even if the patient uses the drug to hasten death. "It's like surgery," he says. "We don't call those deaths homicides because the doctors didn't intend to kill their patients, although they risked their death. If you're a physician, you can risk your patient's suicide as long as you don't intend their suicide."
On another level, many in the medical community acknowledge that the assisted-suicide debate has been fueled in part by the despair of patients for whom modern medicine has prolonged the physical agony of dying.
Just three weeks before the Court's ruling on physician-assisted suicide, the National Academy of Science (NAS) released a two-volume report, Approaching Death: Improving Care at the End of Life. It identifies the undertreatment of pain and the aggressive use of "ineffectual and forced medical procedures that may prolong and even dishonor the period of dying" as the twin problems of end-of-life care.
The profession is taking steps to require young doctors to train in hospices, to test knowledge of aggressive pain management therapies, to develop a Medicare billing code for hospital-based care, and to develop new standards for assessing and treating pain at the end of life.
Annas says lawyers can play a key role in insisting that these well-meaning medical initiatives translate into better care. "Large numbers of physicians seem unconcerned with the pain their patients are needlessly and predictably suffering," to the extent that it constitutes "systematic patient abuse." He says medical licensing boards "must make it clear... that painful deaths are presumptively ones that are incompetently managed and should result in license suspension." | 3360.txt | 2 |
[
"prolonged medical procedures",
"inadequate treatment of pain",
"systematic drug abuse",
"insufficient hospital care"
] | According to the NAS's report, one of the problems in end-of-life care is _ . | The Supreme Court's decisions on physician-assisted suicide carry important implications for how medicine seeks to relieve dying patients of pain and suffering.
Although it ruled that there is no constitutional right to physician-assisted suicide, the Court in effect supported the medical principle of "double effect," a centuries-old moral principle holding that an action having two effects a good one that is intended and a harmful one that is foreseen is permissible if the actor intends only the good effect.
Doctors have used that principle in recent years to justify using high doses of morphine to control terminally ill patients' pain, even though increasing dosages will eventually kill the patient.
Nancy Dubler, director of Montefiore Medical Center, contends that the principle will shield doctors who "until now have very, very strongly insisted that they could not give patients sufficient mediation to control their pain if that might hasten death."
George Annas, chair of the health law department at Boston University, maintains that, as long as a doctor prescribes a drug for a legitimate medical purpose, the doctor has done nothing illegal even if the patient uses the drug to hasten death. "It's like surgery," he says. "We don't call those deaths homicides because the doctors didn't intend to kill their patients, although they risked their death. If you're a physician, you can risk your patient's suicide as long as you don't intend their suicide."
On another level, many in the medical community acknowledge that the assisted-suicide debate has been fueled in part by the despair of patients for whom modern medicine has prolonged the physical agony of dying.
Just three weeks before the Court's ruling on physician-assisted suicide, the National Academy of Science (NAS) released a two-volume report, Approaching Death: Improving Care at the End of Life. It identifies the undertreatment of pain and the aggressive use of "ineffectual and forced medical procedures that may prolong and even dishonor the period of dying" as the twin problems of end-of-life care.
The profession is taking steps to require young doctors to train in hospices, to test knowledge of aggressive pain management therapies, to develop a Medicare billing code for hospital-based care, and to develop new standards for assessing and treating pain at the end of life.
Annas says lawyers can play a key role in insisting that these well-meaning medical initiatives translate into better care. "Large numbers of physicians seem unconcerned with the pain their patients are needlessly and predictably suffering," to the extent that it constitutes "systematic patient abuse." He says medical licensing boards "must make it clear... that painful deaths are presumptively ones that are incompetently managed and should result in license suspension." | 3360.txt | 1 |
[
"Bold",
"Harmful",
"Careless",
"Desperate"
] | Which of the following best defines the word "aggressive" (Line 3, Paragraph 7)? | The Supreme Court's decisions on physician-assisted suicide carry important implications for how medicine seeks to relieve dying patients of pain and suffering.
Although it ruled that there is no constitutional right to physician-assisted suicide, the Court in effect supported the medical principle of "double effect," a centuries-old moral principle holding that an action having two effects a good one that is intended and a harmful one that is foreseen is permissible if the actor intends only the good effect.
Doctors have used that principle in recent years to justify using high doses of morphine to control terminally ill patients' pain, even though increasing dosages will eventually kill the patient.
Nancy Dubler, director of Montefiore Medical Center, contends that the principle will shield doctors who "until now have very, very strongly insisted that they could not give patients sufficient mediation to control their pain if that might hasten death."
George Annas, chair of the health law department at Boston University, maintains that, as long as a doctor prescribes a drug for a legitimate medical purpose, the doctor has done nothing illegal even if the patient uses the drug to hasten death. "It's like surgery," he says. "We don't call those deaths homicides because the doctors didn't intend to kill their patients, although they risked their death. If you're a physician, you can risk your patient's suicide as long as you don't intend their suicide."
On another level, many in the medical community acknowledge that the assisted-suicide debate has been fueled in part by the despair of patients for whom modern medicine has prolonged the physical agony of dying.
Just three weeks before the Court's ruling on physician-assisted suicide, the National Academy of Science (NAS) released a two-volume report, Approaching Death: Improving Care at the End of Life. It identifies the undertreatment of pain and the aggressive use of "ineffectual and forced medical procedures that may prolong and even dishonor the period of dying" as the twin problems of end-of-life care.
The profession is taking steps to require young doctors to train in hospices, to test knowledge of aggressive pain management therapies, to develop a Medicare billing code for hospital-based care, and to develop new standards for assessing and treating pain at the end of life.
Annas says lawyers can play a key role in insisting that these well-meaning medical initiatives translate into better care. "Large numbers of physicians seem unconcerned with the pain their patients are needlessly and predictably suffering," to the extent that it constitutes "systematic patient abuse." He says medical licensing boards "must make it clear... that painful deaths are presumptively ones that are incompetently managed and should result in license suspension." | 3360.txt | 0 |
[
"manage their patients incompetently",
"give patients more medicine than needed",
"reduce drug dosages for their patients",
"prolong the needless suffering of the patients"
] | George Annas would probably agree that doctors should be punished if they _ . | The Supreme Court's decisions on physician-assisted suicide carry important implications for how medicine seeks to relieve dying patients of pain and suffering.
Although it ruled that there is no constitutional right to physician-assisted suicide, the Court in effect supported the medical principle of "double effect," a centuries-old moral principle holding that an action having two effects a good one that is intended and a harmful one that is foreseen is permissible if the actor intends only the good effect.
Doctors have used that principle in recent years to justify using high doses of morphine to control terminally ill patients' pain, even though increasing dosages will eventually kill the patient.
Nancy Dubler, director of Montefiore Medical Center, contends that the principle will shield doctors who "until now have very, very strongly insisted that they could not give patients sufficient mediation to control their pain if that might hasten death."
George Annas, chair of the health law department at Boston University, maintains that, as long as a doctor prescribes a drug for a legitimate medical purpose, the doctor has done nothing illegal even if the patient uses the drug to hasten death. "It's like surgery," he says. "We don't call those deaths homicides because the doctors didn't intend to kill their patients, although they risked their death. If you're a physician, you can risk your patient's suicide as long as you don't intend their suicide."
On another level, many in the medical community acknowledge that the assisted-suicide debate has been fueled in part by the despair of patients for whom modern medicine has prolonged the physical agony of dying.
Just three weeks before the Court's ruling on physician-assisted suicide, the National Academy of Science (NAS) released a two-volume report, Approaching Death: Improving Care at the End of Life. It identifies the undertreatment of pain and the aggressive use of "ineffectual and forced medical procedures that may prolong and even dishonor the period of dying" as the twin problems of end-of-life care.
The profession is taking steps to require young doctors to train in hospices, to test knowledge of aggressive pain management therapies, to develop a Medicare billing code for hospital-based care, and to develop new standards for assessing and treating pain at the end of life.
Annas says lawyers can play a key role in insisting that these well-meaning medical initiatives translate into better care. "Large numbers of physicians seem unconcerned with the pain their patients are needlessly and predictably suffering," to the extent that it constitutes "systematic patient abuse." He says medical licensing boards "must make it clear... that painful deaths are presumptively ones that are incompetently managed and should result in license suspension." | 3360.txt | 3 |
[
"Digicel thought highly of the future profit.",
"Digicel was confident that it could make a success.",
"Haiti was surprised at Digicel's plan.",
"Haiti was happy about Digicel's decision."
] | In the first sentence of the first paragraph, "it raised eyebrows" means _ | When Digicel, an Irish mobile-phone operator, decided to invest heavily in Haiti last year, it raised eyebrows. How on earth did Digicel's maverick owner, Dennis O'Brien, hope to make money in such a poor country? "You don't look at GDP. You ignore that," says Mr O'Brien. Sure enough, Digicel signed up new customers so fast that the company had to rewrite its business plan after the first week. After just 15 months it has signed up 1.7m customers, compared with the 1m shared by its two rivals, Comcel and Haitel. Digicel's assault on Haiti is only the latest in a series of Caribbean conquests. Since the company set up in Jamaica in April 2001 it has established a presence in 22 markets in the region and has amassed some 5m customers. Mr O'Brien says he has invested $1.9 billion in total, including $260m in Haiti.
Digicel has prospered by introducing modern technology and innovative services into stodgy, uncompetitive markets. Its entry into Jamaica led to drastic reductions in prices and showed the region just how much it stood to gain from liberalisation. Digicel used a similar recipe in Haiti. "We floored prices and gave people a better service," says Mr O'Brien. Pre-paid billing, based on top-up cards, makes phones more affordable to those outside the business and political elites. Digicel has also introduced novel twists of its own, such as the ability to send free "call me" text messages to other people.
But some analysts predict the company's rapid growth may now have peaked. Competition is heating up as operators in Latin America, where growth is now slowing, look to new markets in the Caribbean and Central America. In particular, América Móvil, the world's fifth-largest mobile operator, announced its intention in August to buy Oceanic Digital, a small Jamaican phone company that operates under the MiPhone brand. América Móvil has 140m customers in Mexico, Brazil, Colombia and the United States. Jamaica would be its third Caribbean market. It already has operations in Puerto Rico and the Dominican Republic. Like Digicel, it relies on strong branding, modern technology and cut-price tariffs.
América Móvil's move looks like retaliation after Digicel began operations in El Salvador. Digicel has also acquired a licence in Guatemala, and says it is looking next at Honduras, Nicaragua and Panama. A price war in Jamaica could be bad for Cable & Wireless, a British firm that operates several networks in the Caribbean. It is hoping that its ability to offer both fixed and wireless services will prove to be an advantage. Whether or not that turns out to be so, consumers will benefit from the increased competition.
Digicel's critics say it has used underhand tactics, such as giving away free phones to journalists, and breaking industry rules by treating Haiti as part of Jamaica in order to offer cheap roaming. Haiti's regulator, Conatel, found Digicel to be in violation of international standards, but was overruled by the government. Such rulings have also led to allegations that Digicel has undue political influence in some markets.
But officials deny any impropriety and credit Digicel with making the market more affordable for Haiti's poor majority. "Haiti needs more foreign investment like this, both for the jobs and for the 'best practices' business models that it injects into this antiquated, non-customer-friendly business environment," says a senior Haitian official. | 3556.txt | 2 |
[
"Innovative services include providing customers with a series of free text messages.",
"The poor people will pay for the services in advance.",
"People enjoys cheap roaming fees for calling the other regions of Jamaica.",
"Digicel has greatly liberated the communication potential of the poor country."
] | Which one of the following is NOT true of the mobile service of Digitel in Haiti? | When Digicel, an Irish mobile-phone operator, decided to invest heavily in Haiti last year, it raised eyebrows. How on earth did Digicel's maverick owner, Dennis O'Brien, hope to make money in such a poor country? "You don't look at GDP. You ignore that," says Mr O'Brien. Sure enough, Digicel signed up new customers so fast that the company had to rewrite its business plan after the first week. After just 15 months it has signed up 1.7m customers, compared with the 1m shared by its two rivals, Comcel and Haitel. Digicel's assault on Haiti is only the latest in a series of Caribbean conquests. Since the company set up in Jamaica in April 2001 it has established a presence in 22 markets in the region and has amassed some 5m customers. Mr O'Brien says he has invested $1.9 billion in total, including $260m in Haiti.
Digicel has prospered by introducing modern technology and innovative services into stodgy, uncompetitive markets. Its entry into Jamaica led to drastic reductions in prices and showed the region just how much it stood to gain from liberalisation. Digicel used a similar recipe in Haiti. "We floored prices and gave people a better service," says Mr O'Brien. Pre-paid billing, based on top-up cards, makes phones more affordable to those outside the business and political elites. Digicel has also introduced novel twists of its own, such as the ability to send free "call me" text messages to other people.
But some analysts predict the company's rapid growth may now have peaked. Competition is heating up as operators in Latin America, where growth is now slowing, look to new markets in the Caribbean and Central America. In particular, América Móvil, the world's fifth-largest mobile operator, announced its intention in August to buy Oceanic Digital, a small Jamaican phone company that operates under the MiPhone brand. América Móvil has 140m customers in Mexico, Brazil, Colombia and the United States. Jamaica would be its third Caribbean market. It already has operations in Puerto Rico and the Dominican Republic. Like Digicel, it relies on strong branding, modern technology and cut-price tariffs.
América Móvil's move looks like retaliation after Digicel began operations in El Salvador. Digicel has also acquired a licence in Guatemala, and says it is looking next at Honduras, Nicaragua and Panama. A price war in Jamaica could be bad for Cable & Wireless, a British firm that operates several networks in the Caribbean. It is hoping that its ability to offer both fixed and wireless services will prove to be an advantage. Whether or not that turns out to be so, consumers will benefit from the increased competition.
Digicel's critics say it has used underhand tactics, such as giving away free phones to journalists, and breaking industry rules by treating Haiti as part of Jamaica in order to offer cheap roaming. Haiti's regulator, Conatel, found Digicel to be in violation of international standards, but was overruled by the government. Such rulings have also led to allegations that Digicel has undue political influence in some markets.
But officials deny any impropriety and credit Digicel with making the market more affordable for Haiti's poor majority. "Haiti needs more foreign investment like this, both for the jobs and for the 'best practices' business models that it injects into this antiquated, non-customer-friendly business environment," says a senior Haitian official. | 3556.txt | 0 |
[
"It owns innovative technology and services.",
"It enjoys the tariff reduction provided by the invested regions.",
"Its brand has gained fame in mobile industry.",
"It provides the mobile services at low price."
] | América Móvil can have such a big market share due to the following reasons except _ | When Digicel, an Irish mobile-phone operator, decided to invest heavily in Haiti last year, it raised eyebrows. How on earth did Digicel's maverick owner, Dennis O'Brien, hope to make money in such a poor country? "You don't look at GDP. You ignore that," says Mr O'Brien. Sure enough, Digicel signed up new customers so fast that the company had to rewrite its business plan after the first week. After just 15 months it has signed up 1.7m customers, compared with the 1m shared by its two rivals, Comcel and Haitel. Digicel's assault on Haiti is only the latest in a series of Caribbean conquests. Since the company set up in Jamaica in April 2001 it has established a presence in 22 markets in the region and has amassed some 5m customers. Mr O'Brien says he has invested $1.9 billion in total, including $260m in Haiti.
Digicel has prospered by introducing modern technology and innovative services into stodgy, uncompetitive markets. Its entry into Jamaica led to drastic reductions in prices and showed the region just how much it stood to gain from liberalisation. Digicel used a similar recipe in Haiti. "We floored prices and gave people a better service," says Mr O'Brien. Pre-paid billing, based on top-up cards, makes phones more affordable to those outside the business and political elites. Digicel has also introduced novel twists of its own, such as the ability to send free "call me" text messages to other people.
But some analysts predict the company's rapid growth may now have peaked. Competition is heating up as operators in Latin America, where growth is now slowing, look to new markets in the Caribbean and Central America. In particular, América Móvil, the world's fifth-largest mobile operator, announced its intention in August to buy Oceanic Digital, a small Jamaican phone company that operates under the MiPhone brand. América Móvil has 140m customers in Mexico, Brazil, Colombia and the United States. Jamaica would be its third Caribbean market. It already has operations in Puerto Rico and the Dominican Republic. Like Digicel, it relies on strong branding, modern technology and cut-price tariffs.
América Móvil's move looks like retaliation after Digicel began operations in El Salvador. Digicel has also acquired a licence in Guatemala, and says it is looking next at Honduras, Nicaragua and Panama. A price war in Jamaica could be bad for Cable & Wireless, a British firm that operates several networks in the Caribbean. It is hoping that its ability to offer both fixed and wireless services will prove to be an advantage. Whether or not that turns out to be so, consumers will benefit from the increased competition.
Digicel's critics say it has used underhand tactics, such as giving away free phones to journalists, and breaking industry rules by treating Haiti as part of Jamaica in order to offer cheap roaming. Haiti's regulator, Conatel, found Digicel to be in violation of international standards, but was overruled by the government. Such rulings have also led to allegations that Digicel has undue political influence in some markets.
But officials deny any impropriety and credit Digicel with making the market more affordable for Haiti's poor majority. "Haiti needs more foreign investment like this, both for the jobs and for the 'best practices' business models that it injects into this antiquated, non-customer-friendly business environment," says a senior Haitian official. | 3556.txt | 1 |
[
"reversed.",
"overrun.",
"refused.",
"retorted."
] | The word "overruled" (Line 4, Paragraph 5) most probably means _ | When Digicel, an Irish mobile-phone operator, decided to invest heavily in Haiti last year, it raised eyebrows. How on earth did Digicel's maverick owner, Dennis O'Brien, hope to make money in such a poor country? "You don't look at GDP. You ignore that," says Mr O'Brien. Sure enough, Digicel signed up new customers so fast that the company had to rewrite its business plan after the first week. After just 15 months it has signed up 1.7m customers, compared with the 1m shared by its two rivals, Comcel and Haitel. Digicel's assault on Haiti is only the latest in a series of Caribbean conquests. Since the company set up in Jamaica in April 2001 it has established a presence in 22 markets in the region and has amassed some 5m customers. Mr O'Brien says he has invested $1.9 billion in total, including $260m in Haiti.
Digicel has prospered by introducing modern technology and innovative services into stodgy, uncompetitive markets. Its entry into Jamaica led to drastic reductions in prices and showed the region just how much it stood to gain from liberalisation. Digicel used a similar recipe in Haiti. "We floored prices and gave people a better service," says Mr O'Brien. Pre-paid billing, based on top-up cards, makes phones more affordable to those outside the business and political elites. Digicel has also introduced novel twists of its own, such as the ability to send free "call me" text messages to other people.
But some analysts predict the company's rapid growth may now have peaked. Competition is heating up as operators in Latin America, where growth is now slowing, look to new markets in the Caribbean and Central America. In particular, América Móvil, the world's fifth-largest mobile operator, announced its intention in August to buy Oceanic Digital, a small Jamaican phone company that operates under the MiPhone brand. América Móvil has 140m customers in Mexico, Brazil, Colombia and the United States. Jamaica would be its third Caribbean market. It already has operations in Puerto Rico and the Dominican Republic. Like Digicel, it relies on strong branding, modern technology and cut-price tariffs.
América Móvil's move looks like retaliation after Digicel began operations in El Salvador. Digicel has also acquired a licence in Guatemala, and says it is looking next at Honduras, Nicaragua and Panama. A price war in Jamaica could be bad for Cable & Wireless, a British firm that operates several networks in the Caribbean. It is hoping that its ability to offer both fixed and wireless services will prove to be an advantage. Whether or not that turns out to be so, consumers will benefit from the increased competition.
Digicel's critics say it has used underhand tactics, such as giving away free phones to journalists, and breaking industry rules by treating Haiti as part of Jamaica in order to offer cheap roaming. Haiti's regulator, Conatel, found Digicel to be in violation of international standards, but was overruled by the government. Such rulings have also led to allegations that Digicel has undue political influence in some markets.
But officials deny any impropriety and credit Digicel with making the market more affordable for Haiti's poor majority. "Haiti needs more foreign investment like this, both for the jobs and for the 'best practices' business models that it injects into this antiquated, non-customer-friendly business environment," says a senior Haitian official. | 3556.txt | 0 |
[
"He sounds skeptical about whether Digicel has violated the international stardards.",
"He doubts that Digicel maintains special close relation with the government and media of the region.",
"He is discreet and careful not to reveal his own view on relevant criticism of Digicel.",
"He holds positive view on the benefit of Digicel's new business model when applied to less-developed areas."
] | Which one of the following statement is TRUE of the author's opinions on the rumors on Digicel? | When Digicel, an Irish mobile-phone operator, decided to invest heavily in Haiti last year, it raised eyebrows. How on earth did Digicel's maverick owner, Dennis O'Brien, hope to make money in such a poor country? "You don't look at GDP. You ignore that," says Mr O'Brien. Sure enough, Digicel signed up new customers so fast that the company had to rewrite its business plan after the first week. After just 15 months it has signed up 1.7m customers, compared with the 1m shared by its two rivals, Comcel and Haitel. Digicel's assault on Haiti is only the latest in a series of Caribbean conquests. Since the company set up in Jamaica in April 2001 it has established a presence in 22 markets in the region and has amassed some 5m customers. Mr O'Brien says he has invested $1.9 billion in total, including $260m in Haiti.
Digicel has prospered by introducing modern technology and innovative services into stodgy, uncompetitive markets. Its entry into Jamaica led to drastic reductions in prices and showed the region just how much it stood to gain from liberalisation. Digicel used a similar recipe in Haiti. "We floored prices and gave people a better service," says Mr O'Brien. Pre-paid billing, based on top-up cards, makes phones more affordable to those outside the business and political elites. Digicel has also introduced novel twists of its own, such as the ability to send free "call me" text messages to other people.
But some analysts predict the company's rapid growth may now have peaked. Competition is heating up as operators in Latin America, where growth is now slowing, look to new markets in the Caribbean and Central America. In particular, América Móvil, the world's fifth-largest mobile operator, announced its intention in August to buy Oceanic Digital, a small Jamaican phone company that operates under the MiPhone brand. América Móvil has 140m customers in Mexico, Brazil, Colombia and the United States. Jamaica would be its third Caribbean market. It already has operations in Puerto Rico and the Dominican Republic. Like Digicel, it relies on strong branding, modern technology and cut-price tariffs.
América Móvil's move looks like retaliation after Digicel began operations in El Salvador. Digicel has also acquired a licence in Guatemala, and says it is looking next at Honduras, Nicaragua and Panama. A price war in Jamaica could be bad for Cable & Wireless, a British firm that operates several networks in the Caribbean. It is hoping that its ability to offer both fixed and wireless services will prove to be an advantage. Whether or not that turns out to be so, consumers will benefit from the increased competition.
Digicel's critics say it has used underhand tactics, such as giving away free phones to journalists, and breaking industry rules by treating Haiti as part of Jamaica in order to offer cheap roaming. Haiti's regulator, Conatel, found Digicel to be in violation of international standards, but was overruled by the government. Such rulings have also led to allegations that Digicel has undue political influence in some markets.
But officials deny any impropriety and credit Digicel with making the market more affordable for Haiti's poor majority. "Haiti needs more foreign investment like this, both for the jobs and for the 'best practices' business models that it injects into this antiquated, non-customer-friendly business environment," says a senior Haitian official. | 3556.txt | 2 |
[
"present a commonplace idea and its inaccuracies.",
"describe a situation and its potential drawbacks.",
"propose a temporary solution to a problem.",
"analyze a frequent source of disagreement."
] | The primary purpose of the text is to | Recent years have brought minority-owned businesses in the United Statesunprecedented opportunities - as well as new and significant risks. Civil rights activists have longargued that one of the principal reasons why Blacks, Hispanics, and other minoritygroups have difficulty establishing themselves in business is that they lackaccess to the sizable orders and subcontracts that are generated by largecompanies. Now Congress, in apparent agreement, has required by law thatbusinesses awarded federal contracts of more than $500,000 do their best tofind minority subcontractors and record their efforts to do so on forms filedwith the government. Indeed, some federal and local agencies have gone so faras to set specific percentage goals for apportioning parts of public workscontracts to minority enterprises.
Corporate response appears to have been substantial. According to figurescollected in 1977, the total of corporate contracts with minority businessesrose from $77 million in 1972 to $1.1 billion in 1977. The projected total ofcorporate contracts with minority businesses for the early 1980's is estimated to be over 53billion per year with no letup anticipated in the next decade.
Promising as it is for minority businesses, this increased patronageposes dangers for them, too. First, minority firms risk expanding too fast andoverextending themselves financially, since most are small concerns and, unlikelarge businesses, they often need to make substantial investments in newplants, staff, equipment, and the like in order to perform work subcontractedto them. If, thereafter, their subcontracts are for some reason reduced, suchfirms can face potentially crippling fixed expenses. The world of corporatepurchasing can be frustrating for small entrepreneurs who get requests forelaborate formal estimates and bids. Both consume valuable time and resources,and a small company's efforts must soon result in orders, or both the morale and thefinancial health of the business will suffer.
A second risk is that White-owned companies may seek to cash in on theincreasing apportionments through formation of joint ventures withminority-owned concerns. Of course, in many instances there are legitimatereasons for joint ventures; clearly, White and minority enterprises can team upto acquire business that neither could acquire alone. But civil rights groupsand minority business owners have complained to Congress about minorities beingset up as "fronts" with White backing, rather than being accepted as full partners inlegitimate joint ventures.
Third, a minority enterprise that secures the business of one largecorporate customer often run the danger of becoming- and remaining-dependent.Even in the best of circumstances, fierce competition from larger, moreestablished companies makes it difficult for small concerns to broaden theircustomer bases: when such firms have nearly guaranteed orders from a singlecorporate benefactor, they may truly have to struggle against complacencyarising from their current success. | 1096.txt | 1 |
[
"experience frustration but not serious financial harm.",
"face potentially crippling fixed expenses.",
"have to record its efforts on forms filed with the government.",
"increase its spending with minority subcontractors."
] | The text suggests that the failure of a large business to have itsbids for subcontracts result quickly in orders might causes it to | Recent years have brought minority-owned businesses in the United Statesunprecedented opportunities - as well as new and significant risks. Civil rights activists have longargued that one of the principal reasons why Blacks, Hispanics, and other minoritygroups have difficulty establishing themselves in business is that they lackaccess to the sizable orders and subcontracts that are generated by largecompanies. Now Congress, in apparent agreement, has required by law thatbusinesses awarded federal contracts of more than $500,000 do their best tofind minority subcontractors and record their efforts to do so on forms filedwith the government. Indeed, some federal and local agencies have gone so faras to set specific percentage goals for apportioning parts of public workscontracts to minority enterprises.
Corporate response appears to have been substantial. According to figurescollected in 1977, the total of corporate contracts with minority businessesrose from $77 million in 1972 to $1.1 billion in 1977. The projected total ofcorporate contracts with minority businesses for the early 1980's is estimated to be over 53billion per year with no letup anticipated in the next decade.
Promising as it is for minority businesses, this increased patronageposes dangers for them, too. First, minority firms risk expanding too fast andoverextending themselves financially, since most are small concerns and, unlikelarge businesses, they often need to make substantial investments in newplants, staff, equipment, and the like in order to perform work subcontractedto them. If, thereafter, their subcontracts are for some reason reduced, suchfirms can face potentially crippling fixed expenses. The world of corporatepurchasing can be frustrating for small entrepreneurs who get requests forelaborate formal estimates and bids. Both consume valuable time and resources,and a small company's efforts must soon result in orders, or both the morale and thefinancial health of the business will suffer.
A second risk is that White-owned companies may seek to cash in on theincreasing apportionments through formation of joint ventures withminority-owned concerns. Of course, in many instances there are legitimatereasons for joint ventures; clearly, White and minority enterprises can team upto acquire business that neither could acquire alone. But civil rights groupsand minority business owners have complained to Congress about minorities beingset up as "fronts" with White backing, rather than being accepted as full partners inlegitimate joint ventures.
Third, a minority enterprise that secures the business of one largecorporate customer often run the danger of becoming- and remaining-dependent.Even in the best of circumstances, fierce competition from larger, moreestablished companies makes it difficult for small concerns to broaden theircustomer bases: when such firms have nearly guaranteed orders from a singlecorporate benefactor, they may truly have to struggle against complacencyarising from their current success. | 1096.txt | 0 |
[
"more popular with large corporations.",
"more concrete.",
"less controversial.",
"less expensive to enforce."
] | It can be inferred from the text that, compared with the requirementsof law, the percentage goals set by "some federal and local agencies" (line 9, paragraph 1) are | Recent years have brought minority-owned businesses in the United Statesunprecedented opportunities - as well as new and significant risks. Civil rights activists have longargued that one of the principal reasons why Blacks, Hispanics, and other minoritygroups have difficulty establishing themselves in business is that they lackaccess to the sizable orders and subcontracts that are generated by largecompanies. Now Congress, in apparent agreement, has required by law thatbusinesses awarded federal contracts of more than $500,000 do their best tofind minority subcontractors and record their efforts to do so on forms filedwith the government. Indeed, some federal and local agencies have gone so faras to set specific percentage goals for apportioning parts of public workscontracts to minority enterprises.
Corporate response appears to have been substantial. According to figurescollected in 1977, the total of corporate contracts with minority businessesrose from $77 million in 1972 to $1.1 billion in 1977. The projected total ofcorporate contracts with minority businesses for the early 1980's is estimated to be over 53billion per year with no letup anticipated in the next decade.
Promising as it is for minority businesses, this increased patronageposes dangers for them, too. First, minority firms risk expanding too fast andoverextending themselves financially, since most are small concerns and, unlikelarge businesses, they often need to make substantial investments in newplants, staff, equipment, and the like in order to perform work subcontractedto them. If, thereafter, their subcontracts are for some reason reduced, suchfirms can face potentially crippling fixed expenses. The world of corporatepurchasing can be frustrating for small entrepreneurs who get requests forelaborate formal estimates and bids. Both consume valuable time and resources,and a small company's efforts must soon result in orders, or both the morale and thefinancial health of the business will suffer.
A second risk is that White-owned companies may seek to cash in on theincreasing apportionments through formation of joint ventures withminority-owned concerns. Of course, in many instances there are legitimatereasons for joint ventures; clearly, White and minority enterprises can team upto acquire business that neither could acquire alone. But civil rights groupsand minority business owners have complained to Congress about minorities beingset up as "fronts" with White backing, rather than being accepted as full partners inlegitimate joint ventures.
Third, a minority enterprise that secures the business of one largecorporate customer often run the danger of becoming- and remaining-dependent.Even in the best of circumstances, fierce competition from larger, moreestablished companies makes it difficult for small concerns to broaden theircustomer bases: when such firms have nearly guaranteed orders from a singlecorporate benefactor, they may truly have to struggle against complacencyarising from their current success. | 1096.txt | 1 |
[
"Corporate contracts with minority-owned businesses totaled $2 billionin 1979.",
"Between 1970 and 1972, corporate contracts with minority-ownedbusinesses declined by 25 percent.",
"The figures collected in 1977 underrepresented the extent ofcorporate contracts with minority-owned businesses.",
"The $1.1 billion represented the same percentage of total corporatespending in 1977 as did $77 million in 1972."
] | Which of the following, if true, would most weaken the author's assertion that, in the 1970's, corporate response to federalrequirements (line 1, paragraph 2) was substantial? | Recent years have brought minority-owned businesses in the United Statesunprecedented opportunities - as well as new and significant risks. Civil rights activists have longargued that one of the principal reasons why Blacks, Hispanics, and other minoritygroups have difficulty establishing themselves in business is that they lackaccess to the sizable orders and subcontracts that are generated by largecompanies. Now Congress, in apparent agreement, has required by law thatbusinesses awarded federal contracts of more than $500,000 do their best tofind minority subcontractors and record their efforts to do so on forms filedwith the government. Indeed, some federal and local agencies have gone so faras to set specific percentage goals for apportioning parts of public workscontracts to minority enterprises.
Corporate response appears to have been substantial. According to figurescollected in 1977, the total of corporate contracts with minority businessesrose from $77 million in 1972 to $1.1 billion in 1977. The projected total ofcorporate contracts with minority businesses for the early 1980's is estimated to be over 53billion per year with no letup anticipated in the next decade.
Promising as it is for minority businesses, this increased patronageposes dangers for them, too. First, minority firms risk expanding too fast andoverextending themselves financially, since most are small concerns and, unlikelarge businesses, they often need to make substantial investments in newplants, staff, equipment, and the like in order to perform work subcontractedto them. If, thereafter, their subcontracts are for some reason reduced, suchfirms can face potentially crippling fixed expenses. The world of corporatepurchasing can be frustrating for small entrepreneurs who get requests forelaborate formal estimates and bids. Both consume valuable time and resources,and a small company's efforts must soon result in orders, or both the morale and thefinancial health of the business will suffer.
A second risk is that White-owned companies may seek to cash in on theincreasing apportionments through formation of joint ventures withminority-owned concerns. Of course, in many instances there are legitimatereasons for joint ventures; clearly, White and minority enterprises can team upto acquire business that neither could acquire alone. But civil rights groupsand minority business owners have complained to Congress about minorities beingset up as "fronts" with White backing, rather than being accepted as full partners inlegitimate joint ventures.
Third, a minority enterprise that secures the business of one largecorporate customer often run the danger of becoming- and remaining-dependent.Even in the best of circumstances, fierce competition from larger, moreestablished companies makes it difficult for small concerns to broaden theircustomer bases: when such firms have nearly guaranteed orders from a singlecorporate benefactor, they may truly have to struggle against complacencyarising from their current success. | 1096.txt | 3 |
[
"Annoyed by the proliferation of \"front\" organizations, corporations arelikely to reduce their efforts to work with minority-owned subcontractors inthe near future.",
"Although corporations showed considerable interest in working withminority businesses in the 1970's, their aversion to government paperwork made them reluctant to pursuemany government contracts.",
"The significant response of corporations in the 1970's is likely to be sustained andconceivably be increased throughout the 1980's.",
"Although corporations are eager to cooperate with minority-ownedbusinesses, a shortage of capital in the 1970's made substantial responseimpossible."
] | The author would most likely agree with which of the followingstatements about corporate response to working with minority subcontractors? | Recent years have brought minority-owned businesses in the United Statesunprecedented opportunities - as well as new and significant risks. Civil rights activists have longargued that one of the principal reasons why Blacks, Hispanics, and other minoritygroups have difficulty establishing themselves in business is that they lackaccess to the sizable orders and subcontracts that are generated by largecompanies. Now Congress, in apparent agreement, has required by law thatbusinesses awarded federal contracts of more than $500,000 do their best tofind minority subcontractors and record their efforts to do so on forms filedwith the government. Indeed, some federal and local agencies have gone so faras to set specific percentage goals for apportioning parts of public workscontracts to minority enterprises.
Corporate response appears to have been substantial. According to figurescollected in 1977, the total of corporate contracts with minority businessesrose from $77 million in 1972 to $1.1 billion in 1977. The projected total ofcorporate contracts with minority businesses for the early 1980's is estimated to be over 53billion per year with no letup anticipated in the next decade.
Promising as it is for minority businesses, this increased patronageposes dangers for them, too. First, minority firms risk expanding too fast andoverextending themselves financially, since most are small concerns and, unlikelarge businesses, they often need to make substantial investments in newplants, staff, equipment, and the like in order to perform work subcontractedto them. If, thereafter, their subcontracts are for some reason reduced, suchfirms can face potentially crippling fixed expenses. The world of corporatepurchasing can be frustrating for small entrepreneurs who get requests forelaborate formal estimates and bids. Both consume valuable time and resources,and a small company's efforts must soon result in orders, or both the morale and thefinancial health of the business will suffer.
A second risk is that White-owned companies may seek to cash in on theincreasing apportionments through formation of joint ventures withminority-owned concerns. Of course, in many instances there are legitimatereasons for joint ventures; clearly, White and minority enterprises can team upto acquire business that neither could acquire alone. But civil rights groupsand minority business owners have complained to Congress about minorities beingset up as "fronts" with White backing, rather than being accepted as full partners inlegitimate joint ventures.
Third, a minority enterprise that secures the business of one largecorporate customer often run the danger of becoming- and remaining-dependent.Even in the best of circumstances, fierce competition from larger, moreestablished companies makes it difficult for small concerns to broaden theircustomer bases: when such firms have nearly guaranteed orders from a singlecorporate benefactor, they may truly have to struggle against complacencyarising from their current success. | 1096.txt | 2 |
[
"A lot of stolen credit-cards were sold on the Internet.",
"Fraud on the Internet.",
"Many Web sites are destroyed.",
"Many illegal Web sites are on the Internet."
] | What do most people worry about the Internet according to this passage? | The Internet has led to a huge increase in credit-card fraud. Your card information could even be for sale in an illegal Web site. Web sites offering cheap goods and services should be regarded with care. On-line shoppers who enter their credit-card information may never
receive the goods they thought they bought.
The thieves then go shopping with your card number----or sell the information over the Internet.
Computers hackers have broken down security systems, raising questions about the safety of cardholder information. Several months ago, 25 000 customers of CD Universe, an on-line music retailer, were not lucky. Their names, addresses and credit-card numbers were posted on a Web site after the retailer refused to pay US $157 828 to get back the information.
Credit-card firms are now fighting against on-line fraud. Mastercard is working on plans for Web-only credit card, with a lower credit limit. The card could be used only for shopping on-line.
However, there are a few simple steps you can take to keep from being cheated.
Ask about your credit-card firm's on-line rules: Under British law, cardholders are responsible for the first US $78 of any fraudulent spending.
And shop only at secure sites: Send your credit-card information only if the Web site offers advanced secure system.
If the security is in place, a letter will appear in the bottom right-hand corner of your screen. the Web site address may also start with https://----the extra "s" stands for secure. If in doubt, give your credit-card information over the telephone.
Keep your password safe: Most online sites require a user name and password before placing an order. Treat your passwords with care. | 2652.txt | 1 |
[
"cheating",
"sale",
"payment",
"safety"
] | What is the meaning of "fraud"? | The Internet has led to a huge increase in credit-card fraud. Your card information could even be for sale in an illegal Web site. Web sites offering cheap goods and services should be regarded with care. On-line shoppers who enter their credit-card information may never
receive the goods they thought they bought.
The thieves then go shopping with your card number----or sell the information over the Internet.
Computers hackers have broken down security systems, raising questions about the safety of cardholder information. Several months ago, 25 000 customers of CD Universe, an on-line music retailer, were not lucky. Their names, addresses and credit-card numbers were posted on a Web site after the retailer refused to pay US $157 828 to get back the information.
Credit-card firms are now fighting against on-line fraud. Mastercard is working on plans for Web-only credit card, with a lower credit limit. The card could be used only for shopping on-line.
However, there are a few simple steps you can take to keep from being cheated.
Ask about your credit-card firm's on-line rules: Under British law, cardholders are responsible for the first US $78 of any fraudulent spending.
And shop only at secure sites: Send your credit-card information only if the Web site offers advanced secure system.
If the security is in place, a letter will appear in the bottom right-hand corner of your screen. the Web site address may also start with https://----the extra "s" stands for secure. If in doubt, give your credit-card information over the telephone.
Keep your password safe: Most online sites require a user name and password before placing an order. Treat your passwords with care. | 2652.txt | 0 |
[
"The customers give them the information.",
"The thieves steal the information from Web sites.",
"The customers sell the information to them.",
"Both A and"
] | How can the thieves get the information of the credit-card? | The Internet has led to a huge increase in credit-card fraud. Your card information could even be for sale in an illegal Web site. Web sites offering cheap goods and services should be regarded with care. On-line shoppers who enter their credit-card information may never
receive the goods they thought they bought.
The thieves then go shopping with your card number----or sell the information over the Internet.
Computers hackers have broken down security systems, raising questions about the safety of cardholder information. Several months ago, 25 000 customers of CD Universe, an on-line music retailer, were not lucky. Their names, addresses and credit-card numbers were posted on a Web site after the retailer refused to pay US $157 828 to get back the information.
Credit-card firms are now fighting against on-line fraud. Mastercard is working on plans for Web-only credit card, with a lower credit limit. The card could be used only for shopping on-line.
However, there are a few simple steps you can take to keep from being cheated.
Ask about your credit-card firm's on-line rules: Under British law, cardholders are responsible for the first US $78 of any fraudulent spending.
And shop only at secure sites: Send your credit-card information only if the Web site offers advanced secure system.
If the security is in place, a letter will appear in the bottom right-hand corner of your screen. the Web site address may also start with https://----the extra "s" stands for secure. If in doubt, give your credit-card information over the telephone.
Keep your password safe: Most online sites require a user name and password before placing an order. Treat your passwords with care. | 2652.txt | 1 |
[
"Four.",
"Three.",
"Five.",
"Six."
] | How many pieces of advice does the passage give to you? | The Internet has led to a huge increase in credit-card fraud. Your card information could even be for sale in an illegal Web site. Web sites offering cheap goods and services should be regarded with care. On-line shoppers who enter their credit-card information may never
receive the goods they thought they bought.
The thieves then go shopping with your card number----or sell the information over the Internet.
Computers hackers have broken down security systems, raising questions about the safety of cardholder information. Several months ago, 25 000 customers of CD Universe, an on-line music retailer, were not lucky. Their names, addresses and credit-card numbers were posted on a Web site after the retailer refused to pay US $157 828 to get back the information.
Credit-card firms are now fighting against on-line fraud. Mastercard is working on plans for Web-only credit card, with a lower credit limit. The card could be used only for shopping on-line.
However, there are a few simple steps you can take to keep from being cheated.
Ask about your credit-card firm's on-line rules: Under British law, cardholders are responsible for the first US $78 of any fraudulent spending.
And shop only at secure sites: Send your credit-card information only if the Web site offers advanced secure system.
If the security is in place, a letter will appear in the bottom right-hand corner of your screen. the Web site address may also start with https://----the extra "s" stands for secure. If in doubt, give your credit-card information over the telephone.
Keep your password safe: Most online sites require a user name and password before placing an order. Treat your passwords with care. | 2652.txt | 0 |
[
"Order the TV set at once.",
"Do not buy the TV set on this site.",
"E-mail the site your credit-card information.",
"Tell the site your password and buy the TV set for you."
] | You are shopping on the site: http: //www.shopping.com,and you want to buy a TV set, what does this article suggest doing? | The Internet has led to a huge increase in credit-card fraud. Your card information could even be for sale in an illegal Web site. Web sites offering cheap goods and services should be regarded with care. On-line shoppers who enter their credit-card information may never
receive the goods they thought they bought.
The thieves then go shopping with your card number----or sell the information over the Internet.
Computers hackers have broken down security systems, raising questions about the safety of cardholder information. Several months ago, 25 000 customers of CD Universe, an on-line music retailer, were not lucky. Their names, addresses and credit-card numbers were posted on a Web site after the retailer refused to pay US $157 828 to get back the information.
Credit-card firms are now fighting against on-line fraud. Mastercard is working on plans for Web-only credit card, with a lower credit limit. The card could be used only for shopping on-line.
However, there are a few simple steps you can take to keep from being cheated.
Ask about your credit-card firm's on-line rules: Under British law, cardholders are responsible for the first US $78 of any fraudulent spending.
And shop only at secure sites: Send your credit-card information only if the Web site offers advanced secure system.
If the security is in place, a letter will appear in the bottom right-hand corner of your screen. the Web site address may also start with https://----the extra "s" stands for secure. If in doubt, give your credit-card information over the telephone.
Keep your password safe: Most online sites require a user name and password before placing an order. Treat your passwords with care. | 2652.txt | 1 |
[
"defining the Modernist attitude toward art.",
"explaining how photography emerged as a fine art.",
"explaining the attitude of serious contemporary photographers toward photography as art and placing those attitudes in their historical context.",
"defining the various approaches that serious contemporary photographers take toward their art and assessing the value of each of those approaches."
] | What is the author mainly concerned with? The author is concerned with | The earliest controversies about the relationship between photography and art centered on whether photograph's fidelity to appearances and dependence on a machine allowed it to be a fine art as distinct from merely a practical art. Throughout the nineteenth century, the defence of photography was identical with the struggle to establish it as a fine art. Against the charge that photography was a soulless, mechanical copying of reality, photographers asserted that it was instead a privileged way of seeing, a revolt against commonplace vision, and no less worthy an art than painting.
Ironically, now that photography is securely established as a fine art, many photographers find it pretentious or irrelevant to label it as such. Serious photographers variously claim to be finding, recording, impartially observing, witnessing events, exploring themselves-anything but making works of art. They are no longer willing to debate whether photography is or is not a fine art, except to proclaim that their own work is not involved with art. It shows the extent to which they simply take for granted the concept of art imposed by the triumph of Modernism: the better the art, the more subversive it is of the traditional aims of art.
Photographers' disclaimers of any interest in making art tell us more about the harried status of the contemporary notion of art than about whether photography is or is not art. For example, those photographers who suppose that, by taking pictures, they are getting away from the pretensions of art as exemplified by painting remind us of those Abstract Expressionist painters who imagined they were getting away from the intellectual austerity of classical Modernist painting by concentrating on the physical act of painting. Much of photography's prestige today derives from the convergence of its aims with those of recent art, particularly with the dismissal of abstract art implicit in the phenomenon of Pop painting during the 1960's. Appreciating photographs is a relief to sensibilities tired of the mental exertions demanded by abstract art. Classical Modernist painting-that is, abstract art as developed in different ways by Picasso, Kandinsky, and Matisse-presupposes highly developed skills of looking and a familiarity with other paintings and the history of art. Photography, like Pop painting, reassures viewers that art is not hard; photography seems to be more about its subjects than about art.
Photography, however, has developed all the anxieties and self-consciousness of a classic Modernist art. Many professionals privately have begun to worry that the promotion of photography as an activity subversive of the traditional pretensions of art has gone so far that the public will forget that photography is a distinctive and exalted activity-in short, an art. | 1621.txt | 2 |
[
"Objective",
"Mechanical.",
"Superficial.",
"Paradoxical."
] | Which of the following adjectives best describes "the concept of art imposed by the triumph of Modernism" as the author represents it in lines 12-13? | The earliest controversies about the relationship between photography and art centered on whether photograph's fidelity to appearances and dependence on a machine allowed it to be a fine art as distinct from merely a practical art. Throughout the nineteenth century, the defence of photography was identical with the struggle to establish it as a fine art. Against the charge that photography was a soulless, mechanical copying of reality, photographers asserted that it was instead a privileged way of seeing, a revolt against commonplace vision, and no less worthy an art than painting.
Ironically, now that photography is securely established as a fine art, many photographers find it pretentious or irrelevant to label it as such. Serious photographers variously claim to be finding, recording, impartially observing, witnessing events, exploring themselves-anything but making works of art. They are no longer willing to debate whether photography is or is not a fine art, except to proclaim that their own work is not involved with art. It shows the extent to which they simply take for granted the concept of art imposed by the triumph of Modernism: the better the art, the more subversive it is of the traditional aims of art.
Photographers' disclaimers of any interest in making art tell us more about the harried status of the contemporary notion of art than about whether photography is or is not art. For example, those photographers who suppose that, by taking pictures, they are getting away from the pretensions of art as exemplified by painting remind us of those Abstract Expressionist painters who imagined they were getting away from the intellectual austerity of classical Modernist painting by concentrating on the physical act of painting. Much of photography's prestige today derives from the convergence of its aims with those of recent art, particularly with the dismissal of abstract art implicit in the phenomenon of Pop painting during the 1960's. Appreciating photographs is a relief to sensibilities tired of the mental exertions demanded by abstract art. Classical Modernist painting-that is, abstract art as developed in different ways by Picasso, Kandinsky, and Matisse-presupposes highly developed skills of looking and a familiarity with other paintings and the history of art. Photography, like Pop painting, reassures viewers that art is not hard; photography seems to be more about its subjects than about art.
Photography, however, has developed all the anxieties and self-consciousness of a classic Modernist art. Many professionals privately have begun to worry that the promotion of photography as an activity subversive of the traditional pretensions of art has gone so far that the public will forget that photography is a distinctive and exalted activity-in short, an art. | 1621.txt | 3 |
[
"He wants to provide an example of artists who, like serious contemporary photographers, disavowed traditionally accepted aims of modern art.",
"He wants to set forth an analogy between the Abstract Expressionist painters and classical Modernist painters.",
"He wants to provide a contrast to Pop artist and others.",
"He wants to provide an explanation of why serious photography, like other contemporary visual forms, is not and should not pretend to be an art."
] | Why does the author introduce Abstract Expressionist painter? | The earliest controversies about the relationship between photography and art centered on whether photograph's fidelity to appearances and dependence on a machine allowed it to be a fine art as distinct from merely a practical art. Throughout the nineteenth century, the defence of photography was identical with the struggle to establish it as a fine art. Against the charge that photography was a soulless, mechanical copying of reality, photographers asserted that it was instead a privileged way of seeing, a revolt against commonplace vision, and no less worthy an art than painting.
Ironically, now that photography is securely established as a fine art, many photographers find it pretentious or irrelevant to label it as such. Serious photographers variously claim to be finding, recording, impartially observing, witnessing events, exploring themselves-anything but making works of art. They are no longer willing to debate whether photography is or is not a fine art, except to proclaim that their own work is not involved with art. It shows the extent to which they simply take for granted the concept of art imposed by the triumph of Modernism: the better the art, the more subversive it is of the traditional aims of art.
Photographers' disclaimers of any interest in making art tell us more about the harried status of the contemporary notion of art than about whether photography is or is not art. For example, those photographers who suppose that, by taking pictures, they are getting away from the pretensions of art as exemplified by painting remind us of those Abstract Expressionist painters who imagined they were getting away from the intellectual austerity of classical Modernist painting by concentrating on the physical act of painting. Much of photography's prestige today derives from the convergence of its aims with those of recent art, particularly with the dismissal of abstract art implicit in the phenomenon of Pop painting during the 1960's. Appreciating photographs is a relief to sensibilities tired of the mental exertions demanded by abstract art. Classical Modernist painting-that is, abstract art as developed in different ways by Picasso, Kandinsky, and Matisse-presupposes highly developed skills of looking and a familiarity with other paintings and the history of art. Photography, like Pop painting, reassures viewers that art is not hard; photography seems to be more about its subjects than about art.
Photography, however, has developed all the anxieties and self-consciousness of a classic Modernist art. Many professionals privately have begun to worry that the promotion of photography as an activity subversive of the traditional pretensions of art has gone so far that the public will forget that photography is a distinctive and exalted activity-in short, an art. | 1621.txt | 0 |
[
"They stressed photography was a means of making people happy.",
"It was art for recording the world.",
"It was a device for observing the world impartially.",
"It was an art comparable to painting."
] | How did the nineteenth-century defenders of photography stress the photography? | The earliest controversies about the relationship between photography and art centered on whether photograph's fidelity to appearances and dependence on a machine allowed it to be a fine art as distinct from merely a practical art. Throughout the nineteenth century, the defence of photography was identical with the struggle to establish it as a fine art. Against the charge that photography was a soulless, mechanical copying of reality, photographers asserted that it was instead a privileged way of seeing, a revolt against commonplace vision, and no less worthy an art than painting.
Ironically, now that photography is securely established as a fine art, many photographers find it pretentious or irrelevant to label it as such. Serious photographers variously claim to be finding, recording, impartially observing, witnessing events, exploring themselves-anything but making works of art. They are no longer willing to debate whether photography is or is not a fine art, except to proclaim that their own work is not involved with art. It shows the extent to which they simply take for granted the concept of art imposed by the triumph of Modernism: the better the art, the more subversive it is of the traditional aims of art.
Photographers' disclaimers of any interest in making art tell us more about the harried status of the contemporary notion of art than about whether photography is or is not art. For example, those photographers who suppose that, by taking pictures, they are getting away from the pretensions of art as exemplified by painting remind us of those Abstract Expressionist painters who imagined they were getting away from the intellectual austerity of classical Modernist painting by concentrating on the physical act of painting. Much of photography's prestige today derives from the convergence of its aims with those of recent art, particularly with the dismissal of abstract art implicit in the phenomenon of Pop painting during the 1960's. Appreciating photographs is a relief to sensibilities tired of the mental exertions demanded by abstract art. Classical Modernist painting-that is, abstract art as developed in different ways by Picasso, Kandinsky, and Matisse-presupposes highly developed skills of looking and a familiarity with other paintings and the history of art. Photography, like Pop painting, reassures viewers that art is not hard; photography seems to be more about its subjects than about art.
Photography, however, has developed all the anxieties and self-consciousness of a classic Modernist art. Many professionals privately have begun to worry that the promotion of photography as an activity subversive of the traditional pretensions of art has gone so far that the public will forget that photography is a distinctive and exalted activity-in short, an art. | 1621.txt | 3 |
[
"Risk prediction fails in the stock market but succeeds in predicting crime probability.",
"Risk prediction is always effective when being applied to groups.",
"Risk prediction is not dependable when it comes to individual behavior.",
"Risk prediction of groups lacks reliability because of high margin error."
] | What do the clinical forensic psychologists think of risk prediction? | Past performance is not an indicator of future returns. That, at least, is the advice given to investors. But can the likelihood of a person committing a crime be predicted by looking at his record? The answer, according to a team of clinical forensic psychologists, is that it cannot. Not only is risk prediction unreliable but, when applied to individuals rather than groups, the margins of error are so high as to render any result meaningless.
Making assumptions about individuals from group data is generally only reasonably safe when the variation within the group is small. Despite this, risk assessments are routinely used to help decide who should be locked up, who should undergo therapy and who should go free. Risk prediction is also set to be used to assess the threat posed by people ranging from terrorist suspects to potential delinquents.
Stephen Hart, of Simon Fraser University in British Columbia, Canada, and colleagues decided to determine how accurate the tests of risk assessment are when applied to individuals rather than groups. Typically the tests work by assigning a score to people depending on factors such as their age, the history of their relationships, their criminal past and the type of victims they have chosen. If someone's score places him in a group in which a known proportion has gone on to commit a crime on release from detention, then the risk that person will prove a recidivist is thought to be similar to the risk for the group as a whole.
The paper published by Dr Hart and his colleagues in last month's issue of the British Journal of Psychiatry focused on two popular tests that follow this logic. The first was a 12-item test designed to assess risk for general violence over periods of seven to ten years. The second was a ten-item test designed to assess risk for violence and sexual violence over periods of five to 15 years. The researchers have also assessed other tests used for predicting sexual offences and domestic violence.
They found that variations between members of the groups were very large. In one of the tests, for example, the standard estimate of the chances of members of the group sexually reoffending was put at 36% within 15 years. They calculated that the actual range was between 30% and 43% of the group, with a 95% confidence level. But calculating the average probability for a group is much easier than calculating the same probability for any individual. Thus, using standard methods to move from group inferences to individual ones, they calculated that the chance of any one person reoffending was in the range of 3% to 91%, similarly with a 95% confidence level. Clearly, the seemingly precise initial figure is misleading.
The principle is not peculiar to psychology. It has been recognised by statisticians for decades. They call it the ecological fallacy（although this term captures broader subtleties, too）. Medicine has also been confounded by statistically based procedures. Indeed, the technique is only really useful when the successes and failures are aggregated. A life-insurance company, for instance, could wrongly predict the life span of every person it insured but still get the correct result for the group. | 527.txt | 2 |
[
"longitudinal",
"very tricky",
"convincing enough",
"unreasonable"
] | We can learn from the text that tests of risk assessment are _ . | Past performance is not an indicator of future returns. That, at least, is the advice given to investors. But can the likelihood of a person committing a crime be predicted by looking at his record? The answer, according to a team of clinical forensic psychologists, is that it cannot. Not only is risk prediction unreliable but, when applied to individuals rather than groups, the margins of error are so high as to render any result meaningless.
Making assumptions about individuals from group data is generally only reasonably safe when the variation within the group is small. Despite this, risk assessments are routinely used to help decide who should be locked up, who should undergo therapy and who should go free. Risk prediction is also set to be used to assess the threat posed by people ranging from terrorist suspects to potential delinquents.
Stephen Hart, of Simon Fraser University in British Columbia, Canada, and colleagues decided to determine how accurate the tests of risk assessment are when applied to individuals rather than groups. Typically the tests work by assigning a score to people depending on factors such as their age, the history of their relationships, their criminal past and the type of victims they have chosen. If someone's score places him in a group in which a known proportion has gone on to commit a crime on release from detention, then the risk that person will prove a recidivist is thought to be similar to the risk for the group as a whole.
The paper published by Dr Hart and his colleagues in last month's issue of the British Journal of Psychiatry focused on two popular tests that follow this logic. The first was a 12-item test designed to assess risk for general violence over periods of seven to ten years. The second was a ten-item test designed to assess risk for violence and sexual violence over periods of five to 15 years. The researchers have also assessed other tests used for predicting sexual offences and domestic violence.
They found that variations between members of the groups were very large. In one of the tests, for example, the standard estimate of the chances of members of the group sexually reoffending was put at 36% within 15 years. They calculated that the actual range was between 30% and 43% of the group, with a 95% confidence level. But calculating the average probability for a group is much easier than calculating the same probability for any individual. Thus, using standard methods to move from group inferences to individual ones, they calculated that the chance of any one person reoffending was in the range of 3% to 91%, similarly with a 95% confidence level. Clearly, the seemingly precise initial figure is misleading.
The principle is not peculiar to psychology. It has been recognised by statisticians for decades. They call it the ecological fallacy（although this term captures broader subtleties, too）. Medicine has also been confounded by statistically based procedures. Indeed, the technique is only really useful when the successes and failures are aggregated. A life-insurance company, for instance, could wrongly predict the life span of every person it insured but still get the correct result for the group. | 527.txt | 0 |
[
"Two groups should be designed for the tests, with one test group and the other for comparison.",
"Both risk assessment and risk prediction should be considered in the tests.",
"People selected for the tests should vary greatly from each other so as to guarantee the representativeness of the sample.",
"Given small variation within a group, risk prediction for individuals can be based on group data."
] | What premise did Dr Hart follow when conducting his research? | Past performance is not an indicator of future returns. That, at least, is the advice given to investors. But can the likelihood of a person committing a crime be predicted by looking at his record? The answer, according to a team of clinical forensic psychologists, is that it cannot. Not only is risk prediction unreliable but, when applied to individuals rather than groups, the margins of error are so high as to render any result meaningless.
Making assumptions about individuals from group data is generally only reasonably safe when the variation within the group is small. Despite this, risk assessments are routinely used to help decide who should be locked up, who should undergo therapy and who should go free. Risk prediction is also set to be used to assess the threat posed by people ranging from terrorist suspects to potential delinquents.
Stephen Hart, of Simon Fraser University in British Columbia, Canada, and colleagues decided to determine how accurate the tests of risk assessment are when applied to individuals rather than groups. Typically the tests work by assigning a score to people depending on factors such as their age, the history of their relationships, their criminal past and the type of victims they have chosen. If someone's score places him in a group in which a known proportion has gone on to commit a crime on release from detention, then the risk that person will prove a recidivist is thought to be similar to the risk for the group as a whole.
The paper published by Dr Hart and his colleagues in last month's issue of the British Journal of Psychiatry focused on two popular tests that follow this logic. The first was a 12-item test designed to assess risk for general violence over periods of seven to ten years. The second was a ten-item test designed to assess risk for violence and sexual violence over periods of five to 15 years. The researchers have also assessed other tests used for predicting sexual offences and domestic violence.
They found that variations between members of the groups were very large. In one of the tests, for example, the standard estimate of the chances of members of the group sexually reoffending was put at 36% within 15 years. They calculated that the actual range was between 30% and 43% of the group, with a 95% confidence level. But calculating the average probability for a group is much easier than calculating the same probability for any individual. Thus, using standard methods to move from group inferences to individual ones, they calculated that the chance of any one person reoffending was in the range of 3% to 91%, similarly with a 95% confidence level. Clearly, the seemingly precise initial figure is misleading.
The principle is not peculiar to psychology. It has been recognised by statisticians for decades. They call it the ecological fallacy（although this term captures broader subtleties, too）. Medicine has also been confounded by statistically based procedures. Indeed, the technique is only really useful when the successes and failures are aggregated. A life-insurance company, for instance, could wrongly predict the life span of every person it insured but still get the correct result for the group. | 527.txt | 3 |
[
"is as easy as using them for groups",
"yields ineffective statistics",
"can help attain precise results",
"might be influenced by confidence level"
] | According to Dr Hart, using standard methods to predict individuals _ . | Past performance is not an indicator of future returns. That, at least, is the advice given to investors. But can the likelihood of a person committing a crime be predicted by looking at his record? The answer, according to a team of clinical forensic psychologists, is that it cannot. Not only is risk prediction unreliable but, when applied to individuals rather than groups, the margins of error are so high as to render any result meaningless.
Making assumptions about individuals from group data is generally only reasonably safe when the variation within the group is small. Despite this, risk assessments are routinely used to help decide who should be locked up, who should undergo therapy and who should go free. Risk prediction is also set to be used to assess the threat posed by people ranging from terrorist suspects to potential delinquents.
Stephen Hart, of Simon Fraser University in British Columbia, Canada, and colleagues decided to determine how accurate the tests of risk assessment are when applied to individuals rather than groups. Typically the tests work by assigning a score to people depending on factors such as their age, the history of their relationships, their criminal past and the type of victims they have chosen. If someone's score places him in a group in which a known proportion has gone on to commit a crime on release from detention, then the risk that person will prove a recidivist is thought to be similar to the risk for the group as a whole.
The paper published by Dr Hart and his colleagues in last month's issue of the British Journal of Psychiatry focused on two popular tests that follow this logic. The first was a 12-item test designed to assess risk for general violence over periods of seven to ten years. The second was a ten-item test designed to assess risk for violence and sexual violence over periods of five to 15 years. The researchers have also assessed other tests used for predicting sexual offences and domestic violence.
They found that variations between members of the groups were very large. In one of the tests, for example, the standard estimate of the chances of members of the group sexually reoffending was put at 36% within 15 years. They calculated that the actual range was between 30% and 43% of the group, with a 95% confidence level. But calculating the average probability for a group is much easier than calculating the same probability for any individual. Thus, using standard methods to move from group inferences to individual ones, they calculated that the chance of any one person reoffending was in the range of 3% to 91%, similarly with a 95% confidence level. Clearly, the seemingly precise initial figure is misleading.
The principle is not peculiar to psychology. It has been recognised by statisticians for decades. They call it the ecological fallacy（although this term captures broader subtleties, too）. Medicine has also been confounded by statistically based procedures. Indeed, the technique is only really useful when the successes and failures are aggregated. A life-insurance company, for instance, could wrongly predict the life span of every person it insured but still get the correct result for the group. | 527.txt | 1 |
[
"Ecological fallacy is originally a psychological phenomenon, which is later adopted in the field of statistics.",
"Statisticians have been dealing with ecological fallacy for a long time and have almost succeeded in figuring out a solution.",
"The statistics from a life insurance company on the longevity of a group of people should be reliable.",
"Risk prediction proves to be of zero practical value according to Dr Hart's study."
] | Which of the following statements is TRUE? | Past performance is not an indicator of future returns. That, at least, is the advice given to investors. But can the likelihood of a person committing a crime be predicted by looking at his record? The answer, according to a team of clinical forensic psychologists, is that it cannot. Not only is risk prediction unreliable but, when applied to individuals rather than groups, the margins of error are so high as to render any result meaningless.
Making assumptions about individuals from group data is generally only reasonably safe when the variation within the group is small. Despite this, risk assessments are routinely used to help decide who should be locked up, who should undergo therapy and who should go free. Risk prediction is also set to be used to assess the threat posed by people ranging from terrorist suspects to potential delinquents.
Stephen Hart, of Simon Fraser University in British Columbia, Canada, and colleagues decided to determine how accurate the tests of risk assessment are when applied to individuals rather than groups. Typically the tests work by assigning a score to people depending on factors such as their age, the history of their relationships, their criminal past and the type of victims they have chosen. If someone's score places him in a group in which a known proportion has gone on to commit a crime on release from detention, then the risk that person will prove a recidivist is thought to be similar to the risk for the group as a whole.
The paper published by Dr Hart and his colleagues in last month's issue of the British Journal of Psychiatry focused on two popular tests that follow this logic. The first was a 12-item test designed to assess risk for general violence over periods of seven to ten years. The second was a ten-item test designed to assess risk for violence and sexual violence over periods of five to 15 years. The researchers have also assessed other tests used for predicting sexual offences and domestic violence.
They found that variations between members of the groups were very large. In one of the tests, for example, the standard estimate of the chances of members of the group sexually reoffending was put at 36% within 15 years. They calculated that the actual range was between 30% and 43% of the group, with a 95% confidence level. But calculating the average probability for a group is much easier than calculating the same probability for any individual. Thus, using standard methods to move from group inferences to individual ones, they calculated that the chance of any one person reoffending was in the range of 3% to 91%, similarly with a 95% confidence level. Clearly, the seemingly precise initial figure is misleading.
The principle is not peculiar to psychology. It has been recognised by statisticians for decades. They call it the ecological fallacy（although this term captures broader subtleties, too）. Medicine has also been confounded by statistically based procedures. Indeed, the technique is only really useful when the successes and failures are aggregated. A life-insurance company, for instance, could wrongly predict the life span of every person it insured but still get the correct result for the group. | 527.txt | 2 |
[
"rude taxi drivers are rarely seen in the US",
"small-minded officials deserve a serious comment",
"Canadians are not so friendly as their neighbors",
"most Americans are ready to offer help"
] | In the eyes of visitors from the outside world, . | A report consistently brought back by visitors to the US is how friendly, courteous, and helpful most Americans were to them. To be fair, this observation is also frequently made of Canada and Canadians, and should best be considered North American. There are, of course, exceptions. Small-minded officials, rude waiters, and ill-mannered taxi drivers are hardly unknown in the US. Yet it is an observation made so frequently that it deserves comment.
For a long period of time and in many parts of the country, a traveler was a welcome break in an otherwise dull existence. Dullness and loneliness were common problems of the families who generally lived distant from one another. Strangers and travelers were welcome sources of diversion, and brought news of the outside world.
The harsh realities of the frontier also shaped this tradition of hospitality. Someone traveling alone, if hungry, injured, or ill, often had nowhere to turn except to the nearest cabin or settlement. It was not a matter of choice for the traveler or merely a charitable impulse on the part of the settlers. It reflected the harshness of daily life: if you didn't take in the stranger and take care of him, there was no one else who would. And someday, remember, you might be in the same situation.
Today there are many charitable organizations which specialize in helping the weary traveler. Yet, the old tradition of hospitality to strangers is still very strong in the US, especially in the smaller cities and towns away from the busy tourist trails. "I was just traveling through, got talking with this American, and pretty soon he invited me home for dinner -- amazing." Such observations reported by visitors to the US are not uncommon, but are not always understood properly. The casual friendliness of many Americans should be interpreted neither as superficial nor as artificial, but as the result of a historically developed cultural tradition.
As is true of any developed society, in America a complex set of cultural signals, assumptions, and conventions underlies all social interrelationships. And, of course, speaking a language does not necessarily mean that someone understands social and cultural patterns. Visitors who fail to "translate" cultural meanings properly often draw wrong conclusions. For example, when an American uses the word "friend," the cultural implications of the word may be quite different from those it has in the visitor's language and culture. It takes more than a brief encounter on a bus to distinguish between courteous convention and individual interest. Yet, being friendly is a virtue that many Americans value highly and expect from both neighbors and strangers. | 1153.txt | 3 |
[
"culture exercises an influence over social interrelationship",
"courteous convention and individual interest are interrelated",
"various virtues manifest themselves exclusively among friends",
"social interrelationships equal the complex set of cultural conventions"
] | It could be inferred from the last paragraph that . | A report consistently brought back by visitors to the US is how friendly, courteous, and helpful most Americans were to them. To be fair, this observation is also frequently made of Canada and Canadians, and should best be considered North American. There are, of course, exceptions. Small-minded officials, rude waiters, and ill-mannered taxi drivers are hardly unknown in the US. Yet it is an observation made so frequently that it deserves comment.
For a long period of time and in many parts of the country, a traveler was a welcome break in an otherwise dull existence. Dullness and loneliness were common problems of the families who generally lived distant from one another. Strangers and travelers were welcome sources of diversion, and brought news of the outside world.
The harsh realities of the frontier also shaped this tradition of hospitality. Someone traveling alone, if hungry, injured, or ill, often had nowhere to turn except to the nearest cabin or settlement. It was not a matter of choice for the traveler or merely a charitable impulse on the part of the settlers. It reflected the harshness of daily life: if you didn't take in the stranger and take care of him, there was no one else who would. And someday, remember, you might be in the same situation.
Today there are many charitable organizations which specialize in helping the weary traveler. Yet, the old tradition of hospitality to strangers is still very strong in the US, especially in the smaller cities and towns away from the busy tourist trails. "I was just traveling through, got talking with this American, and pretty soon he invited me home for dinner -- amazing." Such observations reported by visitors to the US are not uncommon, but are not always understood properly. The casual friendliness of many Americans should be interpreted neither as superficial nor as artificial, but as the result of a historically developed cultural tradition.
As is true of any developed society, in America a complex set of cultural signals, assumptions, and conventions underlies all social interrelationships. And, of course, speaking a language does not necessarily mean that someone understands social and cultural patterns. Visitors who fail to "translate" cultural meanings properly often draw wrong conclusions. For example, when an American uses the word "friend," the cultural implications of the word may be quite different from those it has in the visitor's language and culture. It takes more than a brief encounter on a bus to distinguish between courteous convention and individual interest. Yet, being friendly is a virtue that many Americans value highly and expect from both neighbors and strangers. | 1153.txt | 0 |
[
"to improve their hard life",
"in view of their long-distance travel",
"to add some flavor to their own daily life",
"out of a charitable impulse"
] | Families in frontier settlements used to entertain strangers . | A report consistently brought back by visitors to the US is how friendly, courteous, and helpful most Americans were to them. To be fair, this observation is also frequently made of Canada and Canadians, and should best be considered North American. There are, of course, exceptions. Small-minded officials, rude waiters, and ill-mannered taxi drivers are hardly unknown in the US. Yet it is an observation made so frequently that it deserves comment.
For a long period of time and in many parts of the country, a traveler was a welcome break in an otherwise dull existence. Dullness and loneliness were common problems of the families who generally lived distant from one another. Strangers and travelers were welcome sources of diversion, and brought news of the outside world.
The harsh realities of the frontier also shaped this tradition of hospitality. Someone traveling alone, if hungry, injured, or ill, often had nowhere to turn except to the nearest cabin or settlement. It was not a matter of choice for the traveler or merely a charitable impulse on the part of the settlers. It reflected the harshness of daily life: if you didn't take in the stranger and take care of him, there was no one else who would. And someday, remember, you might be in the same situation.
Today there are many charitable organizations which specialize in helping the weary traveler. Yet, the old tradition of hospitality to strangers is still very strong in the US, especially in the smaller cities and towns away from the busy tourist trails. "I was just traveling through, got talking with this American, and pretty soon he invited me home for dinner -- amazing." Such observations reported by visitors to the US are not uncommon, but are not always understood properly. The casual friendliness of many Americans should be interpreted neither as superficial nor as artificial, but as the result of a historically developed cultural tradition.
As is true of any developed society, in America a complex set of cultural signals, assumptions, and conventions underlies all social interrelationships. And, of course, speaking a language does not necessarily mean that someone understands social and cultural patterns. Visitors who fail to "translate" cultural meanings properly often draw wrong conclusions. For example, when an American uses the word "friend," the cultural implications of the word may be quite different from those it has in the visitor's language and culture. It takes more than a brief encounter on a bus to distinguish between courteous convention and individual interest. Yet, being friendly is a virtue that many Americans value highly and expect from both neighbors and strangers. | 1153.txt | 2 |
[
"tends to be superficial and artificial",
"is generally well kept up in the United States",
"is always understood properly",
"has something to do with the busy tourist trails"
] | The tradition of hospitality to strangers . | A report consistently brought back by visitors to the US is how friendly, courteous, and helpful most Americans were to them. To be fair, this observation is also frequently made of Canada and Canadians, and should best be considered North American. There are, of course, exceptions. Small-minded officials, rude waiters, and ill-mannered taxi drivers are hardly unknown in the US. Yet it is an observation made so frequently that it deserves comment.
For a long period of time and in many parts of the country, a traveler was a welcome break in an otherwise dull existence. Dullness and loneliness were common problems of the families who generally lived distant from one another. Strangers and travelers were welcome sources of diversion, and brought news of the outside world.
The harsh realities of the frontier also shaped this tradition of hospitality. Someone traveling alone, if hungry, injured, or ill, often had nowhere to turn except to the nearest cabin or settlement. It was not a matter of choice for the traveler or merely a charitable impulse on the part of the settlers. It reflected the harshness of daily life: if you didn't take in the stranger and take care of him, there was no one else who would. And someday, remember, you might be in the same situation.
Today there are many charitable organizations which specialize in helping the weary traveler. Yet, the old tradition of hospitality to strangers is still very strong in the US, especially in the smaller cities and towns away from the busy tourist trails. "I was just traveling through, got talking with this American, and pretty soon he invited me home for dinner -- amazing." Such observations reported by visitors to the US are not uncommon, but are not always understood properly. The casual friendliness of many Americans should be interpreted neither as superficial nor as artificial, but as the result of a historically developed cultural tradition.
As is true of any developed society, in America a complex set of cultural signals, assumptions, and conventions underlies all social interrelationships. And, of course, speaking a language does not necessarily mean that someone understands social and cultural patterns. Visitors who fail to "translate" cultural meanings properly often draw wrong conclusions. For example, when an American uses the word "friend," the cultural implications of the word may be quite different from those it has in the visitor's language and culture. It takes more than a brief encounter on a bus to distinguish between courteous convention and individual interest. Yet, being friendly is a virtue that many Americans value highly and expect from both neighbors and strangers. | 1153.txt | 1 |
[
"improving economic efficiency.",
"ending the free-trade practice",
"lowering moral standard",
"raising trade tariffs"
] | It can be inferred that ¡°protection¡± (Line 1, Para.1) means_ ¡£ | ¡°The word ¡®protection¡¯ is no longer taboo (½û¼ÉÓï)¡±. This short sentence, uttered by French President Nicolas Sarkozy last month, may have launched a new era in economic history. Why? For decades, Western leaders have believed that lowering trade barriers and tariffs was a natural good. Doing so, they reasoned, would lead to greater economic efficiency and productivity, which in turn would improve human welfare. Championing free trade thus became a moral, not just an economic, cause.
These leaders, of course, weren't acting out of unselfishness. They knew their economies were the most competitive, so they¡¯d profit most from liberalization. And developing countries feared that their economies would be swamped by superior Western productivity. Today, however, the tables have turned---though few acknowledge it. The West continues to preach free trade, but practices it less and less. Asian, meanwhile, continues to plead for special protection but practices more and more free trade¡£
That's why Sarkozy's words were so important: he finally injected some honesty into the trade debates. The truth is that large parts of the West are losing faith in tree trade, though few leaders admit it. Some economists are more honest. Paul Krugman is one of the few willing to acknowledge that protectionist arguments are returning. In the short run, there will be winners and losers under free trade. This, of course, is what capitalism is all about. But more and more of these losers will be in the West, Economists in the developed world used to love quoting Jonoph Schumpeter, who said that ¡®creative destruction¡± was an essential part of capitalist growth. But they always assumed that destruction would happen over there. When Western workers began losing jobs, suddenly their leaders began to lose faith in their principles, Things have yet to reverse completely. But there's clearly a negative trend in a Western theory and practice¡£
A little hypocrisy (Ðéα) is not in itself a serious problem. The real problem is that Western governments continue to insist that they retain control of the key global economic and financial institutions while drifting away from global liberalization. Lock at what's happening at the IMF (International Monetary Fund) The Europeans have demanded that they keep the post of managing director. But all too often, Western officials put their own interests above everyone else's when they dominate these global institutions¡£
The time has therefore come for the Asians-who are clearly the new winners in today's global economy-to provide more intellectual leadership in supporting free trade: Sadly, they have yet to do so. Unless Asians speak out, however, there's a real danger that Adam Smith's principles, which have brought so much good to the world, could gradually die. And that would leave all of us, worse off, in one way or another¡£ | 1182.txt | 3 |
[
"it is beneficial to their economies",
"it is supported by developing countries",
"it makes them keep faith in their principles",
"it is advocated by Joseph Schumpeter and Adam Smith"
] | The Western leaders preach free trade because_ ¡£ | ¡°The word ¡®protection¡¯ is no longer taboo (½û¼ÉÓï)¡±. This short sentence, uttered by French President Nicolas Sarkozy last month, may have launched a new era in economic history. Why? For decades, Western leaders have believed that lowering trade barriers and tariffs was a natural good. Doing so, they reasoned, would lead to greater economic efficiency and productivity, which in turn would improve human welfare. Championing free trade thus became a moral, not just an economic, cause.
These leaders, of course, weren't acting out of unselfishness. They knew their economies were the most competitive, so they¡¯d profit most from liberalization. And developing countries feared that their economies would be swamped by superior Western productivity. Today, however, the tables have turned---though few acknowledge it. The West continues to preach free trade, but practices it less and less. Asian, meanwhile, continues to plead for special protection but practices more and more free trade¡£
That's why Sarkozy's words were so important: he finally injected some honesty into the trade debates. The truth is that large parts of the West are losing faith in tree trade, though few leaders admit it. Some economists are more honest. Paul Krugman is one of the few willing to acknowledge that protectionist arguments are returning. In the short run, there will be winners and losers under free trade. This, of course, is what capitalism is all about. But more and more of these losers will be in the West, Economists in the developed world used to love quoting Jonoph Schumpeter, who said that ¡®creative destruction¡± was an essential part of capitalist growth. But they always assumed that destruction would happen over there. When Western workers began losing jobs, suddenly their leaders began to lose faith in their principles, Things have yet to reverse completely. But there's clearly a negative trend in a Western theory and practice¡£
A little hypocrisy (Ðéα) is not in itself a serious problem. The real problem is that Western governments continue to insist that they retain control of the key global economic and financial institutions while drifting away from global liberalization. Lock at what's happening at the IMF (International Monetary Fund) The Europeans have demanded that they keep the post of managing director. But all too often, Western officials put their own interests above everyone else's when they dominate these global institutions¡£
The time has therefore come for the Asians-who are clearly the new winners in today's global economy-to provide more intellectual leadership in supporting free trade: Sadly, they have yet to do so. Unless Asians speak out, however, there's a real danger that Adam Smith's principles, which have brought so much good to the world, could gradually die. And that would leave all of us, worse off, in one way or another¡£ | 1182.txt | 0 |
[
"the Western leaders have turned self-centered",
"the Asian leaders have become advocates of free trade",
"the developed economies have turned less competitive",
"the developing economies have become more independent"
] | By ¡°the tables have turned¡± (Line 3-4, Para. 2) the author implies that_ ¡£ | ¡°The word ¡®protection¡¯ is no longer taboo (½û¼ÉÓï)¡±. This short sentence, uttered by French President Nicolas Sarkozy last month, may have launched a new era in economic history. Why? For decades, Western leaders have believed that lowering trade barriers and tariffs was a natural good. Doing so, they reasoned, would lead to greater economic efficiency and productivity, which in turn would improve human welfare. Championing free trade thus became a moral, not just an economic, cause.
These leaders, of course, weren't acting out of unselfishness. They knew their economies were the most competitive, so they¡¯d profit most from liberalization. And developing countries feared that their economies would be swamped by superior Western productivity. Today, however, the tables have turned---though few acknowledge it. The West continues to preach free trade, but practices it less and less. Asian, meanwhile, continues to plead for special protection but practices more and more free trade¡£
That's why Sarkozy's words were so important: he finally injected some honesty into the trade debates. The truth is that large parts of the West are losing faith in tree trade, though few leaders admit it. Some economists are more honest. Paul Krugman is one of the few willing to acknowledge that protectionist arguments are returning. In the short run, there will be winners and losers under free trade. This, of course, is what capitalism is all about. But more and more of these losers will be in the West, Economists in the developed world used to love quoting Jonoph Schumpeter, who said that ¡®creative destruction¡± was an essential part of capitalist growth. But they always assumed that destruction would happen over there. When Western workers began losing jobs, suddenly their leaders began to lose faith in their principles, Things have yet to reverse completely. But there's clearly a negative trend in a Western theory and practice¡£
A little hypocrisy (Ðéα) is not in itself a serious problem. The real problem is that Western governments continue to insist that they retain control of the key global economic and financial institutions while drifting away from global liberalization. Lock at what's happening at the IMF (International Monetary Fund) The Europeans have demanded that they keep the post of managing director. But all too often, Western officials put their own interests above everyone else's when they dominate these global institutions¡£
The time has therefore come for the Asians-who are clearly the new winners in today's global economy-to provide more intellectual leadership in supporting free trade: Sadly, they have yet to do so. Unless Asians speak out, however, there's a real danger that Adam Smith's principles, which have brought so much good to the world, could gradually die. And that would leave all of us, worse off, in one way or another¡£ | 1182.txt | 2 |
[
"set a long-term rather than short-turn goal",
"was an essential part of capitalist development",
"contained a positive rather than negative mentality",
"was meant to be the destruction of developing economies"
] | The Western economies used to like the idea of ¡°creative destruction¡± because it_ ¡£ | ¡°The word ¡®protection¡¯ is no longer taboo (½û¼ÉÓï)¡±. This short sentence, uttered by French President Nicolas Sarkozy last month, may have launched a new era in economic history. Why? For decades, Western leaders have believed that lowering trade barriers and tariffs was a natural good. Doing so, they reasoned, would lead to greater economic efficiency and productivity, which in turn would improve human welfare. Championing free trade thus became a moral, not just an economic, cause.
These leaders, of course, weren't acting out of unselfishness. They knew their economies were the most competitive, so they¡¯d profit most from liberalization. And developing countries feared that their economies would be swamped by superior Western productivity. Today, however, the tables have turned---though few acknowledge it. The West continues to preach free trade, but practices it less and less. Asian, meanwhile, continues to plead for special protection but practices more and more free trade¡£
That's why Sarkozy's words were so important: he finally injected some honesty into the trade debates. The truth is that large parts of the West are losing faith in tree trade, though few leaders admit it. Some economists are more honest. Paul Krugman is one of the few willing to acknowledge that protectionist arguments are returning. In the short run, there will be winners and losers under free trade. This, of course, is what capitalism is all about. But more and more of these losers will be in the West, Economists in the developed world used to love quoting Jonoph Schumpeter, who said that ¡®creative destruction¡± was an essential part of capitalist growth. But they always assumed that destruction would happen over there. When Western workers began losing jobs, suddenly their leaders began to lose faith in their principles, Things have yet to reverse completely. But there's clearly a negative trend in a Western theory and practice¡£
A little hypocrisy (Ðéα) is not in itself a serious problem. The real problem is that Western governments continue to insist that they retain control of the key global economic and financial institutions while drifting away from global liberalization. Lock at what's happening at the IMF (International Monetary Fund) The Europeans have demanded that they keep the post of managing director. But all too often, Western officials put their own interests above everyone else's when they dominate these global institutions¡£
The time has therefore come for the Asians-who are clearly the new winners in today's global economy-to provide more intellectual leadership in supporting free trade: Sadly, they have yet to do so. Unless Asians speak out, however, there's a real danger that Adam Smith's principles, which have brought so much good to the world, could gradually die. And that would leave all of us, worse off, in one way or another¡£ | 1182.txt | 3 |
[
"European leaders are reluctant to admit they are hypocritical",
"there is an inconsistency between Western theory and practice",
"global institutions are not being led by true globalization advocates",
"European countries¡¯ interests are being ignored by economic leaders"
] | The author uses ¡°IMF¡± was an example to illustrate the point that_ ¡£ | ¡°The word ¡®protection¡¯ is no longer taboo (½û¼ÉÓï)¡±. This short sentence, uttered by French President Nicolas Sarkozy last month, may have launched a new era in economic history. Why? For decades, Western leaders have believed that lowering trade barriers and tariffs was a natural good. Doing so, they reasoned, would lead to greater economic efficiency and productivity, which in turn would improve human welfare. Championing free trade thus became a moral, not just an economic, cause.
These leaders, of course, weren't acting out of unselfishness. They knew their economies were the most competitive, so they¡¯d profit most from liberalization. And developing countries feared that their economies would be swamped by superior Western productivity. Today, however, the tables have turned---though few acknowledge it. The West continues to preach free trade, but practices it less and less. Asian, meanwhile, continues to plead for special protection but practices more and more free trade¡£
That's why Sarkozy's words were so important: he finally injected some honesty into the trade debates. The truth is that large parts of the West are losing faith in tree trade, though few leaders admit it. Some economists are more honest. Paul Krugman is one of the few willing to acknowledge that protectionist arguments are returning. In the short run, there will be winners and losers under free trade. This, of course, is what capitalism is all about. But more and more of these losers will be in the West, Economists in the developed world used to love quoting Jonoph Schumpeter, who said that ¡®creative destruction¡± was an essential part of capitalist growth. But they always assumed that destruction would happen over there. When Western workers began losing jobs, suddenly their leaders began to lose faith in their principles, Things have yet to reverse completely. But there's clearly a negative trend in a Western theory and practice¡£
A little hypocrisy (Ðéα) is not in itself a serious problem. The real problem is that Western governments continue to insist that they retain control of the key global economic and financial institutions while drifting away from global liberalization. Lock at what's happening at the IMF (International Monetary Fund) The Europeans have demanded that they keep the post of managing director. But all too often, Western officials put their own interests above everyone else's when they dominate these global institutions¡£
The time has therefore come for the Asians-who are clearly the new winners in today's global economy-to provide more intellectual leadership in supporting free trade: Sadly, they have yet to do so. Unless Asians speak out, however, there's a real danger that Adam Smith's principles, which have brought so much good to the world, could gradually die. And that would leave all of us, worse off, in one way or another¡£ | 1182.txt | 2 |
[
"The suppression of the activity of serotonin- secreting neurons by the administration of hallucinogens",
"The observed similarities in the chemical structures of serotonin and hallucinogens",
"The effects the administration of hallucinogens has on serotonin production in the human brain",
"Serotonin-induced changes in the effects of hallucinogens on behavior"
] | According to the passage, which of the following is one of the primary factors that led researchers studying hallucinogenic drugs to focus on serotonin? | Much of the research on hallucinogenic drugs such as LSD has focused on the neurotransmitter serotonin, a chemical that when released from a presynaptic serotonin-secreting neuron causes the transmission of a nerve impulse across a synapse to an adjacent postsynaptic, or target, neuron. There are two major reasons for this emphasis. First, it was discovered early on that many of the major hallucinogens have a molecular structure similar to that of serotonin. In addition, animal studies of brain neurochemistry following administration of hallucinogens invariably reported changes in serotonin levels.
Early investigators correctly reasoned that the structural similarity to the serotonin molecule might imply that LSD's effects are brought about by an action on the neurotransmission of serotonin in the brain. Unfortunately, the level of technical expertise in the field of brain research was such that this hypothesis had to be tested on peripheral tissue (tissue outside the brain). Two different groups of scientists reported that LSD powerfully blockaded serotonin's action. Their conclusions were quickly challenged, however. We now know that the action of a drug at one site in the body does not necessarily correspond to the drug's action at another site, especially when one site is in the brain and the other is not.
By the 1960's, technical advances permitted the direct testing of the hypothesis that LSD and related hallucinogens act by directly suppressing the activity of serotonin-secreting neurons themselves-the so- called presynaptic hypothesis. Researchers reasoned that if the hllucinogenic drugs act by suppressing the activity of serotonin-secreting neurons, then drugs administered after these neurons had been destroyed should have no effect on behavior, because the system would already be maximally suppressed. Contrary to their expectations, neuron destruction enhanced the effect of LSD and related hallucinogens on behavior. Thus, hallucinogenic drugs apparently do not act directly on serotonin-secreting neurons.
However, these and other available data do support an alternative hypothesis, that LSD and related drugs act directly at receptor sites on serotonin target neurons (the postsynaptic hypothesis). The fact that LSD elicits "serotonin syndrome" -that is, causes the same kinds of behaviors as does the adminis- tration of serotonin-in animals whose brains are depleted of serotonin indicates that LSD acts directly n serotonin receptors, rather than indirectly through the release of stores of serotonin. The enhanced effect of LSD reported after serotonin depletion could be due to a proliferation of serotonin receptor sites on serotonin target neurons. This phenomenon often follows neuron destruction or neurotransmitter depletion; the increase in the number of receptor sites appears to be a compensatory response to decreased input. Significantly, this hypothesis is supported by data from a number of different laboratories. | 1940.txt | 1 |
[
"a new and more attractive hypothesis was suggested",
"no research was reported that supported the hypothesis",
"research results provided evidence to counter the hypothesis",
"the hypothesis was supported only by studies of animals and not by studies of human beings"
] | It can be inferred that researchers abandoned the presynaptic hypothesis because | Much of the research on hallucinogenic drugs such as LSD has focused on the neurotransmitter serotonin, a chemical that when released from a presynaptic serotonin-secreting neuron causes the transmission of a nerve impulse across a synapse to an adjacent postsynaptic, or target, neuron. There are two major reasons for this emphasis. First, it was discovered early on that many of the major hallucinogens have a molecular structure similar to that of serotonin. In addition, animal studies of brain neurochemistry following administration of hallucinogens invariably reported changes in serotonin levels.
Early investigators correctly reasoned that the structural similarity to the serotonin molecule might imply that LSD's effects are brought about by an action on the neurotransmission of serotonin in the brain. Unfortunately, the level of technical expertise in the field of brain research was such that this hypothesis had to be tested on peripheral tissue (tissue outside the brain). Two different groups of scientists reported that LSD powerfully blockaded serotonin's action. Their conclusions were quickly challenged, however. We now know that the action of a drug at one site in the body does not necessarily correspond to the drug's action at another site, especially when one site is in the brain and the other is not.
By the 1960's, technical advances permitted the direct testing of the hypothesis that LSD and related hallucinogens act by directly suppressing the activity of serotonin-secreting neurons themselves-the so- called presynaptic hypothesis. Researchers reasoned that if the hllucinogenic drugs act by suppressing the activity of serotonin-secreting neurons, then drugs administered after these neurons had been destroyed should have no effect on behavior, because the system would already be maximally suppressed. Contrary to their expectations, neuron destruction enhanced the effect of LSD and related hallucinogens on behavior. Thus, hallucinogenic drugs apparently do not act directly on serotonin-secreting neurons.
However, these and other available data do support an alternative hypothesis, that LSD and related drugs act directly at receptor sites on serotonin target neurons (the postsynaptic hypothesis). The fact that LSD elicits "serotonin syndrome" -that is, causes the same kinds of behaviors as does the adminis- tration of serotonin-in animals whose brains are depleted of serotonin indicates that LSD acts directly n serotonin receptors, rather than indirectly through the release of stores of serotonin. The enhanced effect of LSD reported after serotonin depletion could be due to a proliferation of serotonin receptor sites on serotonin target neurons. This phenomenon often follows neuron destruction or neurotransmitter depletion; the increase in the number of receptor sites appears to be a compensatory response to decreased input. Significantly, this hypothesis is supported by data from a number of different laboratories. | 1940.txt | 2 |
[
"Research has suggested that the neurotransmitter serotonin is responsible for the effects of hallucinogenic drogs on the brain and on behavior.",
"Researchers have spent an inadequate amount of time developing theories concerning the way in which the effects of hallucinogenic drugs occur.",
"Research results strongly suggest that hallucinogenic drugs create their effects by acting on the serotonin receptor sites located on target neurons in the brain.",
"Researchers have recently made valuable discoveries concerning the effects of depleting the amount of serotonin in the brain."
] | Which of the following best expresses the main idea of the passage? | Much of the research on hallucinogenic drugs such as LSD has focused on the neurotransmitter serotonin, a chemical that when released from a presynaptic serotonin-secreting neuron causes the transmission of a nerve impulse across a synapse to an adjacent postsynaptic, or target, neuron. There are two major reasons for this emphasis. First, it was discovered early on that many of the major hallucinogens have a molecular structure similar to that of serotonin. In addition, animal studies of brain neurochemistry following administration of hallucinogens invariably reported changes in serotonin levels.
Early investigators correctly reasoned that the structural similarity to the serotonin molecule might imply that LSD's effects are brought about by an action on the neurotransmission of serotonin in the brain. Unfortunately, the level of technical expertise in the field of brain research was such that this hypothesis had to be tested on peripheral tissue (tissue outside the brain). Two different groups of scientists reported that LSD powerfully blockaded serotonin's action. Their conclusions were quickly challenged, however. We now know that the action of a drug at one site in the body does not necessarily correspond to the drug's action at another site, especially when one site is in the brain and the other is not.
By the 1960's, technical advances permitted the direct testing of the hypothesis that LSD and related hallucinogens act by directly suppressing the activity of serotonin-secreting neurons themselves-the so- called presynaptic hypothesis. Researchers reasoned that if the hllucinogenic drugs act by suppressing the activity of serotonin-secreting neurons, then drugs administered after these neurons had been destroyed should have no effect on behavior, because the system would already be maximally suppressed. Contrary to their expectations, neuron destruction enhanced the effect of LSD and related hallucinogens on behavior. Thus, hallucinogenic drugs apparently do not act directly on serotonin-secreting neurons.
However, these and other available data do support an alternative hypothesis, that LSD and related drugs act directly at receptor sites on serotonin target neurons (the postsynaptic hypothesis). The fact that LSD elicits "serotonin syndrome" -that is, causes the same kinds of behaviors as does the adminis- tration of serotonin-in animals whose brains are depleted of serotonin indicates that LSD acts directly n serotonin receptors, rather than indirectly through the release of stores of serotonin. The enhanced effect of LSD reported after serotonin depletion could be due to a proliferation of serotonin receptor sites on serotonin target neurons. This phenomenon often follows neuron destruction or neurotransmitter depletion; the increase in the number of receptor sites appears to be a compensatory response to decreased input. Significantly, this hypothesis is supported by data from a number of different laboratories. | 1940.txt | 2 |
[
"How can researchers control the effects that LSD has on behavior",
"How are animals' reactions to LSD different from those of human beings",
"What triggers the effects that LSD has on human behavior",
"What technical advances would permit researchers to predict more accurately the effects of LSD on behavior"
] | The research described in the passage is primarily concerned with answering which of the following questions? | Much of the research on hallucinogenic drugs such as LSD has focused on the neurotransmitter serotonin, a chemical that when released from a presynaptic serotonin-secreting neuron causes the transmission of a nerve impulse across a synapse to an adjacent postsynaptic, or target, neuron. There are two major reasons for this emphasis. First, it was discovered early on that many of the major hallucinogens have a molecular structure similar to that of serotonin. In addition, animal studies of brain neurochemistry following administration of hallucinogens invariably reported changes in serotonin levels.
Early investigators correctly reasoned that the structural similarity to the serotonin molecule might imply that LSD's effects are brought about by an action on the neurotransmission of serotonin in the brain. Unfortunately, the level of technical expertise in the field of brain research was such that this hypothesis had to be tested on peripheral tissue (tissue outside the brain). Two different groups of scientists reported that LSD powerfully blockaded serotonin's action. Their conclusions were quickly challenged, however. We now know that the action of a drug at one site in the body does not necessarily correspond to the drug's action at another site, especially when one site is in the brain and the other is not.
By the 1960's, technical advances permitted the direct testing of the hypothesis that LSD and related hallucinogens act by directly suppressing the activity of serotonin-secreting neurons themselves-the so- called presynaptic hypothesis. Researchers reasoned that if the hllucinogenic drugs act by suppressing the activity of serotonin-secreting neurons, then drugs administered after these neurons had been destroyed should have no effect on behavior, because the system would already be maximally suppressed. Contrary to their expectations, neuron destruction enhanced the effect of LSD and related hallucinogens on behavior. Thus, hallucinogenic drugs apparently do not act directly on serotonin-secreting neurons.
However, these and other available data do support an alternative hypothesis, that LSD and related drugs act directly at receptor sites on serotonin target neurons (the postsynaptic hypothesis). The fact that LSD elicits "serotonin syndrome" -that is, causes the same kinds of behaviors as does the adminis- tration of serotonin-in animals whose brains are depleted of serotonin indicates that LSD acts directly n serotonin receptors, rather than indirectly through the release of stores of serotonin. The enhanced effect of LSD reported after serotonin depletion could be due to a proliferation of serotonin receptor sites on serotonin target neurons. This phenomenon often follows neuron destruction or neurotransmitter depletion; the increase in the number of receptor sites appears to be a compensatory response to decreased input. Significantly, this hypothesis is supported by data from a number of different laboratories. | 1940.txt | 2 |
[
"The series of behaviors, usually associated with the administration of serotonin, that also occurs when LSD is administered to animals whose brains are depleted of serotonin",
"The series of behaviors, usually associated with the administration of LSD, that also occurs when the amount of serotonin in the brain is reduced",
"The maximal suppression of neuron activity that results from the destruction of serotonin- secreting neurons",
"The release of stores of serotonin from serotonin-secreting neurons in the brain"
] | Which of the following best defines "serotonin syndrome" (line 46) as the term is used in the passage? | Much of the research on hallucinogenic drugs such as LSD has focused on the neurotransmitter serotonin, a chemical that when released from a presynaptic serotonin-secreting neuron causes the transmission of a nerve impulse across a synapse to an adjacent postsynaptic, or target, neuron. There are two major reasons for this emphasis. First, it was discovered early on that many of the major hallucinogens have a molecular structure similar to that of serotonin. In addition, animal studies of brain neurochemistry following administration of hallucinogens invariably reported changes in serotonin levels.
Early investigators correctly reasoned that the structural similarity to the serotonin molecule might imply that LSD's effects are brought about by an action on the neurotransmission of serotonin in the brain. Unfortunately, the level of technical expertise in the field of brain research was such that this hypothesis had to be tested on peripheral tissue (tissue outside the brain). Two different groups of scientists reported that LSD powerfully blockaded serotonin's action. Their conclusions were quickly challenged, however. We now know that the action of a drug at one site in the body does not necessarily correspond to the drug's action at another site, especially when one site is in the brain and the other is not.
By the 1960's, technical advances permitted the direct testing of the hypothesis that LSD and related hallucinogens act by directly suppressing the activity of serotonin-secreting neurons themselves-the so- called presynaptic hypothesis. Researchers reasoned that if the hllucinogenic drugs act by suppressing the activity of serotonin-secreting neurons, then drugs administered after these neurons had been destroyed should have no effect on behavior, because the system would already be maximally suppressed. Contrary to their expectations, neuron destruction enhanced the effect of LSD and related hallucinogens on behavior. Thus, hallucinogenic drugs apparently do not act directly on serotonin-secreting neurons.
However, these and other available data do support an alternative hypothesis, that LSD and related drugs act directly at receptor sites on serotonin target neurons (the postsynaptic hypothesis). The fact that LSD elicits "serotonin syndrome" -that is, causes the same kinds of behaviors as does the adminis- tration of serotonin-in animals whose brains are depleted of serotonin indicates that LSD acts directly n serotonin receptors, rather than indirectly through the release of stores of serotonin. The enhanced effect of LSD reported after serotonin depletion could be due to a proliferation of serotonin receptor sites on serotonin target neurons. This phenomenon often follows neuron destruction or neurotransmitter depletion; the increase in the number of receptor sites appears to be a compensatory response to decreased input. Significantly, this hypothesis is supported by data from a number of different laboratories. | 1940.txt | 0 |
[
"Two approaches to testing a hypothesis are described, and the greater merits of one approach are indicated.",
"The assumptions underlying two hypotheses are outlined, and evidence for and against each hypothesis is discussed.",
"A phenomenon is described, and hypotheses concerning its occurrence are considered and rejected.",
"A hypothesis is discussed, evidence undermining the hypothesis is revealed, and a further hypothesis based on the undermining evidence is explained"
] | Which of the following best describes the organization of the argument that the author of the passage presents in the last two paragraphs? | Much of the research on hallucinogenic drugs such as LSD has focused on the neurotransmitter serotonin, a chemical that when released from a presynaptic serotonin-secreting neuron causes the transmission of a nerve impulse across a synapse to an adjacent postsynaptic, or target, neuron. There are two major reasons for this emphasis. First, it was discovered early on that many of the major hallucinogens have a molecular structure similar to that of serotonin. In addition, animal studies of brain neurochemistry following administration of hallucinogens invariably reported changes in serotonin levels.
Early investigators correctly reasoned that the structural similarity to the serotonin molecule might imply that LSD's effects are brought about by an action on the neurotransmission of serotonin in the brain. Unfortunately, the level of technical expertise in the field of brain research was such that this hypothesis had to be tested on peripheral tissue (tissue outside the brain). Two different groups of scientists reported that LSD powerfully blockaded serotonin's action. Their conclusions were quickly challenged, however. We now know that the action of a drug at one site in the body does not necessarily correspond to the drug's action at another site, especially when one site is in the brain and the other is not.
By the 1960's, technical advances permitted the direct testing of the hypothesis that LSD and related hallucinogens act by directly suppressing the activity of serotonin-secreting neurons themselves-the so- called presynaptic hypothesis. Researchers reasoned that if the hllucinogenic drugs act by suppressing the activity of serotonin-secreting neurons, then drugs administered after these neurons had been destroyed should have no effect on behavior, because the system would already be maximally suppressed. Contrary to their expectations, neuron destruction enhanced the effect of LSD and related hallucinogens on behavior. Thus, hallucinogenic drugs apparently do not act directly on serotonin-secreting neurons.
However, these and other available data do support an alternative hypothesis, that LSD and related drugs act directly at receptor sites on serotonin target neurons (the postsynaptic hypothesis). The fact that LSD elicits "serotonin syndrome" -that is, causes the same kinds of behaviors as does the adminis- tration of serotonin-in animals whose brains are depleted of serotonin indicates that LSD acts directly n serotonin receptors, rather than indirectly through the release of stores of serotonin. The enhanced effect of LSD reported after serotonin depletion could be due to a proliferation of serotonin receptor sites on serotonin target neurons. This phenomenon often follows neuron destruction or neurotransmitter depletion; the increase in the number of receptor sites appears to be a compensatory response to decreased input. Significantly, this hypothesis is supported by data from a number of different laboratories. | 1940.txt | 3 |
[
"complete agreeement",
"reluctant support",
"subtle condescension",
"irreverent dismissal"
] | The author's attitude toward early researchers'reasoning concerning the implications of similarities in the structures of serotonin and LSD molecules can best be described as one of | Much of the research on hallucinogenic drugs such as LSD has focused on the neurotransmitter serotonin, a chemical that when released from a presynaptic serotonin-secreting neuron causes the transmission of a nerve impulse across a synapse to an adjacent postsynaptic, or target, neuron. There are two major reasons for this emphasis. First, it was discovered early on that many of the major hallucinogens have a molecular structure similar to that of serotonin. In addition, animal studies of brain neurochemistry following administration of hallucinogens invariably reported changes in serotonin levels.
Early investigators correctly reasoned that the structural similarity to the serotonin molecule might imply that LSD's effects are brought about by an action on the neurotransmission of serotonin in the brain. Unfortunately, the level of technical expertise in the field of brain research was such that this hypothesis had to be tested on peripheral tissue (tissue outside the brain). Two different groups of scientists reported that LSD powerfully blockaded serotonin's action. Their conclusions were quickly challenged, however. We now know that the action of a drug at one site in the body does not necessarily correspond to the drug's action at another site, especially when one site is in the brain and the other is not.
By the 1960's, technical advances permitted the direct testing of the hypothesis that LSD and related hallucinogens act by directly suppressing the activity of serotonin-secreting neurons themselves-the so- called presynaptic hypothesis. Researchers reasoned that if the hllucinogenic drugs act by suppressing the activity of serotonin-secreting neurons, then drugs administered after these neurons had been destroyed should have no effect on behavior, because the system would already be maximally suppressed. Contrary to their expectations, neuron destruction enhanced the effect of LSD and related hallucinogens on behavior. Thus, hallucinogenic drugs apparently do not act directly on serotonin-secreting neurons.
However, these and other available data do support an alternative hypothesis, that LSD and related drugs act directly at receptor sites on serotonin target neurons (the postsynaptic hypothesis). The fact that LSD elicits "serotonin syndrome" -that is, causes the same kinds of behaviors as does the adminis- tration of serotonin-in animals whose brains are depleted of serotonin indicates that LSD acts directly n serotonin receptors, rather than indirectly through the release of stores of serotonin. The enhanced effect of LSD reported after serotonin depletion could be due to a proliferation of serotonin receptor sites on serotonin target neurons. This phenomenon often follows neuron destruction or neurotransmitter depletion; the increase in the number of receptor sites appears to be a compensatory response to decreased input. Significantly, this hypothesis is supported by data from a number of different laboratories. | 1940.txt | 1 |
[
"work time is equal to rest time",
"many people have a day off on Monday,",
"it is hard for people to decide when to rest",
"the line between work time and rest time is unclear"
] | By saying" Sunday is more like Monday than it used to be," the writer means that _ . | Sunday is more like Monday than it used to be, Places of business that used to keep daytime "business hours" are now open late into the night. And on the Internet, the hour of the day and the day of the week have become irrelevant . A half century ago in the United states, most people experienced strong and precise dividing lines between days of rest and days of work, school time and summer time, Today the boundaries still exist, but they seem not clear.
The law in almost all states used to require stores to close on Sunday; in most, it no longer does , It used to keep the schools open in all seasons except summer, in most, it still does. And whether the work week should strengthen its legal limits, or whether it should become more "flexible" is often debated, How should we , as a society, organize our time? Should we go even further in relaxing the boundaries of time until we live in a world in which every minute is much like every other?
These are not easy questions even to ask. Part of the difficulty is that we rarely recognize the "law of time" even when we meet it face to face. We know as children that we have to attend school a certain number of hours, a certain number of days, a certain number of years-but unless we meet the truant officer , we may well think that we should go to school due to social custom and parents' demand rather than to the law. As adults we are familiar with "extra pay for overtime working."but less familiar with the fact that what constitutes "overtime" is a matter of legal definition. , When we turn the clock forward to start daylight-saving time, have we ever thought to ourselves; "Here is the law in action"? As we shall see, there is a lot of law that has great influence on how organize and use time: compulsory education law, overtime law, and daylight-saving law-as well as law about Sunday closing, holidays, being late to work , time zones, and so on. Once we begin to look for it, we will have no trouble finding a law of time to examine and assess. | 3527.txt | 3 |
[
"fail to make full use of their time",
"enjoy working overtime for extra pay",
"are unaware of the law of time",
"welcome flexible working hours"
] | The author raises the questions in Paragraph 2 to introduce the fact that people _ . | Sunday is more like Monday than it used to be, Places of business that used to keep daytime "business hours" are now open late into the night. And on the Internet, the hour of the day and the day of the week have become irrelevant . A half century ago in the United states, most people experienced strong and precise dividing lines between days of rest and days of work, school time and summer time, Today the boundaries still exist, but they seem not clear.
The law in almost all states used to require stores to close on Sunday; in most, it no longer does , It used to keep the schools open in all seasons except summer, in most, it still does. And whether the work week should strengthen its legal limits, or whether it should become more "flexible" is often debated, How should we , as a society, organize our time? Should we go even further in relaxing the boundaries of time until we live in a world in which every minute is much like every other?
These are not easy questions even to ask. Part of the difficulty is that we rarely recognize the "law of time" even when we meet it face to face. We know as children that we have to attend school a certain number of hours, a certain number of days, a certain number of years-but unless we meet the truant officer , we may well think that we should go to school due to social custom and parents' demand rather than to the law. As adults we are familiar with "extra pay for overtime working."but less familiar with the fact that what constitutes "overtime" is a matter of legal definition. , When we turn the clock forward to start daylight-saving time, have we ever thought to ourselves; "Here is the law in action"? As we shall see, there is a lot of law that has great influence on how organize and use time: compulsory education law, overtime law, and daylight-saving law-as well as law about Sunday closing, holidays, being late to work , time zones, and so on. Once we begin to look for it, we will have no trouble finding a law of time to examine and assess. | 3527.txt | 2 |
[
"need to acquire knowledge",
"have to obey their parents",
"need to find companions",
"have to observe the law"
] | According to the passage, most children tend to believe that they go to school because they _ . | Sunday is more like Monday than it used to be, Places of business that used to keep daytime "business hours" are now open late into the night. And on the Internet, the hour of the day and the day of the week have become irrelevant . A half century ago in the United states, most people experienced strong and precise dividing lines between days of rest and days of work, school time and summer time, Today the boundaries still exist, but they seem not clear.
The law in almost all states used to require stores to close on Sunday; in most, it no longer does , It used to keep the schools open in all seasons except summer, in most, it still does. And whether the work week should strengthen its legal limits, or whether it should become more "flexible" is often debated, How should we , as a society, organize our time? Should we go even further in relaxing the boundaries of time until we live in a world in which every minute is much like every other?
These are not easy questions even to ask. Part of the difficulty is that we rarely recognize the "law of time" even when we meet it face to face. We know as children that we have to attend school a certain number of hours, a certain number of days, a certain number of years-but unless we meet the truant officer , we may well think that we should go to school due to social custom and parents' demand rather than to the law. As adults we are familiar with "extra pay for overtime working."but less familiar with the fact that what constitutes "overtime" is a matter of legal definition. , When we turn the clock forward to start daylight-saving time, have we ever thought to ourselves; "Here is the law in action"? As we shall see, there is a lot of law that has great influence on how organize and use time: compulsory education law, overtime law, and daylight-saving law-as well as law about Sunday closing, holidays, being late to work , time zones, and so on. Once we begin to look for it, we will have no trouble finding a law of time to examine and assess. | 3527.txt | 1 |
[
"Our life is governed by the law of time",
"How to organize time is not worth debating.",
"New ways of using time change our society.",
"Our time schedule is decided by social customs"
] | What is the main idea of the passage? | Sunday is more like Monday than it used to be, Places of business that used to keep daytime "business hours" are now open late into the night. And on the Internet, the hour of the day and the day of the week have become irrelevant . A half century ago in the United states, most people experienced strong and precise dividing lines between days of rest and days of work, school time and summer time, Today the boundaries still exist, but they seem not clear.
The law in almost all states used to require stores to close on Sunday; in most, it no longer does , It used to keep the schools open in all seasons except summer, in most, it still does. And whether the work week should strengthen its legal limits, or whether it should become more "flexible" is often debated, How should we , as a society, organize our time? Should we go even further in relaxing the boundaries of time until we live in a world in which every minute is much like every other?
These are not easy questions even to ask. Part of the difficulty is that we rarely recognize the "law of time" even when we meet it face to face. We know as children that we have to attend school a certain number of hours, a certain number of days, a certain number of years-but unless we meet the truant officer , we may well think that we should go to school due to social custom and parents' demand rather than to the law. As adults we are familiar with "extra pay for overtime working."but less familiar with the fact that what constitutes "overtime" is a matter of legal definition. , When we turn the clock forward to start daylight-saving time, have we ever thought to ourselves; "Here is the law in action"? As we shall see, there is a lot of law that has great influence on how organize and use time: compulsory education law, overtime law, and daylight-saving law-as well as law about Sunday closing, holidays, being late to work , time zones, and so on. Once we begin to look for it, we will have no trouble finding a law of time to examine and assess. | 3527.txt | 0 |
[
"doing business.",
"making whisky.",
"cheating.",
"buying and selling land."
] | Johnson became a rich man through | Not many years ago, a wealthy and rather strange old man named Johnson lived alone in a village in the south of England. He had made a lot of money in trading with foreign countries. When he was seventy-five, he gave £ 12,000 to the village school to buy land and equipment for a children's playground.
As a result of his kindness, many people came to visit him. Among them was a newspaperman. During their talk, Johnson remarked that he was seventy-five and expected to live to be a hundred. The newspaperman asked him how he managed to be healthy at seventy-five. Johnson had a sense of humour . He liked whisky and drank some each day. "I have an injection in my neck each evening."he told the newspaperman, thinking of his evening glass of whisky.
The newspaperman did not understand what Johnson meant. In his newspaper he reported that Johnson was seventy-five and had a daily injection in his neck. Within a week Johnson received thousands of letters from all over Britain, asking him for the secret of his daily injection. | 1701.txt | 0 |
[
"had no children.",
"was a strange man.",
"was very fond of children.",
"wanted people to know how rich he was."
] | The gift of money to the school suggests that Johnson | Not many years ago, a wealthy and rather strange old man named Johnson lived alone in a village in the south of England. He had made a lot of money in trading with foreign countries. When he was seventy-five, he gave £ 12,000 to the village school to buy land and equipment for a children's playground.
As a result of his kindness, many people came to visit him. Among them was a newspaperman. During their talk, Johnson remarked that he was seventy-five and expected to live to be a hundred. The newspaperman asked him how he managed to be healthy at seventy-five. Johnson had a sense of humour . He liked whisky and drank some each day. "I have an injection in my neck each evening."he told the newspaperman, thinking of his evening glass of whisky.
The newspaperman did not understand what Johnson meant. In his newspaper he reported that Johnson was seventy-five and had a daily injection in his neck. Within a week Johnson received thousands of letters from all over Britain, asking him for the secret of his daily injection. | 1701.txt | 2 |
[
"what kind of whisky he had.",
"how to live longer.",
"how to become wealthy.",
"in which part of the neck to have an injection."
] | Many people wrote to Johnson to find out | Not many years ago, a wealthy and rather strange old man named Johnson lived alone in a village in the south of England. He had made a lot of money in trading with foreign countries. When he was seventy-five, he gave £ 12,000 to the village school to buy land and equipment for a children's playground.
As a result of his kindness, many people came to visit him. Among them was a newspaperman. During their talk, Johnson remarked that he was seventy-five and expected to live to be a hundred. The newspaperman asked him how he managed to be healthy at seventy-five. Johnson had a sense of humour . He liked whisky and drank some each day. "I have an injection in my neck each evening."he told the newspaperman, thinking of his evening glass of whisky.
The newspaperman did not understand what Johnson meant. In his newspaper he reported that Johnson was seventy-five and had a daily injection in his neck. Within a week Johnson received thousands of letters from all over Britain, asking him for the secret of his daily injection. | 1701.txt | 3 |
[
"should have reported what Johnson had told him.",
"shouldn't have asked Johnson what injection he had.",
"was eager to live a long life.",
"should have found out what Johnson really meant."
] | The newspaperman | Not many years ago, a wealthy and rather strange old man named Johnson lived alone in a village in the south of England. He had made a lot of money in trading with foreign countries. When he was seventy-five, he gave £ 12,000 to the village school to buy land and equipment for a children's playground.
As a result of his kindness, many people came to visit him. Among them was a newspaperman. During their talk, Johnson remarked that he was seventy-five and expected to live to be a hundred. The newspaperman asked him how he managed to be healthy at seventy-five. Johnson had a sense of humour . He liked whisky and drank some each day. "I have an injection in my neck each evening."he told the newspaperman, thinking of his evening glass of whisky.
The newspaperman did not understand what Johnson meant. In his newspaper he reported that Johnson was seventy-five and had a daily injection in his neck. Within a week Johnson received thousands of letters from all over Britain, asking him for the secret of his daily injection. | 1701.txt | 3 |
[
"he liked drinking a glass of whisky in the evening.",
"he needed an injection in the neck.",
"a daily injection in the evening would make him sleep well.",
"there was something wrong with his neck."
] | When Johnson said he had an injection in his neck each evening, he really meant that | Not many years ago, a wealthy and rather strange old man named Johnson lived alone in a village in the south of England. He had made a lot of money in trading with foreign countries. When he was seventy-five, he gave £ 12,000 to the village school to buy land and equipment for a children's playground.
As a result of his kindness, many people came to visit him. Among them was a newspaperman. During their talk, Johnson remarked that he was seventy-five and expected to live to be a hundred. The newspaperman asked him how he managed to be healthy at seventy-five. Johnson had a sense of humour . He liked whisky and drank some each day. "I have an injection in my neck each evening."he told the newspaperman, thinking of his evening glass of whisky.
The newspaperman did not understand what Johnson meant. In his newspaper he reported that Johnson was seventy-five and had a daily injection in his neck. Within a week Johnson received thousands of letters from all over Britain, asking him for the secret of his daily injection. | 1701.txt | 0 |
[
"The nest-building techniques of plovers",
"How predators search for plovers",
"The strategies used by plovers to deceive predators",
"Why plovers are vulnerable to predators"
] | What does the passage mainly discuss? | The most thoroughly studied cases of deception strategies employed by ground-nesting birds involve plovers, small birds that typically nest on beaches or in open fields, their nests merely scrapes in the sand or earth. Plovers also have an effective repertoire of tricks for distracting potential nest predators from their exposed and defenseless eggs or chicks.
The ever-watchful plover can detect a possible threat at a considerable distance. When she does, the nesting bird moves inconspicuously off the nest to a spot well away from eggs or chicks. At this point she may use one of several ploys. One technique involves first moving quietly toward an approaching animal and then setting off noisily through the grass or brush in a low, crouching run away from the nest, while emitting rodent like squeaks. The effect mimics a scurrying mouse or vole, and the behavior rivets the attention of the type of predators that would also be interested in eggs and chicks.
Another deception begins with quiet movement to an exposed and visible location well away from the nest. Once there, the bird pretends to incubate a brood. When the predator approaches, the parent flees, leaving the false nest to be searched. The direction in which the plover "escapes" is such that if the predator chooses to follow, it will be led still further away from the true nest.
The plover's most famous stratagem is the broken-wing display, actually a continuum of injury-mimicking behaviors spanning the range from slight disability to near-complete helplessness. One or both wings are held in an abnormal position, suggesting injury. The bird appears to be attempting escape along an irregular route that indicates panic. In the most extreme version of the display, the bird flaps one wing in an apparent attempt to take to the air, flops over helplessly, struggles back to its feet, runs away a short distance, seemingly attempts once more to take off, flops over again as the "useless" wing fails to provide any lift, and so on. Few predators fail to pursue such obviously vulnerable prey. Needless to say, each short run between "flight attempts" is directed away from the nest. | 357.txt | 2 |
[
"often",
"only",
"usually",
"at first"
] | The word "merely" in fine 3 is closest in meaning to | The most thoroughly studied cases of deception strategies employed by ground-nesting birds involve plovers, small birds that typically nest on beaches or in open fields, their nests merely scrapes in the sand or earth. Plovers also have an effective repertoire of tricks for distracting potential nest predators from their exposed and defenseless eggs or chicks.
The ever-watchful plover can detect a possible threat at a considerable distance. When she does, the nesting bird moves inconspicuously off the nest to a spot well away from eggs or chicks. At this point she may use one of several ploys. One technique involves first moving quietly toward an approaching animal and then setting off noisily through the grass or brush in a low, crouching run away from the nest, while emitting rodent like squeaks. The effect mimics a scurrying mouse or vole, and the behavior rivets the attention of the type of predators that would also be interested in eggs and chicks.
Another deception begins with quiet movement to an exposed and visible location well away from the nest. Once there, the bird pretends to incubate a brood. When the predator approaches, the parent flees, leaving the false nest to be searched. The direction in which the plover "escapes" is such that if the predator chooses to follow, it will be led still further away from the true nest.
The plover's most famous stratagem is the broken-wing display, actually a continuum of injury-mimicking behaviors spanning the range from slight disability to near-complete helplessness. One or both wings are held in an abnormal position, suggesting injury. The bird appears to be attempting escape along an irregular route that indicates panic. In the most extreme version of the display, the bird flaps one wing in an apparent attempt to take to the air, flops over helplessly, struggles back to its feet, runs away a short distance, seemingly attempts once more to take off, flops over again as the "useless" wing fails to provide any lift, and so on. Few predators fail to pursue such obviously vulnerable prey. Needless to say, each short run between "flight attempts" is directed away from the nest. | 357.txt | 1 |
[
"Their eggs and chicks are difficult to find.",
"They are generally defenseless when away from their nests.",
"They are slow to react in dangerous situations.",
"Their nests are on the surface of the ground."
] | Which of the following is mentioned in the passage about plovers? | The most thoroughly studied cases of deception strategies employed by ground-nesting birds involve plovers, small birds that typically nest on beaches or in open fields, their nests merely scrapes in the sand or earth. Plovers also have an effective repertoire of tricks for distracting potential nest predators from their exposed and defenseless eggs or chicks.
The ever-watchful plover can detect a possible threat at a considerable distance. When she does, the nesting bird moves inconspicuously off the nest to a spot well away from eggs or chicks. At this point she may use one of several ploys. One technique involves first moving quietly toward an approaching animal and then setting off noisily through the grass or brush in a low, crouching run away from the nest, while emitting rodent like squeaks. The effect mimics a scurrying mouse or vole, and the behavior rivets the attention of the type of predators that would also be interested in eggs and chicks.
Another deception begins with quiet movement to an exposed and visible location well away from the nest. Once there, the bird pretends to incubate a brood. When the predator approaches, the parent flees, leaving the false nest to be searched. The direction in which the plover "escapes" is such that if the predator chooses to follow, it will be led still further away from the true nest.
The plover's most famous stratagem is the broken-wing display, actually a continuum of injury-mimicking behaviors spanning the range from slight disability to near-complete helplessness. One or both wings are held in an abnormal position, suggesting injury. The bird appears to be attempting escape along an irregular route that indicates panic. In the most extreme version of the display, the bird flaps one wing in an apparent attempt to take to the air, flops over helplessly, struggles back to its feet, runs away a short distance, seemingly attempts once more to take off, flops over again as the "useless" wing fails to provide any lift, and so on. Few predators fail to pursue such obviously vulnerable prey. Needless to say, each short run between "flight attempts" is directed away from the nest. | 357.txt | 3 |
[
"bringing",
"attracting",
"producing",
"minimizing"
] | The word "emitting" in line 10 is closest in meaning to | The most thoroughly studied cases of deception strategies employed by ground-nesting birds involve plovers, small birds that typically nest on beaches or in open fields, their nests merely scrapes in the sand or earth. Plovers also have an effective repertoire of tricks for distracting potential nest predators from their exposed and defenseless eggs or chicks.
The ever-watchful plover can detect a possible threat at a considerable distance. When she does, the nesting bird moves inconspicuously off the nest to a spot well away from eggs or chicks. At this point she may use one of several ploys. One technique involves first moving quietly toward an approaching animal and then setting off noisily through the grass or brush in a low, crouching run away from the nest, while emitting rodent like squeaks. The effect mimics a scurrying mouse or vole, and the behavior rivets the attention of the type of predators that would also be interested in eggs and chicks.
Another deception begins with quiet movement to an exposed and visible location well away from the nest. Once there, the bird pretends to incubate a brood. When the predator approaches, the parent flees, leaving the false nest to be searched. The direction in which the plover "escapes" is such that if the predator chooses to follow, it will be led still further away from the true nest.
The plover's most famous stratagem is the broken-wing display, actually a continuum of injury-mimicking behaviors spanning the range from slight disability to near-complete helplessness. One or both wings are held in an abnormal position, suggesting injury. The bird appears to be attempting escape along an irregular route that indicates panic. In the most extreme version of the display, the bird flaps one wing in an apparent attempt to take to the air, flops over helplessly, struggles back to its feet, runs away a short distance, seemingly attempts once more to take off, flops over again as the "useless" wing fails to provide any lift, and so on. Few predators fail to pursue such obviously vulnerable prey. Needless to say, each short run between "flight attempts" is directed away from the nest. | 357.txt | 2 |
[
"stay close to her nest",
"attract the predator's attention",
"warn other plovers of danger",
"frighten the approaching predator"
] | In the deception technique described in paragraph 2, the plover tries to | The most thoroughly studied cases of deception strategies employed by ground-nesting birds involve plovers, small birds that typically nest on beaches or in open fields, their nests merely scrapes in the sand or earth. Plovers also have an effective repertoire of tricks for distracting potential nest predators from their exposed and defenseless eggs or chicks.
The ever-watchful plover can detect a possible threat at a considerable distance. When she does, the nesting bird moves inconspicuously off the nest to a spot well away from eggs or chicks. At this point she may use one of several ploys. One technique involves first moving quietly toward an approaching animal and then setting off noisily through the grass or brush in a low, crouching run away from the nest, while emitting rodent like squeaks. The effect mimics a scurrying mouse or vole, and the behavior rivets the attention of the type of predators that would also be interested in eggs and chicks.
Another deception begins with quiet movement to an exposed and visible location well away from the nest. Once there, the bird pretends to incubate a brood. When the predator approaches, the parent flees, leaving the false nest to be searched. The direction in which the plover "escapes" is such that if the predator chooses to follow, it will be led still further away from the true nest.
The plover's most famous stratagem is the broken-wing display, actually a continuum of injury-mimicking behaviors spanning the range from slight disability to near-complete helplessness. One or both wings are held in an abnormal position, suggesting injury. The bird appears to be attempting escape along an irregular route that indicates panic. In the most extreme version of the display, the bird flaps one wing in an apparent attempt to take to the air, flops over helplessly, struggles back to its feet, runs away a short distance, seemingly attempts once more to take off, flops over again as the "useless" wing fails to provide any lift, and so on. Few predators fail to pursue such obviously vulnerable prey. Needless to say, each short run between "flight attempts" is directed away from the nest. | 357.txt | 1 |
[
"covering",
"selecting",
"developing",
"explaining"
] | The word "spanning" in line 19 is closest in meaning to | The most thoroughly studied cases of deception strategies employed by ground-nesting birds involve plovers, small birds that typically nest on beaches or in open fields, their nests merely scrapes in the sand or earth. Plovers also have an effective repertoire of tricks for distracting potential nest predators from their exposed and defenseless eggs or chicks.
The ever-watchful plover can detect a possible threat at a considerable distance. When she does, the nesting bird moves inconspicuously off the nest to a spot well away from eggs or chicks. At this point she may use one of several ploys. One technique involves first moving quietly toward an approaching animal and then setting off noisily through the grass or brush in a low, crouching run away from the nest, while emitting rodent like squeaks. The effect mimics a scurrying mouse or vole, and the behavior rivets the attention of the type of predators that would also be interested in eggs and chicks.
Another deception begins with quiet movement to an exposed and visible location well away from the nest. Once there, the bird pretends to incubate a brood. When the predator approaches, the parent flees, leaving the false nest to be searched. The direction in which the plover "escapes" is such that if the predator chooses to follow, it will be led still further away from the true nest.
The plover's most famous stratagem is the broken-wing display, actually a continuum of injury-mimicking behaviors spanning the range from slight disability to near-complete helplessness. One or both wings are held in an abnormal position, suggesting injury. The bird appears to be attempting escape along an irregular route that indicates panic. In the most extreme version of the display, the bird flaps one wing in an apparent attempt to take to the air, flops over helplessly, struggles back to its feet, runs away a short distance, seemingly attempts once more to take off, flops over again as the "useless" wing fails to provide any lift, and so on. Few predators fail to pursue such obviously vulnerable prey. Needless to say, each short run between "flight attempts" is directed away from the nest. | 357.txt | 0 |
[
"Abnormal body position",
"Irregular escape route",
"Unnatural wing movement",
"Unusual amount of time away from the nest"
] | According to paragraph 4, which of the following aspects of the plover's behavior gives the appearance that it is frightened? | The most thoroughly studied cases of deception strategies employed by ground-nesting birds involve plovers, small birds that typically nest on beaches or in open fields, their nests merely scrapes in the sand or earth. Plovers also have an effective repertoire of tricks for distracting potential nest predators from their exposed and defenseless eggs or chicks.
The ever-watchful plover can detect a possible threat at a considerable distance. When she does, the nesting bird moves inconspicuously off the nest to a spot well away from eggs or chicks. At this point she may use one of several ploys. One technique involves first moving quietly toward an approaching animal and then setting off noisily through the grass or brush in a low, crouching run away from the nest, while emitting rodent like squeaks. The effect mimics a scurrying mouse or vole, and the behavior rivets the attention of the type of predators that would also be interested in eggs and chicks.
Another deception begins with quiet movement to an exposed and visible location well away from the nest. Once there, the bird pretends to incubate a brood. When the predator approaches, the parent flees, leaving the false nest to be searched. The direction in which the plover "escapes" is such that if the predator chooses to follow, it will be led still further away from the true nest.
The plover's most famous stratagem is the broken-wing display, actually a continuum of injury-mimicking behaviors spanning the range from slight disability to near-complete helplessness. One or both wings are held in an abnormal position, suggesting injury. The bird appears to be attempting escape along an irregular route that indicates panic. In the most extreme version of the display, the bird flaps one wing in an apparent attempt to take to the air, flops over helplessly, struggles back to its feet, runs away a short distance, seemingly attempts once more to take off, flops over again as the "useless" wing fails to provide any lift, and so on. Few predators fail to pursue such obviously vulnerable prey. Needless to say, each short run between "flight attempts" is directed away from the nest. | 357.txt | 1 |
[
"catch",
"notice",
"defend",
"chase"
] | The word "pursue" in line 25 is closest in meaning to | The most thoroughly studied cases of deception strategies employed by ground-nesting birds involve plovers, small birds that typically nest on beaches or in open fields, their nests merely scrapes in the sand or earth. Plovers also have an effective repertoire of tricks for distracting potential nest predators from their exposed and defenseless eggs or chicks.
The ever-watchful plover can detect a possible threat at a considerable distance. When she does, the nesting bird moves inconspicuously off the nest to a spot well away from eggs or chicks. At this point she may use one of several ploys. One technique involves first moving quietly toward an approaching animal and then setting off noisily through the grass or brush in a low, crouching run away from the nest, while emitting rodent like squeaks. The effect mimics a scurrying mouse or vole, and the behavior rivets the attention of the type of predators that would also be interested in eggs and chicks.
Another deception begins with quiet movement to an exposed and visible location well away from the nest. Once there, the bird pretends to incubate a brood. When the predator approaches, the parent flees, leaving the false nest to be searched. The direction in which the plover "escapes" is such that if the predator chooses to follow, it will be led still further away from the true nest.
The plover's most famous stratagem is the broken-wing display, actually a continuum of injury-mimicking behaviors spanning the range from slight disability to near-complete helplessness. One or both wings are held in an abnormal position, suggesting injury. The bird appears to be attempting escape along an irregular route that indicates panic. In the most extreme version of the display, the bird flaps one wing in an apparent attempt to take to the air, flops over helplessly, struggles back to its feet, runs away a short distance, seemingly attempts once more to take off, flops over again as the "useless" wing fails to provide any lift, and so on. Few predators fail to pursue such obviously vulnerable prey. Needless to say, each short run between "flight attempts" is directed away from the nest. | 357.txt | 3 |
[
"appearing to be injured",
"sounding like another animal",
"pretending to search for prey",
"pretending to sit on her eggs"
] | According to the passage , a female plover utilizes all of the following deception techniques EXCEPT | The most thoroughly studied cases of deception strategies employed by ground-nesting birds involve plovers, small birds that typically nest on beaches or in open fields, their nests merely scrapes in the sand or earth. Plovers also have an effective repertoire of tricks for distracting potential nest predators from their exposed and defenseless eggs or chicks.
The ever-watchful plover can detect a possible threat at a considerable distance. When she does, the nesting bird moves inconspicuously off the nest to a spot well away from eggs or chicks. At this point she may use one of several ploys. One technique involves first moving quietly toward an approaching animal and then setting off noisily through the grass or brush in a low, crouching run away from the nest, while emitting rodent like squeaks. The effect mimics a scurrying mouse or vole, and the behavior rivets the attention of the type of predators that would also be interested in eggs and chicks.
Another deception begins with quiet movement to an exposed and visible location well away from the nest. Once there, the bird pretends to incubate a brood. When the predator approaches, the parent flees, leaving the false nest to be searched. The direction in which the plover "escapes" is such that if the predator chooses to follow, it will be led still further away from the true nest.
The plover's most famous stratagem is the broken-wing display, actually a continuum of injury-mimicking behaviors spanning the range from slight disability to near-complete helplessness. One or both wings are held in an abnormal position, suggesting injury. The bird appears to be attempting escape along an irregular route that indicates panic. In the most extreme version of the display, the bird flaps one wing in an apparent attempt to take to the air, flops over helplessly, struggles back to its feet, runs away a short distance, seemingly attempts once more to take off, flops over again as the "useless" wing fails to provide any lift, and so on. Few predators fail to pursue such obviously vulnerable prey. Needless to say, each short run between "flight attempts" is directed away from the nest. | 357.txt | 2 |
[
"A description of the sequence of steps involved in plovers nest building",
"A generalization about plover behavior followed by specific examples",
"A comparison and contrast of the nesting behavior of plovers and other ground nesting birds",
"A cause-and-effect analysis of the relationship between a prey and a predator"
] | Which of the following best describes the organization of the passage ? | The most thoroughly studied cases of deception strategies employed by ground-nesting birds involve plovers, small birds that typically nest on beaches or in open fields, their nests merely scrapes in the sand or earth. Plovers also have an effective repertoire of tricks for distracting potential nest predators from their exposed and defenseless eggs or chicks.
The ever-watchful plover can detect a possible threat at a considerable distance. When she does, the nesting bird moves inconspicuously off the nest to a spot well away from eggs or chicks. At this point she may use one of several ploys. One technique involves first moving quietly toward an approaching animal and then setting off noisily through the grass or brush in a low, crouching run away from the nest, while emitting rodent like squeaks. The effect mimics a scurrying mouse or vole, and the behavior rivets the attention of the type of predators that would also be interested in eggs and chicks.
Another deception begins with quiet movement to an exposed and visible location well away from the nest. Once there, the bird pretends to incubate a brood. When the predator approaches, the parent flees, leaving the false nest to be searched. The direction in which the plover "escapes" is such that if the predator chooses to follow, it will be led still further away from the true nest.
The plover's most famous stratagem is the broken-wing display, actually a continuum of injury-mimicking behaviors spanning the range from slight disability to near-complete helplessness. One or both wings are held in an abnormal position, suggesting injury. The bird appears to be attempting escape along an irregular route that indicates panic. In the most extreme version of the display, the bird flaps one wing in an apparent attempt to take to the air, flops over helplessly, struggles back to its feet, runs away a short distance, seemingly attempts once more to take off, flops over again as the "useless" wing fails to provide any lift, and so on. Few predators fail to pursue such obviously vulnerable prey. Needless to say, each short run between "flight attempts" is directed away from the nest. | 357.txt | 1 |
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