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[
"By asking people to answer questions orally.",
"By asking people to fill in various question forms.",
"By making people use instruments of everyday communication.",
"By watching people using information technology."
] | How do scientists know many people are uneasy about information technology? | Telecommunications is just one of the means by which people communicate and, as such, we need to look at telecommunications and any other communications technologies within the wider context of human communication activity. Early findings show that many people are uneasy and even fearful of information technology by avoiding it or by using it in minimal ways.
To obtain this type of data we have spent time with individuals, watching how they communicate where they get confused, what they don't understand and the many mistakes they make. You can do this type of research yourself in an informal way. Just watch someone at the desk next to you trying to use a phone or trying to fill in a form. What you will quickly notice about people on the phone is that they use very few of the buttons available on the keypad, and they get quite anxious if they have to use any buttons outside their normal ones. Most will not use the instruction book, and those that do will not necessarily have a rewarding experience. Watch someone fill out a form--a good meaty one such as an application form or a tax form--and you will see a similar pattern of distressed behavior.
The simple fact we can all observe from how people use these ordinary instruments of everyday communication is how messy, uncertain and confusing the experience can be. Now multiply these individual close encounters of the communicative kind to take account of the full range you may experience in a single day, from getting up in the morning until you go to bed at night and the world takes on a slightly different appearance.
Even watching television which for many provides an antidote to the daily confusion is itself fraught with a kind of low level confusion. For example, if you ring people up five minutes after the evening news has finished and ask them what the news was about, many cannot remember, and those who do remember get some of it wrong.
One of the reasons why this obvious confusion gone unnoticed is because "communication" is a word we associate with success, and therefore we expect the process to work effectively most of the time. To suggest otherwise is to challenge one of our society's most deeply held beliefs. | 940.txt | 3 |
[
"Those who read it benefit a great deal.",
"Generally, it is poorly written.",
"Generally, it is too long to read.",
"Most people do not refer themselves to it."
] | Which of the following about reading the instruction book is TRUE? | Telecommunications is just one of the means by which people communicate and, as such, we need to look at telecommunications and any other communications technologies within the wider context of human communication activity. Early findings show that many people are uneasy and even fearful of information technology by avoiding it or by using it in minimal ways.
To obtain this type of data we have spent time with individuals, watching how they communicate where they get confused, what they don't understand and the many mistakes they make. You can do this type of research yourself in an informal way. Just watch someone at the desk next to you trying to use a phone or trying to fill in a form. What you will quickly notice about people on the phone is that they use very few of the buttons available on the keypad, and they get quite anxious if they have to use any buttons outside their normal ones. Most will not use the instruction book, and those that do will not necessarily have a rewarding experience. Watch someone fill out a form--a good meaty one such as an application form or a tax form--and you will see a similar pattern of distressed behavior.
The simple fact we can all observe from how people use these ordinary instruments of everyday communication is how messy, uncertain and confusing the experience can be. Now multiply these individual close encounters of the communicative kind to take account of the full range you may experience in a single day, from getting up in the morning until you go to bed at night and the world takes on a slightly different appearance.
Even watching television which for many provides an antidote to the daily confusion is itself fraught with a kind of low level confusion. For example, if you ring people up five minutes after the evening news has finished and ask them what the news was about, many cannot remember, and those who do remember get some of it wrong.
One of the reasons why this obvious confusion gone unnoticed is because "communication" is a word we associate with success, and therefore we expect the process to work effectively most of the time. To suggest otherwise is to challenge one of our society's most deeply held beliefs. | 940.txt | 3 |
[
"illustrating that watching TV itself is a source of low-level confusion",
"recommending that watching TV is an antidote to removing confusion",
"indicating that TV viewers cannot remember all its programs",
"supporting the view that all people poor and rich, enjoy watching TV"
] | The writer includes the example of watching TV in Paragraph 4 for the purpose of _ . | Telecommunications is just one of the means by which people communicate and, as such, we need to look at telecommunications and any other communications technologies within the wider context of human communication activity. Early findings show that many people are uneasy and even fearful of information technology by avoiding it or by using it in minimal ways.
To obtain this type of data we have spent time with individuals, watching how they communicate where they get confused, what they don't understand and the many mistakes they make. You can do this type of research yourself in an informal way. Just watch someone at the desk next to you trying to use a phone or trying to fill in a form. What you will quickly notice about people on the phone is that they use very few of the buttons available on the keypad, and they get quite anxious if they have to use any buttons outside their normal ones. Most will not use the instruction book, and those that do will not necessarily have a rewarding experience. Watch someone fill out a form--a good meaty one such as an application form or a tax form--and you will see a similar pattern of distressed behavior.
The simple fact we can all observe from how people use these ordinary instruments of everyday communication is how messy, uncertain and confusing the experience can be. Now multiply these individual close encounters of the communicative kind to take account of the full range you may experience in a single day, from getting up in the morning until you go to bed at night and the world takes on a slightly different appearance.
Even watching television which for many provides an antidote to the daily confusion is itself fraught with a kind of low level confusion. For example, if you ring people up five minutes after the evening news has finished and ask them what the news was about, many cannot remember, and those who do remember get some of it wrong.
One of the reasons why this obvious confusion gone unnoticed is because "communication" is a word we associate with success, and therefore we expect the process to work effectively most of the time. To suggest otherwise is to challenge one of our society's most deeply held beliefs. | 940.txt | 0 |
[
"The kinds of confusion gone unnoticed.",
"What makes some confusion go unnoticed.",
"The contents of confusion gone unnoticed.",
"The people with some confusion gone unnoticed."
] | What does the last paragraph want to indicate? | Telecommunications is just one of the means by which people communicate and, as such, we need to look at telecommunications and any other communications technologies within the wider context of human communication activity. Early findings show that many people are uneasy and even fearful of information technology by avoiding it or by using it in minimal ways.
To obtain this type of data we have spent time with individuals, watching how they communicate where they get confused, what they don't understand and the many mistakes they make. You can do this type of research yourself in an informal way. Just watch someone at the desk next to you trying to use a phone or trying to fill in a form. What you will quickly notice about people on the phone is that they use very few of the buttons available on the keypad, and they get quite anxious if they have to use any buttons outside their normal ones. Most will not use the instruction book, and those that do will not necessarily have a rewarding experience. Watch someone fill out a form--a good meaty one such as an application form or a tax form--and you will see a similar pattern of distressed behavior.
The simple fact we can all observe from how people use these ordinary instruments of everyday communication is how messy, uncertain and confusing the experience can be. Now multiply these individual close encounters of the communicative kind to take account of the full range you may experience in a single day, from getting up in the morning until you go to bed at night and the world takes on a slightly different appearance.
Even watching television which for many provides an antidote to the daily confusion is itself fraught with a kind of low level confusion. For example, if you ring people up five minutes after the evening news has finished and ask them what the news was about, many cannot remember, and those who do remember get some of it wrong.
One of the reasons why this obvious confusion gone unnoticed is because "communication" is a word we associate with success, and therefore we expect the process to work effectively most of the time. To suggest otherwise is to challenge one of our society's most deeply held beliefs. | 940.txt | 1 |
[
"It takes time to get familiar with new technology.",
"New technology is developing rapidly.",
"Not everybody likes new technology.",
"People take a positive attitude toward new technology."
] | What conclusion about new technology can you obtain from this passage? | Telecommunications is just one of the means by which people communicate and, as such, we need to look at telecommunications and any other communications technologies within the wider context of human communication activity. Early findings show that many people are uneasy and even fearful of information technology by avoiding it or by using it in minimal ways.
To obtain this type of data we have spent time with individuals, watching how they communicate where they get confused, what they don't understand and the many mistakes they make. You can do this type of research yourself in an informal way. Just watch someone at the desk next to you trying to use a phone or trying to fill in a form. What you will quickly notice about people on the phone is that they use very few of the buttons available on the keypad, and they get quite anxious if they have to use any buttons outside their normal ones. Most will not use the instruction book, and those that do will not necessarily have a rewarding experience. Watch someone fill out a form--a good meaty one such as an application form or a tax form--and you will see a similar pattern of distressed behavior.
The simple fact we can all observe from how people use these ordinary instruments of everyday communication is how messy, uncertain and confusing the experience can be. Now multiply these individual close encounters of the communicative kind to take account of the full range you may experience in a single day, from getting up in the morning until you go to bed at night and the world takes on a slightly different appearance.
Even watching television which for many provides an antidote to the daily confusion is itself fraught with a kind of low level confusion. For example, if you ring people up five minutes after the evening news has finished and ask them what the news was about, many cannot remember, and those who do remember get some of it wrong.
One of the reasons why this obvious confusion gone unnoticed is because "communication" is a word we associate with success, and therefore we expect the process to work effectively most of the time. To suggest otherwise is to challenge one of our society's most deeply held beliefs. | 940.txt | 3 |
[
"The establishment of literary salons was a response to reformers' demands for social rights for women.",
"Literary salons were originally intended to be a meeting ground for intellectuals of both sexes, but eventually became social gatherings with little educational value.",
"In England, as in France, the general prejudice against higher education for women limited women's function in literary salons to a primarily social one.",
"For women, who did not have access to higher education as men did, literary salons provided an alternate route to learning and a challenge to some of society's basic assumptions about women."
] | Which of the following best states the central idea of the passage? | In eighteenth-century France and England, reformers rallied around egalitarian ideals, but few reformers advocated higher education for women. Although the public decried women's lack of education, it did not encourage learning for its own sake for women. In spite of the general prejudice against learned women, there was one place where women could exhibit their erudition: the literary salon. Many writers have defined the woman's role in the salon as that of an intelligent hostess, but the salon had more than a social function for women. It was an informal university, too, where women exchanged ideas with educated persons, read their own works and heard those of others, and received and gave criticism.
In the 1750's, when salons were firmly established in France, some English women, who called themselves "Blue- stocking," followed the example of the salonnieres (French salon hostesses) and formed their own salons. Most Bluestockings did not wish to mirror the salonnieres; they simply desired to adapt a proven formula to their own purpose-the elevation of women's status through moral and intellectual training.Differences in social orientation and background can account perhaps for differences in the nature of French and English salons. The French salon incorporated aristocratic attitudes that exalted courtly pleasure and emphasized artistic accomplishments. The English Bluestockings, originating from a more modest background,emphasized learning and work over pleasure. Accustomed to the regimented life of court circles, salonnieres tended toward formality in their salons. The English women, though somewhat puritanical, were more casual in their approach.
At first, the Bluestockings did imitate the saonnieres by including men in their circles. However, as they gained cohesion, the Bluestockings came to regard themselves as a women's group and to possess a sense of female solidarity lacking in the salonnieres, who remained isolated from one another by the primacy each held in her own salon. In an atmosphere of mutual support, the Bluestockings went beyond the salon experience. They traveled, studied, worked, wrote for publication, and by their activities challenged the stereotype of the passive woman. Although the salonnieres were aware of sexual inequality, the narrow boundaries of their world kept their intellectual pursuits within conventional limits. Many salonnieres, in fact, camouflaged their nontraditional activities behind the role of hostess and deferred to men in public.
Though the Bluestockings were trailblazers when compared with the salonnieres, they were not feminists. They were too traditional, too hemmed in by their generation to demand social and political rights. Nonetheless, in their desire for education, their willingness to go beyond the confines of the salon in pursuing their interests, and their championing of unity among women, the Bluestockings began the process of questioning women's role in society. | 2034.txt | 3 |
[
"The value of acquiring knowledge",
"The role of pleasure in the activities of the literary salon",
"The desirability of a complete break with societal traditions",
"The inclusion of women of different backgrounds in the salons"
] | According to the passage, a significant distinction between the salonnieres and Bluestockings was in the way each group regarded which of the following? | In eighteenth-century France and England, reformers rallied around egalitarian ideals, but few reformers advocated higher education for women. Although the public decried women's lack of education, it did not encourage learning for its own sake for women. In spite of the general prejudice against learned women, there was one place where women could exhibit their erudition: the literary salon. Many writers have defined the woman's role in the salon as that of an intelligent hostess, but the salon had more than a social function for women. It was an informal university, too, where women exchanged ideas with educated persons, read their own works and heard those of others, and received and gave criticism.
In the 1750's, when salons were firmly established in France, some English women, who called themselves "Blue- stocking," followed the example of the salonnieres (French salon hostesses) and formed their own salons. Most Bluestockings did not wish to mirror the salonnieres; they simply desired to adapt a proven formula to their own purpose-the elevation of women's status through moral and intellectual training.Differences in social orientation and background can account perhaps for differences in the nature of French and English salons. The French salon incorporated aristocratic attitudes that exalted courtly pleasure and emphasized artistic accomplishments. The English Bluestockings, originating from a more modest background,emphasized learning and work over pleasure. Accustomed to the regimented life of court circles, salonnieres tended toward formality in their salons. The English women, though somewhat puritanical, were more casual in their approach.
At first, the Bluestockings did imitate the saonnieres by including men in their circles. However, as they gained cohesion, the Bluestockings came to regard themselves as a women's group and to possess a sense of female solidarity lacking in the salonnieres, who remained isolated from one another by the primacy each held in her own salon. In an atmosphere of mutual support, the Bluestockings went beyond the salon experience. They traveled, studied, worked, wrote for publication, and by their activities challenged the stereotype of the passive woman. Although the salonnieres were aware of sexual inequality, the narrow boundaries of their world kept their intellectual pursuits within conventional limits. Many salonnieres, in fact, camouflaged their nontraditional activities behind the role of hostess and deferred to men in public.
Though the Bluestockings were trailblazers when compared with the salonnieres, they were not feminists. They were too traditional, too hemmed in by their generation to demand social and political rights. Nonetheless, in their desire for education, their willingness to go beyond the confines of the salon in pursuing their interests, and their championing of unity among women, the Bluestockings began the process of questioning women's role in society. | 2034.txt | 0 |
[
"Criticize the view that their choices of activities were significantly influenced by male salon members",
"Discuss the reasons why literary salons in France were established before those in England",
"Question the importance of the Bluestockings in shaping public attitudes toward educated women",
"Explain the differences in atmosphere and style in their salons"
] | The author refers to differences in social background between salonnieres and Bluestockings in order to do which of the following? | In eighteenth-century France and England, reformers rallied around egalitarian ideals, but few reformers advocated higher education for women. Although the public decried women's lack of education, it did not encourage learning for its own sake for women. In spite of the general prejudice against learned women, there was one place where women could exhibit their erudition: the literary salon. Many writers have defined the woman's role in the salon as that of an intelligent hostess, but the salon had more than a social function for women. It was an informal university, too, where women exchanged ideas with educated persons, read their own works and heard those of others, and received and gave criticism.
In the 1750's, when salons were firmly established in France, some English women, who called themselves "Blue- stocking," followed the example of the salonnieres (French salon hostesses) and formed their own salons. Most Bluestockings did not wish to mirror the salonnieres; they simply desired to adapt a proven formula to their own purpose-the elevation of women's status through moral and intellectual training.Differences in social orientation and background can account perhaps for differences in the nature of French and English salons. The French salon incorporated aristocratic attitudes that exalted courtly pleasure and emphasized artistic accomplishments. The English Bluestockings, originating from a more modest background,emphasized learning and work over pleasure. Accustomed to the regimented life of court circles, salonnieres tended toward formality in their salons. The English women, though somewhat puritanical, were more casual in their approach.
At first, the Bluestockings did imitate the saonnieres by including men in their circles. However, as they gained cohesion, the Bluestockings came to regard themselves as a women's group and to possess a sense of female solidarity lacking in the salonnieres, who remained isolated from one another by the primacy each held in her own salon. In an atmosphere of mutual support, the Bluestockings went beyond the salon experience. They traveled, studied, worked, wrote for publication, and by their activities challenged the stereotype of the passive woman. Although the salonnieres were aware of sexual inequality, the narrow boundaries of their world kept their intellectual pursuits within conventional limits. Many salonnieres, in fact, camouflaged their nontraditional activities behind the role of hostess and deferred to men in public.
Though the Bluestockings were trailblazers when compared with the salonnieres, they were not feminists. They were too traditional, too hemmed in by their generation to demand social and political rights. Nonetheless, in their desire for education, their willingness to go beyond the confines of the salon in pursuing their interests, and their championing of unity among women, the Bluestockings began the process of questioning women's role in society. | 2034.txt | 3 |
[
"Women should aspire to be not only educated but independent as well.",
"The duty of the educated woman is to provide an active political model for less educated women.",
"Devotion to pleasure and art is justified in itself.",
"Substance, rather than form, is the most important consideration in holding a literary salon."
] | Which of the following statements is most compatible with the principles of the salonnieres as described in the passage? | In eighteenth-century France and England, reformers rallied around egalitarian ideals, but few reformers advocated higher education for women. Although the public decried women's lack of education, it did not encourage learning for its own sake for women. In spite of the general prejudice against learned women, there was one place where women could exhibit their erudition: the literary salon. Many writers have defined the woman's role in the salon as that of an intelligent hostess, but the salon had more than a social function for women. It was an informal university, too, where women exchanged ideas with educated persons, read their own works and heard those of others, and received and gave criticism.
In the 1750's, when salons were firmly established in France, some English women, who called themselves "Blue- stocking," followed the example of the salonnieres (French salon hostesses) and formed their own salons. Most Bluestockings did not wish to mirror the salonnieres; they simply desired to adapt a proven formula to their own purpose-the elevation of women's status through moral and intellectual training.Differences in social orientation and background can account perhaps for differences in the nature of French and English salons. The French salon incorporated aristocratic attitudes that exalted courtly pleasure and emphasized artistic accomplishments. The English Bluestockings, originating from a more modest background,emphasized learning and work over pleasure. Accustomed to the regimented life of court circles, salonnieres tended toward formality in their salons. The English women, though somewhat puritanical, were more casual in their approach.
At first, the Bluestockings did imitate the saonnieres by including men in their circles. However, as they gained cohesion, the Bluestockings came to regard themselves as a women's group and to possess a sense of female solidarity lacking in the salonnieres, who remained isolated from one another by the primacy each held in her own salon. In an atmosphere of mutual support, the Bluestockings went beyond the salon experience. They traveled, studied, worked, wrote for publication, and by their activities challenged the stereotype of the passive woman. Although the salonnieres were aware of sexual inequality, the narrow boundaries of their world kept their intellectual pursuits within conventional limits. Many salonnieres, in fact, camouflaged their nontraditional activities behind the role of hostess and deferred to men in public.
Though the Bluestockings were trailblazers when compared with the salonnieres, they were not feminists. They were too traditional, too hemmed in by their generation to demand social and political rights. Nonetheless, in their desire for education, their willingness to go beyond the confines of the salon in pursuing their interests, and their championing of unity among women, the Bluestockings began the process of questioning women's role in society. | 2034.txt | 2 |
[
"Competitiveness among their salons",
"Their emphasis on individualism",
"Their unwillingness to defy aggressively the conventions of their age",
"Their acceptance of the French salon as a model for their own salons"
] | The passage suggests that the Bluestockings might have had a more significant impact on society if it had not been for which of the following? | In eighteenth-century France and England, reformers rallied around egalitarian ideals, but few reformers advocated higher education for women. Although the public decried women's lack of education, it did not encourage learning for its own sake for women. In spite of the general prejudice against learned women, there was one place where women could exhibit their erudition: the literary salon. Many writers have defined the woman's role in the salon as that of an intelligent hostess, but the salon had more than a social function for women. It was an informal university, too, where women exchanged ideas with educated persons, read their own works and heard those of others, and received and gave criticism.
In the 1750's, when salons were firmly established in France, some English women, who called themselves "Blue- stocking," followed the example of the salonnieres (French salon hostesses) and formed their own salons. Most Bluestockings did not wish to mirror the salonnieres; they simply desired to adapt a proven formula to their own purpose-the elevation of women's status through moral and intellectual training.Differences in social orientation and background can account perhaps for differences in the nature of French and English salons. The French salon incorporated aristocratic attitudes that exalted courtly pleasure and emphasized artistic accomplishments. The English Bluestockings, originating from a more modest background,emphasized learning and work over pleasure. Accustomed to the regimented life of court circles, salonnieres tended toward formality in their salons. The English women, though somewhat puritanical, were more casual in their approach.
At first, the Bluestockings did imitate the saonnieres by including men in their circles. However, as they gained cohesion, the Bluestockings came to regard themselves as a women's group and to possess a sense of female solidarity lacking in the salonnieres, who remained isolated from one another by the primacy each held in her own salon. In an atmosphere of mutual support, the Bluestockings went beyond the salon experience. They traveled, studied, worked, wrote for publication, and by their activities challenged the stereotype of the passive woman. Although the salonnieres were aware of sexual inequality, the narrow boundaries of their world kept their intellectual pursuits within conventional limits. Many salonnieres, in fact, camouflaged their nontraditional activities behind the role of hostess and deferred to men in public.
Though the Bluestockings were trailblazers when compared with the salonnieres, they were not feminists. They were too traditional, too hemmed in by their generation to demand social and political rights. Nonetheless, in their desire for education, their willingness to go beyond the confines of the salon in pursuing their interests, and their championing of unity among women, the Bluestockings began the process of questioning women's role in society. | 2034.txt | 2 |
[
"A social sorority",
"A community center",
"A lecture course on art",
"A humanities study group"
] | Which of the following could best be considered a twentieth-century counterpart of an eighteenth century literary salon as it is described in the passage? | In eighteenth-century France and England, reformers rallied around egalitarian ideals, but few reformers advocated higher education for women. Although the public decried women's lack of education, it did not encourage learning for its own sake for women. In spite of the general prejudice against learned women, there was one place where women could exhibit their erudition: the literary salon. Many writers have defined the woman's role in the salon as that of an intelligent hostess, but the salon had more than a social function for women. It was an informal university, too, where women exchanged ideas with educated persons, read their own works and heard those of others, and received and gave criticism.
In the 1750's, when salons were firmly established in France, some English women, who called themselves "Blue- stocking," followed the example of the salonnieres (French salon hostesses) and formed their own salons. Most Bluestockings did not wish to mirror the salonnieres; they simply desired to adapt a proven formula to their own purpose-the elevation of women's status through moral and intellectual training.Differences in social orientation and background can account perhaps for differences in the nature of French and English salons. The French salon incorporated aristocratic attitudes that exalted courtly pleasure and emphasized artistic accomplishments. The English Bluestockings, originating from a more modest background,emphasized learning and work over pleasure. Accustomed to the regimented life of court circles, salonnieres tended toward formality in their salons. The English women, though somewhat puritanical, were more casual in their approach.
At first, the Bluestockings did imitate the saonnieres by including men in their circles. However, as they gained cohesion, the Bluestockings came to regard themselves as a women's group and to possess a sense of female solidarity lacking in the salonnieres, who remained isolated from one another by the primacy each held in her own salon. In an atmosphere of mutual support, the Bluestockings went beyond the salon experience. They traveled, studied, worked, wrote for publication, and by their activities challenged the stereotype of the passive woman. Although the salonnieres were aware of sexual inequality, the narrow boundaries of their world kept their intellectual pursuits within conventional limits. Many salonnieres, in fact, camouflaged their nontraditional activities behind the role of hostess and deferred to men in public.
Though the Bluestockings were trailblazers when compared with the salonnieres, they were not feminists. They were too traditional, too hemmed in by their generation to demand social and political rights. Nonetheless, in their desire for education, their willingness to go beyond the confines of the salon in pursuing their interests, and their championing of unity among women, the Bluestockings began the process of questioning women's role in society. | 2034.txt | 3 |
[
"Admitted uncertainty",
"Qualified disagreement",
"Unquestioning approval",
"Complete indifference"
] | To an assertion that Bluestockings were feminists, the author would most probably respond with which of the following? | In eighteenth-century France and England, reformers rallied around egalitarian ideals, but few reformers advocated higher education for women. Although the public decried women's lack of education, it did not encourage learning for its own sake for women. In spite of the general prejudice against learned women, there was one place where women could exhibit their erudition: the literary salon. Many writers have defined the woman's role in the salon as that of an intelligent hostess, but the salon had more than a social function for women. It was an informal university, too, where women exchanged ideas with educated persons, read their own works and heard those of others, and received and gave criticism.
In the 1750's, when salons were firmly established in France, some English women, who called themselves "Blue- stocking," followed the example of the salonnieres (French salon hostesses) and formed their own salons. Most Bluestockings did not wish to mirror the salonnieres; they simply desired to adapt a proven formula to their own purpose-the elevation of women's status through moral and intellectual training.Differences in social orientation and background can account perhaps for differences in the nature of French and English salons. The French salon incorporated aristocratic attitudes that exalted courtly pleasure and emphasized artistic accomplishments. The English Bluestockings, originating from a more modest background,emphasized learning and work over pleasure. Accustomed to the regimented life of court circles, salonnieres tended toward formality in their salons. The English women, though somewhat puritanical, were more casual in their approach.
At first, the Bluestockings did imitate the saonnieres by including men in their circles. However, as they gained cohesion, the Bluestockings came to regard themselves as a women's group and to possess a sense of female solidarity lacking in the salonnieres, who remained isolated from one another by the primacy each held in her own salon. In an atmosphere of mutual support, the Bluestockings went beyond the salon experience. They traveled, studied, worked, wrote for publication, and by their activities challenged the stereotype of the passive woman. Although the salonnieres were aware of sexual inequality, the narrow boundaries of their world kept their intellectual pursuits within conventional limits. Many salonnieres, in fact, camouflaged their nontraditional activities behind the role of hostess and deferred to men in public.
Though the Bluestockings were trailblazers when compared with the salonnieres, they were not feminists. They were too traditional, too hemmed in by their generation to demand social and political rights. Nonetheless, in their desire for education, their willingness to go beyond the confines of the salon in pursuing their interests, and their championing of unity among women, the Bluestockings began the process of questioning women's role in society. | 2034.txt | 1 |
[
"A Eighteenth-Century Egalitarianism",
"Feminists of the Eighteenth Century",
"Eighteenth-Century Precursors of Feminism",
"Intellectual Life in the Eighteenth Century"
] | Which of the following titles best describes the content of the passage? | In eighteenth-century France and England, reformers rallied around egalitarian ideals, but few reformers advocated higher education for women. Although the public decried women's lack of education, it did not encourage learning for its own sake for women. In spite of the general prejudice against learned women, there was one place where women could exhibit their erudition: the literary salon. Many writers have defined the woman's role in the salon as that of an intelligent hostess, but the salon had more than a social function for women. It was an informal university, too, where women exchanged ideas with educated persons, read their own works and heard those of others, and received and gave criticism.
In the 1750's, when salons were firmly established in France, some English women, who called themselves "Blue- stocking," followed the example of the salonnieres (French salon hostesses) and formed their own salons. Most Bluestockings did not wish to mirror the salonnieres; they simply desired to adapt a proven formula to their own purpose-the elevation of women's status through moral and intellectual training.Differences in social orientation and background can account perhaps for differences in the nature of French and English salons. The French salon incorporated aristocratic attitudes that exalted courtly pleasure and emphasized artistic accomplishments. The English Bluestockings, originating from a more modest background,emphasized learning and work over pleasure. Accustomed to the regimented life of court circles, salonnieres tended toward formality in their salons. The English women, though somewhat puritanical, were more casual in their approach.
At first, the Bluestockings did imitate the saonnieres by including men in their circles. However, as they gained cohesion, the Bluestockings came to regard themselves as a women's group and to possess a sense of female solidarity lacking in the salonnieres, who remained isolated from one another by the primacy each held in her own salon. In an atmosphere of mutual support, the Bluestockings went beyond the salon experience. They traveled, studied, worked, wrote for publication, and by their activities challenged the stereotype of the passive woman. Although the salonnieres were aware of sexual inequality, the narrow boundaries of their world kept their intellectual pursuits within conventional limits. Many salonnieres, in fact, camouflaged their nontraditional activities behind the role of hostess and deferred to men in public.
Though the Bluestockings were trailblazers when compared with the salonnieres, they were not feminists. They were too traditional, too hemmed in by their generation to demand social and political rights. Nonetheless, in their desire for education, their willingness to go beyond the confines of the salon in pursuing their interests, and their championing of unity among women, the Bluestockings began the process of questioning women's role in society. | 2034.txt | 2 |
[
"Essential.",
"highly stressful.",
"highly unusual.",
"unwise."
] | The word traumatic(paragraph 1)meaning to | In the Mesa Verde area of the ancient North American Southwest, living patterns changed in the thirteenth century, with large numbers of people moving into large communal dwellings called pueblos, often constructed at the edges of canyons, especially on the sides of cliffs. Abandoning small extended-family households to move into these large pueblos with dozens if not hundreds of other people was probably traumatic. Few of the cultural traditions and rules that today allow us to deal with dense populations existed for these people accustomed to household autonomy and the ability to move around the landscape almost at will. And besides the awkwardness of having to share walls with neighbors, living in aggregated pueblos introduced other problems. For people in cliff dwellings, hauling water, wood, and food to their homes was a major chore. The stress on local resources, especially in the firewood needed for daily cooking and warmth, was particularly intense, and conditions in aggregated pueblos were not very hygienic.
Given all the disadvantages of living in aggregated towns, why did people in the thirteenth century move into these closely packed quarters? For transitions of such suddenness, archaeologists consider either pull factors (benefits that drew families together) or push factors (some external threat or crisis that forced people to aggregate). In this case, push explanations dominate.
Population growth is considered a particularly influential push. After several generations of population growth, people packed the landscape in densities so high that communal pueblos may have been a necessary outcome. Around Sand Canyon, for example, populations grew from 5 -12 people per square kilometer in the tenth century to as many as 30 - 50 by the 1200s. As densities increased, domestic architecture became larger, culminating in crowded pueblos. Some scholars expand on this idea by emphasizing a corresponding need for arable land to feed growing numbers of people: construction of small dams, reservoirs, terraces, and field houses indicates that farmers were intensifying their efforts during the 1200s. Competition for good farmland may also have prompted people to bond together to assert rights over the best fields.
Another important push was the onset of the Little Ice Age, a climatic phenomenon that led to cooler temperatures in the Northern Hemisphere. Although the height of the Little Ice Age was still around the corner, some evidence suggests that temperatures were falling during the thirteenth century. The environmental changes associated with this transition are not fully understood, but people living closest to the San Juan Mountains, to the northeast of Mesa Verde, were affected first. Growing food at these elevations is always difficult because of the short growing season. As the Little Ice Age progressed, farmers probably moved their fields to lower elevations, infringing on the lands of other farmers and pushing people together, thus contributing to the aggregations. Archaeologists identify a corresponding shift in populations toward the south and west toward Mesa Verde and away from higher elevations.
In the face of all these pushes, people in the Mesa Verde area had yet another reason to move into communal villages: the need for greater cooperation. Sharing and cooperation were almost certainly part of early Puebloan life, even for people living in largely independent single-household residences scattered across the landscape. Archaeologists find that even the most isolated residences during the eleventh and twelfth centuries obtained some pottery, and probably food, from some distance away, while major ceremonial events were opportunities for sharing food and crafts. Scholars believe that this cooperation allowed people to contend with a patchy environment in which precipitation and other resources varied across the landscape: if you produce a lot of food one year, you might trade it for pottery made by a distant ally who is having difficulty with crops-and the next year, the flow of goods might go in the opposite direction. But all of this appears to have changed thirteenth century. Although the climate remained as unpredictable as ever between one year and the next, it became much less locally diverse. In a bad year for farming, everyone was equally affected. No longer was it helpful to share widely. Instead, the most sensible thing would be for neighbors to combine efforts to produce as much food as possible, and thus aggregated towns were a sensible arrangement. | 4199.txt | 1 |
[
"strong.",
"questionable.",
"obvious.",
"deliberate."
] | The word intense in the passage(paragraph 1)is closest in meaningto | In the Mesa Verde area of the ancient North American Southwest, living patterns changed in the thirteenth century, with large numbers of people moving into large communal dwellings called pueblos, often constructed at the edges of canyons, especially on the sides of cliffs. Abandoning small extended-family households to move into these large pueblos with dozens if not hundreds of other people was probably traumatic. Few of the cultural traditions and rules that today allow us to deal with dense populations existed for these people accustomed to household autonomy and the ability to move around the landscape almost at will. And besides the awkwardness of having to share walls with neighbors, living in aggregated pueblos introduced other problems. For people in cliff dwellings, hauling water, wood, and food to their homes was a major chore. The stress on local resources, especially in the firewood needed for daily cooking and warmth, was particularly intense, and conditions in aggregated pueblos were not very hygienic.
Given all the disadvantages of living in aggregated towns, why did people in the thirteenth century move into these closely packed quarters? For transitions of such suddenness, archaeologists consider either pull factors (benefits that drew families together) or push factors (some external threat or crisis that forced people to aggregate). In this case, push explanations dominate.
Population growth is considered a particularly influential push. After several generations of population growth, people packed the landscape in densities so high that communal pueblos may have been a necessary outcome. Around Sand Canyon, for example, populations grew from 5 -12 people per square kilometer in the tenth century to as many as 30 - 50 by the 1200s. As densities increased, domestic architecture became larger, culminating in crowded pueblos. Some scholars expand on this idea by emphasizing a corresponding need for arable land to feed growing numbers of people: construction of small dams, reservoirs, terraces, and field houses indicates that farmers were intensifying their efforts during the 1200s. Competition for good farmland may also have prompted people to bond together to assert rights over the best fields.
Another important push was the onset of the Little Ice Age, a climatic phenomenon that led to cooler temperatures in the Northern Hemisphere. Although the height of the Little Ice Age was still around the corner, some evidence suggests that temperatures were falling during the thirteenth century. The environmental changes associated with this transition are not fully understood, but people living closest to the San Juan Mountains, to the northeast of Mesa Verde, were affected first. Growing food at these elevations is always difficult because of the short growing season. As the Little Ice Age progressed, farmers probably moved their fields to lower elevations, infringing on the lands of other farmers and pushing people together, thus contributing to the aggregations. Archaeologists identify a corresponding shift in populations toward the south and west toward Mesa Verde and away from higher elevations.
In the face of all these pushes, people in the Mesa Verde area had yet another reason to move into communal villages: the need for greater cooperation. Sharing and cooperation were almost certainly part of early Puebloan life, even for people living in largely independent single-household residences scattered across the landscape. Archaeologists find that even the most isolated residences during the eleventh and twelfth centuries obtained some pottery, and probably food, from some distance away, while major ceremonial events were opportunities for sharing food and crafts. Scholars believe that this cooperation allowed people to contend with a patchy environment in which precipitation and other resources varied across the landscape: if you produce a lot of food one year, you might trade it for pottery made by a distant ally who is having difficulty with crops-and the next year, the flow of goods might go in the opposite direction. But all of this appears to have changed thirteenth century. Although the climate remained as unpredictable as ever between one year and the next, it became much less locally diverse. In a bad year for farming, everyone was equally affected. No longer was it helpful to share widely. Instead, the most sensible thing would be for neighbors to combine efforts to produce as much food as possible, and thus aggregated towns were a sensible arrangement. | 4199.txt | 0 |
[
"shared daily chores with neighboring households.",
"occupied dwellings that were built into the sides of cliffs.",
"were largely free to conduct their lives as they pleased.",
"enforced common standards of behavior and cooperative conduct within their communities."
] | According to paragraph 1, before the thirteenth century the people of southwestern North America lived in households that | In the Mesa Verde area of the ancient North American Southwest, living patterns changed in the thirteenth century, with large numbers of people moving into large communal dwellings called pueblos, often constructed at the edges of canyons, especially on the sides of cliffs. Abandoning small extended-family households to move into these large pueblos with dozens if not hundreds of other people was probably traumatic. Few of the cultural traditions and rules that today allow us to deal with dense populations existed for these people accustomed to household autonomy and the ability to move around the landscape almost at will. And besides the awkwardness of having to share walls with neighbors, living in aggregated pueblos introduced other problems. For people in cliff dwellings, hauling water, wood, and food to their homes was a major chore. The stress on local resources, especially in the firewood needed for daily cooking and warmth, was particularly intense, and conditions in aggregated pueblos were not very hygienic.
Given all the disadvantages of living in aggregated towns, why did people in the thirteenth century move into these closely packed quarters? For transitions of such suddenness, archaeologists consider either pull factors (benefits that drew families together) or push factors (some external threat or crisis that forced people to aggregate). In this case, push explanations dominate.
Population growth is considered a particularly influential push. After several generations of population growth, people packed the landscape in densities so high that communal pueblos may have been a necessary outcome. Around Sand Canyon, for example, populations grew from 5 -12 people per square kilometer in the tenth century to as many as 30 - 50 by the 1200s. As densities increased, domestic architecture became larger, culminating in crowded pueblos. Some scholars expand on this idea by emphasizing a corresponding need for arable land to feed growing numbers of people: construction of small dams, reservoirs, terraces, and field houses indicates that farmers were intensifying their efforts during the 1200s. Competition for good farmland may also have prompted people to bond together to assert rights over the best fields.
Another important push was the onset of the Little Ice Age, a climatic phenomenon that led to cooler temperatures in the Northern Hemisphere. Although the height of the Little Ice Age was still around the corner, some evidence suggests that temperatures were falling during the thirteenth century. The environmental changes associated with this transition are not fully understood, but people living closest to the San Juan Mountains, to the northeast of Mesa Verde, were affected first. Growing food at these elevations is always difficult because of the short growing season. As the Little Ice Age progressed, farmers probably moved their fields to lower elevations, infringing on the lands of other farmers and pushing people together, thus contributing to the aggregations. Archaeologists identify a corresponding shift in populations toward the south and west toward Mesa Verde and away from higher elevations.
In the face of all these pushes, people in the Mesa Verde area had yet another reason to move into communal villages: the need for greater cooperation. Sharing and cooperation were almost certainly part of early Puebloan life, even for people living in largely independent single-household residences scattered across the landscape. Archaeologists find that even the most isolated residences during the eleventh and twelfth centuries obtained some pottery, and probably food, from some distance away, while major ceremonial events were opportunities for sharing food and crafts. Scholars believe that this cooperation allowed people to contend with a patchy environment in which precipitation and other resources varied across the landscape: if you produce a lot of food one year, you might trade it for pottery made by a distant ally who is having difficulty with crops-and the next year, the flow of goods might go in the opposite direction. But all of this appears to have changed thirteenth century. Although the climate remained as unpredictable as ever between one year and the next, it became much less locally diverse. In a bad year for farming, everyone was equally affected. No longer was it helpful to share widely. Instead, the most sensible thing would be for neighbors to combine efforts to produce as much food as possible, and thus aggregated towns were a sensible arrangement. | 4199.txt | 2 |
[
"It presents the conditions that caused a change in a population' s living patterns and then explains why those conditions got worse.",
"It identifies certain present-day cultural traditions and rules and then traces them to their roots in the thirteenth century.",
"It casts doubt on one explanation of the move to pueblos and then introduces an alternative explanation that the passage will defend.",
"It describes a major change in a population' s living patterns and then presents a number of problems that resulted from that change."
] | Which of the following best indicates the organization of paragraph 1? | In the Mesa Verde area of the ancient North American Southwest, living patterns changed in the thirteenth century, with large numbers of people moving into large communal dwellings called pueblos, often constructed at the edges of canyons, especially on the sides of cliffs. Abandoning small extended-family households to move into these large pueblos with dozens if not hundreds of other people was probably traumatic. Few of the cultural traditions and rules that today allow us to deal with dense populations existed for these people accustomed to household autonomy and the ability to move around the landscape almost at will. And besides the awkwardness of having to share walls with neighbors, living in aggregated pueblos introduced other problems. For people in cliff dwellings, hauling water, wood, and food to their homes was a major chore. The stress on local resources, especially in the firewood needed for daily cooking and warmth, was particularly intense, and conditions in aggregated pueblos were not very hygienic.
Given all the disadvantages of living in aggregated towns, why did people in the thirteenth century move into these closely packed quarters? For transitions of such suddenness, archaeologists consider either pull factors (benefits that drew families together) or push factors (some external threat or crisis that forced people to aggregate). In this case, push explanations dominate.
Population growth is considered a particularly influential push. After several generations of population growth, people packed the landscape in densities so high that communal pueblos may have been a necessary outcome. Around Sand Canyon, for example, populations grew from 5 -12 people per square kilometer in the tenth century to as many as 30 - 50 by the 1200s. As densities increased, domestic architecture became larger, culminating in crowded pueblos. Some scholars expand on this idea by emphasizing a corresponding need for arable land to feed growing numbers of people: construction of small dams, reservoirs, terraces, and field houses indicates that farmers were intensifying their efforts during the 1200s. Competition for good farmland may also have prompted people to bond together to assert rights over the best fields.
Another important push was the onset of the Little Ice Age, a climatic phenomenon that led to cooler temperatures in the Northern Hemisphere. Although the height of the Little Ice Age was still around the corner, some evidence suggests that temperatures were falling during the thirteenth century. The environmental changes associated with this transition are not fully understood, but people living closest to the San Juan Mountains, to the northeast of Mesa Verde, were affected first. Growing food at these elevations is always difficult because of the short growing season. As the Little Ice Age progressed, farmers probably moved their fields to lower elevations, infringing on the lands of other farmers and pushing people together, thus contributing to the aggregations. Archaeologists identify a corresponding shift in populations toward the south and west toward Mesa Verde and away from higher elevations.
In the face of all these pushes, people in the Mesa Verde area had yet another reason to move into communal villages: the need for greater cooperation. Sharing and cooperation were almost certainly part of early Puebloan life, even for people living in largely independent single-household residences scattered across the landscape. Archaeologists find that even the most isolated residences during the eleventh and twelfth centuries obtained some pottery, and probably food, from some distance away, while major ceremonial events were opportunities for sharing food and crafts. Scholars believe that this cooperation allowed people to contend with a patchy environment in which precipitation and other resources varied across the landscape: if you produce a lot of food one year, you might trade it for pottery made by a distant ally who is having difficulty with crops-and the next year, the flow of goods might go in the opposite direction. But all of this appears to have changed thirteenth century. Although the climate remained as unpredictable as ever between one year and the next, it became much less locally diverse. In a bad year for farming, everyone was equally affected. No longer was it helpful to share widely. Instead, the most sensible thing would be for neighbors to combine efforts to produce as much food as possible, and thus aggregated towns were a sensible arrangement. | 4199.txt | 3 |
[
"People were increasingly crowded into collections of large housing units.",
"People stopped planting crops that have relatively low yields.",
"Domestic buildings were pushed beyond the canyon limits.",
"The natural landscape was destroyed."
] | According to paragraph 3, which of the following was one of the consequences of increasing population densities? | In the Mesa Verde area of the ancient North American Southwest, living patterns changed in the thirteenth century, with large numbers of people moving into large communal dwellings called pueblos, often constructed at the edges of canyons, especially on the sides of cliffs. Abandoning small extended-family households to move into these large pueblos with dozens if not hundreds of other people was probably traumatic. Few of the cultural traditions and rules that today allow us to deal with dense populations existed for these people accustomed to household autonomy and the ability to move around the landscape almost at will. And besides the awkwardness of having to share walls with neighbors, living in aggregated pueblos introduced other problems. For people in cliff dwellings, hauling water, wood, and food to their homes was a major chore. The stress on local resources, especially in the firewood needed for daily cooking and warmth, was particularly intense, and conditions in aggregated pueblos were not very hygienic.
Given all the disadvantages of living in aggregated towns, why did people in the thirteenth century move into these closely packed quarters? For transitions of such suddenness, archaeologists consider either pull factors (benefits that drew families together) or push factors (some external threat or crisis that forced people to aggregate). In this case, push explanations dominate.
Population growth is considered a particularly influential push. After several generations of population growth, people packed the landscape in densities so high that communal pueblos may have been a necessary outcome. Around Sand Canyon, for example, populations grew from 5 -12 people per square kilometer in the tenth century to as many as 30 - 50 by the 1200s. As densities increased, domestic architecture became larger, culminating in crowded pueblos. Some scholars expand on this idea by emphasizing a corresponding need for arable land to feed growing numbers of people: construction of small dams, reservoirs, terraces, and field houses indicates that farmers were intensifying their efforts during the 1200s. Competition for good farmland may also have prompted people to bond together to assert rights over the best fields.
Another important push was the onset of the Little Ice Age, a climatic phenomenon that led to cooler temperatures in the Northern Hemisphere. Although the height of the Little Ice Age was still around the corner, some evidence suggests that temperatures were falling during the thirteenth century. The environmental changes associated with this transition are not fully understood, but people living closest to the San Juan Mountains, to the northeast of Mesa Verde, were affected first. Growing food at these elevations is always difficult because of the short growing season. As the Little Ice Age progressed, farmers probably moved their fields to lower elevations, infringing on the lands of other farmers and pushing people together, thus contributing to the aggregations. Archaeologists identify a corresponding shift in populations toward the south and west toward Mesa Verde and away from higher elevations.
In the face of all these pushes, people in the Mesa Verde area had yet another reason to move into communal villages: the need for greater cooperation. Sharing and cooperation were almost certainly part of early Puebloan life, even for people living in largely independent single-household residences scattered across the landscape. Archaeologists find that even the most isolated residences during the eleventh and twelfth centuries obtained some pottery, and probably food, from some distance away, while major ceremonial events were opportunities for sharing food and crafts. Scholars believe that this cooperation allowed people to contend with a patchy environment in which precipitation and other resources varied across the landscape: if you produce a lot of food one year, you might trade it for pottery made by a distant ally who is having difficulty with crops-and the next year, the flow of goods might go in the opposite direction. But all of this appears to have changed thirteenth century. Although the climate remained as unpredictable as ever between one year and the next, it became much less locally diverse. In a bad year for farming, everyone was equally affected. No longer was it helpful to share widely. Instead, the most sensible thing would be for neighbors to combine efforts to produce as much food as possible, and thus aggregated towns were a sensible arrangement. | 4199.txt | 0 |
[
"change.",
"climate.",
"decline.",
"problem."
] | The word transition(paragraph 4)in the passage is closest in meaning to | In the Mesa Verde area of the ancient North American Southwest, living patterns changed in the thirteenth century, with large numbers of people moving into large communal dwellings called pueblos, often constructed at the edges of canyons, especially on the sides of cliffs. Abandoning small extended-family households to move into these large pueblos with dozens if not hundreds of other people was probably traumatic. Few of the cultural traditions and rules that today allow us to deal with dense populations existed for these people accustomed to household autonomy and the ability to move around the landscape almost at will. And besides the awkwardness of having to share walls with neighbors, living in aggregated pueblos introduced other problems. For people in cliff dwellings, hauling water, wood, and food to their homes was a major chore. The stress on local resources, especially in the firewood needed for daily cooking and warmth, was particularly intense, and conditions in aggregated pueblos were not very hygienic.
Given all the disadvantages of living in aggregated towns, why did people in the thirteenth century move into these closely packed quarters? For transitions of such suddenness, archaeologists consider either pull factors (benefits that drew families together) or push factors (some external threat or crisis that forced people to aggregate). In this case, push explanations dominate.
Population growth is considered a particularly influential push. After several generations of population growth, people packed the landscape in densities so high that communal pueblos may have been a necessary outcome. Around Sand Canyon, for example, populations grew from 5 -12 people per square kilometer in the tenth century to as many as 30 - 50 by the 1200s. As densities increased, domestic architecture became larger, culminating in crowded pueblos. Some scholars expand on this idea by emphasizing a corresponding need for arable land to feed growing numbers of people: construction of small dams, reservoirs, terraces, and field houses indicates that farmers were intensifying their efforts during the 1200s. Competition for good farmland may also have prompted people to bond together to assert rights over the best fields.
Another important push was the onset of the Little Ice Age, a climatic phenomenon that led to cooler temperatures in the Northern Hemisphere. Although the height of the Little Ice Age was still around the corner, some evidence suggests that temperatures were falling during the thirteenth century. The environmental changes associated with this transition are not fully understood, but people living closest to the San Juan Mountains, to the northeast of Mesa Verde, were affected first. Growing food at these elevations is always difficult because of the short growing season. As the Little Ice Age progressed, farmers probably moved their fields to lower elevations, infringing on the lands of other farmers and pushing people together, thus contributing to the aggregations. Archaeologists identify a corresponding shift in populations toward the south and west toward Mesa Verde and away from higher elevations.
In the face of all these pushes, people in the Mesa Verde area had yet another reason to move into communal villages: the need for greater cooperation. Sharing and cooperation were almost certainly part of early Puebloan life, even for people living in largely independent single-household residences scattered across the landscape. Archaeologists find that even the most isolated residences during the eleventh and twelfth centuries obtained some pottery, and probably food, from some distance away, while major ceremonial events were opportunities for sharing food and crafts. Scholars believe that this cooperation allowed people to contend with a patchy environment in which precipitation and other resources varied across the landscape: if you produce a lot of food one year, you might trade it for pottery made by a distant ally who is having difficulty with crops-and the next year, the flow of goods might go in the opposite direction. But all of this appears to have changed thirteenth century. Although the climate remained as unpredictable as ever between one year and the next, it became much less locally diverse. In a bad year for farming, everyone was equally affected. No longer was it helpful to share widely. Instead, the most sensible thing would be for neighbors to combine efforts to produce as much food as possible, and thus aggregated towns were a sensible arrangement. | 4199.txt | 0 |
[
"To explain why the higher elevations were always relatively sparsely populated.",
"To suggest that any worsening of conditions would have significant consequences.",
"To emphasize how resourceful the people growing food at these elevations were.",
"To argue that farming was not the primary source of food at high elevations."
] | Why does the author state that "Growing food at these elevations is always difficult because of the short growing season"? | In the Mesa Verde area of the ancient North American Southwest, living patterns changed in the thirteenth century, with large numbers of people moving into large communal dwellings called pueblos, often constructed at the edges of canyons, especially on the sides of cliffs. Abandoning small extended-family households to move into these large pueblos with dozens if not hundreds of other people was probably traumatic. Few of the cultural traditions and rules that today allow us to deal with dense populations existed for these people accustomed to household autonomy and the ability to move around the landscape almost at will. And besides the awkwardness of having to share walls with neighbors, living in aggregated pueblos introduced other problems. For people in cliff dwellings, hauling water, wood, and food to their homes was a major chore. The stress on local resources, especially in the firewood needed for daily cooking and warmth, was particularly intense, and conditions in aggregated pueblos were not very hygienic.
Given all the disadvantages of living in aggregated towns, why did people in the thirteenth century move into these closely packed quarters? For transitions of such suddenness, archaeologists consider either pull factors (benefits that drew families together) or push factors (some external threat or crisis that forced people to aggregate). In this case, push explanations dominate.
Population growth is considered a particularly influential push. After several generations of population growth, people packed the landscape in densities so high that communal pueblos may have been a necessary outcome. Around Sand Canyon, for example, populations grew from 5 -12 people per square kilometer in the tenth century to as many as 30 - 50 by the 1200s. As densities increased, domestic architecture became larger, culminating in crowded pueblos. Some scholars expand on this idea by emphasizing a corresponding need for arable land to feed growing numbers of people: construction of small dams, reservoirs, terraces, and field houses indicates that farmers were intensifying their efforts during the 1200s. Competition for good farmland may also have prompted people to bond together to assert rights over the best fields.
Another important push was the onset of the Little Ice Age, a climatic phenomenon that led to cooler temperatures in the Northern Hemisphere. Although the height of the Little Ice Age was still around the corner, some evidence suggests that temperatures were falling during the thirteenth century. The environmental changes associated with this transition are not fully understood, but people living closest to the San Juan Mountains, to the northeast of Mesa Verde, were affected first. Growing food at these elevations is always difficult because of the short growing season. As the Little Ice Age progressed, farmers probably moved their fields to lower elevations, infringing on the lands of other farmers and pushing people together, thus contributing to the aggregations. Archaeologists identify a corresponding shift in populations toward the south and west toward Mesa Verde and away from higher elevations.
In the face of all these pushes, people in the Mesa Verde area had yet another reason to move into communal villages: the need for greater cooperation. Sharing and cooperation were almost certainly part of early Puebloan life, even for people living in largely independent single-household residences scattered across the landscape. Archaeologists find that even the most isolated residences during the eleventh and twelfth centuries obtained some pottery, and probably food, from some distance away, while major ceremonial events were opportunities for sharing food and crafts. Scholars believe that this cooperation allowed people to contend with a patchy environment in which precipitation and other resources varied across the landscape: if you produce a lot of food one year, you might trade it for pottery made by a distant ally who is having difficulty with crops-and the next year, the flow of goods might go in the opposite direction. But all of this appears to have changed thirteenth century. Although the climate remained as unpredictable as ever between one year and the next, it became much less locally diverse. In a bad year for farming, everyone was equally affected. No longer was it helpful to share widely. Instead, the most sensible thing would be for neighbors to combine efforts to produce as much food as possible, and thus aggregated towns were a sensible arrangement. | 4199.txt | 1 |
[
"Moved to areas away from Mesa Verde.",
"Moved closer to the northeastern part of Mesa Verde.",
"Began to cultivate crops adapted to a short growing season.",
"Gave up the cultivation of the highest-lying lands."
] | According to paragraph 4, what did farmers do in response to falling temperatures during the Little Ice Age? | In the Mesa Verde area of the ancient North American Southwest, living patterns changed in the thirteenth century, with large numbers of people moving into large communal dwellings called pueblos, often constructed at the edges of canyons, especially on the sides of cliffs. Abandoning small extended-family households to move into these large pueblos with dozens if not hundreds of other people was probably traumatic. Few of the cultural traditions and rules that today allow us to deal with dense populations existed for these people accustomed to household autonomy and the ability to move around the landscape almost at will. And besides the awkwardness of having to share walls with neighbors, living in aggregated pueblos introduced other problems. For people in cliff dwellings, hauling water, wood, and food to their homes was a major chore. The stress on local resources, especially in the firewood needed for daily cooking and warmth, was particularly intense, and conditions in aggregated pueblos were not very hygienic.
Given all the disadvantages of living in aggregated towns, why did people in the thirteenth century move into these closely packed quarters? For transitions of such suddenness, archaeologists consider either pull factors (benefits that drew families together) or push factors (some external threat or crisis that forced people to aggregate). In this case, push explanations dominate.
Population growth is considered a particularly influential push. After several generations of population growth, people packed the landscape in densities so high that communal pueblos may have been a necessary outcome. Around Sand Canyon, for example, populations grew from 5 -12 people per square kilometer in the tenth century to as many as 30 - 50 by the 1200s. As densities increased, domestic architecture became larger, culminating in crowded pueblos. Some scholars expand on this idea by emphasizing a corresponding need for arable land to feed growing numbers of people: construction of small dams, reservoirs, terraces, and field houses indicates that farmers were intensifying their efforts during the 1200s. Competition for good farmland may also have prompted people to bond together to assert rights over the best fields.
Another important push was the onset of the Little Ice Age, a climatic phenomenon that led to cooler temperatures in the Northern Hemisphere. Although the height of the Little Ice Age was still around the corner, some evidence suggests that temperatures were falling during the thirteenth century. The environmental changes associated with this transition are not fully understood, but people living closest to the San Juan Mountains, to the northeast of Mesa Verde, were affected first. Growing food at these elevations is always difficult because of the short growing season. As the Little Ice Age progressed, farmers probably moved their fields to lower elevations, infringing on the lands of other farmers and pushing people together, thus contributing to the aggregations. Archaeologists identify a corresponding shift in populations toward the south and west toward Mesa Verde and away from higher elevations.
In the face of all these pushes, people in the Mesa Verde area had yet another reason to move into communal villages: the need for greater cooperation. Sharing and cooperation were almost certainly part of early Puebloan life, even for people living in largely independent single-household residences scattered across the landscape. Archaeologists find that even the most isolated residences during the eleventh and twelfth centuries obtained some pottery, and probably food, from some distance away, while major ceremonial events were opportunities for sharing food and crafts. Scholars believe that this cooperation allowed people to contend with a patchy environment in which precipitation and other resources varied across the landscape: if you produce a lot of food one year, you might trade it for pottery made by a distant ally who is having difficulty with crops-and the next year, the flow of goods might go in the opposite direction. But all of this appears to have changed thirteenth century. Although the climate remained as unpredictable as ever between one year and the next, it became much less locally diverse. In a bad year for farming, everyone was equally affected. No longer was it helpful to share widely. Instead, the most sensible thing would be for neighbors to combine efforts to produce as much food as possible, and thus aggregated towns were a sensible arrangement. | 4199.txt | 3 |
[
"leaders to persuade people from the countryside to move into a pueblo.",
"farmers to collect information about where crops could be reliably grown.",
"people to develop better techniques for producing pottery and crafts.",
"people in the early Puebloan era to share farm and craft products."
] | According to paragraph 5, major ceremonial events were occasions for | In the Mesa Verde area of the ancient North American Southwest, living patterns changed in the thirteenth century, with large numbers of people moving into large communal dwellings called pueblos, often constructed at the edges of canyons, especially on the sides of cliffs. Abandoning small extended-family households to move into these large pueblos with dozens if not hundreds of other people was probably traumatic. Few of the cultural traditions and rules that today allow us to deal with dense populations existed for these people accustomed to household autonomy and the ability to move around the landscape almost at will. And besides the awkwardness of having to share walls with neighbors, living in aggregated pueblos introduced other problems. For people in cliff dwellings, hauling water, wood, and food to their homes was a major chore. The stress on local resources, especially in the firewood needed for daily cooking and warmth, was particularly intense, and conditions in aggregated pueblos were not very hygienic.
Given all the disadvantages of living in aggregated towns, why did people in the thirteenth century move into these closely packed quarters? For transitions of such suddenness, archaeologists consider either pull factors (benefits that drew families together) or push factors (some external threat or crisis that forced people to aggregate). In this case, push explanations dominate.
Population growth is considered a particularly influential push. After several generations of population growth, people packed the landscape in densities so high that communal pueblos may have been a necessary outcome. Around Sand Canyon, for example, populations grew from 5 -12 people per square kilometer in the tenth century to as many as 30 - 50 by the 1200s. As densities increased, domestic architecture became larger, culminating in crowded pueblos. Some scholars expand on this idea by emphasizing a corresponding need for arable land to feed growing numbers of people: construction of small dams, reservoirs, terraces, and field houses indicates that farmers were intensifying their efforts during the 1200s. Competition for good farmland may also have prompted people to bond together to assert rights over the best fields.
Another important push was the onset of the Little Ice Age, a climatic phenomenon that led to cooler temperatures in the Northern Hemisphere. Although the height of the Little Ice Age was still around the corner, some evidence suggests that temperatures were falling during the thirteenth century. The environmental changes associated with this transition are not fully understood, but people living closest to the San Juan Mountains, to the northeast of Mesa Verde, were affected first. Growing food at these elevations is always difficult because of the short growing season. As the Little Ice Age progressed, farmers probably moved their fields to lower elevations, infringing on the lands of other farmers and pushing people together, thus contributing to the aggregations. Archaeologists identify a corresponding shift in populations toward the south and west toward Mesa Verde and away from higher elevations.
In the face of all these pushes, people in the Mesa Verde area had yet another reason to move into communal villages: the need for greater cooperation. Sharing and cooperation were almost certainly part of early Puebloan life, even for people living in largely independent single-household residences scattered across the landscape. Archaeologists find that even the most isolated residences during the eleventh and twelfth centuries obtained some pottery, and probably food, from some distance away, while major ceremonial events were opportunities for sharing food and crafts. Scholars believe that this cooperation allowed people to contend with a patchy environment in which precipitation and other resources varied across the landscape: if you produce a lot of food one year, you might trade it for pottery made by a distant ally who is having difficulty with crops-and the next year, the flow of goods might go in the opposite direction. But all of this appears to have changed thirteenth century. Although the climate remained as unpredictable as ever between one year and the next, it became much less locally diverse. In a bad year for farming, everyone was equally affected. No longer was it helpful to share widely. Instead, the most sensible thing would be for neighbors to combine efforts to produce as much food as possible, and thus aggregated towns were a sensible arrangement. | 4199.txt | 3 |
[
"The climate in the Mesa Verde area became more locally diverse.",
"Individuals were no longer interested in exchanging pottery and food.",
"Cooperation between people became more important for survival.",
"Bad years of farming began to occur more frequently."
] | According to paragraph 5, which of the following was a reason people in the Mesa Verde area formed communal villages in the thirteenth century? | In the Mesa Verde area of the ancient North American Southwest, living patterns changed in the thirteenth century, with large numbers of people moving into large communal dwellings called pueblos, often constructed at the edges of canyons, especially on the sides of cliffs. Abandoning small extended-family households to move into these large pueblos with dozens if not hundreds of other people was probably traumatic. Few of the cultural traditions and rules that today allow us to deal with dense populations existed for these people accustomed to household autonomy and the ability to move around the landscape almost at will. And besides the awkwardness of having to share walls with neighbors, living in aggregated pueblos introduced other problems. For people in cliff dwellings, hauling water, wood, and food to their homes was a major chore. The stress on local resources, especially in the firewood needed for daily cooking and warmth, was particularly intense, and conditions in aggregated pueblos were not very hygienic.
Given all the disadvantages of living in aggregated towns, why did people in the thirteenth century move into these closely packed quarters? For transitions of such suddenness, archaeologists consider either pull factors (benefits that drew families together) or push factors (some external threat or crisis that forced people to aggregate). In this case, push explanations dominate.
Population growth is considered a particularly influential push. After several generations of population growth, people packed the landscape in densities so high that communal pueblos may have been a necessary outcome. Around Sand Canyon, for example, populations grew from 5 -12 people per square kilometer in the tenth century to as many as 30 - 50 by the 1200s. As densities increased, domestic architecture became larger, culminating in crowded pueblos. Some scholars expand on this idea by emphasizing a corresponding need for arable land to feed growing numbers of people: construction of small dams, reservoirs, terraces, and field houses indicates that farmers were intensifying their efforts during the 1200s. Competition for good farmland may also have prompted people to bond together to assert rights over the best fields.
Another important push was the onset of the Little Ice Age, a climatic phenomenon that led to cooler temperatures in the Northern Hemisphere. Although the height of the Little Ice Age was still around the corner, some evidence suggests that temperatures were falling during the thirteenth century. The environmental changes associated with this transition are not fully understood, but people living closest to the San Juan Mountains, to the northeast of Mesa Verde, were affected first. Growing food at these elevations is always difficult because of the short growing season. As the Little Ice Age progressed, farmers probably moved their fields to lower elevations, infringing on the lands of other farmers and pushing people together, thus contributing to the aggregations. Archaeologists identify a corresponding shift in populations toward the south and west toward Mesa Verde and away from higher elevations.
In the face of all these pushes, people in the Mesa Verde area had yet another reason to move into communal villages: the need for greater cooperation. Sharing and cooperation were almost certainly part of early Puebloan life, even for people living in largely independent single-household residences scattered across the landscape. Archaeologists find that even the most isolated residences during the eleventh and twelfth centuries obtained some pottery, and probably food, from some distance away, while major ceremonial events were opportunities for sharing food and crafts. Scholars believe that this cooperation allowed people to contend with a patchy environment in which precipitation and other resources varied across the landscape: if you produce a lot of food one year, you might trade it for pottery made by a distant ally who is having difficulty with crops-and the next year, the flow of goods might go in the opposite direction. But all of this appears to have changed thirteenth century. Although the climate remained as unpredictable as ever between one year and the next, it became much less locally diverse. In a bad year for farming, everyone was equally affected. No longer was it helpful to share widely. Instead, the most sensible thing would be for neighbors to combine efforts to produce as much food as possible, and thus aggregated towns were a sensible arrangement. | 4199.txt | 2 |
[
"Cooperation allowed many households to give up farming and to specialize in making pottery and crafts.",
"People went from exchanging food and crafts they individually produced to sharing in a cooperative effort to produce as much food as possible.",
"Overtime there was less cooperation as farmers competed with each other for trade with distant areas.",
"Individuals stopped cooperating with each other because they did not have enough food for themselves."
] | Paragraph 5 supports which of the following statements about cooperation among the people in the Mesa Verde area from the eleventh through the thirteenth century? | In the Mesa Verde area of the ancient North American Southwest, living patterns changed in the thirteenth century, with large numbers of people moving into large communal dwellings called pueblos, often constructed at the edges of canyons, especially on the sides of cliffs. Abandoning small extended-family households to move into these large pueblos with dozens if not hundreds of other people was probably traumatic. Few of the cultural traditions and rules that today allow us to deal with dense populations existed for these people accustomed to household autonomy and the ability to move around the landscape almost at will. And besides the awkwardness of having to share walls with neighbors, living in aggregated pueblos introduced other problems. For people in cliff dwellings, hauling water, wood, and food to their homes was a major chore. The stress on local resources, especially in the firewood needed for daily cooking and warmth, was particularly intense, and conditions in aggregated pueblos were not very hygienic.
Given all the disadvantages of living in aggregated towns, why did people in the thirteenth century move into these closely packed quarters? For transitions of such suddenness, archaeologists consider either pull factors (benefits that drew families together) or push factors (some external threat or crisis that forced people to aggregate). In this case, push explanations dominate.
Population growth is considered a particularly influential push. After several generations of population growth, people packed the landscape in densities so high that communal pueblos may have been a necessary outcome. Around Sand Canyon, for example, populations grew from 5 -12 people per square kilometer in the tenth century to as many as 30 - 50 by the 1200s. As densities increased, domestic architecture became larger, culminating in crowded pueblos. Some scholars expand on this idea by emphasizing a corresponding need for arable land to feed growing numbers of people: construction of small dams, reservoirs, terraces, and field houses indicates that farmers were intensifying their efforts during the 1200s. Competition for good farmland may also have prompted people to bond together to assert rights over the best fields.
Another important push was the onset of the Little Ice Age, a climatic phenomenon that led to cooler temperatures in the Northern Hemisphere. Although the height of the Little Ice Age was still around the corner, some evidence suggests that temperatures were falling during the thirteenth century. The environmental changes associated with this transition are not fully understood, but people living closest to the San Juan Mountains, to the northeast of Mesa Verde, were affected first. Growing food at these elevations is always difficult because of the short growing season. As the Little Ice Age progressed, farmers probably moved their fields to lower elevations, infringing on the lands of other farmers and pushing people together, thus contributing to the aggregations. Archaeologists identify a corresponding shift in populations toward the south and west toward Mesa Verde and away from higher elevations.
In the face of all these pushes, people in the Mesa Verde area had yet another reason to move into communal villages: the need for greater cooperation. Sharing and cooperation were almost certainly part of early Puebloan life, even for people living in largely independent single-household residences scattered across the landscape. Archaeologists find that even the most isolated residences during the eleventh and twelfth centuries obtained some pottery, and probably food, from some distance away, while major ceremonial events were opportunities for sharing food and crafts. Scholars believe that this cooperation allowed people to contend with a patchy environment in which precipitation and other resources varied across the landscape: if you produce a lot of food one year, you might trade it for pottery made by a distant ally who is having difficulty with crops-and the next year, the flow of goods might go in the opposite direction. But all of this appears to have changed thirteenth century. Although the climate remained as unpredictable as ever between one year and the next, it became much less locally diverse. In a bad year for farming, everyone was equally affected. No longer was it helpful to share widely. Instead, the most sensible thing would be for neighbors to combine efforts to produce as much food as possible, and thus aggregated towns were a sensible arrangement. | 4199.txt | 1 |
[
"He loved the girl.",
"He loved music.",
"He loved collecting CDs.",
"He was sick of staying home and wanted to go out."
] | Why did the boy go to the CD store everyday and buy a CD? | There was once a young man who suffered from cancer.He was 1 8 years old and he
could die anytime. 71 He never went outside;but he was sick of staying home and wanted to go out for once.So he asked his mother and she gave him permission.
He walked down his block and found a lot of stores.He passed a CD store and saw a beauti ful girl about his age and he knew it was love at first sight.He opened the door and walked in.
She looked up and asked,"Can I help you?"
He said,"U11…Yeah…Umm…I would like to buy a CD."
Hc picked one out and gave her money for it.
"Would you like me to wrap it for you?"she asked,smiling her cute smile.
He nodded and she went to the back.She came back with the wrapped CD and gave it to him.He took it and walked out of the store.
He wcnt home and from then on,he went to that store every day and bought a CD,and she wrapped
it for him.He took the CD home and put it in his closet. He was still too shy to ask her out.His mother found out about this and told him to just ask her. So the next day, he took a11 his courage and went to the store as usual.He bought a CD like he did every day and once again she went to the back of the store and came back with it wrapped. He took it and when she wasn't looking, he left his phone number on the desk and ran out.
0ne day , the phone rang,and the mother picked it up and said,"Hello?"
It was the girl !!! The mother started to cry and said,"You don,t know? He passed away yesterday..."
Later in the day, the mother went into the boy's room because she wanted to remember him.She thought she would start by looking at his clothes, so she opened the closet.
72 She was face to face with piles and piles of unopened CDs.She was surprised to find all these CDs and she picked one up and sat down on the bed and she started to open one. Inside, there was a CD and as she took it out of the wrapper,out fell a piece of paper.The mother picked it up and started to read it.It said:Hi…1 think U R really cute.Do U wanna go out with me?Love, Jocelyn.
The mother was deeply moved and opened another CD...
Again there was a piece of paper.It said:Hi…I think U R really cute.Do U wanna go out with me? Love,Jocelyn. | 2608.txt | 0 |
[
"It was not mentioned.",
"She was not interested in the boy.",
"Shefelt sorry for theboy.",
"Shelikedthe boy."
] | What did the girl in the CD store feel about the boy? | There was once a young man who suffered from cancer.He was 1 8 years old and he
could die anytime. 71 He never went outside;but he was sick of staying home and wanted to go out for once.So he asked his mother and she gave him permission.
He walked down his block and found a lot of stores.He passed a CD store and saw a beauti ful girl about his age and he knew it was love at first sight.He opened the door and walked in.
She looked up and asked,"Can I help you?"
He said,"U11…Yeah…Umm…I would like to buy a CD."
Hc picked one out and gave her money for it.
"Would you like me to wrap it for you?"she asked,smiling her cute smile.
He nodded and she went to the back.She came back with the wrapped CD and gave it to him.He took it and walked out of the store.
He wcnt home and from then on,he went to that store every day and bought a CD,and she wrapped
it for him.He took the CD home and put it in his closet. He was still too shy to ask her out.His mother found out about this and told him to just ask her. So the next day, he took a11 his courage and went to the store as usual.He bought a CD like he did every day and once again she went to the back of the store and came back with it wrapped. He took it and when she wasn't looking, he left his phone number on the desk and ran out.
0ne day , the phone rang,and the mother picked it up and said,"Hello?"
It was the girl !!! The mother started to cry and said,"You don,t know? He passed away yesterday..."
Later in the day, the mother went into the boy's room because she wanted to remember him.She thought she would start by looking at his clothes, so she opened the closet.
72 She was face to face with piles and piles of unopened CDs.She was surprised to find all these CDs and she picked one up and sat down on the bed and she started to open one. Inside, there was a CD and as she took it out of the wrapper,out fell a piece of paper.The mother picked it up and started to read it.It said:Hi…1 think U R really cute.Do U wanna go out with me?Love, Jocelyn.
The mother was deeply moved and opened another CD...
Again there was a piece of paper.It said:Hi…I think U R really cute.Do U wanna go out with me? Love,Jocelyn. | 2608.txt | 3 |
[
"The boy.",
"The girl in the store",
"The boy's mother.",
"A totle stranger"
] | Who was Jocelyn? | There was once a young man who suffered from cancer.He was 1 8 years old and he
could die anytime. 71 He never went outside;but he was sick of staying home and wanted to go out for once.So he asked his mother and she gave him permission.
He walked down his block and found a lot of stores.He passed a CD store and saw a beauti ful girl about his age and he knew it was love at first sight.He opened the door and walked in.
She looked up and asked,"Can I help you?"
He said,"U11…Yeah…Umm…I would like to buy a CD."
Hc picked one out and gave her money for it.
"Would you like me to wrap it for you?"she asked,smiling her cute smile.
He nodded and she went to the back.She came back with the wrapped CD and gave it to him.He took it and walked out of the store.
He wcnt home and from then on,he went to that store every day and bought a CD,and she wrapped
it for him.He took the CD home and put it in his closet. He was still too shy to ask her out.His mother found out about this and told him to just ask her. So the next day, he took a11 his courage and went to the store as usual.He bought a CD like he did every day and once again she went to the back of the store and came back with it wrapped. He took it and when she wasn't looking, he left his phone number on the desk and ran out.
0ne day , the phone rang,and the mother picked it up and said,"Hello?"
It was the girl !!! The mother started to cry and said,"You don,t know? He passed away yesterday..."
Later in the day, the mother went into the boy's room because she wanted to remember him.She thought she would start by looking at his clothes, so she opened the closet.
72 She was face to face with piles and piles of unopened CDs.She was surprised to find all these CDs and she picked one up and sat down on the bed and she started to open one. Inside, there was a CD and as she took it out of the wrapper,out fell a piece of paper.The mother picked it up and started to read it.It said:Hi…1 think U R really cute.Do U wanna go out with me?Love, Jocelyn.
The mother was deeply moved and opened another CD...
Again there was a piece of paper.It said:Hi…I think U R really cute.Do U wanna go out with me? Love,Jocelyn. | 2608.txt | 1 |
[
"The boy was too shy to ask the girl out.",
"The boy loved music so much.",
"There was love at first sight.",
"Both the boy and the girl missed their love"
] | What did the passage try to tell us? | There was once a young man who suffered from cancer.He was 1 8 years old and he
could die anytime. 71 He never went outside;but he was sick of staying home and wanted to go out for once.So he asked his mother and she gave him permission.
He walked down his block and found a lot of stores.He passed a CD store and saw a beauti ful girl about his age and he knew it was love at first sight.He opened the door and walked in.
She looked up and asked,"Can I help you?"
He said,"U11…Yeah…Umm…I would like to buy a CD."
Hc picked one out and gave her money for it.
"Would you like me to wrap it for you?"she asked,smiling her cute smile.
He nodded and she went to the back.She came back with the wrapped CD and gave it to him.He took it and walked out of the store.
He wcnt home and from then on,he went to that store every day and bought a CD,and she wrapped
it for him.He took the CD home and put it in his closet. He was still too shy to ask her out.His mother found out about this and told him to just ask her. So the next day, he took a11 his courage and went to the store as usual.He bought a CD like he did every day and once again she went to the back of the store and came back with it wrapped. He took it and when she wasn't looking, he left his phone number on the desk and ran out.
0ne day , the phone rang,and the mother picked it up and said,"Hello?"
It was the girl !!! The mother started to cry and said,"You don,t know? He passed away yesterday..."
Later in the day, the mother went into the boy's room because she wanted to remember him.She thought she would start by looking at his clothes, so she opened the closet.
72 She was face to face with piles and piles of unopened CDs.She was surprised to find all these CDs and she picked one up and sat down on the bed and she started to open one. Inside, there was a CD and as she took it out of the wrapper,out fell a piece of paper.The mother picked it up and started to read it.It said:Hi…1 think U R really cute.Do U wanna go out with me?Love, Jocelyn.
The mother was deeply moved and opened another CD...
Again there was a piece of paper.It said:Hi…I think U R really cute.Do U wanna go out with me? Love,Jocelyn. | 2608.txt | 3 |
[
"make dramatization an important aspect of students' learning",
"make inspired play an integral part of the learning process",
"improve students' learning performance",
"make study just as easy as play"
] | The author believes that a successful teacher should be able to ________. | I came away from my years of teaching on the college and university level with a conviction that enactment , performance, dramatization are the most successful forms of teaching. Students must be incorporated, made, so far as possible, an integral part of the learning process. The notion that learning should have in it an element of inspired play would seem to the greater part of the academic establishment merely silly, but that is nonetheless the case. Of Ezekiel Cheever, the most famous schoolmaster of the Massachusetts Bay Colony, his onetime student Cotton Mather wrote that he so planned his lessons that his pupils "came to work as though they came to play," and Alfred North Whitehead, almost three hundred years later, noted that a teacher should make his/her students "glad they were there."
Since, we are told, 80 to 90 percent of all instruction in the typical university is by the lecture method, we should give close attention to this form of education. There is, I think, much truth in Patricia Nelson Limerick's observation that "lecturing is an unnatural act, an act for which God did not design humans. It is perfectly all right, now and then, for a human to be possessed by the urge to speak, and to speak while others remain silent. But to do this regularly, one hour and 15 minutes at a time... for one person to drag on while others sit in silence?... I do not believe that this is what the Creator... designed humans to do."
The strange, almost incomprehensible fact is that many professors, just as they feel obliged to write dully, believe that they should lecture dully. To show enthusiasm is to risk appearing unscientific, unobjective; it is to appeal to the students' emotions rather than their intellect. Thus the ideal lecture is one filled with facts and read in an unchanged monotone.
The cult of lecturing dully, like the cult of writing dully, goes back, of course, some years. Edward Shils, professor of sociology, recalls the professors he encountered at the University of Pennsylvania in his youth. They seemed "a priesthood, rather uneven in their merits but uniform in their bearing; they never referred to anything personal. Some read from old lecture notes and then haltingly explained the thumb-worn last lines. Others lectured from cards that had served for years, to judge by the worn edges... The teachers began on time, ended on time, and left the room without saying a word more to their students, very seldom being detained by questioners... The classes were not large, yet there was no discussion. No questions were raised in class, and there were no office hours." | 4148.txt | 1 |
[
"it draws the close attention of the students",
"it conforms in a way to the design of the Creator",
"it presents course content in a scientific and objective manner",
"it helps students to comprehend abstract theories more easily"
] | The majority of university professors prefer the traditional way of lecturing in the belief that ________. | I came away from my years of teaching on the college and university level with a conviction that enactment , performance, dramatization are the most successful forms of teaching. Students must be incorporated, made, so far as possible, an integral part of the learning process. The notion that learning should have in it an element of inspired play would seem to the greater part of the academic establishment merely silly, but that is nonetheless the case. Of Ezekiel Cheever, the most famous schoolmaster of the Massachusetts Bay Colony, his onetime student Cotton Mather wrote that he so planned his lessons that his pupils "came to work as though they came to play," and Alfred North Whitehead, almost three hundred years later, noted that a teacher should make his/her students "glad they were there."
Since, we are told, 80 to 90 percent of all instruction in the typical university is by the lecture method, we should give close attention to this form of education. There is, I think, much truth in Patricia Nelson Limerick's observation that "lecturing is an unnatural act, an act for which God did not design humans. It is perfectly all right, now and then, for a human to be possessed by the urge to speak, and to speak while others remain silent. But to do this regularly, one hour and 15 minutes at a time... for one person to drag on while others sit in silence?... I do not believe that this is what the Creator... designed humans to do."
The strange, almost incomprehensible fact is that many professors, just as they feel obliged to write dully, believe that they should lecture dully. To show enthusiasm is to risk appearing unscientific, unobjective; it is to appeal to the students' emotions rather than their intellect. Thus the ideal lecture is one filled with facts and read in an unchanged monotone.
The cult of lecturing dully, like the cult of writing dully, goes back, of course, some years. Edward Shils, professor of sociology, recalls the professors he encountered at the University of Pennsylvania in his youth. They seemed "a priesthood, rather uneven in their merits but uniform in their bearing; they never referred to anything personal. Some read from old lecture notes and then haltingly explained the thumb-worn last lines. Others lectured from cards that had served for years, to judge by the worn edges... The teachers began on time, ended on time, and left the room without saying a word more to their students, very seldom being detained by questioners... The classes were not large, yet there was no discussion. No questions were raised in class, and there were no office hours." | 4148.txt | 2 |
[
"college education should be improved through radical measures",
"more freedom of choice should be given to students in their studies",
"traditional college lectures should be replaced by dramatized performances",
"interaction should be encouraged in the process of teaching"
] | What the author recommends in this passage is that ________. | I came away from my years of teaching on the college and university level with a conviction that enactment , performance, dramatization are the most successful forms of teaching. Students must be incorporated, made, so far as possible, an integral part of the learning process. The notion that learning should have in it an element of inspired play would seem to the greater part of the academic establishment merely silly, but that is nonetheless the case. Of Ezekiel Cheever, the most famous schoolmaster of the Massachusetts Bay Colony, his onetime student Cotton Mather wrote that he so planned his lessons that his pupils "came to work as though they came to play," and Alfred North Whitehead, almost three hundred years later, noted that a teacher should make his/her students "glad they were there."
Since, we are told, 80 to 90 percent of all instruction in the typical university is by the lecture method, we should give close attention to this form of education. There is, I think, much truth in Patricia Nelson Limerick's observation that "lecturing is an unnatural act, an act for which God did not design humans. It is perfectly all right, now and then, for a human to be possessed by the urge to speak, and to speak while others remain silent. But to do this regularly, one hour and 15 minutes at a time... for one person to drag on while others sit in silence?... I do not believe that this is what the Creator... designed humans to do."
The strange, almost incomprehensible fact is that many professors, just as they feel obliged to write dully, believe that they should lecture dully. To show enthusiasm is to risk appearing unscientific, unobjective; it is to appeal to the students' emotions rather than their intellect. Thus the ideal lecture is one filled with facts and read in an unchanged monotone.
The cult of lecturing dully, like the cult of writing dully, goes back, of course, some years. Edward Shils, professor of sociology, recalls the professors he encountered at the University of Pennsylvania in his youth. They seemed "a priesthood, rather uneven in their merits but uniform in their bearing; they never referred to anything personal. Some read from old lecture notes and then haltingly explained the thumb-worn last lines. Others lectured from cards that had served for years, to judge by the worn edges... The teachers began on time, ended on time, and left the room without saying a word more to their students, very seldom being detained by questioners... The classes were not large, yet there was no discussion. No questions were raised in class, and there were no office hours." | 4148.txt | 3 |
[
"professors are a group of professionals that differ in their academic ability but behave in the same way",
"professors are like priests wearing the same kind of black gown but having different roles to play",
"there is no fundamental difference between professors and priests though they differ in their merits",
"professors at the University of Pennsylvania used to wear black suits which made them look like priests"
] | By saying "They seemed ‘a priesthood, rather uneven in their merits but uniform in their bearing...'" (Lines 3-4, Para. 4), the author means that ________. | I came away from my years of teaching on the college and university level with a conviction that enactment , performance, dramatization are the most successful forms of teaching. Students must be incorporated, made, so far as possible, an integral part of the learning process. The notion that learning should have in it an element of inspired play would seem to the greater part of the academic establishment merely silly, but that is nonetheless the case. Of Ezekiel Cheever, the most famous schoolmaster of the Massachusetts Bay Colony, his onetime student Cotton Mather wrote that he so planned his lessons that his pupils "came to work as though they came to play," and Alfred North Whitehead, almost three hundred years later, noted that a teacher should make his/her students "glad they were there."
Since, we are told, 80 to 90 percent of all instruction in the typical university is by the lecture method, we should give close attention to this form of education. There is, I think, much truth in Patricia Nelson Limerick's observation that "lecturing is an unnatural act, an act for which God did not design humans. It is perfectly all right, now and then, for a human to be possessed by the urge to speak, and to speak while others remain silent. But to do this regularly, one hour and 15 minutes at a time... for one person to drag on while others sit in silence?... I do not believe that this is what the Creator... designed humans to do."
The strange, almost incomprehensible fact is that many professors, just as they feel obliged to write dully, believe that they should lecture dully. To show enthusiasm is to risk appearing unscientific, unobjective; it is to appeal to the students' emotions rather than their intellect. Thus the ideal lecture is one filled with facts and read in an unchanged monotone.
The cult of lecturing dully, like the cult of writing dully, goes back, of course, some years. Edward Shils, professor of sociology, recalls the professors he encountered at the University of Pennsylvania in his youth. They seemed "a priesthood, rather uneven in their merits but uniform in their bearing; they never referred to anything personal. Some read from old lecture notes and then haltingly explained the thumb-worn last lines. Others lectured from cards that had served for years, to judge by the worn edges... The teachers began on time, ended on time, and left the room without saying a word more to their students, very seldom being detained by questioners... The classes were not large, yet there was no discussion. No questions were raised in class, and there were no office hours." | 4148.txt | 0 |
[
"Ezekiel Cheever's.",
"Cotton Mather's.",
"Alfred North Whitehead's.",
"Patricia Nelson Limerick's."
] | Whose teaching method is particularly commended by the author? | I came away from my years of teaching on the college and university level with a conviction that enactment , performance, dramatization are the most successful forms of teaching. Students must be incorporated, made, so far as possible, an integral part of the learning process. The notion that learning should have in it an element of inspired play would seem to the greater part of the academic establishment merely silly, but that is nonetheless the case. Of Ezekiel Cheever, the most famous schoolmaster of the Massachusetts Bay Colony, his onetime student Cotton Mather wrote that he so planned his lessons that his pupils "came to work as though they came to play," and Alfred North Whitehead, almost three hundred years later, noted that a teacher should make his/her students "glad they were there."
Since, we are told, 80 to 90 percent of all instruction in the typical university is by the lecture method, we should give close attention to this form of education. There is, I think, much truth in Patricia Nelson Limerick's observation that "lecturing is an unnatural act, an act for which God did not design humans. It is perfectly all right, now and then, for a human to be possessed by the urge to speak, and to speak while others remain silent. But to do this regularly, one hour and 15 minutes at a time... for one person to drag on while others sit in silence?... I do not believe that this is what the Creator... designed humans to do."
The strange, almost incomprehensible fact is that many professors, just as they feel obliged to write dully, believe that they should lecture dully. To show enthusiasm is to risk appearing unscientific, unobjective; it is to appeal to the students' emotions rather than their intellect. Thus the ideal lecture is one filled with facts and read in an unchanged monotone.
The cult of lecturing dully, like the cult of writing dully, goes back, of course, some years. Edward Shils, professor of sociology, recalls the professors he encountered at the University of Pennsylvania in his youth. They seemed "a priesthood, rather uneven in their merits but uniform in their bearing; they never referred to anything personal. Some read from old lecture notes and then haltingly explained the thumb-worn last lines. Others lectured from cards that had served for years, to judge by the worn edges... The teachers began on time, ended on time, and left the room without saying a word more to their students, very seldom being detained by questioners... The classes were not large, yet there was no discussion. No questions were raised in class, and there were no office hours." | 4148.txt | 0 |
[
"arts criticism has disappeared from big-city newspapers.",
"English-language newspapers used to carry more arts reviews.",
"high-quality newspapers retain a large body of readers.",
"young readers doubt the suitability of criticism on dailies."
] | It is indicated in Paragraphs 1 and 2 that | Of all the changes that have taken place in English-language newspapers during the past quarter-century, perhaps the most far-reaching has been the inexorable decline in the scope and seriousness of their arts coverage.
It is difficult to the point of impossibility for the average reader under the age of forty to imagine a time when high-quality arts criticism could be found in most big-city newspapers.
Yet a considerable number of the most significant collections of criticism published in the 20th century consisted in large part of newspaper reviews. To read such books today is to marvel at the fact that their learned contents were once deemed suitable for publication in general-circulation dailies.
We are even farther removed from the unfocused newspaper reviews published in England between the turn of the 20th century and the eve of World War II, at a time when newsprint was dirt-cheap and stylish arts criticism was considered an ornament to the publications in which it appeared. In those far-off days, it was taken for granted that the critics of major papers would write in detail and at length about the events they covered. Theirs was a serious business, and even those reviewers who wore their learning lightly, like George Bernard Shaw and Ernest Newman, could be trusted to know what they were about. These men believed in journalism as a calling, and were proud to be published in the daily press. "So few authors have brains enough or literary gift enough to keep their own end up in journalism," Newman wrote, "that I am tempted to define ‘journalism' as ‘a term of contempt applied by writers who are not read to writers who are.'"
Unfortunately, these critics are virtually forgotten. Neville Cardus, who wrote for the Manchester Guardian from 1917 until shortly before his death in 1975, is now known solely as a writer of essays on the game of cricket. During his lifetime, though, he was also one of England's foremost classical-music critics, a stylist so widely admired that his Autobiography (1947) became a best-seller. He was knighted in 1967, the first music critic to be so honored. Yet only one of his books is now in print, and his vast body of writings on music is unknown save to specialists.
Is there any chance that Cardus's criticism will enjoy a revival? The prospect seems remote. Journalistic tastes had changed long before his death, and postmodern readers have little use for the richly upholstered Vicwardian prose in which he specialized. Moreover, the amateur tradition in music criticism has been in headlong retreat. | 2265.txt | 1 |
[
"free themes.",
"casual style.",
"elaborate layout.",
"radical viewpoints."
] | Newspaper reviews in England before World War II were characterized by | Of all the changes that have taken place in English-language newspapers during the past quarter-century, perhaps the most far-reaching has been the inexorable decline in the scope and seriousness of their arts coverage.
It is difficult to the point of impossibility for the average reader under the age of forty to imagine a time when high-quality arts criticism could be found in most big-city newspapers.
Yet a considerable number of the most significant collections of criticism published in the 20th century consisted in large part of newspaper reviews. To read such books today is to marvel at the fact that their learned contents were once deemed suitable for publication in general-circulation dailies.
We are even farther removed from the unfocused newspaper reviews published in England between the turn of the 20th century and the eve of World War II, at a time when newsprint was dirt-cheap and stylish arts criticism was considered an ornament to the publications in which it appeared. In those far-off days, it was taken for granted that the critics of major papers would write in detail and at length about the events they covered. Theirs was a serious business, and even those reviewers who wore their learning lightly, like George Bernard Shaw and Ernest Newman, could be trusted to know what they were about. These men believed in journalism as a calling, and were proud to be published in the daily press. "So few authors have brains enough or literary gift enough to keep their own end up in journalism," Newman wrote, "that I am tempted to define ‘journalism' as ‘a term of contempt applied by writers who are not read to writers who are.'"
Unfortunately, these critics are virtually forgotten. Neville Cardus, who wrote for the Manchester Guardian from 1917 until shortly before his death in 1975, is now known solely as a writer of essays on the game of cricket. During his lifetime, though, he was also one of England's foremost classical-music critics, a stylist so widely admired that his Autobiography (1947) became a best-seller. He was knighted in 1967, the first music critic to be so honored. Yet only one of his books is now in print, and his vast body of writings on music is unknown save to specialists.
Is there any chance that Cardus's criticism will enjoy a revival? The prospect seems remote. Journalistic tastes had changed long before his death, and postmodern readers have little use for the richly upholstered Vicwardian prose in which he specialized. Moreover, the amateur tradition in music criticism has been in headlong retreat. | 2265.txt | 0 |
[
"It is writers' duty to fulfill journalistic goals.",
"It is contemptible for writers to be journalists.",
"Writers are likely to be tempted into journalism.",
"Not all writers are capable of journalistic writing."
] | Which of the following would Shaw and Newman most probably agree on? | Of all the changes that have taken place in English-language newspapers during the past quarter-century, perhaps the most far-reaching has been the inexorable decline in the scope and seriousness of their arts coverage.
It is difficult to the point of impossibility for the average reader under the age of forty to imagine a time when high-quality arts criticism could be found in most big-city newspapers.
Yet a considerable number of the most significant collections of criticism published in the 20th century consisted in large part of newspaper reviews. To read such books today is to marvel at the fact that their learned contents were once deemed suitable for publication in general-circulation dailies.
We are even farther removed from the unfocused newspaper reviews published in England between the turn of the 20th century and the eve of World War II, at a time when newsprint was dirt-cheap and stylish arts criticism was considered an ornament to the publications in which it appeared. In those far-off days, it was taken for granted that the critics of major papers would write in detail and at length about the events they covered. Theirs was a serious business, and even those reviewers who wore their learning lightly, like George Bernard Shaw and Ernest Newman, could be trusted to know what they were about. These men believed in journalism as a calling, and were proud to be published in the daily press. "So few authors have brains enough or literary gift enough to keep their own end up in journalism," Newman wrote, "that I am tempted to define ‘journalism' as ‘a term of contempt applied by writers who are not read to writers who are.'"
Unfortunately, these critics are virtually forgotten. Neville Cardus, who wrote for the Manchester Guardian from 1917 until shortly before his death in 1975, is now known solely as a writer of essays on the game of cricket. During his lifetime, though, he was also one of England's foremost classical-music critics, a stylist so widely admired that his Autobiography (1947) became a best-seller. He was knighted in 1967, the first music critic to be so honored. Yet only one of his books is now in print, and his vast body of writings on music is unknown save to specialists.
Is there any chance that Cardus's criticism will enjoy a revival? The prospect seems remote. Journalistic tastes had changed long before his death, and postmodern readers have little use for the richly upholstered Vicwardian prose in which he specialized. Moreover, the amateur tradition in music criticism has been in headlong retreat. | 2265.txt | 2 |
[
"His music criticism may not appeal to readers today.",
"His reputation as a music critic has long been in dispute.",
"His style caters largely to modern specialists.",
"His writings fail to follow the amateur tradition."
] | What can be learned about Cardus according to the last two paragraphs? | Of all the changes that have taken place in English-language newspapers during the past quarter-century, perhaps the most far-reaching has been the inexorable decline in the scope and seriousness of their arts coverage.
It is difficult to the point of impossibility for the average reader under the age of forty to imagine a time when high-quality arts criticism could be found in most big-city newspapers.
Yet a considerable number of the most significant collections of criticism published in the 20th century consisted in large part of newspaper reviews. To read such books today is to marvel at the fact that their learned contents were once deemed suitable for publication in general-circulation dailies.
We are even farther removed from the unfocused newspaper reviews published in England between the turn of the 20th century and the eve of World War II, at a time when newsprint was dirt-cheap and stylish arts criticism was considered an ornament to the publications in which it appeared. In those far-off days, it was taken for granted that the critics of major papers would write in detail and at length about the events they covered. Theirs was a serious business, and even those reviewers who wore their learning lightly, like George Bernard Shaw and Ernest Newman, could be trusted to know what they were about. These men believed in journalism as a calling, and were proud to be published in the daily press. "So few authors have brains enough or literary gift enough to keep their own end up in journalism," Newman wrote, "that I am tempted to define ‘journalism' as ‘a term of contempt applied by writers who are not read to writers who are.'"
Unfortunately, these critics are virtually forgotten. Neville Cardus, who wrote for the Manchester Guardian from 1917 until shortly before his death in 1975, is now known solely as a writer of essays on the game of cricket. During his lifetime, though, he was also one of England's foremost classical-music critics, a stylist so widely admired that his Autobiography (1947) became a best-seller. He was knighted in 1967, the first music critic to be so honored. Yet only one of his books is now in print, and his vast body of writings on music is unknown save to specialists.
Is there any chance that Cardus's criticism will enjoy a revival? The prospect seems remote. Journalistic tastes had changed long before his death, and postmodern readers have little use for the richly upholstered Vicwardian prose in which he specialized. Moreover, the amateur tradition in music criticism has been in headlong retreat. | 2265.txt | 0 |
[
"Newspapers of the Good Old Days",
"The Lost Horizon in Newspapers",
"Mournful Decline of Journalism",
"Prominent Critics in Memory"
] | What would be the best title for the text? | Of all the changes that have taken place in English-language newspapers during the past quarter-century, perhaps the most far-reaching has been the inexorable decline in the scope and seriousness of their arts coverage.
It is difficult to the point of impossibility for the average reader under the age of forty to imagine a time when high-quality arts criticism could be found in most big-city newspapers.
Yet a considerable number of the most significant collections of criticism published in the 20th century consisted in large part of newspaper reviews. To read such books today is to marvel at the fact that their learned contents were once deemed suitable for publication in general-circulation dailies.
We are even farther removed from the unfocused newspaper reviews published in England between the turn of the 20th century and the eve of World War II, at a time when newsprint was dirt-cheap and stylish arts criticism was considered an ornament to the publications in which it appeared. In those far-off days, it was taken for granted that the critics of major papers would write in detail and at length about the events they covered. Theirs was a serious business, and even those reviewers who wore their learning lightly, like George Bernard Shaw and Ernest Newman, could be trusted to know what they were about. These men believed in journalism as a calling, and were proud to be published in the daily press. "So few authors have brains enough or literary gift enough to keep their own end up in journalism," Newman wrote, "that I am tempted to define ‘journalism' as ‘a term of contempt applied by writers who are not read to writers who are.'"
Unfortunately, these critics are virtually forgotten. Neville Cardus, who wrote for the Manchester Guardian from 1917 until shortly before his death in 1975, is now known solely as a writer of essays on the game of cricket. During his lifetime, though, he was also one of England's foremost classical-music critics, a stylist so widely admired that his Autobiography (1947) became a best-seller. He was knighted in 1967, the first music critic to be so honored. Yet only one of his books is now in print, and his vast body of writings on music is unknown save to specialists.
Is there any chance that Cardus's criticism will enjoy a revival? The prospect seems remote. Journalistic tastes had changed long before his death, and postmodern readers have little use for the richly upholstered Vicwardian prose in which he specialized. Moreover, the amateur tradition in music criticism has been in headlong retreat. | 2265.txt | 1 |
[
"similar",
"identical",
"opposite",
"complementary"
] | The views of Yogi Berra and researchers including Crews and Milton are _ . | " Half the game is 90 percent mental," Yogi Berra once said, or something like that, and science is now getting around to putting his aphorism to the test. Researchers including Debbie Crews of Arizona State University and John Milton of the University of Chicago have been studying patterns of brain activation-not in baseball players but in golfers, who make better subjects because they don't move around as much and the electrodes stay stuck to their heads. Yogi might have been surprised by the researchers' conclusion, though: the better the golfer, the less brain activity he shows in the seconds before he makes his shot.
Crews, a sports psychologist who studies putting-even the minimal agitation of a chip shot can upset her experimental apparatus-has found that a key difference between amateurs and pros lies in the left hemisphere. This is the seat of logic, analysis, verbal reasoning and the kinds of thoughts-Maybe I should just kind of squinch over a little more to the left-that you never imagine crossing Tiger Woods's mind. Professionals, once they've determined how to make a shot, follow an invariable routine that renders conscious thought unnecessary. " How you think is probably more important than what you think," Crews says. " Quieting the left hemisphere is really critical."
Or, to put it another way, when Milton asked some LPGA golfers what they thought about just before taking a shot, they answered: nothing. To test this, he rounded up a half-dozen pros and an equal number of amateurs and had them imagine making a specific shot-a wedge shot of 100 yards to the green, with no wind-while monitoring their brains in a functional magnetic resonance imaging machine. " The professionals are just much more specialized and efficient," Milton says. " You put in a quarter and you get your shot." The amateurs, by contrast, showed more total brain activation, involving more areas of the brain. In particular, amateurs activated the basal ganglia-involved in learning motor functions-and the basal forebrain and amygdala, responsible for, among other functions, emotions. " They're not fearful or anxious," Milton says, " but they get overwhelmed by details, by the memories of all the shots they've missed in the past." Some of his subjects worried about hitting the ball into the water, which was curious, because he hadn't even mentioned a water hazard in describing the imaginary shot to them.
Professional athletes, as a rule, know how to keep focus, although there are exceptions, like Chuck Knoblauch, the Yankee second baseman who suddenly lost the ability to make a routine throw to first base. Milton is already trying to apply these lessons to stroke and other rehabilitation patients who have to relearn skills like walking; he recommends putting more emphasis on visualization and improving mental focus. In many aspects of life, it seems, half the game really is 90 percent mental. | 530.txt | 2 |
[
"the activity of the left hemisphere",
"the way of their thinking",
"the ability to control one's brain",
"the ability to forget the past failures"
] | We can learn from the text that the difference between pros and amateurs lies in _ . | " Half the game is 90 percent mental," Yogi Berra once said, or something like that, and science is now getting around to putting his aphorism to the test. Researchers including Debbie Crews of Arizona State University and John Milton of the University of Chicago have been studying patterns of brain activation-not in baseball players but in golfers, who make better subjects because they don't move around as much and the electrodes stay stuck to their heads. Yogi might have been surprised by the researchers' conclusion, though: the better the golfer, the less brain activity he shows in the seconds before he makes his shot.
Crews, a sports psychologist who studies putting-even the minimal agitation of a chip shot can upset her experimental apparatus-has found that a key difference between amateurs and pros lies in the left hemisphere. This is the seat of logic, analysis, verbal reasoning and the kinds of thoughts-Maybe I should just kind of squinch over a little more to the left-that you never imagine crossing Tiger Woods's mind. Professionals, once they've determined how to make a shot, follow an invariable routine that renders conscious thought unnecessary. " How you think is probably more important than what you think," Crews says. " Quieting the left hemisphere is really critical."
Or, to put it another way, when Milton asked some LPGA golfers what they thought about just before taking a shot, they answered: nothing. To test this, he rounded up a half-dozen pros and an equal number of amateurs and had them imagine making a specific shot-a wedge shot of 100 yards to the green, with no wind-while monitoring their brains in a functional magnetic resonance imaging machine. " The professionals are just much more specialized and efficient," Milton says. " You put in a quarter and you get your shot." The amateurs, by contrast, showed more total brain activation, involving more areas of the brain. In particular, amateurs activated the basal ganglia-involved in learning motor functions-and the basal forebrain and amygdala, responsible for, among other functions, emotions. " They're not fearful or anxious," Milton says, " but they get overwhelmed by details, by the memories of all the shots they've missed in the past." Some of his subjects worried about hitting the ball into the water, which was curious, because he hadn't even mentioned a water hazard in describing the imaginary shot to them.
Professional athletes, as a rule, know how to keep focus, although there are exceptions, like Chuck Knoblauch, the Yankee second baseman who suddenly lost the ability to make a routine throw to first base. Milton is already trying to apply these lessons to stroke and other rehabilitation patients who have to relearn skills like walking; he recommends putting more emphasis on visualization and improving mental focus. In many aspects of life, it seems, half the game really is 90 percent mental. | 530.txt | 0 |
[
"a researcher",
"a professional baseball player",
"a sports psychologist",
"a professional golf player"
] | Tiger Woods, according to the text, is probably _ . | " Half the game is 90 percent mental," Yogi Berra once said, or something like that, and science is now getting around to putting his aphorism to the test. Researchers including Debbie Crews of Arizona State University and John Milton of the University of Chicago have been studying patterns of brain activation-not in baseball players but in golfers, who make better subjects because they don't move around as much and the electrodes stay stuck to their heads. Yogi might have been surprised by the researchers' conclusion, though: the better the golfer, the less brain activity he shows in the seconds before he makes his shot.
Crews, a sports psychologist who studies putting-even the minimal agitation of a chip shot can upset her experimental apparatus-has found that a key difference between amateurs and pros lies in the left hemisphere. This is the seat of logic, analysis, verbal reasoning and the kinds of thoughts-Maybe I should just kind of squinch over a little more to the left-that you never imagine crossing Tiger Woods's mind. Professionals, once they've determined how to make a shot, follow an invariable routine that renders conscious thought unnecessary. " How you think is probably more important than what you think," Crews says. " Quieting the left hemisphere is really critical."
Or, to put it another way, when Milton asked some LPGA golfers what they thought about just before taking a shot, they answered: nothing. To test this, he rounded up a half-dozen pros and an equal number of amateurs and had them imagine making a specific shot-a wedge shot of 100 yards to the green, with no wind-while monitoring their brains in a functional magnetic resonance imaging machine. " The professionals are just much more specialized and efficient," Milton says. " You put in a quarter and you get your shot." The amateurs, by contrast, showed more total brain activation, involving more areas of the brain. In particular, amateurs activated the basal ganglia-involved in learning motor functions-and the basal forebrain and amygdala, responsible for, among other functions, emotions. " They're not fearful or anxious," Milton says, " but they get overwhelmed by details, by the memories of all the shots they've missed in the past." Some of his subjects worried about hitting the ball into the water, which was curious, because he hadn't even mentioned a water hazard in describing the imaginary shot to them.
Professional athletes, as a rule, know how to keep focus, although there are exceptions, like Chuck Knoblauch, the Yankee second baseman who suddenly lost the ability to make a routine throw to first base. Milton is already trying to apply these lessons to stroke and other rehabilitation patients who have to relearn skills like walking; he recommends putting more emphasis on visualization and improving mental focus. In many aspects of life, it seems, half the game really is 90 percent mental. | 530.txt | 3 |
[
"Not to think of anything related to your past losses.",
"Quiet your left hemisphere and think of nothing.",
"Try to activate your whole brain.",
"To be more specialized and efficient."
] | What is the key to the success of golfers according to the text? | " Half the game is 90 percent mental," Yogi Berra once said, or something like that, and science is now getting around to putting his aphorism to the test. Researchers including Debbie Crews of Arizona State University and John Milton of the University of Chicago have been studying patterns of brain activation-not in baseball players but in golfers, who make better subjects because they don't move around as much and the electrodes stay stuck to their heads. Yogi might have been surprised by the researchers' conclusion, though: the better the golfer, the less brain activity he shows in the seconds before he makes his shot.
Crews, a sports psychologist who studies putting-even the minimal agitation of a chip shot can upset her experimental apparatus-has found that a key difference between amateurs and pros lies in the left hemisphere. This is the seat of logic, analysis, verbal reasoning and the kinds of thoughts-Maybe I should just kind of squinch over a little more to the left-that you never imagine crossing Tiger Woods's mind. Professionals, once they've determined how to make a shot, follow an invariable routine that renders conscious thought unnecessary. " How you think is probably more important than what you think," Crews says. " Quieting the left hemisphere is really critical."
Or, to put it another way, when Milton asked some LPGA golfers what they thought about just before taking a shot, they answered: nothing. To test this, he rounded up a half-dozen pros and an equal number of amateurs and had them imagine making a specific shot-a wedge shot of 100 yards to the green, with no wind-while monitoring their brains in a functional magnetic resonance imaging machine. " The professionals are just much more specialized and efficient," Milton says. " You put in a quarter and you get your shot." The amateurs, by contrast, showed more total brain activation, involving more areas of the brain. In particular, amateurs activated the basal ganglia-involved in learning motor functions-and the basal forebrain and amygdala, responsible for, among other functions, emotions. " They're not fearful or anxious," Milton says, " but they get overwhelmed by details, by the memories of all the shots they've missed in the past." Some of his subjects worried about hitting the ball into the water, which was curious, because he hadn't even mentioned a water hazard in describing the imaginary shot to them.
Professional athletes, as a rule, know how to keep focus, although there are exceptions, like Chuck Knoblauch, the Yankee second baseman who suddenly lost the ability to make a routine throw to first base. Milton is already trying to apply these lessons to stroke and other rehabilitation patients who have to relearn skills like walking; he recommends putting more emphasis on visualization and improving mental focus. In many aspects of life, it seems, half the game really is 90 percent mental. | 530.txt | 1 |
[
"What the researchers have found proves Yogi Berra's words.",
"Baseball player should do as Yogi Berra said.",
"Mentality plays a very important role in many aspects of life.",
"Sports and medicine share some common principles."
] | What can we learn from the last paragraph? | " Half the game is 90 percent mental," Yogi Berra once said, or something like that, and science is now getting around to putting his aphorism to the test. Researchers including Debbie Crews of Arizona State University and John Milton of the University of Chicago have been studying patterns of brain activation-not in baseball players but in golfers, who make better subjects because they don't move around as much and the electrodes stay stuck to their heads. Yogi might have been surprised by the researchers' conclusion, though: the better the golfer, the less brain activity he shows in the seconds before he makes his shot.
Crews, a sports psychologist who studies putting-even the minimal agitation of a chip shot can upset her experimental apparatus-has found that a key difference between amateurs and pros lies in the left hemisphere. This is the seat of logic, analysis, verbal reasoning and the kinds of thoughts-Maybe I should just kind of squinch over a little more to the left-that you never imagine crossing Tiger Woods's mind. Professionals, once they've determined how to make a shot, follow an invariable routine that renders conscious thought unnecessary. " How you think is probably more important than what you think," Crews says. " Quieting the left hemisphere is really critical."
Or, to put it another way, when Milton asked some LPGA golfers what they thought about just before taking a shot, they answered: nothing. To test this, he rounded up a half-dozen pros and an equal number of amateurs and had them imagine making a specific shot-a wedge shot of 100 yards to the green, with no wind-while monitoring their brains in a functional magnetic resonance imaging machine. " The professionals are just much more specialized and efficient," Milton says. " You put in a quarter and you get your shot." The amateurs, by contrast, showed more total brain activation, involving more areas of the brain. In particular, amateurs activated the basal ganglia-involved in learning motor functions-and the basal forebrain and amygdala, responsible for, among other functions, emotions. " They're not fearful or anxious," Milton says, " but they get overwhelmed by details, by the memories of all the shots they've missed in the past." Some of his subjects worried about hitting the ball into the water, which was curious, because he hadn't even mentioned a water hazard in describing the imaginary shot to them.
Professional athletes, as a rule, know how to keep focus, although there are exceptions, like Chuck Knoblauch, the Yankee second baseman who suddenly lost the ability to make a routine throw to first base. Milton is already trying to apply these lessons to stroke and other rehabilitation patients who have to relearn skills like walking; he recommends putting more emphasis on visualization and improving mental focus. In many aspects of life, it seems, half the game really is 90 percent mental. | 530.txt | 2 |
[
"the evolution of the Emotional System 233.com",
"the mechanism of the Emotional System",
"the widespread ignorance of the Emotional System",
"the analogy beteen Solar System and Emotional Sysrem"
] | By referring to the solar system, the author intends to show | Our understanding of the Emotional System today is still in the Dark Ages. This has its analogy to the time when people' s understanding of our Solar System was based upon the belief that the Sun revolved around the Earth, as it certainly appeared that way--however, just the reverse was true. The problem was, as long as we believed the Sun went around the Earth, we were limited as to how far we could go in the Solar System.
We find the same condition existing today in regard to the Emotional System. Society believes that our emotional feelings are a result of our experiences in our environment. In essence：something happened and it made me feel the way I do. This belief, though it is certainly the way it appears, is just the reverse of how it really works.
What happens to us as we embrace an emotional feeling is that it is first received by our brain, which converts it into electrical energy that flows through our body by means of the central nervous system. We can often "feel the charge" in our body associated with the experience of emotions. When this occurs an electromagnetic field is generated around our body which attracts to us another person who has an identical electromagnetic field around their body and the game emotional feeling in their heart.
We have not been able to make much progress in the emotional area. Let's face it, although this age reflects great advancements in technology, the feelings in the hearts of men and women are still plagued by darkness.
Believing that something or someone made us feel the way we do gives rise to the concept of victimization. To see self as a victim places the responsibility for our feelings on someone or something other than self. The real problem with this view is that if we are not responsible for having created our feelings, we are also unable to change those feelings and create new and different ones.
This dilemma we face creates quite a struggle in life. Although we may externally struggle with different circumstances and situations, the emotional feelings associated with them are always the same frustration, resentment, anger, etc. It is as if we have fallen into quicksand, gotten stuck, and the only way we know to extricate ourselves is to struggle. What we find is that the more we struggle to get out,the deeper in we sink.
To state a simple rule: there is an inverse relationship between struggling with a problem and understanding the problem. Understanding how the emotional system really works allows the resolution of problems without struggle. This understanding is the key to unlocking the emotional doorway to enter into the Kingdom of Heavenly Feelings within us. [460 words] | 1185.txt | 2 |
[
"result from our experiences in the environment",
"justify our struggle with the adverse environment",
"plague US more than anything else in the environment",
"are shared by people with an identical electromagnetic field"
] | It is widely believed that our emotional feelings-----. | Our understanding of the Emotional System today is still in the Dark Ages. This has its analogy to the time when people' s understanding of our Solar System was based upon the belief that the Sun revolved around the Earth, as it certainly appeared that way--however, just the reverse was true. The problem was, as long as we believed the Sun went around the Earth, we were limited as to how far we could go in the Solar System.
We find the same condition existing today in regard to the Emotional System. Society believes that our emotional feelings are a result of our experiences in our environment. In essence：something happened and it made me feel the way I do. This belief, though it is certainly the way it appears, is just the reverse of how it really works.
What happens to us as we embrace an emotional feeling is that it is first received by our brain, which converts it into electrical energy that flows through our body by means of the central nervous system. We can often "feel the charge" in our body associated with the experience of emotions. When this occurs an electromagnetic field is generated around our body which attracts to us another person who has an identical electromagnetic field around their body and the game emotional feeling in their heart.
We have not been able to make much progress in the emotional area. Let's face it, although this age reflects great advancements in technology, the feelings in the hearts of men and women are still plagued by darkness.
Believing that something or someone made us feel the way we do gives rise to the concept of victimization. To see self as a victim places the responsibility for our feelings on someone or something other than self. The real problem with this view is that if we are not responsible for having created our feelings, we are also unable to change those feelings and create new and different ones.
This dilemma we face creates quite a struggle in life. Although we may externally struggle with different circumstances and situations, the emotional feelings associated with them are always the same frustration, resentment, anger, etc. It is as if we have fallen into quicksand, gotten stuck, and the only way we know to extricate ourselves is to struggle. What we find is that the more we struggle to get out,the deeper in we sink.
To state a simple rule: there is an inverse relationship between struggling with a problem and understanding the problem. Understanding how the emotional system really works allows the resolution of problems without struggle. This understanding is the key to unlocking the emotional doorway to enter into the Kingdom of Heavenly Feelings within us. [460 words] | 1185.txt | 0 |
[
"the environment generates our feelings",
"everyone is responsible for his own feelings",
"one shouldn't be blamed for his resentment or anger",
"one's feelings are created by something or someone else"
] | The author argues that----------. | Our understanding of the Emotional System today is still in the Dark Ages. This has its analogy to the time when people' s understanding of our Solar System was based upon the belief that the Sun revolved around the Earth, as it certainly appeared that way--however, just the reverse was true. The problem was, as long as we believed the Sun went around the Earth, we were limited as to how far we could go in the Solar System.
We find the same condition existing today in regard to the Emotional System. Society believes that our emotional feelings are a result of our experiences in our environment. In essence：something happened and it made me feel the way I do. This belief, though it is certainly the way it appears, is just the reverse of how it really works.
What happens to us as we embrace an emotional feeling is that it is first received by our brain, which converts it into electrical energy that flows through our body by means of the central nervous system. We can often "feel the charge" in our body associated with the experience of emotions. When this occurs an electromagnetic field is generated around our body which attracts to us another person who has an identical electromagnetic field around their body and the game emotional feeling in their heart.
We have not been able to make much progress in the emotional area. Let's face it, although this age reflects great advancements in technology, the feelings in the hearts of men and women are still plagued by darkness.
Believing that something or someone made us feel the way we do gives rise to the concept of victimization. To see self as a victim places the responsibility for our feelings on someone or something other than self. The real problem with this view is that if we are not responsible for having created our feelings, we are also unable to change those feelings and create new and different ones.
This dilemma we face creates quite a struggle in life. Although we may externally struggle with different circumstances and situations, the emotional feelings associated with them are always the same frustration, resentment, anger, etc. It is as if we have fallen into quicksand, gotten stuck, and the only way we know to extricate ourselves is to struggle. What we find is that the more we struggle to get out,the deeper in we sink.
To state a simple rule: there is an inverse relationship between struggling with a problem and understanding the problem. Understanding how the emotional system really works allows the resolution of problems without struggle. This understanding is the key to unlocking the emotional doorway to enter into the Kingdom of Heavenly Feelings within us. [460 words] | 1185.txt | 1 |
[
"should be iustified 233.com",
"should be embraced",
"should be recognized",
"should be gotten rid of"
] | In the author'S opinion，the concept of victimization in the emotional area----------. | Our understanding of the Emotional System today is still in the Dark Ages. This has its analogy to the time when people' s understanding of our Solar System was based upon the belief that the Sun revolved around the Earth, as it certainly appeared that way--however, just the reverse was true. The problem was, as long as we believed the Sun went around the Earth, we were limited as to how far we could go in the Solar System.
We find the same condition existing today in regard to the Emotional System. Society believes that our emotional feelings are a result of our experiences in our environment. In essence：something happened and it made me feel the way I do. This belief, though it is certainly the way it appears, is just the reverse of how it really works.
What happens to us as we embrace an emotional feeling is that it is first received by our brain, which converts it into electrical energy that flows through our body by means of the central nervous system. We can often "feel the charge" in our body associated with the experience of emotions. When this occurs an electromagnetic field is generated around our body which attracts to us another person who has an identical electromagnetic field around their body and the game emotional feeling in their heart.
We have not been able to make much progress in the emotional area. Let's face it, although this age reflects great advancements in technology, the feelings in the hearts of men and women are still plagued by darkness.
Believing that something or someone made us feel the way we do gives rise to the concept of victimization. To see self as a victim places the responsibility for our feelings on someone or something other than self. The real problem with this view is that if we are not responsible for having created our feelings, we are also unable to change those feelings and create new and different ones.
This dilemma we face creates quite a struggle in life. Although we may externally struggle with different circumstances and situations, the emotional feelings associated with them are always the same frustration, resentment, anger, etc. It is as if we have fallen into quicksand, gotten stuck, and the only way we know to extricate ourselves is to struggle. What we find is that the more we struggle to get out,the deeper in we sink.
To state a simple rule: there is an inverse relationship between struggling with a problem and understanding the problem. Understanding how the emotional system really works allows the resolution of problems without struggle. This understanding is the key to unlocking the emotional doorway to enter into the Kingdom of Heavenly Feelings within us. [460 words] | 1185.txt | 3 |
[
"how to get out of the quicksand with ease",
"how our emotional feelings are brought about",
"the relationship between feelings and adversity",
"the essence of the Kingdom of Heavenly Feelings"
] | It can be inferred from the text that the effective way tO get rid of unhealthy feelings is to understand-----------. | Our understanding of the Emotional System today is still in the Dark Ages. This has its analogy to the time when people' s understanding of our Solar System was based upon the belief that the Sun revolved around the Earth, as it certainly appeared that way--however, just the reverse was true. The problem was, as long as we believed the Sun went around the Earth, we were limited as to how far we could go in the Solar System.
We find the same condition existing today in regard to the Emotional System. Society believes that our emotional feelings are a result of our experiences in our environment. In essence：something happened and it made me feel the way I do. This belief, though it is certainly the way it appears, is just the reverse of how it really works.
What happens to us as we embrace an emotional feeling is that it is first received by our brain, which converts it into electrical energy that flows through our body by means of the central nervous system. We can often "feel the charge" in our body associated with the experience of emotions. When this occurs an electromagnetic field is generated around our body which attracts to us another person who has an identical electromagnetic field around their body and the game emotional feeling in their heart.
We have not been able to make much progress in the emotional area. Let's face it, although this age reflects great advancements in technology, the feelings in the hearts of men and women are still plagued by darkness.
Believing that something or someone made us feel the way we do gives rise to the concept of victimization. To see self as a victim places the responsibility for our feelings on someone or something other than self. The real problem with this view is that if we are not responsible for having created our feelings, we are also unable to change those feelings and create new and different ones.
This dilemma we face creates quite a struggle in life. Although we may externally struggle with different circumstances and situations, the emotional feelings associated with them are always the same frustration, resentment, anger, etc. It is as if we have fallen into quicksand, gotten stuck, and the only way we know to extricate ourselves is to struggle. What we find is that the more we struggle to get out,the deeper in we sink.
To state a simple rule: there is an inverse relationship between struggling with a problem and understanding the problem. Understanding how the emotional system really works allows the resolution of problems without struggle. This understanding is the key to unlocking the emotional doorway to enter into the Kingdom of Heavenly Feelings within us. [460 words] | 1185.txt | 1 |
[
"A huge financial problem has arisen.",
"Many schools there are mismanaged.",
"Lots of teachers in the district are planning to quit.",
"Many administrative personnel have been laid off."
] | What has happened to the Vrain School District? | In communities north of Denver, residents are pitching in to help teachers and administrators as the Vrain school District tries to solve a $13.8 million budget shortage blamed on mismanagement. "We're worried about our teachers and principals, and we really don't want to lose them because of this," one parent sail. "If we can help ease their financial burden, we will. "
Teachers are grateful, but know it may be years before the district is solvent . They feel really good about the parent support, but they realize it's impossible for then to solve this problem.
The 22,000-student district discovered the shortage last month. "It's extraordinary. Nobody would have imagined something happening like this at this level," said State Treasurer Mike Coffman.
Coffman and district officials last week agreed on a state emergency plan freeing yp a $9.8 million loan that enabled the payroll to be met for 2,700 teachers and staff in time for the holidays.
District officials also took $1.7 million from student-activity accounts its 38 schools.
At Coffman's request, the District Attorney has begun investigating the district's finances. Coffman says he wants to know whether district officials hid the budget shortage until after the November election, when voters approved a $212 million bond issue for schools.
In Frederick, students' parents are buying classroom supplies and offering to pay for groceries and utilities to keep first-year teachers and principals in their jobs.
Some $36,000 has been raised in donations from Safeway. A Chevrolet dealership donated $10,000 and forgave the district's $10,750 bill for renting the driver educating cars. IBM contributed 4,500 packs of paper.
"We employ thousands of people in this community," said Mitch Carson, a hospital chief executive, who helped raise funds. "We have children in the school, and we see how they could be affected."
At Creek High School, three students started a website that displays newspaper articles, district information and an email forum 。 "Rumors about what's happening to the district are moving at lighting speed," said a student. "We wanted to know the truth, and spread that around instead." | 1340.txt | 0 |
[
"They felt somewhat helpless about it.",
"They accused those responsible for it.",
"They pooled their efforts to help solve it.",
"They demanded a through investigation."
] | How did the residents in the Vrain School District respond to the budget shortage? | In communities north of Denver, residents are pitching in to help teachers and administrators as the Vrain school District tries to solve a $13.8 million budget shortage blamed on mismanagement. "We're worried about our teachers and principals, and we really don't want to lose them because of this," one parent sail. "If we can help ease their financial burden, we will. "
Teachers are grateful, but know it may be years before the district is solvent . They feel really good about the parent support, but they realize it's impossible for then to solve this problem.
The 22,000-student district discovered the shortage last month. "It's extraordinary. Nobody would have imagined something happening like this at this level," said State Treasurer Mike Coffman.
Coffman and district officials last week agreed on a state emergency plan freeing yp a $9.8 million loan that enabled the payroll to be met for 2,700 teachers and staff in time for the holidays.
District officials also took $1.7 million from student-activity accounts its 38 schools.
At Coffman's request, the District Attorney has begun investigating the district's finances. Coffman says he wants to know whether district officials hid the budget shortage until after the November election, when voters approved a $212 million bond issue for schools.
In Frederick, students' parents are buying classroom supplies and offering to pay for groceries and utilities to keep first-year teachers and principals in their jobs.
Some $36,000 has been raised in donations from Safeway. A Chevrolet dealership donated $10,000 and forgave the district's $10,750 bill for renting the driver educating cars. IBM contributed 4,500 packs of paper.
"We employ thousands of people in this community," said Mitch Carson, a hospital chief executive, who helped raise funds. "We have children in the school, and we see how they could be affected."
At Creek High School, three students started a website that displays newspaper articles, district information and an email forum 。 "Rumors about what's happening to the district are moving at lighting speed," said a student. "We wanted to know the truth, and spread that around instead." | 1340.txt | 2 |
[
"unavoidable",
"unthinkable",
"insolvable",
"irreversible"
] | In the view of State Treasurer Mike Coffman, the educational budget shortage is _ . | In communities north of Denver, residents are pitching in to help teachers and administrators as the Vrain school District tries to solve a $13.8 million budget shortage blamed on mismanagement. "We're worried about our teachers and principals, and we really don't want to lose them because of this," one parent sail. "If we can help ease their financial burden, we will. "
Teachers are grateful, but know it may be years before the district is solvent . They feel really good about the parent support, but they realize it's impossible for then to solve this problem.
The 22,000-student district discovered the shortage last month. "It's extraordinary. Nobody would have imagined something happening like this at this level," said State Treasurer Mike Coffman.
Coffman and district officials last week agreed on a state emergency plan freeing yp a $9.8 million loan that enabled the payroll to be met for 2,700 teachers and staff in time for the holidays.
District officials also took $1.7 million from student-activity accounts its 38 schools.
At Coffman's request, the District Attorney has begun investigating the district's finances. Coffman says he wants to know whether district officials hid the budget shortage until after the November election, when voters approved a $212 million bond issue for schools.
In Frederick, students' parents are buying classroom supplies and offering to pay for groceries and utilities to keep first-year teachers and principals in their jobs.
Some $36,000 has been raised in donations from Safeway. A Chevrolet dealership donated $10,000 and forgave the district's $10,750 bill for renting the driver educating cars. IBM contributed 4,500 packs of paper.
"We employ thousands of people in this community," said Mitch Carson, a hospital chief executive, who helped raise funds. "We have children in the school, and we see how they could be affected."
At Creek High School, three students started a website that displays newspaper articles, district information and an email forum 。 "Rumors about what's happening to the district are moving at lighting speed," said a student. "We wanted to know the truth, and spread that around instead." | 1340.txt | 1 |
[
"To see if there was a deliberate cover-up of the problem.",
"To find out the extent of the consequences of the case.",
"To make sure that the school principals were innocent.",
"To stop the voters approving the $212 million bong issue."
] | Why did Coffman request an investigation? | In communities north of Denver, residents are pitching in to help teachers and administrators as the Vrain school District tries to solve a $13.8 million budget shortage blamed on mismanagement. "We're worried about our teachers and principals, and we really don't want to lose them because of this," one parent sail. "If we can help ease their financial burden, we will. "
Teachers are grateful, but know it may be years before the district is solvent . They feel really good about the parent support, but they realize it's impossible for then to solve this problem.
The 22,000-student district discovered the shortage last month. "It's extraordinary. Nobody would have imagined something happening like this at this level," said State Treasurer Mike Coffman.
Coffman and district officials last week agreed on a state emergency plan freeing yp a $9.8 million loan that enabled the payroll to be met for 2,700 teachers and staff in time for the holidays.
District officials also took $1.7 million from student-activity accounts its 38 schools.
At Coffman's request, the District Attorney has begun investigating the district's finances. Coffman says he wants to know whether district officials hid the budget shortage until after the November election, when voters approved a $212 million bond issue for schools.
In Frederick, students' parents are buying classroom supplies and offering to pay for groceries and utilities to keep first-year teachers and principals in their jobs.
Some $36,000 has been raised in donations from Safeway. A Chevrolet dealership donated $10,000 and forgave the district's $10,750 bill for renting the driver educating cars. IBM contributed 4,500 packs of paper.
"We employ thousands of people in this community," said Mitch Carson, a hospital chief executive, who helped raise funds. "We have children in the school, and we see how they could be affected."
At Creek High School, three students started a website that displays newspaper articles, district information and an email forum 。 "Rumors about what's happening to the district are moving at lighting speed," said a student. "We wanted to know the truth, and spread that around instead." | 1340.txt | 0 |
[
"attract greater public attention to their needs",
"appeal to the public for contributions and donations",
"expose officials who neglected their duties",
"keep people properly informed of the crisis"
] | Three high school students started a website in order to _ . | In communities north of Denver, residents are pitching in to help teachers and administrators as the Vrain school District tries to solve a $13.8 million budget shortage blamed on mismanagement. "We're worried about our teachers and principals, and we really don't want to lose them because of this," one parent sail. "If we can help ease their financial burden, we will. "
Teachers are grateful, but know it may be years before the district is solvent . They feel really good about the parent support, but they realize it's impossible for then to solve this problem.
The 22,000-student district discovered the shortage last month. "It's extraordinary. Nobody would have imagined something happening like this at this level," said State Treasurer Mike Coffman.
Coffman and district officials last week agreed on a state emergency plan freeing yp a $9.8 million loan that enabled the payroll to be met for 2,700 teachers and staff in time for the holidays.
District officials also took $1.7 million from student-activity accounts its 38 schools.
At Coffman's request, the District Attorney has begun investigating the district's finances. Coffman says he wants to know whether district officials hid the budget shortage until after the November election, when voters approved a $212 million bond issue for schools.
In Frederick, students' parents are buying classroom supplies and offering to pay for groceries and utilities to keep first-year teachers and principals in their jobs.
Some $36,000 has been raised in donations from Safeway. A Chevrolet dealership donated $10,000 and forgave the district's $10,750 bill for renting the driver educating cars. IBM contributed 4,500 packs of paper.
"We employ thousands of people in this community," said Mitch Carson, a hospital chief executive, who helped raise funds. "We have children in the school, and we see how they could be affected."
At Creek High School, three students started a website that displays newspaper articles, district information and an email forum 。 "Rumors about what's happening to the district are moving at lighting speed," said a student. "We wanted to know the truth, and spread that around instead." | 1340.txt | 3 |
[
"party-goers usually get hungry at parties",
"party invitations can be confusing",
"people should ask for food at parties",
"birthday parties for middle-aged people are dull"
] | Jane and David's story is used to show that. | The other day, my friend Jane was invited to a 40th birthday party. The time printed on the invitation was 7:30 pm. Jane went off with her husband, expecting a merry evening of wine, food, and song.
By 9:45,everybody was having great fun, but no food had appeared. Jane and David were restless. Other guests began whispering that they, too, were starving. But no one wanted to leave, just in case some food was about to appear. By 11:00, there was still no food, and everyone was completely off their heads. Jane and David left hungry and angry.
Their experience suggests that the words on the printed invitations need to be made clearer. Everyone reads and understands the invitations differently. Most of us would agree that 6:30-8:30pm means drinks only, go out to dinner afterwards; 8:00pm or 8:30pm means possible dinner, but 9:30pm and any time thereafter means no food, eat beforehand, roll up late.
But this is not always the case. If asked to a students' party at 6:30pm, it is normal for guests not to appear before midnight, if at all, and no one cares. Being the first to arrive-looking eager-is social death. When my mother asked to a party for 6:30, she likes to be there, if not on time, then no later than seven. My age group (late thirties)falls somewhere between the two, but because we still think we're young. We're probably closer to student-time than grown-up time.
The accepted custom at present is confusing，sometimes annoying, and it often means you may go home hungry, but it does lend every part that precious elementof surprise. | 2688.txt | 1 |
[
"very difficult",
"particularly thoughtful",
"friendly and polite",
"socially unacceptable"
] | For some young people, arriving on time for a students' party will probably be considered. | The other day, my friend Jane was invited to a 40th birthday party. The time printed on the invitation was 7:30 pm. Jane went off with her husband, expecting a merry evening of wine, food, and song.
By 9:45,everybody was having great fun, but no food had appeared. Jane and David were restless. Other guests began whispering that they, too, were starving. But no one wanted to leave, just in case some food was about to appear. By 11:00, there was still no food, and everyone was completely off their heads. Jane and David left hungry and angry.
Their experience suggests that the words on the printed invitations need to be made clearer. Everyone reads and understands the invitations differently. Most of us would agree that 6:30-8:30pm means drinks only, go out to dinner afterwards; 8:00pm or 8:30pm means possible dinner, but 9:30pm and any time thereafter means no food, eat beforehand, roll up late.
But this is not always the case. If asked to a students' party at 6:30pm, it is normal for guests not to appear before midnight, if at all, and no one cares. Being the first to arrive-looking eager-is social death. When my mother asked to a party for 6:30, she likes to be there, if not on time, then no later than seven. My age group (late thirties)falls somewhere between the two, but because we still think we're young. We're probably closer to student-time than grown-up time.
The accepted custom at present is confusing，sometimes annoying, and it often means you may go home hungry, but it does lend every part that precious elementof surprise. | 2688.txt | 3 |
[
"are likely to arrive late for a party",
"care little about the party time",
"haven't really grown up yet",
"like surprises at parties"
] | According to the writer, people in their late thirties. | The other day, my friend Jane was invited to a 40th birthday party. The time printed on the invitation was 7:30 pm. Jane went off with her husband, expecting a merry evening of wine, food, and song.
By 9:45,everybody was having great fun, but no food had appeared. Jane and David were restless. Other guests began whispering that they, too, were starving. But no one wanted to leave, just in case some food was about to appear. By 11:00, there was still no food, and everyone was completely off their heads. Jane and David left hungry and angry.
Their experience suggests that the words on the printed invitations need to be made clearer. Everyone reads and understands the invitations differently. Most of us would agree that 6:30-8:30pm means drinks only, go out to dinner afterwards; 8:00pm or 8:30pm means possible dinner, but 9:30pm and any time thereafter means no food, eat beforehand, roll up late.
But this is not always the case. If asked to a students' party at 6:30pm, it is normal for guests not to appear before midnight, if at all, and no one cares. Being the first to arrive-looking eager-is social death. When my mother asked to a party for 6:30, she likes to be there, if not on time, then no later than seven. My age group (late thirties)falls somewhere between the two, but because we still think we're young. We're probably closer to student-time than grown-up time.
The accepted custom at present is confusing，sometimes annoying, and it often means you may go home hungry, but it does lend every part that precious elementof surprise. | 2688.txt | 0 |
[
"It's safe to arrive late just when food is served",
"It's wise to eat something before going to a party",
"It's important to follow social rules of party-going",
"It's necessary to read invitations carefully"
] | What is the general idea of the text?. | The other day, my friend Jane was invited to a 40th birthday party. The time printed on the invitation was 7:30 pm. Jane went off with her husband, expecting a merry evening of wine, food, and song.
By 9:45,everybody was having great fun, but no food had appeared. Jane and David were restless. Other guests began whispering that they, too, were starving. But no one wanted to leave, just in case some food was about to appear. By 11:00, there was still no food, and everyone was completely off their heads. Jane and David left hungry and angry.
Their experience suggests that the words on the printed invitations need to be made clearer. Everyone reads and understands the invitations differently. Most of us would agree that 6:30-8:30pm means drinks only, go out to dinner afterwards; 8:00pm or 8:30pm means possible dinner, but 9:30pm and any time thereafter means no food, eat beforehand, roll up late.
But this is not always the case. If asked to a students' party at 6:30pm, it is normal for guests not to appear before midnight, if at all, and no one cares. Being the first to arrive-looking eager-is social death. When my mother asked to a party for 6:30, she likes to be there, if not on time, then no later than seven. My age group (late thirties)falls somewhere between the two, but because we still think we're young. We're probably closer to student-time than grown-up time.
The accepted custom at present is confusing，sometimes annoying, and it often means you may go home hungry, but it does lend every part that precious elementof surprise. | 2688.txt | 2 |
[
"Producer Vacancies， Kiss 100.",
"Mrs Oglivie， Palmlace Limited.",
"The Enterprise Shopping Centre.",
"Wealden District Council."
] | Who should you get in touch with if you hope to work in a radio station？ | Wanted， Someone for a Kiss
We‘re looking for producers to join us on the sound of London Kiss 100 FM. You'll work on the station‘s music programmes. Music production experience in radio is necessary， along with rich knowledge of modern dance music. Please apply in writing to Producer Vacancies， Kiss 100.
Father Christmas
We're looking for a very special person， preferably over 40， to fill our Father Christmas suit.
Working days： Every Saturday from November 24 to December 15 and every day from December 17 to December 24 except Sundays， 10∶30－16∶00.
Excellent pay.
Please contact （） the Enterprise Shopping Centre， Station Parade， Eastbourne.
Accountants Assistant
When you join the team in our Revenue Administration Unit， you will be providing assistance within all parts of the Revenue Division， dealing with post and other general duties. If you are educated to GCSE grade C level we would like to talk to you. This position is equally suitable for a school leaver or for somebody who has office experience.
Wealden District Council
Software Trainer
If you are aged 24？？45 and have experience in teaching and training， you could be the person we are looking for. You should be good at the computer and have some experience in programme writing. You will be allowed to make your own decisions， and to design courses as well as present them. Pay upwards of ￡15，000 for the right person. Please apply by sending your CV （） to Mrs R. Oglivie， Palmlace Limited. | 1033.txt | 0 |
[
"is aged between 24 and 40",
"may do some training work",
"should deal with general duties",
"can work for about a month"
] | We learn from the ads that the Enterprise Shopping Centre needs a person who _ . | Wanted， Someone for a Kiss
We‘re looking for producers to join us on the sound of London Kiss 100 FM. You'll work on the station‘s music programmes. Music production experience in radio is necessary， along with rich knowledge of modern dance music. Please apply in writing to Producer Vacancies， Kiss 100.
Father Christmas
We're looking for a very special person， preferably over 40， to fill our Father Christmas suit.
Working days： Every Saturday from November 24 to December 15 and every day from December 17 to December 24 except Sundays， 10∶30－16∶00.
Excellent pay.
Please contact （） the Enterprise Shopping Centre， Station Parade， Eastbourne.
Accountants Assistant
When you join the team in our Revenue Administration Unit， you will be providing assistance within all parts of the Revenue Division， dealing with post and other general duties. If you are educated to GCSE grade C level we would like to talk to you. This position is equally suitable for a school leaver or for somebody who has office experience.
Wealden District Council
Software Trainer
If you are aged 24？？45 and have experience in teaching and training， you could be the person we are looking for. You should be good at the computer and have some experience in programme writing. You will be allowed to make your own decisions， and to design courses as well as present them. Pay upwards of ￡15，000 for the right person. Please apply by sending your CV （） to Mrs R. Oglivie， Palmlace Limited. | 1033.txt | 3 |
[
"Producer， London Kiss.",
"Father Christmas.",
"Accountants Assistant.",
"Software Trainer."
] | Which position is open to recent school graduates？ | Wanted， Someone for a Kiss
We‘re looking for producers to join us on the sound of London Kiss 100 FM. You'll work on the station‘s music programmes. Music production experience in radio is necessary， along with rich knowledge of modern dance music. Please apply in writing to Producer Vacancies， Kiss 100.
Father Christmas
We're looking for a very special person， preferably over 40， to fill our Father Christmas suit.
Working days： Every Saturday from November 24 to December 15 and every day from December 17 to December 24 except Sundays， 10∶30－16∶00.
Excellent pay.
Please contact （） the Enterprise Shopping Centre， Station Parade， Eastbourne.
Accountants Assistant
When you join the team in our Revenue Administration Unit， you will be providing assistance within all parts of the Revenue Division， dealing with post and other general duties. If you are educated to GCSE grade C level we would like to talk to you. This position is equally suitable for a school leaver or for somebody who has office experience.
Wealden District Council
Software Trainer
If you are aged 24？？45 and have experience in teaching and training， you could be the person we are looking for. You should be good at the computer and have some experience in programme writing. You will be allowed to make your own decisions， and to design courses as well as present them. Pay upwards of ￡15，000 for the right person. Please apply by sending your CV （） to Mrs R. Oglivie， Palmlace Limited. | 1033.txt | 2 |
[
"One with GCSE grade C level.",
"One with some office experience.",
"One having good computer knowledge.",
"One trained in producing music programmes."
] | What kind of person would probably apply to Palmlace Limited？ | Wanted， Someone for a Kiss
We‘re looking for producers to join us on the sound of London Kiss 100 FM. You'll work on the station‘s music programmes. Music production experience in radio is necessary， along with rich knowledge of modern dance music. Please apply in writing to Producer Vacancies， Kiss 100.
Father Christmas
We're looking for a very special person， preferably over 40， to fill our Father Christmas suit.
Working days： Every Saturday from November 24 to December 15 and every day from December 17 to December 24 except Sundays， 10∶30－16∶00.
Excellent pay.
Please contact （） the Enterprise Shopping Centre， Station Parade， Eastbourne.
Accountants Assistant
When you join the team in our Revenue Administration Unit， you will be providing assistance within all parts of the Revenue Division， dealing with post and other general duties. If you are educated to GCSE grade C level we would like to talk to you. This position is equally suitable for a school leaver or for somebody who has office experience.
Wealden District Council
Software Trainer
If you are aged 24？？45 and have experience in teaching and training， you could be the person we are looking for. You should be good at the computer and have some experience in programme writing. You will be allowed to make your own decisions， and to design courses as well as present them. Pay upwards of ￡15，000 for the right person. Please apply by sending your CV （） to Mrs R. Oglivie， Palmlace Limited. | 1033.txt | 2 |
[
"By getting rid of his bias against the suspects.",
"By revisiting the past victories.",
"By using the newly developed DNA-testing tools.",
"By his cooperation with his attorneys."
] | How did Pfingst carry out his own Innocence Project? | By almost every measure, Paul Pfingst is an unsentimental prosecutor. Last week the San Diego County district attorney said he fully intends to try suspect Charles Andrew Williams, 15, as an adult for the Santana High School shootings. Even before the tragedy, Pfingst had stood behind the controversial California law that mandates treating murder suspects as young as 14 as adults.
So nobody would have wagered that Pfingst would also be the first D.A. in the U.S. to launch his very own Innocence Project. Yet last June, Pfingst told his attorneys to go back over old murder and rape convictions and see if any unravel with newly developed DNA-testing tools. In other words, he wanted to revisit past victories--this time playing for the other team. " I think people misunderstand being conservative for being biased, " says Pfingst. " I consider myself a pragmatic guy, and I have no interest in putting innocent people in jail."
Around the U.S., flabbergasted defense attorneys and their jailed clients cheered his move. Among prosecutors, however, there was an awkward pause. After all, each DNA test costs as much as $5, 000. Then there's the unspoken risk： if dozens of innocents turn up, the D.A. will have indicted his shop.
But nine months later, no budgets have been busted or prosecutors ousted. Only the rare case merits review. Pfingst's team considers convictions before 1993, when the city started routine DNA testing. They discard cases if the defendant has been released. Of the 560 remaining files, they have re-examined 200, looking for cases with biological evidence and defendants who still claim innocence.
They have identified three so far. The most compelling involves a man serving 12 years for molesting a girl who was playing in his apartment. But others were there at the time. Police found a small drop of saliva on the victim's shirt--too small a sample to test in 1991. Today that spot could free a man. Test results are due any day. Inspired by San Diego, 10 other counties in the U.S. are starting DNA audits. | 616.txt | 2 |
[
"To help correct the wrong judgments.",
"To oust the unqualified prosecutors.",
"To make the prosecutors in an awkward situation.",
"To cheer up the defense attorneys and their jailed clients."
] | Which of the following can be an advantage of Innocence Project? | By almost every measure, Paul Pfingst is an unsentimental prosecutor. Last week the San Diego County district attorney said he fully intends to try suspect Charles Andrew Williams, 15, as an adult for the Santana High School shootings. Even before the tragedy, Pfingst had stood behind the controversial California law that mandates treating murder suspects as young as 14 as adults.
So nobody would have wagered that Pfingst would also be the first D.A. in the U.S. to launch his very own Innocence Project. Yet last June, Pfingst told his attorneys to go back over old murder and rape convictions and see if any unravel with newly developed DNA-testing tools. In other words, he wanted to revisit past victories--this time playing for the other team. " I think people misunderstand being conservative for being biased, " says Pfingst. " I consider myself a pragmatic guy, and I have no interest in putting innocent people in jail."
Around the U.S., flabbergasted defense attorneys and their jailed clients cheered his move. Among prosecutors, however, there was an awkward pause. After all, each DNA test costs as much as $5, 000. Then there's the unspoken risk： if dozens of innocents turn up, the D.A. will have indicted his shop.
But nine months later, no budgets have been busted or prosecutors ousted. Only the rare case merits review. Pfingst's team considers convictions before 1993, when the city started routine DNA testing. They discard cases if the defendant has been released. Of the 560 remaining files, they have re-examined 200, looking for cases with biological evidence and defendants who still claim innocence.
They have identified three so far. The most compelling involves a man serving 12 years for molesting a girl who was playing in his apartment. But others were there at the time. Police found a small drop of saliva on the victim's shirt--too small a sample to test in 1991. Today that spot could free a man. Test results are due any day. Inspired by San Diego, 10 other counties in the U.S. are starting DNA audits. | 616.txt | 0 |
[
"excited",
"competent",
"embarrassed",
"astounded"
] | The expression " flabbergasted" (Line 1, Paragraph 3) most probably means _ . | By almost every measure, Paul Pfingst is an unsentimental prosecutor. Last week the San Diego County district attorney said he fully intends to try suspect Charles Andrew Williams, 15, as an adult for the Santana High School shootings. Even before the tragedy, Pfingst had stood behind the controversial California law that mandates treating murder suspects as young as 14 as adults.
So nobody would have wagered that Pfingst would also be the first D.A. in the U.S. to launch his very own Innocence Project. Yet last June, Pfingst told his attorneys to go back over old murder and rape convictions and see if any unravel with newly developed DNA-testing tools. In other words, he wanted to revisit past victories--this time playing for the other team. " I think people misunderstand being conservative for being biased, " says Pfingst. " I consider myself a pragmatic guy, and I have no interest in putting innocent people in jail."
Around the U.S., flabbergasted defense attorneys and their jailed clients cheered his move. Among prosecutors, however, there was an awkward pause. After all, each DNA test costs as much as $5, 000. Then there's the unspoken risk： if dozens of innocents turn up, the D.A. will have indicted his shop.
But nine months later, no budgets have been busted or prosecutors ousted. Only the rare case merits review. Pfingst's team considers convictions before 1993, when the city started routine DNA testing. They discard cases if the defendant has been released. Of the 560 remaining files, they have re-examined 200, looking for cases with biological evidence and defendants who still claim innocence.
They have identified three so far. The most compelling involves a man serving 12 years for molesting a girl who was playing in his apartment. But others were there at the time. Police found a small drop of saliva on the victim's shirt--too small a sample to test in 1991. Today that spot could free a man. Test results are due any day. Inspired by San Diego, 10 other counties in the U.S. are starting DNA audits. | 616.txt | 3 |
[
"He intended to try a fifteen-year old suspect.",
"He had no interest in putting the innocent in jail.",
"He supported the controversial California law.",
"He wanted to try suspect as young as fourteen."
] | Why was Pfingst an unsentimental prosecutor? | By almost every measure, Paul Pfingst is an unsentimental prosecutor. Last week the San Diego County district attorney said he fully intends to try suspect Charles Andrew Williams, 15, as an adult for the Santana High School shootings. Even before the tragedy, Pfingst had stood behind the controversial California law that mandates treating murder suspects as young as 14 as adults.
So nobody would have wagered that Pfingst would also be the first D.A. in the U.S. to launch his very own Innocence Project. Yet last June, Pfingst told his attorneys to go back over old murder and rape convictions and see if any unravel with newly developed DNA-testing tools. In other words, he wanted to revisit past victories--this time playing for the other team. " I think people misunderstand being conservative for being biased, " says Pfingst. " I consider myself a pragmatic guy, and I have no interest in putting innocent people in jail."
Around the U.S., flabbergasted defense attorneys and their jailed clients cheered his move. Among prosecutors, however, there was an awkward pause. After all, each DNA test costs as much as $5, 000. Then there's the unspoken risk： if dozens of innocents turn up, the D.A. will have indicted his shop.
But nine months later, no budgets have been busted or prosecutors ousted. Only the rare case merits review. Pfingst's team considers convictions before 1993, when the city started routine DNA testing. They discard cases if the defendant has been released. Of the 560 remaining files, they have re-examined 200, looking for cases with biological evidence and defendants who still claim innocence.
They have identified three so far. The most compelling involves a man serving 12 years for molesting a girl who was playing in his apartment. But others were there at the time. Police found a small drop of saliva on the victim's shirt--too small a sample to test in 1991. Today that spot could free a man. Test results are due any day. Inspired by San Diego, 10 other counties in the U.S. are starting DNA audits. | 616.txt | 1 |
[
"Pfingst‘s move didn't have a great coverage.",
"Pfingst‘s move had both the positive and negative effect.",
"Pfingst‘s move didn't work well.",
"Pfingst‘s move greatly encouraged the jailed prisoners."
] | Which of the following is not true according to the text? | By almost every measure, Paul Pfingst is an unsentimental prosecutor. Last week the San Diego County district attorney said he fully intends to try suspect Charles Andrew Williams, 15, as an adult for the Santana High School shootings. Even before the tragedy, Pfingst had stood behind the controversial California law that mandates treating murder suspects as young as 14 as adults.
So nobody would have wagered that Pfingst would also be the first D.A. in the U.S. to launch his very own Innocence Project. Yet last June, Pfingst told his attorneys to go back over old murder and rape convictions and see if any unravel with newly developed DNA-testing tools. In other words, he wanted to revisit past victories--this time playing for the other team. " I think people misunderstand being conservative for being biased, " says Pfingst. " I consider myself a pragmatic guy, and I have no interest in putting innocent people in jail."
Around the U.S., flabbergasted defense attorneys and their jailed clients cheered his move. Among prosecutors, however, there was an awkward pause. After all, each DNA test costs as much as $5, 000. Then there's the unspoken risk： if dozens of innocents turn up, the D.A. will have indicted his shop.
But nine months later, no budgets have been busted or prosecutors ousted. Only the rare case merits review. Pfingst's team considers convictions before 1993, when the city started routine DNA testing. They discard cases if the defendant has been released. Of the 560 remaining files, they have re-examined 200, looking for cases with biological evidence and defendants who still claim innocence.
They have identified three so far. The most compelling involves a man serving 12 years for molesting a girl who was playing in his apartment. But others were there at the time. Police found a small drop of saliva on the victim's shirt--too small a sample to test in 1991. Today that spot could free a man. Test results are due any day. Inspired by San Diego, 10 other counties in the U.S. are starting DNA audits. | 616.txt | 2 |
[
"posing a contrast",
"justifying an assumption",
"making a comparison",
"explaining a phenomenon"
] | In the opening paragraph, the author introduces his topic by . | Everybody loves a fat pay rise. Yet pleasure at your own can vanish if you learn that a colleague has been given a bigger one. Indeed, if he has a reputation for slacking, you might even be outraged. Such behaviour is regarded as "all too human," with the underlying assumption that other animals would not be capable of this finely developed sense of grievance. But a study by Sarah Brosnan and Frans de Waal of Emory University in Atlanta, Georgia, which has just been published in Nature, suggests that it is all too monkey, as well.
The researchers studied the behaviour of female brown capuchin monkeys. They look cute. They are good-natured, co-operative creatures, and they share their food readily. Above all, like their female human counterparts, they tend to pay much closer attention to the value of "goods and services" than males.
Such characteristics make them perfect candidates for Dr. Brosnan's and Dr. de Waal's study. The researchers spent two years teaching their monkeys to exchange tokens for food. Normally, the monkeys were happy enough to exchange pieces of rock for slices of cucumber. However, when two monkeys were placed in separate but adjoining chambers, so that each could observe what the other was getting in return for its rock, their behaviour became markedly different.
In the world of capuchins, grapes are luxury goods (and much preferable to cucumbers). So when one monkey was handed a grape in exchange for her token, the second was reluctant to hand hers over for a mere piece of cucumber. And if one received a grape without having to provide her token in exchange at all, the other either tossed her own token at the researcher or out of the chamber, or refused to accept the slice of cucumber. Indeed, the mere presence of a grape in the other chamber (without an actual monkey to eat it) was enough to induce resentment in a female capuchin.
The researchers suggest that capuchin monkeys, like humans, are guided by social emotions. In the wild, they are a co-operative, group-living species. Such co-operation is likely to be stable only when each animal feels it is not being cheated. Feelings of righteous indignation, it seems, are not the preserve of people alone. Refusing a lesser reward completely makes these feelings abundantly clear to other members of the group. However, whether such a sense of fairness evolved independently in capuchins and humans, or whether it stems from the common ancestor that the species had 35 million years ago, is, as yet, an unanswered question. | 3018.txt | 2 |
[
"monkeys are also outraged by slack rivals",
"resenting unfairness is also monkeys' nature",
"monkeys, like humans, tend to be jealous of each other",
"no animals other than monkeys can develop such emotions"
] | The statement "it is all too monkey" (Last line, Paragraph l) implies that . | Everybody loves a fat pay rise. Yet pleasure at your own can vanish if you learn that a colleague has been given a bigger one. Indeed, if he has a reputation for slacking, you might even be outraged. Such behaviour is regarded as "all too human," with the underlying assumption that other animals would not be capable of this finely developed sense of grievance. But a study by Sarah Brosnan and Frans de Waal of Emory University in Atlanta, Georgia, which has just been published in Nature, suggests that it is all too monkey, as well.
The researchers studied the behaviour of female brown capuchin monkeys. They look cute. They are good-natured, co-operative creatures, and they share their food readily. Above all, like their female human counterparts, they tend to pay much closer attention to the value of "goods and services" than males.
Such characteristics make them perfect candidates for Dr. Brosnan's and Dr. de Waal's study. The researchers spent two years teaching their monkeys to exchange tokens for food. Normally, the monkeys were happy enough to exchange pieces of rock for slices of cucumber. However, when two monkeys were placed in separate but adjoining chambers, so that each could observe what the other was getting in return for its rock, their behaviour became markedly different.
In the world of capuchins, grapes are luxury goods (and much preferable to cucumbers). So when one monkey was handed a grape in exchange for her token, the second was reluctant to hand hers over for a mere piece of cucumber. And if one received a grape without having to provide her token in exchange at all, the other either tossed her own token at the researcher or out of the chamber, or refused to accept the slice of cucumber. Indeed, the mere presence of a grape in the other chamber (without an actual monkey to eat it) was enough to induce resentment in a female capuchin.
The researchers suggest that capuchin monkeys, like humans, are guided by social emotions. In the wild, they are a co-operative, group-living species. Such co-operation is likely to be stable only when each animal feels it is not being cheated. Feelings of righteous indignation, it seems, are not the preserve of people alone. Refusing a lesser reward completely makes these feelings abundantly clear to other members of the group. However, whether such a sense of fairness evolved independently in capuchins and humans, or whether it stems from the common ancestor that the species had 35 million years ago, is, as yet, an unanswered question. | 3018.txt | 1 |
[
"more inclined to weigh what they get",
"attentive to researchers' instructions",
"nice in both appearance and temperament",
"more generous than their male companions"
] | Female capuchin monkeys were chosen for the research most probably because they are. | Everybody loves a fat pay rise. Yet pleasure at your own can vanish if you learn that a colleague has been given a bigger one. Indeed, if he has a reputation for slacking, you might even be outraged. Such behaviour is regarded as "all too human," with the underlying assumption that other animals would not be capable of this finely developed sense of grievance. But a study by Sarah Brosnan and Frans de Waal of Emory University in Atlanta, Georgia, which has just been published in Nature, suggests that it is all too monkey, as well.
The researchers studied the behaviour of female brown capuchin monkeys. They look cute. They are good-natured, co-operative creatures, and they share their food readily. Above all, like their female human counterparts, they tend to pay much closer attention to the value of "goods and services" than males.
Such characteristics make them perfect candidates for Dr. Brosnan's and Dr. de Waal's study. The researchers spent two years teaching their monkeys to exchange tokens for food. Normally, the monkeys were happy enough to exchange pieces of rock for slices of cucumber. However, when two monkeys were placed in separate but adjoining chambers, so that each could observe what the other was getting in return for its rock, their behaviour became markedly different.
In the world of capuchins, grapes are luxury goods (and much preferable to cucumbers). So when one monkey was handed a grape in exchange for her token, the second was reluctant to hand hers over for a mere piece of cucumber. And if one received a grape without having to provide her token in exchange at all, the other either tossed her own token at the researcher or out of the chamber, or refused to accept the slice of cucumber. Indeed, the mere presence of a grape in the other chamber (without an actual monkey to eat it) was enough to induce resentment in a female capuchin.
The researchers suggest that capuchin monkeys, like humans, are guided by social emotions. In the wild, they are a co-operative, group-living species. Such co-operation is likely to be stable only when each animal feels it is not being cheated. Feelings of righteous indignation, it seems, are not the preserve of people alone. Refusing a lesser reward completely makes these feelings abundantly clear to other members of the group. However, whether such a sense of fairness evolved independently in capuchins and humans, or whether it stems from the common ancestor that the species had 35 million years ago, is, as yet, an unanswered question. | 3018.txt | 0 |
[
"prefer grapes to cucumbers",
"can be taught to exchange things",
"will not be co-operative if feeling cheated",
"are unhappy when separated from others"
] | Dr. Brosnan and Dr. de Waal have eventually found in their study that the monkeys . | Everybody loves a fat pay rise. Yet pleasure at your own can vanish if you learn that a colleague has been given a bigger one. Indeed, if he has a reputation for slacking, you might even be outraged. Such behaviour is regarded as "all too human," with the underlying assumption that other animals would not be capable of this finely developed sense of grievance. But a study by Sarah Brosnan and Frans de Waal of Emory University in Atlanta, Georgia, which has just been published in Nature, suggests that it is all too monkey, as well.
The researchers studied the behaviour of female brown capuchin monkeys. They look cute. They are good-natured, co-operative creatures, and they share their food readily. Above all, like their female human counterparts, they tend to pay much closer attention to the value of "goods and services" than males.
Such characteristics make them perfect candidates for Dr. Brosnan's and Dr. de Waal's study. The researchers spent two years teaching their monkeys to exchange tokens for food. Normally, the monkeys were happy enough to exchange pieces of rock for slices of cucumber. However, when two monkeys were placed in separate but adjoining chambers, so that each could observe what the other was getting in return for its rock, their behaviour became markedly different.
In the world of capuchins, grapes are luxury goods (and much preferable to cucumbers). So when one monkey was handed a grape in exchange for her token, the second was reluctant to hand hers over for a mere piece of cucumber. And if one received a grape without having to provide her token in exchange at all, the other either tossed her own token at the researcher or out of the chamber, or refused to accept the slice of cucumber. Indeed, the mere presence of a grape in the other chamber (without an actual monkey to eat it) was enough to induce resentment in a female capuchin.
The researchers suggest that capuchin monkeys, like humans, are guided by social emotions. In the wild, they are a co-operative, group-living species. Such co-operation is likely to be stable only when each animal feels it is not being cheated. Feelings of righteous indignation, it seems, are not the preserve of people alone. Refusing a lesser reward completely makes these feelings abundantly clear to other members of the group. However, whether such a sense of fairness evolved independently in capuchins and humans, or whether it stems from the common ancestor that the species had 35 million years ago, is, as yet, an unanswered question. | 3018.txt | 2 |
[
"Monkeys can be trained to develop social emotions.",
"Human indignation evolved from an uncertain source.",
"Animals usually show their feelings openly as humans do.",
"Cooperation among monkeys remains stable only in the wild."
] | What can we infer from the last paragraph? | Everybody loves a fat pay rise. Yet pleasure at your own can vanish if you learn that a colleague has been given a bigger one. Indeed, if he has a reputation for slacking, you might even be outraged. Such behaviour is regarded as "all too human," with the underlying assumption that other animals would not be capable of this finely developed sense of grievance. But a study by Sarah Brosnan and Frans de Waal of Emory University in Atlanta, Georgia, which has just been published in Nature, suggests that it is all too monkey, as well.
The researchers studied the behaviour of female brown capuchin monkeys. They look cute. They are good-natured, co-operative creatures, and they share their food readily. Above all, like their female human counterparts, they tend to pay much closer attention to the value of "goods and services" than males.
Such characteristics make them perfect candidates for Dr. Brosnan's and Dr. de Waal's study. The researchers spent two years teaching their monkeys to exchange tokens for food. Normally, the monkeys were happy enough to exchange pieces of rock for slices of cucumber. However, when two monkeys were placed in separate but adjoining chambers, so that each could observe what the other was getting in return for its rock, their behaviour became markedly different.
In the world of capuchins, grapes are luxury goods (and much preferable to cucumbers). So when one monkey was handed a grape in exchange for her token, the second was reluctant to hand hers over for a mere piece of cucumber. And if one received a grape without having to provide her token in exchange at all, the other either tossed her own token at the researcher or out of the chamber, or refused to accept the slice of cucumber. Indeed, the mere presence of a grape in the other chamber (without an actual monkey to eat it) was enough to induce resentment in a female capuchin.
The researchers suggest that capuchin monkeys, like humans, are guided by social emotions. In the wild, they are a co-operative, group-living species. Such co-operation is likely to be stable only when each animal feels it is not being cheated. Feelings of righteous indignation, it seems, are not the preserve of people alone. Refusing a lesser reward completely makes these feelings abundantly clear to other members of the group. However, whether such a sense of fairness evolved independently in capuchins and humans, or whether it stems from the common ancestor that the species had 35 million years ago, is, as yet, an unanswered question. | 3018.txt | 1 |
[
"the second place.",
"a gold medal.",
"the\"Young Sailor of the Year\"award.",
"the\"Best Woman Sailor\"award."
] | In the Vendee Globe race.Ellen won | Ellen MacArthur started sailing when she was eight，going out on sailing trips with her aunt.She loved it so much that she saved her money for three years to buy her first small sailing boat.When she was 18，she sailed alone around Britain and won the"Young Sailor of the Year"award.
But Ellen really became famous in 2001.Aged only 24，she was one of the only two women who en-tered the Vendee Globe round the world solo race，which lasts l00 days.Despite many problems，she came second in the race out of 24 competitors and she was given a very warm welcome when she returned.
Ambition and determination have always been a big part of Ellen's personality.When she was youn-ger，she lived in a kind of hutfor three years while she was trying to get sponsorship to compete in a transatlantic race.Then she took a one-way ticket to France，bought a tiny seven meter Class Mini yacht，slept under it while she was repairing it，and then she raced it 4，000 kilometres across the Atlantic in 1997，alone for 33 days.
Ellen has had to learn many things，because sailing single-handed means that she has to be her own captain，electrician，sailmaker，engineer，doctor，journalist，cameraman and cook.She also has to be very fit，and because of the dangers of sleeping for long periods of time she's in the middle of the ocean，she has trained herself to sleep for about 20 minutes at a time.
And she needs courage.Once，in the middle of the ocean，she had to climb the mastof a boat to repair the sails-at four o'clock in the mornin9.with l00kph winds blowing around her.It took her many hours to make the repairs;Ellen says："I was exhausted when I came down.It's hard to describe how it feels to be up there.It's like trying to hold onto a big pole，which for me is just too big to get my arms around，with someone kicking you all the time and trying to shake you off".
But in her diary，Ellen also describes moments which make it all worthwhile："A beautiful sunrise started the day，with black clouds slowly lit by the bright yellow sun.I have a very strong feeling of pleasure，being out here on the ocean and having the chance to live this.I just feel lucky to be here". | 1252.txt | 0 |
[
"while she was learning how to repair sail",
"because she was ambitious for the coming rac",
"while she was trying to get financial support for a rac",
"because she was interested in country lif"
] | Ellen lived in a kind of hut for three years | Ellen MacArthur started sailing when she was eight，going out on sailing trips with her aunt.She loved it so much that she saved her money for three years to buy her first small sailing boat.When she was 18，she sailed alone around Britain and won the"Young Sailor of the Year"award.
But Ellen really became famous in 2001.Aged only 24，she was one of the only two women who en-tered the Vendee Globe round the world solo race，which lasts l00 days.Despite many problems，she came second in the race out of 24 competitors and she was given a very warm welcome when she returned.
Ambition and determination have always been a big part of Ellen's personality.When she was youn-ger，she lived in a kind of hutfor three years while she was trying to get sponsorship to compete in a transatlantic race.Then she took a one-way ticket to France，bought a tiny seven meter Class Mini yacht，slept under it while she was repairing it，and then she raced it 4，000 kilometres across the Atlantic in 1997，alone for 33 days.
Ellen has had to learn many things，because sailing single-handed means that she has to be her own captain，electrician，sailmaker，engineer，doctor，journalist，cameraman and cook.She also has to be very fit，and because of the dangers of sleeping for long periods of time she's in the middle of the ocean，she has trained herself to sleep for about 20 minutes at a time.
And she needs courage.Once，in the middle of the ocean，she had to climb the mastof a boat to repair the sails-at four o'clock in the mornin9.with l00kph winds blowing around her.It took her many hours to make the repairs;Ellen says："I was exhausted when I came down.It's hard to describe how it feels to be up there.It's like trying to hold onto a big pole，which for me is just too big to get my arms around，with someone kicking you all the time and trying to shake you off".
But in her diary，Ellen also describes moments which make it all worthwhile："A beautiful sunrise started the day，with black clouds slowly lit by the bright yellow sun.I have a very strong feeling of pleasure，being out here on the ocean and having the chance to live this.I just feel lucky to be here". | 1252.txt | 2 |
[
"single-hande",
"self-mad",
"one performe",
"self-starte"
] | The word"solo''in the title could be best replaced by | Ellen MacArthur started sailing when she was eight，going out on sailing trips with her aunt.She loved it so much that she saved her money for three years to buy her first small sailing boat.When she was 18，she sailed alone around Britain and won the"Young Sailor of the Year"award.
But Ellen really became famous in 2001.Aged only 24，she was one of the only two women who en-tered the Vendee Globe round the world solo race，which lasts l00 days.Despite many problems，she came second in the race out of 24 competitors and she was given a very warm welcome when she returned.
Ambition and determination have always been a big part of Ellen's personality.When she was youn-ger，she lived in a kind of hutfor three years while she was trying to get sponsorship to compete in a transatlantic race.Then she took a one-way ticket to France，bought a tiny seven meter Class Mini yacht，slept under it while she was repairing it，and then she raced it 4，000 kilometres across the Atlantic in 1997，alone for 33 days.
Ellen has had to learn many things，because sailing single-handed means that she has to be her own captain，electrician，sailmaker，engineer，doctor，journalist，cameraman and cook.She also has to be very fit，and because of the dangers of sleeping for long periods of time she's in the middle of the ocean，she has trained herself to sleep for about 20 minutes at a time.
And she needs courage.Once，in the middle of the ocean，she had to climb the mastof a boat to repair the sails-at four o'clock in the mornin9.with l00kph winds blowing around her.It took her many hours to make the repairs;Ellen says："I was exhausted when I came down.It's hard to describe how it feels to be up there.It's like trying to hold onto a big pole，which for me is just too big to get my arms around，with someone kicking you all the time and trying to shake you off".
But in her diary，Ellen also describes moments which make it all worthwhile："A beautiful sunrise started the day，with black clouds slowly lit by the bright yellow sun.I have a very strong feeling of pleasure，being out here on the ocean and having the chance to live this.I just feel lucky to be here". | 1252.txt | 0 |
[
"She has to learn to repair sail",
"She has to be her own teache",
"She has to be very fi",
"She has trained herself to sleep for about 20 minutes at a tim"
] | According to paragraph 4，which of the following statements is NOT true? | Ellen MacArthur started sailing when she was eight，going out on sailing trips with her aunt.She loved it so much that she saved her money for three years to buy her first small sailing boat.When she was 18，she sailed alone around Britain and won the"Young Sailor of the Year"award.
But Ellen really became famous in 2001.Aged only 24，she was one of the only two women who en-tered the Vendee Globe round the world solo race，which lasts l00 days.Despite many problems，she came second in the race out of 24 competitors and she was given a very warm welcome when she returned.
Ambition and determination have always been a big part of Ellen's personality.When she was youn-ger，she lived in a kind of hutfor three years while she was trying to get sponsorship to compete in a transatlantic race.Then she took a one-way ticket to France，bought a tiny seven meter Class Mini yacht，slept under it while she was repairing it，and then she raced it 4，000 kilometres across the Atlantic in 1997，alone for 33 days.
Ellen has had to learn many things，because sailing single-handed means that she has to be her own captain，electrician，sailmaker，engineer，doctor，journalist，cameraman and cook.She also has to be very fit，and because of the dangers of sleeping for long periods of time she's in the middle of the ocean，she has trained herself to sleep for about 20 minutes at a time.
And she needs courage.Once，in the middle of the ocean，she had to climb the mastof a boat to repair the sails-at four o'clock in the mornin9.with l00kph winds blowing around her.It took her many hours to make the repairs;Ellen says："I was exhausted when I came down.It's hard to describe how it feels to be up there.It's like trying to hold onto a big pole，which for me is just too big to get my arms around，with someone kicking you all the time and trying to shake you off".
But in her diary，Ellen also describes moments which make it all worthwhile："A beautiful sunrise started the day，with black clouds slowly lit by the bright yellow sun.I have a very strong feeling of pleasure，being out here on the ocean and having the chance to live this.I just feel lucky to be here". | 1252.txt | 1 |
[
"It is enjoyabl",
"It is surprisin",
"It is dangerou",
"It is relaxin"
] | How does Ellen feel about the Vendee Globe race? | Ellen MacArthur started sailing when she was eight，going out on sailing trips with her aunt.She loved it so much that she saved her money for three years to buy her first small sailing boat.When she was 18，she sailed alone around Britain and won the"Young Sailor of the Year"award.
But Ellen really became famous in 2001.Aged only 24，she was one of the only two women who en-tered the Vendee Globe round the world solo race，which lasts l00 days.Despite many problems，she came second in the race out of 24 competitors and she was given a very warm welcome when she returned.
Ambition and determination have always been a big part of Ellen's personality.When she was youn-ger，she lived in a kind of hutfor three years while she was trying to get sponsorship to compete in a transatlantic race.Then she took a one-way ticket to France，bought a tiny seven meter Class Mini yacht，slept under it while she was repairing it，and then she raced it 4，000 kilometres across the Atlantic in 1997，alone for 33 days.
Ellen has had to learn many things，because sailing single-handed means that she has to be her own captain，electrician，sailmaker，engineer，doctor，journalist，cameraman and cook.She also has to be very fit，and because of the dangers of sleeping for long periods of time she's in the middle of the ocean，she has trained herself to sleep for about 20 minutes at a time.
And she needs courage.Once，in the middle of the ocean，she had to climb the mastof a boat to repair the sails-at four o'clock in the mornin9.with l00kph winds blowing around her.It took her many hours to make the repairs;Ellen says："I was exhausted when I came down.It's hard to describe how it feels to be up there.It's like trying to hold onto a big pole，which for me is just too big to get my arms around，with someone kicking you all the time and trying to shake you off".
But in her diary，Ellen also describes moments which make it all worthwhile："A beautiful sunrise started the day，with black clouds slowly lit by the bright yellow sun.I have a very strong feeling of pleasure，being out here on the ocean and having the chance to live this.I just feel lucky to be here". | 1252.txt | 0 |
[
"be overcautious in constructing meaningful measures",
"view them from their own cultural perspective",
"guard against interference from their own culture",
"accept readily what is alien to their own culture"
] | According to the first paragraph, researchers unfamiliar with the target cultures are inclined to ________. | Researchers who are unfamiliar with the cultural and ethnic groups they are studying must take extra precautions to shed any biases they bring with them from their own culture. For example, they must make sure they construct measures that are meaningful for each of the cultural or ethnic minority groups being studied.
In conducting research on cultural and ethnic minority issues, investigators distinguish between the emic approach and the etic approach. In the emic approach, the goal is to describe behavior in one culture or ethnic group in terms that are meaningful and important to the people in that culture or ethnic group, without regard to other cultures or ethnic groups. In the etic approach, the goal is to describe behavior so that generalizations can be made across cultures. If researchers construct a questionnaire in anemic fashion, the concern is only that the questions are meaningful to the particular culture or ethnic group being studied. If, however, the researchers construct a questionnaire in an etic fashion, they want to include questions that reflect concepts familiar to all cultures involved.
How might the emic and etic approaches be reflected in the study of family processes? In the emic approach, the researchers might choose to focus only on middle-class White families, without regard for whether the information obtained in the study can be generalized or is appropriate for ethnic minority groups. In a subsequent study, the researchers may decide to adopt an etic approach by studying not only middle-class White families, but also lower-income White families, Black American families, Spanish American families, and Asian American families. In studying ethnic minority families, the researchers would likely discover that the extended family is more frequently a support system in ethnic minority families than in White American families. If so, the emic approach would reveal a different pattern of family interaction than would the etic approach, documenting that research with middle-class White families cannot always be generalized to all ethnic groups. | 4042.txt | 1 |
[
"They have different research focuses in the study of ethnic issues.",
"The former is biased while the latter is objective.",
"The former concentrates on the study of culture while the latter on family issues.",
"They are both heavily dependent on questionnaires in conducting surveys."
] | What does the author say about the emic approach and the etic approach? | Researchers who are unfamiliar with the cultural and ethnic groups they are studying must take extra precautions to shed any biases they bring with them from their own culture. For example, they must make sure they construct measures that are meaningful for each of the cultural or ethnic minority groups being studied.
In conducting research on cultural and ethnic minority issues, investigators distinguish between the emic approach and the etic approach. In the emic approach, the goal is to describe behavior in one culture or ethnic group in terms that are meaningful and important to the people in that culture or ethnic group, without regard to other cultures or ethnic groups. In the etic approach, the goal is to describe behavior so that generalizations can be made across cultures. If researchers construct a questionnaire in anemic fashion, the concern is only that the questions are meaningful to the particular culture or ethnic group being studied. If, however, the researchers construct a questionnaire in an etic fashion, they want to include questions that reflect concepts familiar to all cultures involved.
How might the emic and etic approaches be reflected in the study of family processes? In the emic approach, the researchers might choose to focus only on middle-class White families, without regard for whether the information obtained in the study can be generalized or is appropriate for ethnic minority groups. In a subsequent study, the researchers may decide to adopt an etic approach by studying not only middle-class White families, but also lower-income White families, Black American families, Spanish American families, and Asian American families. In studying ethnic minority families, the researchers would likely discover that the extended family is more frequently a support system in ethnic minority families than in White American families. If so, the emic approach would reveal a different pattern of family interaction than would the etic approach, documenting that research with middle-class White families cannot always be generalized to all ethnic groups. | 4042.txt | 0 |
[
"culturally interactive",
"culturally biased",
"culture-oriented",
"culture-specific"
] | Compared with the etic approach, the emic approach is apparently more ________. | Researchers who are unfamiliar with the cultural and ethnic groups they are studying must take extra precautions to shed any biases they bring with them from their own culture. For example, they must make sure they construct measures that are meaningful for each of the cultural or ethnic minority groups being studied.
In conducting research on cultural and ethnic minority issues, investigators distinguish between the emic approach and the etic approach. In the emic approach, the goal is to describe behavior in one culture or ethnic group in terms that are meaningful and important to the people in that culture or ethnic group, without regard to other cultures or ethnic groups. In the etic approach, the goal is to describe behavior so that generalizations can be made across cultures. If researchers construct a questionnaire in anemic fashion, the concern is only that the questions are meaningful to the particular culture or ethnic group being studied. If, however, the researchers construct a questionnaire in an etic fashion, they want to include questions that reflect concepts familiar to all cultures involved.
How might the emic and etic approaches be reflected in the study of family processes? In the emic approach, the researchers might choose to focus only on middle-class White families, without regard for whether the information obtained in the study can be generalized or is appropriate for ethnic minority groups. In a subsequent study, the researchers may decide to adopt an etic approach by studying not only middle-class White families, but also lower-income White families, Black American families, Spanish American families, and Asian American families. In studying ethnic minority families, the researchers would likely discover that the extended family is more frequently a support system in ethnic minority families than in White American families. If so, the emic approach would reveal a different pattern of family interaction than would the etic approach, documenting that research with middle-class White families cannot always be generalized to all ethnic groups. | 4042.txt | 3 |
[
"the general characteristics of minority families",
"culture-related concepts of individual ethnic groups",
"features shared by various cultures or ethnic groups",
"the economic conditions of different types of families"
] | The etic approach is concerned with ________. | Researchers who are unfamiliar with the cultural and ethnic groups they are studying must take extra precautions to shed any biases they bring with them from their own culture. For example, they must make sure they construct measures that are meaningful for each of the cultural or ethnic minority groups being studied.
In conducting research on cultural and ethnic minority issues, investigators distinguish between the emic approach and the etic approach. In the emic approach, the goal is to describe behavior in one culture or ethnic group in terms that are meaningful and important to the people in that culture or ethnic group, without regard to other cultures or ethnic groups. In the etic approach, the goal is to describe behavior so that generalizations can be made across cultures. If researchers construct a questionnaire in anemic fashion, the concern is only that the questions are meaningful to the particular culture or ethnic group being studied. If, however, the researchers construct a questionnaire in an etic fashion, they want to include questions that reflect concepts familiar to all cultures involved.
How might the emic and etic approaches be reflected in the study of family processes? In the emic approach, the researchers might choose to focus only on middle-class White families, without regard for whether the information obtained in the study can be generalized or is appropriate for ethnic minority groups. In a subsequent study, the researchers may decide to adopt an etic approach by studying not only middle-class White families, but also lower-income White families, Black American families, Spanish American families, and Asian American families. In studying ethnic minority families, the researchers would likely discover that the extended family is more frequently a support system in ethnic minority families than in White American families. If so, the emic approach would reveal a different pattern of family interaction than would the etic approach, documenting that research with middle-class White families cannot always be generalized to all ethnic groups. | 4042.txt | 2 |
[
"Their cultural patterns are usually more adaptable.",
"Their cultural concepts are difficult to comprehend.",
"They don't interact with each other so much as White families.",
"They have closer family ties than White families."
] | Which of the following is true of the ethnic minority families in the ________ U.S. according to the passage? | Researchers who are unfamiliar with the cultural and ethnic groups they are studying must take extra precautions to shed any biases they bring with them from their own culture. For example, they must make sure they construct measures that are meaningful for each of the cultural or ethnic minority groups being studied.
In conducting research on cultural and ethnic minority issues, investigators distinguish between the emic approach and the etic approach. In the emic approach, the goal is to describe behavior in one culture or ethnic group in terms that are meaningful and important to the people in that culture or ethnic group, without regard to other cultures or ethnic groups. In the etic approach, the goal is to describe behavior so that generalizations can be made across cultures. If researchers construct a questionnaire in anemic fashion, the concern is only that the questions are meaningful to the particular culture or ethnic group being studied. If, however, the researchers construct a questionnaire in an etic fashion, they want to include questions that reflect concepts familiar to all cultures involved.
How might the emic and etic approaches be reflected in the study of family processes? In the emic approach, the researchers might choose to focus only on middle-class White families, without regard for whether the information obtained in the study can be generalized or is appropriate for ethnic minority groups. In a subsequent study, the researchers may decide to adopt an etic approach by studying not only middle-class White families, but also lower-income White families, Black American families, Spanish American families, and Asian American families. In studying ethnic minority families, the researchers would likely discover that the extended family is more frequently a support system in ethnic minority families than in White American families. If so, the emic approach would reveal a different pattern of family interaction than would the etic approach, documenting that research with middle-class White families cannot always be generalized to all ethnic groups. | 4042.txt | 3 |
[
"an accelerating speed",
"a shift to city centers",
"a new focus on small cities",
"an ever-increasing demand"
] | According to the new report，real estate development in 2015 will witness ______ . | Urbanization-migration away from the suburbs to the city center-will be the biggest real estate trend in 2015. according to a new report.
The report says America's urbanization will continue to be the most significant issue affecting the industry, as cities across the country imitate the walkability and transit-oriented development making cities like New York and San Francisco so successful.
As smaller cities copy the model of these "24-hour cities," more affordable versions of these places will be created. The report refers to this as the coming of the "18-hour city," and uses the term to refer to cities like Houston, Austin, Charlotte, and Nashville, which are "positioning themselves as highly competitive, in terms of livability, employment offerings, and recreational and cultural facilities."
Another trend that looks significant in 2015 is that America's largest population group, Millennials （）, will continue to put off buying a house. Apartments will retain their appeal for a while for Millennials, haunted by what happened to home-owning parents.
This trend will continue into the 2020s, the report projects. After that, survey respondents disagree over whether this generation will follow in their parents' footsteps, moving to the suburbs to raise families, or will choose to remain in the city center.
Another issue affecting real estate in the coming year will be America's failing infrastructure. Most roads, bridges, transit, water systems, the electric grid, and communications networks were installed 50 to 100 years ago, and they are largely taken for granted until they fail.
The report's writers state that America's failure to invest in infrastructure impacts not only the health of the real-estate market, but also our ability to remain globally competitive.
Apart from the specific trends highlighted above, which cause some investors to worry, the report portrays an overall optimism borne by the recent healthy real-estate "upcycle" and improving economy. Seventy-four percent of the respondents surveyed report a "good to excellent" expectation of real-estate profitability in 2015. While excessive optimism can promote bad investment patterns, resulting in a real- estate "bubble," the report's writers downplay that potential outcome in that it has not yet occurred. | 844.txt | 1 |
[
"People can live without private cars.",
"People are generally more competitive.",
"People can enjoy services around the clock.",
"People are in harmony with the environment."
] | What characterizes "24-hour cities" like New York? | Urbanization-migration away from the suburbs to the city center-will be the biggest real estate trend in 2015. according to a new report.
The report says America's urbanization will continue to be the most significant issue affecting the industry, as cities across the country imitate the walkability and transit-oriented development making cities like New York and San Francisco so successful.
As smaller cities copy the model of these "24-hour cities," more affordable versions of these places will be created. The report refers to this as the coming of the "18-hour city," and uses the term to refer to cities like Houston, Austin, Charlotte, and Nashville, which are "positioning themselves as highly competitive, in terms of livability, employment offerings, and recreational and cultural facilities."
Another trend that looks significant in 2015 is that America's largest population group, Millennials （）, will continue to put off buying a house. Apartments will retain their appeal for a while for Millennials, haunted by what happened to home-owning parents.
This trend will continue into the 2020s, the report projects. After that, survey respondents disagree over whether this generation will follow in their parents' footsteps, moving to the suburbs to raise families, or will choose to remain in the city center.
Another issue affecting real estate in the coming year will be America's failing infrastructure. Most roads, bridges, transit, water systems, the electric grid, and communications networks were installed 50 to 100 years ago, and they are largely taken for granted until they fail.
The report's writers state that America's failure to invest in infrastructure impacts not only the health of the real-estate market, but also our ability to remain globally competitive.
Apart from the specific trends highlighted above, which cause some investors to worry, the report portrays an overall optimism borne by the recent healthy real-estate "upcycle" and improving economy. Seventy-four percent of the respondents surveyed report a "good to excellent" expectation of real-estate profitability in 2015. While excessive optimism can promote bad investment patterns, resulting in a real- estate "bubble," the report's writers downplay that potential outcome in that it has not yet occurred. | 844.txt | 0 |
[
"They can only afford small apartments.",
"The house prices are currently too high.",
"Their parents' bad experience still haunts them.",
"They feel attached to the suburban environment."
] | Why are Millennials reluctant to buy a house? | Urbanization-migration away from the suburbs to the city center-will be the biggest real estate trend in 2015. according to a new report.
The report says America's urbanization will continue to be the most significant issue affecting the industry, as cities across the country imitate the walkability and transit-oriented development making cities like New York and San Francisco so successful.
As smaller cities copy the model of these "24-hour cities," more affordable versions of these places will be created. The report refers to this as the coming of the "18-hour city," and uses the term to refer to cities like Houston, Austin, Charlotte, and Nashville, which are "positioning themselves as highly competitive, in terms of livability, employment offerings, and recreational and cultural facilities."
Another trend that looks significant in 2015 is that America's largest population group, Millennials （）, will continue to put off buying a house. Apartments will retain their appeal for a while for Millennials, haunted by what happened to home-owning parents.
This trend will continue into the 2020s, the report projects. After that, survey respondents disagree over whether this generation will follow in their parents' footsteps, moving to the suburbs to raise families, or will choose to remain in the city center.
Another issue affecting real estate in the coming year will be America's failing infrastructure. Most roads, bridges, transit, water systems, the electric grid, and communications networks were installed 50 to 100 years ago, and they are largely taken for granted until they fail.
The report's writers state that America's failure to invest in infrastructure impacts not only the health of the real-estate market, but also our ability to remain globally competitive.
Apart from the specific trends highlighted above, which cause some investors to worry, the report portrays an overall optimism borne by the recent healthy real-estate "upcycle" and improving economy. Seventy-four percent of the respondents surveyed report a "good to excellent" expectation of real-estate profitability in 2015. While excessive optimism can promote bad investment patterns, resulting in a real- estate "bubble," the report's writers downplay that potential outcome in that it has not yet occurred. | 844.txt | 2 |
[
"The continuing economic recession in the country.",
"The lack of confidence on the part of investors.",
"The fierce global competition.",
"The worsening infrastructure."
] | What might hinder real estate development in the U.S. ? | Urbanization-migration away from the suburbs to the city center-will be the biggest real estate trend in 2015. according to a new report.
The report says America's urbanization will continue to be the most significant issue affecting the industry, as cities across the country imitate the walkability and transit-oriented development making cities like New York and San Francisco so successful.
As smaller cities copy the model of these "24-hour cities," more affordable versions of these places will be created. The report refers to this as the coming of the "18-hour city," and uses the term to refer to cities like Houston, Austin, Charlotte, and Nashville, which are "positioning themselves as highly competitive, in terms of livability, employment offerings, and recreational and cultural facilities."
Another trend that looks significant in 2015 is that America's largest population group, Millennials （）, will continue to put off buying a house. Apartments will retain their appeal for a while for Millennials, haunted by what happened to home-owning parents.
This trend will continue into the 2020s, the report projects. After that, survey respondents disagree over whether this generation will follow in their parents' footsteps, moving to the suburbs to raise families, or will choose to remain in the city center.
Another issue affecting real estate in the coming year will be America's failing infrastructure. Most roads, bridges, transit, water systems, the electric grid, and communications networks were installed 50 to 100 years ago, and they are largely taken for granted until they fail.
The report's writers state that America's failure to invest in infrastructure impacts not only the health of the real-estate market, but also our ability to remain globally competitive.
Apart from the specific trends highlighted above, which cause some investors to worry, the report portrays an overall optimism borne by the recent healthy real-estate "upcycle" and improving economy. Seventy-four percent of the respondents surveyed report a "good to excellent" expectation of real-estate profitability in 2015. While excessive optimism can promote bad investment patterns, resulting in a real- estate "bubble," the report's writers downplay that potential outcome in that it has not yet occurred. | 844.txt | 3 |
[
"Pessimistic.",
"Hopeful.",
"Cautious.",
"Uncertain."
] | How do most of the respondents in the survey feel about the U.S. real-estate market in 2015? | Urbanization-migration away from the suburbs to the city center-will be the biggest real estate trend in 2015. according to a new report.
The report says America's urbanization will continue to be the most significant issue affecting the industry, as cities across the country imitate the walkability and transit-oriented development making cities like New York and San Francisco so successful.
As smaller cities copy the model of these "24-hour cities," more affordable versions of these places will be created. The report refers to this as the coming of the "18-hour city," and uses the term to refer to cities like Houston, Austin, Charlotte, and Nashville, which are "positioning themselves as highly competitive, in terms of livability, employment offerings, and recreational and cultural facilities."
Another trend that looks significant in 2015 is that America's largest population group, Millennials （）, will continue to put off buying a house. Apartments will retain their appeal for a while for Millennials, haunted by what happened to home-owning parents.
This trend will continue into the 2020s, the report projects. After that, survey respondents disagree over whether this generation will follow in their parents' footsteps, moving to the suburbs to raise families, or will choose to remain in the city center.
Another issue affecting real estate in the coming year will be America's failing infrastructure. Most roads, bridges, transit, water systems, the electric grid, and communications networks were installed 50 to 100 years ago, and they are largely taken for granted until they fail.
The report's writers state that America's failure to invest in infrastructure impacts not only the health of the real-estate market, but also our ability to remain globally competitive.
Apart from the specific trends highlighted above, which cause some investors to worry, the report portrays an overall optimism borne by the recent healthy real-estate "upcycle" and improving economy. Seventy-four percent of the respondents surveyed report a "good to excellent" expectation of real-estate profitability in 2015. While excessive optimism can promote bad investment patterns, resulting in a real- estate "bubble," the report's writers downplay that potential outcome in that it has not yet occurred. | 844.txt | 1 |
[
"It is about how the United Nations is forced to adopt the wiki software to improve efficiency.",
"It is an introduction to the wiki technology and its growing trend.",
"It reviews the advantages and disadvantages of wiki technology.",
"It is about the immaturity of the wiki technology and its future development."
] | What is the passage mainly about? | The United Nations, notorious for endless deliberations, is trying a technological quick fix. Its Global Compact Office, which promotes corporate responsibility, has embraced a once marginal social technology-the wiki-in the hope that it will help staff in 80 countries share information and reach consensus with less deliberation and more speed. The office has done this by enlisting the public in its review of progress reports from more than 2,000 companies-an effort to make sure each is complying with established social and environmental guidelines. It's debatable whether encouraging public input is a good way to increase efficiency, but the move is the latest example of a quickly growing trend.
Wiki software-easy-to-use programs that let anyone with Internet access create, remove and edit content on a Web page-first gained popularity thanks to Wikipedia, the user-generated encyclopedia that has come to be praised as one of the Web's greatest resources. Now the technology is increasingly spreading outside the world of bizarre tech people and into the mainstream, being adopted by workplaces, corporations and even governments. In what's been called the" wiki workplace," a growing number of organizations have begun shifting from traditional hierarchical structures to self-organized and collaborative networks, using wiki software-a basket of technologies that include wikis, blogs and other tools-to foster innovation across organizational and geographic boundaries. Executives say the new tools make it easier for teams to collaborate and share information, and to get projects up and running on the fly. " Collaborative software has become a very important part of how businesses will invent and innovate," says Ken Bisconti, IBM's vice president of messaging and collaboration software.
That the United Nations is embracing wikis is an indication that organizations are beginning to get over their fear that this technology could introduce chaos into their operations. As Wikipedia has demonstrated, Web sites that are open to the public are vulnerable to deliberate injury, bias, inconsistency and other problems. But most corporate wikis are closed to the public, limiting access to employees inside the company firewall. These quasi-closed systems, say technology experts, impose accountability simply by keeping a record of every change and who made it.
IBM has used internal wikis since 2005, with an eye to selling the concept to its clients. One of its first applications was a wiki that employees could use to collaborate on writing a blogging manifesto: a set of policies for appropriate use of blogs in and out of the office. Thousands of employees contributed and edited that manifesto, which after receiving corporate approval-became the company's official policy. | 489.txt | 1 |
[
"very reliable",
"rather superficial",
"somewhat contradictory",
"quite encouraging"
] | The application of the wiki technology turns out to be _ . | The United Nations, notorious for endless deliberations, is trying a technological quick fix. Its Global Compact Office, which promotes corporate responsibility, has embraced a once marginal social technology-the wiki-in the hope that it will help staff in 80 countries share information and reach consensus with less deliberation and more speed. The office has done this by enlisting the public in its review of progress reports from more than 2,000 companies-an effort to make sure each is complying with established social and environmental guidelines. It's debatable whether encouraging public input is a good way to increase efficiency, but the move is the latest example of a quickly growing trend.
Wiki software-easy-to-use programs that let anyone with Internet access create, remove and edit content on a Web page-first gained popularity thanks to Wikipedia, the user-generated encyclopedia that has come to be praised as one of the Web's greatest resources. Now the technology is increasingly spreading outside the world of bizarre tech people and into the mainstream, being adopted by workplaces, corporations and even governments. In what's been called the" wiki workplace," a growing number of organizations have begun shifting from traditional hierarchical structures to self-organized and collaborative networks, using wiki software-a basket of technologies that include wikis, blogs and other tools-to foster innovation across organizational and geographic boundaries. Executives say the new tools make it easier for teams to collaborate and share information, and to get projects up and running on the fly. " Collaborative software has become a very important part of how businesses will invent and innovate," says Ken Bisconti, IBM's vice president of messaging and collaboration software.
That the United Nations is embracing wikis is an indication that organizations are beginning to get over their fear that this technology could introduce chaos into their operations. As Wikipedia has demonstrated, Web sites that are open to the public are vulnerable to deliberate injury, bias, inconsistency and other problems. But most corporate wikis are closed to the public, limiting access to employees inside the company firewall. These quasi-closed systems, say technology experts, impose accountability simply by keeping a record of every change and who made it.
IBM has used internal wikis since 2005, with an eye to selling the concept to its clients. One of its first applications was a wiki that employees could use to collaborate on writing a blogging manifesto: a set of policies for appropriate use of blogs in and out of the office. Thousands of employees contributed and edited that manifesto, which after receiving corporate approval-became the company's official policy. | 489.txt | 3 |
[
"some people doubt it is a communist plot",
"the technology is still not mature enough to be used widely",
"there might be purposeful injury and damage from the public",
"the technology can only be used internally"
] | The basic problem of applying wiki technology lies in that _ . | The United Nations, notorious for endless deliberations, is trying a technological quick fix. Its Global Compact Office, which promotes corporate responsibility, has embraced a once marginal social technology-the wiki-in the hope that it will help staff in 80 countries share information and reach consensus with less deliberation and more speed. The office has done this by enlisting the public in its review of progress reports from more than 2,000 companies-an effort to make sure each is complying with established social and environmental guidelines. It's debatable whether encouraging public input is a good way to increase efficiency, but the move is the latest example of a quickly growing trend.
Wiki software-easy-to-use programs that let anyone with Internet access create, remove and edit content on a Web page-first gained popularity thanks to Wikipedia, the user-generated encyclopedia that has come to be praised as one of the Web's greatest resources. Now the technology is increasingly spreading outside the world of bizarre tech people and into the mainstream, being adopted by workplaces, corporations and even governments. In what's been called the" wiki workplace," a growing number of organizations have begun shifting from traditional hierarchical structures to self-organized and collaborative networks, using wiki software-a basket of technologies that include wikis, blogs and other tools-to foster innovation across organizational and geographic boundaries. Executives say the new tools make it easier for teams to collaborate and share information, and to get projects up and running on the fly. " Collaborative software has become a very important part of how businesses will invent and innovate," says Ken Bisconti, IBM's vice president of messaging and collaboration software.
That the United Nations is embracing wikis is an indication that organizations are beginning to get over their fear that this technology could introduce chaos into their operations. As Wikipedia has demonstrated, Web sites that are open to the public are vulnerable to deliberate injury, bias, inconsistency and other problems. But most corporate wikis are closed to the public, limiting access to employees inside the company firewall. These quasi-closed systems, say technology experts, impose accountability simply by keeping a record of every change and who made it.
IBM has used internal wikis since 2005, with an eye to selling the concept to its clients. One of its first applications was a wiki that employees could use to collaborate on writing a blogging manifesto: a set of policies for appropriate use of blogs in and out of the office. Thousands of employees contributed and edited that manifesto, which after receiving corporate approval-became the company's official policy. | 489.txt | 2 |
[
"It is a safe technology when being applied both externally and internally.",
"The public can participate in the creation of web contents.",
"It can enhance communication at least within an organization.",
"It helps promote innovation and improve work efficiency."
] | Which of the following is NOT the advantage of wiki technology? | The United Nations, notorious for endless deliberations, is trying a technological quick fix. Its Global Compact Office, which promotes corporate responsibility, has embraced a once marginal social technology-the wiki-in the hope that it will help staff in 80 countries share information and reach consensus with less deliberation and more speed. The office has done this by enlisting the public in its review of progress reports from more than 2,000 companies-an effort to make sure each is complying with established social and environmental guidelines. It's debatable whether encouraging public input is a good way to increase efficiency, but the move is the latest example of a quickly growing trend.
Wiki software-easy-to-use programs that let anyone with Internet access create, remove and edit content on a Web page-first gained popularity thanks to Wikipedia, the user-generated encyclopedia that has come to be praised as one of the Web's greatest resources. Now the technology is increasingly spreading outside the world of bizarre tech people and into the mainstream, being adopted by workplaces, corporations and even governments. In what's been called the" wiki workplace," a growing number of organizations have begun shifting from traditional hierarchical structures to self-organized and collaborative networks, using wiki software-a basket of technologies that include wikis, blogs and other tools-to foster innovation across organizational and geographic boundaries. Executives say the new tools make it easier for teams to collaborate and share information, and to get projects up and running on the fly. " Collaborative software has become a very important part of how businesses will invent and innovate," says Ken Bisconti, IBM's vice president of messaging and collaboration software.
That the United Nations is embracing wikis is an indication that organizations are beginning to get over their fear that this technology could introduce chaos into their operations. As Wikipedia has demonstrated, Web sites that are open to the public are vulnerable to deliberate injury, bias, inconsistency and other problems. But most corporate wikis are closed to the public, limiting access to employees inside the company firewall. These quasi-closed systems, say technology experts, impose accountability simply by keeping a record of every change and who made it.
IBM has used internal wikis since 2005, with an eye to selling the concept to its clients. One of its first applications was a wiki that employees could use to collaborate on writing a blogging manifesto: a set of policies for appropriate use of blogs in and out of the office. Thousands of employees contributed and edited that manifesto, which after receiving corporate approval-became the company's official policy. | 489.txt | 0 |
[
"UN has gained positive results by using wiki technology.",
"IBM's adoption of wikis turns out to be a failure.",
"Wiki software is changing some corporate network structure.",
"Wiki websites will replace conventional websites."
] | Which of the following is TRUE according to the text? | The United Nations, notorious for endless deliberations, is trying a technological quick fix. Its Global Compact Office, which promotes corporate responsibility, has embraced a once marginal social technology-the wiki-in the hope that it will help staff in 80 countries share information and reach consensus with less deliberation and more speed. The office has done this by enlisting the public in its review of progress reports from more than 2,000 companies-an effort to make sure each is complying with established social and environmental guidelines. It's debatable whether encouraging public input is a good way to increase efficiency, but the move is the latest example of a quickly growing trend.
Wiki software-easy-to-use programs that let anyone with Internet access create, remove and edit content on a Web page-first gained popularity thanks to Wikipedia, the user-generated encyclopedia that has come to be praised as one of the Web's greatest resources. Now the technology is increasingly spreading outside the world of bizarre tech people and into the mainstream, being adopted by workplaces, corporations and even governments. In what's been called the" wiki workplace," a growing number of organizations have begun shifting from traditional hierarchical structures to self-organized and collaborative networks, using wiki software-a basket of technologies that include wikis, blogs and other tools-to foster innovation across organizational and geographic boundaries. Executives say the new tools make it easier for teams to collaborate and share information, and to get projects up and running on the fly. " Collaborative software has become a very important part of how businesses will invent and innovate," says Ken Bisconti, IBM's vice president of messaging and collaboration software.
That the United Nations is embracing wikis is an indication that organizations are beginning to get over their fear that this technology could introduce chaos into their operations. As Wikipedia has demonstrated, Web sites that are open to the public are vulnerable to deliberate injury, bias, inconsistency and other problems. But most corporate wikis are closed to the public, limiting access to employees inside the company firewall. These quasi-closed systems, say technology experts, impose accountability simply by keeping a record of every change and who made it.
IBM has used internal wikis since 2005, with an eye to selling the concept to its clients. One of its first applications was a wiki that employees could use to collaborate on writing a blogging manifesto: a set of policies for appropriate use of blogs in and out of the office. Thousands of employees contributed and edited that manifesto, which after receiving corporate approval-became the company's official policy. | 489.txt | 2 |
[
"Flat desert areas receive more annual rainfall than desert areas with mountains.",
"Areas that receive more than four inches of rain per year are not considered deserts.",
"Many areas receive less than four inches of annual rainfall, but only a few are deserts.",
"Annual rainfall has no impact on the groundwater resources of desert areas."
] | Which of the following statements about annual rainfall can be inferred from paragraph 1? | Rainfall is not completely absent in desert areas, but it is highly variable. An annual rainfall of four inches is often used to define the limits of a desert. The impact of rainfall upon the surface water and groundwater resources of the desert is greatly influenced by landforms. Flats and depressions where water can collect are common features, but they make up only a small part of the landscape.
Arid lands, surprisingly, contain some of the world's largest river systems, such as the Murray-Darling in Australia, the Rio Grande in North America, the Indus in Asia, and the Nile in Africa. These rivers and river systems are known as "exogenous" because their sources lie outside the arid zone. They are vital for sustaining life in some of the driest parts of the world. For centuries, the annual floods of the Nile, Tigris, and Euphrates, for example, have brought fertile silts and water to the inhabitants of their lower valleys. Today, river discharges are increasingly controlled by human intervention, creating a need for international river-basin agreements. The filling of the Ataturk and other dams in Turkey has drastically reduced flows in the Euphrates, with potentially serious consequences for Syria and Iraq.
The flow of exogenous rivers varies with the season. The desert sections of long rivers respond several months after rain has fallen outside the desert, so that peak flows may be in the dry season. This is useful for irrigation, but the high temperatures, low humidities, and different day lengths of the dry season, compared to the normal growing season, can present difficulties with some crops.
Regularly flowing rivers and streams that originate within arid lands are known as "endogenous." These are generally fed by groundwater springs, and many issue from limestone massifs, such as the Atlas Mountains in Morocco. Basaltic rocks also support springs, notably at the Jabal Al-Arab on the Jordan-Syria border. Endogenous rivers often do not reach the sea but drain into inland basins, where the water evaporates or is lost in the ground. Most desert streambeds are normally dry, but they occasionally receive large flows of water and sediment.
Deserts contain large amounts of groundwater when compared to the amounts they hold in surface stores such as lakes and rivers. But only a small fraction of groundwater enters the hydrological cycle-feeding the flows of streams, maintaining lake levels, and being recharged (or refilleD. through surface flows and rainwater. In recent years, groundwater has become an increasingly important source of freshwater for desert dwellers. The United Nations Environment Programme and the World Bank have funded attempts to survey the groundwater resources of arid lands and to develop appropriate extraction techniques. Such programs are much needed because in many arid lands there is only a vague idea of the extent of groundwater resources. It is known, however, that the distribution of groundwater is uneven, and that much of it lies at great depths.
Groundwater is stored in the pore spaces and joints of rocks and unconsolidated (unsolidifieD. sediments or in the openings widened through fractures and weathering. The water-saturated rock or sediment is known as an "aquifer". Because they are porous, sedimentary rocks, such as sandstones and conglomerates, are important potential sources of groundwater. Large quantities of water may also be stored in limestones when joints and cracks have been enlarged to form cavities. Most limestone and sandstone aquifers are deep and extensive but may contain groundwaters that are not being recharged. Most shallow aquifers in sand and gravel deposits produce lower yields, but they can be rapidly recharged. Some deep aquifers are known as "fossil waters. The term "fossil" describes water that has been present for several thousand years. These aquifers became saturated more than 10,000 years ago and are no longer being recharged.
Water does not remain immobile in an aquifer but can seep out at springs or leak into other aquifers. The rate of movement may be very slow: in the Indus plain, the movement of saline (salty) groundwaters has still not reached equilibrium after 70 years of being tapped. The mineral content of groundwater normally increases with the depth, but even quite shallow aquifers can be highly saline. | 872.txt | 1 |
[
"obviously",
"unfortunately",
"rapidly",
"severely"
] | The word "drastically" in the passage(Paragraph 2)is closest in meaning to | Rainfall is not completely absent in desert areas, but it is highly variable. An annual rainfall of four inches is often used to define the limits of a desert. The impact of rainfall upon the surface water and groundwater resources of the desert is greatly influenced by landforms. Flats and depressions where water can collect are common features, but they make up only a small part of the landscape.
Arid lands, surprisingly, contain some of the world's largest river systems, such as the Murray-Darling in Australia, the Rio Grande in North America, the Indus in Asia, and the Nile in Africa. These rivers and river systems are known as "exogenous" because their sources lie outside the arid zone. They are vital for sustaining life in some of the driest parts of the world. For centuries, the annual floods of the Nile, Tigris, and Euphrates, for example, have brought fertile silts and water to the inhabitants of their lower valleys. Today, river discharges are increasingly controlled by human intervention, creating a need for international river-basin agreements. The filling of the Ataturk and other dams in Turkey has drastically reduced flows in the Euphrates, with potentially serious consequences for Syria and Iraq.
The flow of exogenous rivers varies with the season. The desert sections of long rivers respond several months after rain has fallen outside the desert, so that peak flows may be in the dry season. This is useful for irrigation, but the high temperatures, low humidities, and different day lengths of the dry season, compared to the normal growing season, can present difficulties with some crops.
Regularly flowing rivers and streams that originate within arid lands are known as "endogenous." These are generally fed by groundwater springs, and many issue from limestone massifs, such as the Atlas Mountains in Morocco. Basaltic rocks also support springs, notably at the Jabal Al-Arab on the Jordan-Syria border. Endogenous rivers often do not reach the sea but drain into inland basins, where the water evaporates or is lost in the ground. Most desert streambeds are normally dry, but they occasionally receive large flows of water and sediment.
Deserts contain large amounts of groundwater when compared to the amounts they hold in surface stores such as lakes and rivers. But only a small fraction of groundwater enters the hydrological cycle-feeding the flows of streams, maintaining lake levels, and being recharged (or refilleD. through surface flows and rainwater. In recent years, groundwater has become an increasingly important source of freshwater for desert dwellers. The United Nations Environment Programme and the World Bank have funded attempts to survey the groundwater resources of arid lands and to develop appropriate extraction techniques. Such programs are much needed because in many arid lands there is only a vague idea of the extent of groundwater resources. It is known, however, that the distribution of groundwater is uneven, and that much of it lies at great depths.
Groundwater is stored in the pore spaces and joints of rocks and unconsolidated (unsolidifieD. sediments or in the openings widened through fractures and weathering. The water-saturated rock or sediment is known as an "aquifer". Because they are porous, sedimentary rocks, such as sandstones and conglomerates, are important potential sources of groundwater. Large quantities of water may also be stored in limestones when joints and cracks have been enlarged to form cavities. Most limestone and sandstone aquifers are deep and extensive but may contain groundwaters that are not being recharged. Most shallow aquifers in sand and gravel deposits produce lower yields, but they can be rapidly recharged. Some deep aquifers are known as "fossil waters. The term "fossil" describes water that has been present for several thousand years. These aquifers became saturated more than 10,000 years ago and are no longer being recharged.
Water does not remain immobile in an aquifer but can seep out at springs or leak into other aquifers. The rate of movement may be very slow: in the Indus plain, the movement of saline (salty) groundwaters has still not reached equilibrium after 70 years of being tapped. The mineral content of groundwater normally increases with the depth, but even quite shallow aquifers can be highly saline. | 872.txt | 3 |
[
"To contrast the Euphrates River with other exogenous rivers",
"To illustrate the technological advances in dam building",
"To argue that dams should not be built on the Euphrates River",
"To support the idea that international river-basin agreements are needed"
] | In paragraph 2, why does the author mention the Ataturk and other dams in Turkey? | Rainfall is not completely absent in desert areas, but it is highly variable. An annual rainfall of four inches is often used to define the limits of a desert. The impact of rainfall upon the surface water and groundwater resources of the desert is greatly influenced by landforms. Flats and depressions where water can collect are common features, but they make up only a small part of the landscape.
Arid lands, surprisingly, contain some of the world's largest river systems, such as the Murray-Darling in Australia, the Rio Grande in North America, the Indus in Asia, and the Nile in Africa. These rivers and river systems are known as "exogenous" because their sources lie outside the arid zone. They are vital for sustaining life in some of the driest parts of the world. For centuries, the annual floods of the Nile, Tigris, and Euphrates, for example, have brought fertile silts and water to the inhabitants of their lower valleys. Today, river discharges are increasingly controlled by human intervention, creating a need for international river-basin agreements. The filling of the Ataturk and other dams in Turkey has drastically reduced flows in the Euphrates, with potentially serious consequences for Syria and Iraq.
The flow of exogenous rivers varies with the season. The desert sections of long rivers respond several months after rain has fallen outside the desert, so that peak flows may be in the dry season. This is useful for irrigation, but the high temperatures, low humidities, and different day lengths of the dry season, compared to the normal growing season, can present difficulties with some crops.
Regularly flowing rivers and streams that originate within arid lands are known as "endogenous." These are generally fed by groundwater springs, and many issue from limestone massifs, such as the Atlas Mountains in Morocco. Basaltic rocks also support springs, notably at the Jabal Al-Arab on the Jordan-Syria border. Endogenous rivers often do not reach the sea but drain into inland basins, where the water evaporates or is lost in the ground. Most desert streambeds are normally dry, but they occasionally receive large flows of water and sediment.
Deserts contain large amounts of groundwater when compared to the amounts they hold in surface stores such as lakes and rivers. But only a small fraction of groundwater enters the hydrological cycle-feeding the flows of streams, maintaining lake levels, and being recharged (or refilleD. through surface flows and rainwater. In recent years, groundwater has become an increasingly important source of freshwater for desert dwellers. The United Nations Environment Programme and the World Bank have funded attempts to survey the groundwater resources of arid lands and to develop appropriate extraction techniques. Such programs are much needed because in many arid lands there is only a vague idea of the extent of groundwater resources. It is known, however, that the distribution of groundwater is uneven, and that much of it lies at great depths.
Groundwater is stored in the pore spaces and joints of rocks and unconsolidated (unsolidifieD. sediments or in the openings widened through fractures and weathering. The water-saturated rock or sediment is known as an "aquifer". Because they are porous, sedimentary rocks, such as sandstones and conglomerates, are important potential sources of groundwater. Large quantities of water may also be stored in limestones when joints and cracks have been enlarged to form cavities. Most limestone and sandstone aquifers are deep and extensive but may contain groundwaters that are not being recharged. Most shallow aquifers in sand and gravel deposits produce lower yields, but they can be rapidly recharged. Some deep aquifers are known as "fossil waters. The term "fossil" describes water that has been present for several thousand years. These aquifers became saturated more than 10,000 years ago and are no longer being recharged.
Water does not remain immobile in an aquifer but can seep out at springs or leak into other aquifers. The rate of movement may be very slow: in the Indus plain, the movement of saline (salty) groundwaters has still not reached equilibrium after 70 years of being tapped. The mineral content of groundwater normally increases with the depth, but even quite shallow aquifers can be highly saline. | 872.txt | 3 |
[
"The Nile's flow in its desert sections is at its lowest during the dry season",
"The Nile's sources are located in one of the most arid zones of the world",
"The Nile's annual floods bring fertile silts and water to its lower valley",
"The Nile's periodic flooding hinders the growth of some crops"
] | According to paragraph 2, which of the following is true of the Nile River? | Rainfall is not completely absent in desert areas, but it is highly variable. An annual rainfall of four inches is often used to define the limits of a desert. The impact of rainfall upon the surface water and groundwater resources of the desert is greatly influenced by landforms. Flats and depressions where water can collect are common features, but they make up only a small part of the landscape.
Arid lands, surprisingly, contain some of the world's largest river systems, such as the Murray-Darling in Australia, the Rio Grande in North America, the Indus in Asia, and the Nile in Africa. These rivers and river systems are known as "exogenous" because their sources lie outside the arid zone. They are vital for sustaining life in some of the driest parts of the world. For centuries, the annual floods of the Nile, Tigris, and Euphrates, for example, have brought fertile silts and water to the inhabitants of their lower valleys. Today, river discharges are increasingly controlled by human intervention, creating a need for international river-basin agreements. The filling of the Ataturk and other dams in Turkey has drastically reduced flows in the Euphrates, with potentially serious consequences for Syria and Iraq.
The flow of exogenous rivers varies with the season. The desert sections of long rivers respond several months after rain has fallen outside the desert, so that peak flows may be in the dry season. This is useful for irrigation, but the high temperatures, low humidities, and different day lengths of the dry season, compared to the normal growing season, can present difficulties with some crops.
Regularly flowing rivers and streams that originate within arid lands are known as "endogenous." These are generally fed by groundwater springs, and many issue from limestone massifs, such as the Atlas Mountains in Morocco. Basaltic rocks also support springs, notably at the Jabal Al-Arab on the Jordan-Syria border. Endogenous rivers often do not reach the sea but drain into inland basins, where the water evaporates or is lost in the ground. Most desert streambeds are normally dry, but they occasionally receive large flows of water and sediment.
Deserts contain large amounts of groundwater when compared to the amounts they hold in surface stores such as lakes and rivers. But only a small fraction of groundwater enters the hydrological cycle-feeding the flows of streams, maintaining lake levels, and being recharged (or refilleD. through surface flows and rainwater. In recent years, groundwater has become an increasingly important source of freshwater for desert dwellers. The United Nations Environment Programme and the World Bank have funded attempts to survey the groundwater resources of arid lands and to develop appropriate extraction techniques. Such programs are much needed because in many arid lands there is only a vague idea of the extent of groundwater resources. It is known, however, that the distribution of groundwater is uneven, and that much of it lies at great depths.
Groundwater is stored in the pore spaces and joints of rocks and unconsolidated (unsolidifieD. sediments or in the openings widened through fractures and weathering. The water-saturated rock or sediment is known as an "aquifer". Because they are porous, sedimentary rocks, such as sandstones and conglomerates, are important potential sources of groundwater. Large quantities of water may also be stored in limestones when joints and cracks have been enlarged to form cavities. Most limestone and sandstone aquifers are deep and extensive but may contain groundwaters that are not being recharged. Most shallow aquifers in sand and gravel deposits produce lower yields, but they can be rapidly recharged. Some deep aquifers are known as "fossil waters. The term "fossil" describes water that has been present for several thousand years. These aquifers became saturated more than 10,000 years ago and are no longer being recharged.
Water does not remain immobile in an aquifer but can seep out at springs or leak into other aquifers. The rate of movement may be very slow: in the Indus plain, the movement of saline (salty) groundwaters has still not reached equilibrium after 70 years of being tapped. The mineral content of groundwater normally increases with the depth, but even quite shallow aquifers can be highly saline. | 872.txt | 2 |
[
"settlements",
"farmers",
"tribes",
"inhabitants"
] | The word "dwellers" in the passage(Paragraph 5)is closest in meaning to | Rainfall is not completely absent in desert areas, but it is highly variable. An annual rainfall of four inches is often used to define the limits of a desert. The impact of rainfall upon the surface water and groundwater resources of the desert is greatly influenced by landforms. Flats and depressions where water can collect are common features, but they make up only a small part of the landscape.
Arid lands, surprisingly, contain some of the world's largest river systems, such as the Murray-Darling in Australia, the Rio Grande in North America, the Indus in Asia, and the Nile in Africa. These rivers and river systems are known as "exogenous" because their sources lie outside the arid zone. They are vital for sustaining life in some of the driest parts of the world. For centuries, the annual floods of the Nile, Tigris, and Euphrates, for example, have brought fertile silts and water to the inhabitants of their lower valleys. Today, river discharges are increasingly controlled by human intervention, creating a need for international river-basin agreements. The filling of the Ataturk and other dams in Turkey has drastically reduced flows in the Euphrates, with potentially serious consequences for Syria and Iraq.
The flow of exogenous rivers varies with the season. The desert sections of long rivers respond several months after rain has fallen outside the desert, so that peak flows may be in the dry season. This is useful for irrigation, but the high temperatures, low humidities, and different day lengths of the dry season, compared to the normal growing season, can present difficulties with some crops.
Regularly flowing rivers and streams that originate within arid lands are known as "endogenous." These are generally fed by groundwater springs, and many issue from limestone massifs, such as the Atlas Mountains in Morocco. Basaltic rocks also support springs, notably at the Jabal Al-Arab on the Jordan-Syria border. Endogenous rivers often do not reach the sea but drain into inland basins, where the water evaporates or is lost in the ground. Most desert streambeds are normally dry, but they occasionally receive large flows of water and sediment.
Deserts contain large amounts of groundwater when compared to the amounts they hold in surface stores such as lakes and rivers. But only a small fraction of groundwater enters the hydrological cycle-feeding the flows of streams, maintaining lake levels, and being recharged (or refilleD. through surface flows and rainwater. In recent years, groundwater has become an increasingly important source of freshwater for desert dwellers. The United Nations Environment Programme and the World Bank have funded attempts to survey the groundwater resources of arid lands and to develop appropriate extraction techniques. Such programs are much needed because in many arid lands there is only a vague idea of the extent of groundwater resources. It is known, however, that the distribution of groundwater is uneven, and that much of it lies at great depths.
Groundwater is stored in the pore spaces and joints of rocks and unconsolidated (unsolidifieD. sediments or in the openings widened through fractures and weathering. The water-saturated rock or sediment is known as an "aquifer". Because they are porous, sedimentary rocks, such as sandstones and conglomerates, are important potential sources of groundwater. Large quantities of water may also be stored in limestones when joints and cracks have been enlarged to form cavities. Most limestone and sandstone aquifers are deep and extensive but may contain groundwaters that are not being recharged. Most shallow aquifers in sand and gravel deposits produce lower yields, but they can be rapidly recharged. Some deep aquifers are known as "fossil waters. The term "fossil" describes water that has been present for several thousand years. These aquifers became saturated more than 10,000 years ago and are no longer being recharged.
Water does not remain immobile in an aquifer but can seep out at springs or leak into other aquifers. The rate of movement may be very slow: in the Indus plain, the movement of saline (salty) groundwaters has still not reached equilibrium after 70 years of being tapped. The mineral content of groundwater normally increases with the depth, but even quite shallow aquifers can be highly saline. | 872.txt | 3 |
[
"The groundwater is consistently found just below the surface",
"A small part of the groundwater helps maintain lake levels",
"Most of the groundwater is not recharged through surface water",
"The groundwater is increasingly used as a source of freshwater"
] | Paragraph 5 supports all of the following statements about the groundwater In deserts EXCEPT: | Rainfall is not completely absent in desert areas, but it is highly variable. An annual rainfall of four inches is often used to define the limits of a desert. The impact of rainfall upon the surface water and groundwater resources of the desert is greatly influenced by landforms. Flats and depressions where water can collect are common features, but they make up only a small part of the landscape.
Arid lands, surprisingly, contain some of the world's largest river systems, such as the Murray-Darling in Australia, the Rio Grande in North America, the Indus in Asia, and the Nile in Africa. These rivers and river systems are known as "exogenous" because their sources lie outside the arid zone. They are vital for sustaining life in some of the driest parts of the world. For centuries, the annual floods of the Nile, Tigris, and Euphrates, for example, have brought fertile silts and water to the inhabitants of their lower valleys. Today, river discharges are increasingly controlled by human intervention, creating a need for international river-basin agreements. The filling of the Ataturk and other dams in Turkey has drastically reduced flows in the Euphrates, with potentially serious consequences for Syria and Iraq.
The flow of exogenous rivers varies with the season. The desert sections of long rivers respond several months after rain has fallen outside the desert, so that peak flows may be in the dry season. This is useful for irrigation, but the high temperatures, low humidities, and different day lengths of the dry season, compared to the normal growing season, can present difficulties with some crops.
Regularly flowing rivers and streams that originate within arid lands are known as "endogenous." These are generally fed by groundwater springs, and many issue from limestone massifs, such as the Atlas Mountains in Morocco. Basaltic rocks also support springs, notably at the Jabal Al-Arab on the Jordan-Syria border. Endogenous rivers often do not reach the sea but drain into inland basins, where the water evaporates or is lost in the ground. Most desert streambeds are normally dry, but they occasionally receive large flows of water and sediment.
Deserts contain large amounts of groundwater when compared to the amounts they hold in surface stores such as lakes and rivers. But only a small fraction of groundwater enters the hydrological cycle-feeding the flows of streams, maintaining lake levels, and being recharged (or refilleD. through surface flows and rainwater. In recent years, groundwater has become an increasingly important source of freshwater for desert dwellers. The United Nations Environment Programme and the World Bank have funded attempts to survey the groundwater resources of arid lands and to develop appropriate extraction techniques. Such programs are much needed because in many arid lands there is only a vague idea of the extent of groundwater resources. It is known, however, that the distribution of groundwater is uneven, and that much of it lies at great depths.
Groundwater is stored in the pore spaces and joints of rocks and unconsolidated (unsolidifieD. sediments or in the openings widened through fractures and weathering. The water-saturated rock or sediment is known as an "aquifer". Because they are porous, sedimentary rocks, such as sandstones and conglomerates, are important potential sources of groundwater. Large quantities of water may also be stored in limestones when joints and cracks have been enlarged to form cavities. Most limestone and sandstone aquifers are deep and extensive but may contain groundwaters that are not being recharged. Most shallow aquifers in sand and gravel deposits produce lower yields, but they can be rapidly recharged. Some deep aquifers are known as "fossil waters. The term "fossil" describes water that has been present for several thousand years. These aquifers became saturated more than 10,000 years ago and are no longer being recharged.
Water does not remain immobile in an aquifer but can seep out at springs or leak into other aquifers. The rate of movement may be very slow: in the Indus plain, the movement of saline (salty) groundwaters has still not reached equilibrium after 70 years of being tapped. The mineral content of groundwater normally increases with the depth, but even quite shallow aquifers can be highly saline. | 872.txt | 0 |
[
"streams",
"cracks",
"storms",
"earthquakes"
] | The word "fractures"(Paragraph 6)in the passage is closest in meaning to | Rainfall is not completely absent in desert areas, but it is highly variable. An annual rainfall of four inches is often used to define the limits of a desert. The impact of rainfall upon the surface water and groundwater resources of the desert is greatly influenced by landforms. Flats and depressions where water can collect are common features, but they make up only a small part of the landscape.
Arid lands, surprisingly, contain some of the world's largest river systems, such as the Murray-Darling in Australia, the Rio Grande in North America, the Indus in Asia, and the Nile in Africa. These rivers and river systems are known as "exogenous" because their sources lie outside the arid zone. They are vital for sustaining life in some of the driest parts of the world. For centuries, the annual floods of the Nile, Tigris, and Euphrates, for example, have brought fertile silts and water to the inhabitants of their lower valleys. Today, river discharges are increasingly controlled by human intervention, creating a need for international river-basin agreements. The filling of the Ataturk and other dams in Turkey has drastically reduced flows in the Euphrates, with potentially serious consequences for Syria and Iraq.
The flow of exogenous rivers varies with the season. The desert sections of long rivers respond several months after rain has fallen outside the desert, so that peak flows may be in the dry season. This is useful for irrigation, but the high temperatures, low humidities, and different day lengths of the dry season, compared to the normal growing season, can present difficulties with some crops.
Regularly flowing rivers and streams that originate within arid lands are known as "endogenous." These are generally fed by groundwater springs, and many issue from limestone massifs, such as the Atlas Mountains in Morocco. Basaltic rocks also support springs, notably at the Jabal Al-Arab on the Jordan-Syria border. Endogenous rivers often do not reach the sea but drain into inland basins, where the water evaporates or is lost in the ground. Most desert streambeds are normally dry, but they occasionally receive large flows of water and sediment.
Deserts contain large amounts of groundwater when compared to the amounts they hold in surface stores such as lakes and rivers. But only a small fraction of groundwater enters the hydrological cycle-feeding the flows of streams, maintaining lake levels, and being recharged (or refilleD. through surface flows and rainwater. In recent years, groundwater has become an increasingly important source of freshwater for desert dwellers. The United Nations Environment Programme and the World Bank have funded attempts to survey the groundwater resources of arid lands and to develop appropriate extraction techniques. Such programs are much needed because in many arid lands there is only a vague idea of the extent of groundwater resources. It is known, however, that the distribution of groundwater is uneven, and that much of it lies at great depths.
Groundwater is stored in the pore spaces and joints of rocks and unconsolidated (unsolidifieD. sediments or in the openings widened through fractures and weathering. The water-saturated rock or sediment is known as an "aquifer". Because they are porous, sedimentary rocks, such as sandstones and conglomerates, are important potential sources of groundwater. Large quantities of water may also be stored in limestones when joints and cracks have been enlarged to form cavities. Most limestone and sandstone aquifers are deep and extensive but may contain groundwaters that are not being recharged. Most shallow aquifers in sand and gravel deposits produce lower yields, but they can be rapidly recharged. Some deep aquifers are known as "fossil waters. The term "fossil" describes water that has been present for several thousand years. These aquifers became saturated more than 10,000 years ago and are no longer being recharged.
Water does not remain immobile in an aquifer but can seep out at springs or leak into other aquifers. The rate of movement may be very slow: in the Indus plain, the movement of saline (salty) groundwaters has still not reached equilibrium after 70 years of being tapped. The mineral content of groundwater normally increases with the depth, but even quite shallow aquifers can be highly saline. | 872.txt | 1 |
[
"Water from limestone and sandstone aquifers is generally better to drink than water from sand and gravel aquifers",
"Sand and gravel aquifers tend to contain less groundwater than limestone or sandstone aquifers",
"Groundwater in deep aquifers is more likely to be recharged than groundwater in shallow aquifers",
"Sedimentary rocks, because they are porous, are not capable of storing large amounts of groundwater"
] | According to paragraph 6, which of the following statements about aquifers in deserts is true? | Rainfall is not completely absent in desert areas, but it is highly variable. An annual rainfall of four inches is often used to define the limits of a desert. The impact of rainfall upon the surface water and groundwater resources of the desert is greatly influenced by landforms. Flats and depressions where water can collect are common features, but they make up only a small part of the landscape.
Arid lands, surprisingly, contain some of the world's largest river systems, such as the Murray-Darling in Australia, the Rio Grande in North America, the Indus in Asia, and the Nile in Africa. These rivers and river systems are known as "exogenous" because their sources lie outside the arid zone. They are vital for sustaining life in some of the driest parts of the world. For centuries, the annual floods of the Nile, Tigris, and Euphrates, for example, have brought fertile silts and water to the inhabitants of their lower valleys. Today, river discharges are increasingly controlled by human intervention, creating a need for international river-basin agreements. The filling of the Ataturk and other dams in Turkey has drastically reduced flows in the Euphrates, with potentially serious consequences for Syria and Iraq.
The flow of exogenous rivers varies with the season. The desert sections of long rivers respond several months after rain has fallen outside the desert, so that peak flows may be in the dry season. This is useful for irrigation, but the high temperatures, low humidities, and different day lengths of the dry season, compared to the normal growing season, can present difficulties with some crops.
Regularly flowing rivers and streams that originate within arid lands are known as "endogenous." These are generally fed by groundwater springs, and many issue from limestone massifs, such as the Atlas Mountains in Morocco. Basaltic rocks also support springs, notably at the Jabal Al-Arab on the Jordan-Syria border. Endogenous rivers often do not reach the sea but drain into inland basins, where the water evaporates or is lost in the ground. Most desert streambeds are normally dry, but they occasionally receive large flows of water and sediment.
Deserts contain large amounts of groundwater when compared to the amounts they hold in surface stores such as lakes and rivers. But only a small fraction of groundwater enters the hydrological cycle-feeding the flows of streams, maintaining lake levels, and being recharged (or refilleD. through surface flows and rainwater. In recent years, groundwater has become an increasingly important source of freshwater for desert dwellers. The United Nations Environment Programme and the World Bank have funded attempts to survey the groundwater resources of arid lands and to develop appropriate extraction techniques. Such programs are much needed because in many arid lands there is only a vague idea of the extent of groundwater resources. It is known, however, that the distribution of groundwater is uneven, and that much of it lies at great depths.
Groundwater is stored in the pore spaces and joints of rocks and unconsolidated (unsolidifieD. sediments or in the openings widened through fractures and weathering. The water-saturated rock or sediment is known as an "aquifer". Because they are porous, sedimentary rocks, such as sandstones and conglomerates, are important potential sources of groundwater. Large quantities of water may also be stored in limestones when joints and cracks have been enlarged to form cavities. Most limestone and sandstone aquifers are deep and extensive but may contain groundwaters that are not being recharged. Most shallow aquifers in sand and gravel deposits produce lower yields, but they can be rapidly recharged. Some deep aquifers are known as "fossil waters. The term "fossil" describes water that has been present for several thousand years. These aquifers became saturated more than 10,000 years ago and are no longer being recharged.
Water does not remain immobile in an aquifer but can seep out at springs or leak into other aquifers. The rate of movement may be very slow: in the Indus plain, the movement of saline (salty) groundwaters has still not reached equilibrium after 70 years of being tapped. The mineral content of groundwater normally increases with the depth, but even quite shallow aquifers can be highly saline. | 872.txt | 1 |
[
"contain fossils that are thousands of years old",
"took more than 10,000 years to become saturated with water",
"have not gained or lost any water for thousands of years",
"have been collecting water for the past 10,000 years"
] | According to paragraph 6, the aquifers called fossil waters | Rainfall is not completely absent in desert areas, but it is highly variable. An annual rainfall of four inches is often used to define the limits of a desert. The impact of rainfall upon the surface water and groundwater resources of the desert is greatly influenced by landforms. Flats and depressions where water can collect are common features, but they make up only a small part of the landscape.
Arid lands, surprisingly, contain some of the world's largest river systems, such as the Murray-Darling in Australia, the Rio Grande in North America, the Indus in Asia, and the Nile in Africa. These rivers and river systems are known as "exogenous" because their sources lie outside the arid zone. They are vital for sustaining life in some of the driest parts of the world. For centuries, the annual floods of the Nile, Tigris, and Euphrates, for example, have brought fertile silts and water to the inhabitants of their lower valleys. Today, river discharges are increasingly controlled by human intervention, creating a need for international river-basin agreements. The filling of the Ataturk and other dams in Turkey has drastically reduced flows in the Euphrates, with potentially serious consequences for Syria and Iraq.
The flow of exogenous rivers varies with the season. The desert sections of long rivers respond several months after rain has fallen outside the desert, so that peak flows may be in the dry season. This is useful for irrigation, but the high temperatures, low humidities, and different day lengths of the dry season, compared to the normal growing season, can present difficulties with some crops.
Regularly flowing rivers and streams that originate within arid lands are known as "endogenous." These are generally fed by groundwater springs, and many issue from limestone massifs, such as the Atlas Mountains in Morocco. Basaltic rocks also support springs, notably at the Jabal Al-Arab on the Jordan-Syria border. Endogenous rivers often do not reach the sea but drain into inland basins, where the water evaporates or is lost in the ground. Most desert streambeds are normally dry, but they occasionally receive large flows of water and sediment.
Deserts contain large amounts of groundwater when compared to the amounts they hold in surface stores such as lakes and rivers. But only a small fraction of groundwater enters the hydrological cycle-feeding the flows of streams, maintaining lake levels, and being recharged (or refilleD. through surface flows and rainwater. In recent years, groundwater has become an increasingly important source of freshwater for desert dwellers. The United Nations Environment Programme and the World Bank have funded attempts to survey the groundwater resources of arid lands and to develop appropriate extraction techniques. Such programs are much needed because in many arid lands there is only a vague idea of the extent of groundwater resources. It is known, however, that the distribution of groundwater is uneven, and that much of it lies at great depths.
Groundwater is stored in the pore spaces and joints of rocks and unconsolidated (unsolidifieD. sediments or in the openings widened through fractures and weathering. The water-saturated rock or sediment is known as an "aquifer". Because they are porous, sedimentary rocks, such as sandstones and conglomerates, are important potential sources of groundwater. Large quantities of water may also be stored in limestones when joints and cracks have been enlarged to form cavities. Most limestone and sandstone aquifers are deep and extensive but may contain groundwaters that are not being recharged. Most shallow aquifers in sand and gravel deposits produce lower yields, but they can be rapidly recharged. Some deep aquifers are known as "fossil waters. The term "fossil" describes water that has been present for several thousand years. These aquifers became saturated more than 10,000 years ago and are no longer being recharged.
Water does not remain immobile in an aquifer but can seep out at springs or leak into other aquifers. The rate of movement may be very slow: in the Indus plain, the movement of saline (salty) groundwaters has still not reached equilibrium after 70 years of being tapped. The mineral content of groundwater normally increases with the depth, but even quite shallow aquifers can be highly saline. | 872.txt | 2 |
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