option
list | question
stringlengths 11
354
| article
stringlengths 231
6.74k
| id
stringlengths 5
8
| label
int64 0
3
|
|---|---|---|---|---|
[
"in Africa, Europe and America",
"in both Africa and America",
"in central Africa",
"in North Africa"
] | Basenjis were first found. | The basenji is a central African hunting dog. It comes from a country called Chad, which is north of the Central African Republic. The basenji was well-known as the "silent dog" because for centuries no basenjis has ever been known to bark . Then at a dog show in London in 1953, a basenji actually barked.
As well as being clever, basenjis are known for their natural courage and are still popular hunting dogs in Africa. But in America people keep them mainly because they are gentle and full of fun. The basenji has an unusual habit, it washes itself all over like a cat. It is a middle-sized dog, 16 or 17 inches high from the shoulder. It weighs about 20 pounds. A basenji's coat is short and silky. It may be brown, white, or gold , or a mixture of these three colours. | 2198.txt | 2 |
[
"They were funny enough to make people laugh.",
"One of them barked at a dog show in London.",
"They were a true friend of man.",
"They were born quiet dogs."
] | What made Basenjis so special? | The basenji is a central African hunting dog. It comes from a country called Chad, which is north of the Central African Republic. The basenji was well-known as the "silent dog" because for centuries no basenjis has ever been known to bark . Then at a dog show in London in 1953, a basenji actually barked.
As well as being clever, basenjis are known for their natural courage and are still popular hunting dogs in Africa. But in America people keep them mainly because they are gentle and full of fun. The basenji has an unusual habit, it washes itself all over like a cat. It is a middle-sized dog, 16 or 17 inches high from the shoulder. It weighs about 20 pounds. A basenji's coat is short and silky. It may be brown, white, or gold , or a mixture of these three colours. | 2198.txt | 3 |
[
"pleasant",
"pretty",
"clean",
"quiet"
] | Americans like basenjis because they are. | The basenji is a central African hunting dog. It comes from a country called Chad, which is north of the Central African Republic. The basenji was well-known as the "silent dog" because for centuries no basenjis has ever been known to bark . Then at a dog show in London in 1953, a basenji actually barked.
As well as being clever, basenjis are known for their natural courage and are still popular hunting dogs in Africa. But in America people keep them mainly because they are gentle and full of fun. The basenji has an unusual habit, it washes itself all over like a cat. It is a middle-sized dog, 16 or 17 inches high from the shoulder. It weighs about 20 pounds. A basenji's coat is short and silky. It may be brown, white, or gold , or a mixture of these three colours. | 2198.txt | 0 |
[
"They make gentle sounds instead of barking.",
"They are fond of people and look like cats.",
"They clean themselves all over.",
"They have short, silky fur."
] | In what way are basenjis like cats? | The basenji is a central African hunting dog. It comes from a country called Chad, which is north of the Central African Republic. The basenji was well-known as the "silent dog" because for centuries no basenjis has ever been known to bark . Then at a dog show in London in 1953, a basenji actually barked.
As well as being clever, basenjis are known for their natural courage and are still popular hunting dogs in Africa. But in America people keep them mainly because they are gentle and full of fun. The basenji has an unusual habit, it washes itself all over like a cat. It is a middle-sized dog, 16 or 17 inches high from the shoulder. It weighs about 20 pounds. A basenji's coat is short and silky. It may be brown, white, or gold , or a mixture of these three colours. | 2198.txt | 2 |
[
"strong",
"fearless",
"the right colour",
"the right weight"
] | Basenjis are good hunters because they are. | The basenji is a central African hunting dog. It comes from a country called Chad, which is north of the Central African Republic. The basenji was well-known as the "silent dog" because for centuries no basenjis has ever been known to bark . Then at a dog show in London in 1953, a basenji actually barked.
As well as being clever, basenjis are known for their natural courage and are still popular hunting dogs in Africa. But in America people keep them mainly because they are gentle and full of fun. The basenji has an unusual habit, it washes itself all over like a cat. It is a middle-sized dog, 16 or 17 inches high from the shoulder. It weighs about 20 pounds. A basenji's coat is short and silky. It may be brown, white, or gold , or a mixture of these three colours. | 2198.txt | 1 |
[
"A good spirit of confidence.",
"The ability to overcome difficulties.",
"A good relationship among the employees.",
"The courage to jump at a high height."
] | What does Oldfield expect her software company to be rewarded by the trip? | Tanna Oldfield's software company needed to establish rapport between some new hires and the firm's old guard. She says the company, which is based in Austin, Texas, wanted to do something different-to" step out of the box" . So she asked her employees to step out of a plane. At 14,000 feet. Oldfield says the sky-high bonding exercise left the workers" exhilarated" and" more confident" in just one day. " If they could conquer fears about sky diving," she says, " they could overcome work issues."
Even in a climate of corporate cost-cutting, Oldfield's company（she prefers that it remain unidentified）and many other New Economy survivors continue to invest money in training sessions that do not involve blackboards, computers or conference rooms. Instead, they send their employees on increasingly elaborate, and even risky, " team-building" trips. From white-water rafting to caving and rock climbing, corporate trainers are raising the difficulty level on challenges for the cubicle set.
Hard times may even persuade some companies to loosen their purse strings. Diane Katz, who has a doctoral degree in conflict resolution, says half the clients who go on her year-old Working Circle team-building exercises in Arizona are there because bosses want to reward them for good work. " People need to let off steam in harder times," says Katz, who uses horse whisperers-who claim to speak to the animals, a practice popularized by Robert Redford's movie" The Horse Whisperer" -as facilitators on singing trail rides in the Sonoran desert （the people sing, not the horses）.
After an office shake-up, Elizabeth Burg, a project coordinator for Visa U.S.A. in Foster City., Calif., staged a regatta to help employees learn how to work together in a new environment. A corporate training firm, Adventure Associates of El Cerrito, Calif., taught boating basics to Burg and 20 landlubber co-workers and then set them loose on 34-foot sailboats for a race on San Francisco Bay （with a professional skipper aboard each yacht, just in case）. " As adults, we don't usually get to play in areas where we're not experts," Burg says. " People cooperated and interacted differently."
After a reorganization last fall, DMR, a New Jersey-based telecommunications consulting firm, flew more than 100 employees of various ages to the Blue Ridge Mountains in Virginia for a four-and-a-half-day program run by the Outdoor Wilderness Leadership School." I expected a total disaster," recalls John Tedesco, a fifty-something sales executive. But after dangling 90 feet above the ground in a rope harness on a granite rock face, Tedesco learned to rely on much younger colleagues. " You're taking risks you usually don't deal with, and suddenly your co-workers are helping you," he recalls. " Nothing has been the same since." That's because rugged outdoor challenges can topple rigid office hierarchies and encourage the sort of camaraderie often missing from traditional off-site work events. " You see people in a different light," says Tedesco. And when the most junior employee turns out to be more wilderness-savvy than the CEO, everyone relaxes-except possibly the CEO. | 473.txt | 2 |
[
"A good place to know your strong points compared with the CEO.",
"A good place to vent one's feelings.",
"A good place to learn how to work together.",
"A good place to improve your exchange with colleagues."
] | Which of the following is NOT the advantage of team-building excursions? | Tanna Oldfield's software company needed to establish rapport between some new hires and the firm's old guard. She says the company, which is based in Austin, Texas, wanted to do something different-to" step out of the box" . So she asked her employees to step out of a plane. At 14,000 feet. Oldfield says the sky-high bonding exercise left the workers" exhilarated" and" more confident" in just one day. " If they could conquer fears about sky diving," she says, " they could overcome work issues."
Even in a climate of corporate cost-cutting, Oldfield's company（she prefers that it remain unidentified）and many other New Economy survivors continue to invest money in training sessions that do not involve blackboards, computers or conference rooms. Instead, they send their employees on increasingly elaborate, and even risky, " team-building" trips. From white-water rafting to caving and rock climbing, corporate trainers are raising the difficulty level on challenges for the cubicle set.
Hard times may even persuade some companies to loosen their purse strings. Diane Katz, who has a doctoral degree in conflict resolution, says half the clients who go on her year-old Working Circle team-building exercises in Arizona are there because bosses want to reward them for good work. " People need to let off steam in harder times," says Katz, who uses horse whisperers-who claim to speak to the animals, a practice popularized by Robert Redford's movie" The Horse Whisperer" -as facilitators on singing trail rides in the Sonoran desert （the people sing, not the horses）.
After an office shake-up, Elizabeth Burg, a project coordinator for Visa U.S.A. in Foster City., Calif., staged a regatta to help employees learn how to work together in a new environment. A corporate training firm, Adventure Associates of El Cerrito, Calif., taught boating basics to Burg and 20 landlubber co-workers and then set them loose on 34-foot sailboats for a race on San Francisco Bay （with a professional skipper aboard each yacht, just in case）. " As adults, we don't usually get to play in areas where we're not experts," Burg says. " People cooperated and interacted differently."
After a reorganization last fall, DMR, a New Jersey-based telecommunications consulting firm, flew more than 100 employees of various ages to the Blue Ridge Mountains in Virginia for a four-and-a-half-day program run by the Outdoor Wilderness Leadership School." I expected a total disaster," recalls John Tedesco, a fifty-something sales executive. But after dangling 90 feet above the ground in a rope harness on a granite rock face, Tedesco learned to rely on much younger colleagues. " You're taking risks you usually don't deal with, and suddenly your co-workers are helping you," he recalls. " Nothing has been the same since." That's because rugged outdoor challenges can topple rigid office hierarchies and encourage the sort of camaraderie often missing from traditional off-site work events. " You see people in a different light," says Tedesco. And when the most junior employee turns out to be more wilderness-savvy than the CEO, everyone relaxes-except possibly the CEO. | 473.txt | 0 |
[
"solving the problems",
"saving themselves",
"getting out of the difficulty",
"releasing one's offensive feelings"
] | The expression" let off steam" （Line 4, Paragraph 3）most probably means _ . | Tanna Oldfield's software company needed to establish rapport between some new hires and the firm's old guard. She says the company, which is based in Austin, Texas, wanted to do something different-to" step out of the box" . So she asked her employees to step out of a plane. At 14,000 feet. Oldfield says the sky-high bonding exercise left the workers" exhilarated" and" more confident" in just one day. " If they could conquer fears about sky diving," she says, " they could overcome work issues."
Even in a climate of corporate cost-cutting, Oldfield's company（she prefers that it remain unidentified）and many other New Economy survivors continue to invest money in training sessions that do not involve blackboards, computers or conference rooms. Instead, they send their employees on increasingly elaborate, and even risky, " team-building" trips. From white-water rafting to caving and rock climbing, corporate trainers are raising the difficulty level on challenges for the cubicle set.
Hard times may even persuade some companies to loosen their purse strings. Diane Katz, who has a doctoral degree in conflict resolution, says half the clients who go on her year-old Working Circle team-building exercises in Arizona are there because bosses want to reward them for good work. " People need to let off steam in harder times," says Katz, who uses horse whisperers-who claim to speak to the animals, a practice popularized by Robert Redford's movie" The Horse Whisperer" -as facilitators on singing trail rides in the Sonoran desert （the people sing, not the horses）.
After an office shake-up, Elizabeth Burg, a project coordinator for Visa U.S.A. in Foster City., Calif., staged a regatta to help employees learn how to work together in a new environment. A corporate training firm, Adventure Associates of El Cerrito, Calif., taught boating basics to Burg and 20 landlubber co-workers and then set them loose on 34-foot sailboats for a race on San Francisco Bay （with a professional skipper aboard each yacht, just in case）. " As adults, we don't usually get to play in areas where we're not experts," Burg says. " People cooperated and interacted differently."
After a reorganization last fall, DMR, a New Jersey-based telecommunications consulting firm, flew more than 100 employees of various ages to the Blue Ridge Mountains in Virginia for a four-and-a-half-day program run by the Outdoor Wilderness Leadership School." I expected a total disaster," recalls John Tedesco, a fifty-something sales executive. But after dangling 90 feet above the ground in a rope harness on a granite rock face, Tedesco learned to rely on much younger colleagues. " You're taking risks you usually don't deal with, and suddenly your co-workers are helping you," he recalls. " Nothing has been the same since." That's because rugged outdoor challenges can topple rigid office hierarchies and encourage the sort of camaraderie often missing from traditional off-site work events. " You see people in a different light," says Tedesco. And when the most junior employee turns out to be more wilderness-savvy than the CEO, everyone relaxes-except possibly the CEO. | 473.txt | 3 |
[
"A total disaster fell on him.",
"His ideas have been totally changed.",
"He cares about his colleagues.",
"He is dependant on his colleagues."
] | What effect does a four-and-a-half-day program bring to John Tedesco? | Tanna Oldfield's software company needed to establish rapport between some new hires and the firm's old guard. She says the company, which is based in Austin, Texas, wanted to do something different-to" step out of the box" . So she asked her employees to step out of a plane. At 14,000 feet. Oldfield says the sky-high bonding exercise left the workers" exhilarated" and" more confident" in just one day. " If they could conquer fears about sky diving," she says, " they could overcome work issues."
Even in a climate of corporate cost-cutting, Oldfield's company（she prefers that it remain unidentified）and many other New Economy survivors continue to invest money in training sessions that do not involve blackboards, computers or conference rooms. Instead, they send their employees on increasingly elaborate, and even risky, " team-building" trips. From white-water rafting to caving and rock climbing, corporate trainers are raising the difficulty level on challenges for the cubicle set.
Hard times may even persuade some companies to loosen their purse strings. Diane Katz, who has a doctoral degree in conflict resolution, says half the clients who go on her year-old Working Circle team-building exercises in Arizona are there because bosses want to reward them for good work. " People need to let off steam in harder times," says Katz, who uses horse whisperers-who claim to speak to the animals, a practice popularized by Robert Redford's movie" The Horse Whisperer" -as facilitators on singing trail rides in the Sonoran desert （the people sing, not the horses）.
After an office shake-up, Elizabeth Burg, a project coordinator for Visa U.S.A. in Foster City., Calif., staged a regatta to help employees learn how to work together in a new environment. A corporate training firm, Adventure Associates of El Cerrito, Calif., taught boating basics to Burg and 20 landlubber co-workers and then set them loose on 34-foot sailboats for a race on San Francisco Bay （with a professional skipper aboard each yacht, just in case）. " As adults, we don't usually get to play in areas where we're not experts," Burg says. " People cooperated and interacted differently."
After a reorganization last fall, DMR, a New Jersey-based telecommunications consulting firm, flew more than 100 employees of various ages to the Blue Ridge Mountains in Virginia for a four-and-a-half-day program run by the Outdoor Wilderness Leadership School." I expected a total disaster," recalls John Tedesco, a fifty-something sales executive. But after dangling 90 feet above the ground in a rope harness on a granite rock face, Tedesco learned to rely on much younger colleagues. " You're taking risks you usually don't deal with, and suddenly your co-workers are helping you," he recalls. " Nothing has been the same since." That's because rugged outdoor challenges can topple rigid office hierarchies and encourage the sort of camaraderie often missing from traditional off-site work events. " You see people in a different light," says Tedesco. And when the most junior employee turns out to be more wilderness-savvy than the CEO, everyone relaxes-except possibly the CEO. | 473.txt | 1 |
[
"Team-building trips can solve employees' problems.",
"Team-building trips are popular with many companies.",
"There are risks, as well as rewards in team-building trips.",
"Employees are able to overcome difficulties after the trips."
] | What can we infer from the text? | Tanna Oldfield's software company needed to establish rapport between some new hires and the firm's old guard. She says the company, which is based in Austin, Texas, wanted to do something different-to" step out of the box" . So she asked her employees to step out of a plane. At 14,000 feet. Oldfield says the sky-high bonding exercise left the workers" exhilarated" and" more confident" in just one day. " If they could conquer fears about sky diving," she says, " they could overcome work issues."
Even in a climate of corporate cost-cutting, Oldfield's company（she prefers that it remain unidentified）and many other New Economy survivors continue to invest money in training sessions that do not involve blackboards, computers or conference rooms. Instead, they send their employees on increasingly elaborate, and even risky, " team-building" trips. From white-water rafting to caving and rock climbing, corporate trainers are raising the difficulty level on challenges for the cubicle set.
Hard times may even persuade some companies to loosen their purse strings. Diane Katz, who has a doctoral degree in conflict resolution, says half the clients who go on her year-old Working Circle team-building exercises in Arizona are there because bosses want to reward them for good work. " People need to let off steam in harder times," says Katz, who uses horse whisperers-who claim to speak to the animals, a practice popularized by Robert Redford's movie" The Horse Whisperer" -as facilitators on singing trail rides in the Sonoran desert （the people sing, not the horses）.
After an office shake-up, Elizabeth Burg, a project coordinator for Visa U.S.A. in Foster City., Calif., staged a regatta to help employees learn how to work together in a new environment. A corporate training firm, Adventure Associates of El Cerrito, Calif., taught boating basics to Burg and 20 landlubber co-workers and then set them loose on 34-foot sailboats for a race on San Francisco Bay （with a professional skipper aboard each yacht, just in case）. " As adults, we don't usually get to play in areas where we're not experts," Burg says. " People cooperated and interacted differently."
After a reorganization last fall, DMR, a New Jersey-based telecommunications consulting firm, flew more than 100 employees of various ages to the Blue Ridge Mountains in Virginia for a four-and-a-half-day program run by the Outdoor Wilderness Leadership School." I expected a total disaster," recalls John Tedesco, a fifty-something sales executive. But after dangling 90 feet above the ground in a rope harness on a granite rock face, Tedesco learned to rely on much younger colleagues. " You're taking risks you usually don't deal with, and suddenly your co-workers are helping you," he recalls. " Nothing has been the same since." That's because rugged outdoor challenges can topple rigid office hierarchies and encourage the sort of camaraderie often missing from traditional off-site work events. " You see people in a different light," says Tedesco. And when the most junior employee turns out to be more wilderness-savvy than the CEO, everyone relaxes-except possibly the CEO. | 473.txt | 2 |
[
"The disappearance of hotels, houses and gardens.",
"The experts' lack of knowledge.",
"The rising of the sea level.",
"The washing-away of limestone cliffs."
] | What is the cause of the problem that people living on parts of the south coast of face? | People living on parts of the south coast of face a serious problem. In 1993, the owners of a large hotel and of several houses discovered, to their horror, that their gardens had disappeared overnight. The sea had eaten into the soft limestone cliffs on which they had been built. While experts were studying the problem, the hotel and several houses disappeared altogether, sliding down the cliff and into the sea.
Erosion of the white cliffs along the south coast of England has always been a problem but it has become more serious in recent years. Dozens of homes have had to be abandoned as the sea has crept farther and farther inland. Experts have studied the areas most affected and have drawn up a map for local people, forecasting the year in which their homes will be swallowed up by the hungry sea.
Angry owners have called on the Government to erect sea defenses to protect their homes. Government surveyors have pointed out that in most cases, this is impossible. New sea walls would cost hundreds of millions of pounds and would merely make the waves and currents go further along the coast, shifting the problem from one area to another. The danger is likely to continue, they say, until the waves reach an inland area of hard rock which will not be eaten as limestone is. Meanwhile, if you want to buy a cheap house with an uncertain future, apply to a house agent in one of the threatened areas on the south coast of . You can get a house for a knockdown price but it may turn out to be a knockdown home. | 931.txt | 3 |
[
"will soon become a problem for people living in central",
"has now become a threat to the local residents",
"is quickly changing the map of",
"can be stopped if proper measures are taken"
] | The erosion of the white cliffs in the south of _ . | People living on parts of the south coast of face a serious problem. In 1993, the owners of a large hotel and of several houses discovered, to their horror, that their gardens had disappeared overnight. The sea had eaten into the soft limestone cliffs on which they had been built. While experts were studying the problem, the hotel and several houses disappeared altogether, sliding down the cliff and into the sea.
Erosion of the white cliffs along the south coast of England has always been a problem but it has become more serious in recent years. Dozens of homes have had to be abandoned as the sea has crept farther and farther inland. Experts have studied the areas most affected and have drawn up a map for local people, forecasting the year in which their homes will be swallowed up by the hungry sea.
Angry owners have called on the Government to erect sea defenses to protect their homes. Government surveyors have pointed out that in most cases, this is impossible. New sea walls would cost hundreds of millions of pounds and would merely make the waves and currents go further along the coast, shifting the problem from one area to another. The danger is likely to continue, they say, until the waves reach an inland area of hard rock which will not be eaten as limestone is. Meanwhile, if you want to buy a cheap house with an uncertain future, apply to a house agent in one of the threatened areas on the south coast of . You can get a house for a knockdown price but it may turn out to be a knockdown home. | 931.txt | 1 |
[
"lead to its eventual solution",
"provide an effective way to slow it down",
"help to prevent it from worsening",
"warn people whose homes are in danger"
] | The experts' study on the problem of erosion can _ . | People living on parts of the south coast of face a serious problem. In 1993, the owners of a large hotel and of several houses discovered, to their horror, that their gardens had disappeared overnight. The sea had eaten into the soft limestone cliffs on which they had been built. While experts were studying the problem, the hotel and several houses disappeared altogether, sliding down the cliff and into the sea.
Erosion of the white cliffs along the south coast of England has always been a problem but it has become more serious in recent years. Dozens of homes have had to be abandoned as the sea has crept farther and farther inland. Experts have studied the areas most affected and have drawn up a map for local people, forecasting the year in which their homes will be swallowed up by the hungry sea.
Angry owners have called on the Government to erect sea defenses to protect their homes. Government surveyors have pointed out that in most cases, this is impossible. New sea walls would cost hundreds of millions of pounds and would merely make the waves and currents go further along the coast, shifting the problem from one area to another. The danger is likely to continue, they say, until the waves reach an inland area of hard rock which will not be eaten as limestone is. Meanwhile, if you want to buy a cheap house with an uncertain future, apply to a house agent in one of the threatened areas on the south coast of . You can get a house for a knockdown price but it may turn out to be a knockdown home. | 931.txt | 3 |
[
"it is too costly and will endanger neighbouring areas",
"the government is too slow in taking action",
"they will be easily knocked down by waves and currents",
"house agents along the coast do not support the idea"
] | It is not feasible to build sea defenses to protect against erosion because _ . | People living on parts of the south coast of face a serious problem. In 1993, the owners of a large hotel and of several houses discovered, to their horror, that their gardens had disappeared overnight. The sea had eaten into the soft limestone cliffs on which they had been built. While experts were studying the problem, the hotel and several houses disappeared altogether, sliding down the cliff and into the sea.
Erosion of the white cliffs along the south coast of England has always been a problem but it has become more serious in recent years. Dozens of homes have had to be abandoned as the sea has crept farther and farther inland. Experts have studied the areas most affected and have drawn up a map for local people, forecasting the year in which their homes will be swallowed up by the hungry sea.
Angry owners have called on the Government to erect sea defenses to protect their homes. Government surveyors have pointed out that in most cases, this is impossible. New sea walls would cost hundreds of millions of pounds and would merely make the waves and currents go further along the coast, shifting the problem from one area to another. The danger is likely to continue, they say, until the waves reach an inland area of hard rock which will not be eaten as limestone is. Meanwhile, if you want to buy a cheap house with an uncertain future, apply to a house agent in one of the threatened areas on the south coast of . You can get a house for a knockdown price but it may turn out to be a knockdown home. | 931.txt | 0 |
[
"be aware of the potential danger involved",
"guard against being cheated by the house agent",
"take the quality of the house into consideration",
"examine the house carefully before making a decision"
] | According to the author, when buying a house along the south coast of , people should _ . | People living on parts of the south coast of face a serious problem. In 1993, the owners of a large hotel and of several houses discovered, to their horror, that their gardens had disappeared overnight. The sea had eaten into the soft limestone cliffs on which they had been built. While experts were studying the problem, the hotel and several houses disappeared altogether, sliding down the cliff and into the sea.
Erosion of the white cliffs along the south coast of England has always been a problem but it has become more serious in recent years. Dozens of homes have had to be abandoned as the sea has crept farther and farther inland. Experts have studied the areas most affected and have drawn up a map for local people, forecasting the year in which their homes will be swallowed up by the hungry sea.
Angry owners have called on the Government to erect sea defenses to protect their homes. Government surveyors have pointed out that in most cases, this is impossible. New sea walls would cost hundreds of millions of pounds and would merely make the waves and currents go further along the coast, shifting the problem from one area to another. The danger is likely to continue, they say, until the waves reach an inland area of hard rock which will not be eaten as limestone is. Meanwhile, if you want to buy a cheap house with an uncertain future, apply to a house agent in one of the threatened areas on the south coast of . You can get a house for a knockdown price but it may turn out to be a knockdown home. | 931.txt | 0 |
[
"It is believed to contribute to long life.",
"It is part of their health care package.",
"The elderly are more sensitive about their health.",
"The elderly are in greater danger of tumor growth."
] | Why do doctors recommend routine cancer screening for elderly people? | Our risk of cancer rises dramatically as we age. So it makes sense that the elderly should be routinely screened for new tumors - or doesn't it?
While such vigilant tracking of cancer is a good thing in general, researchers are increasingly questioning whether all of this testing is necessary for the elderly. With the percentage of people over age 65 expected to nearly double by 2050, it's important to weigh the health benefits of screening against the risks and costs of routine testing.
In many cases, screening can lead to surgeries to remove cancer, while the cancers themselves may be slow-growing and may not pose serious health problems in patients' remaining years. But the message that everyone must screen for cancer has become so deep-rooted that when health care experts recommended that women under 50 and over 74 stop screening for breast cancer, it caused a riotous reaction among doctors, patients and advocacy groups.
It's hard to uproot deeply held beliefs about cancer screening with scientific data. Certainly, there are people over age 75 who have had cancers detected by routine screening, and gained several extra years of life because of treatment. And clearly, people over age 75 who have other risk factors for cancer, such as a family history or prior personal experience with the disease, should continue to get screened regularly. But for the remainder, the risk of cancer, while increased at the end of life, must be balanced with other factors like remaining life expectancy .
A recent study suggests that doctors start to make more objective decisions about who will truly benefit from screening- especially considering the explosion of the elderly that will soon swell our population.
It's not an easy calculation to make, but one that makes sense for all patients. Dr. Otis Brawley said, "Many doctors are ordering screening tests purely to cover themselves. We need to think about the rational use of health care."
That means making some difficult decisions with elderly patients, and going against the misguided belief that when it comes to health care, more is always better. | 2088.txt | 3 |
[
"It adds too much to their medical bills.",
"It helps increase their life expectancy.",
"They are doubtful about its necessity.",
"They think it does more harm than good."
] | How do some researchers now look at routine cancer screening for the elderly? | Our risk of cancer rises dramatically as we age. So it makes sense that the elderly should be routinely screened for new tumors - or doesn't it?
While such vigilant tracking of cancer is a good thing in general, researchers are increasingly questioning whether all of this testing is necessary for the elderly. With the percentage of people over age 65 expected to nearly double by 2050, it's important to weigh the health benefits of screening against the risks and costs of routine testing.
In many cases, screening can lead to surgeries to remove cancer, while the cancers themselves may be slow-growing and may not pose serious health problems in patients' remaining years. But the message that everyone must screen for cancer has become so deep-rooted that when health care experts recommended that women under 50 and over 74 stop screening for breast cancer, it caused a riotous reaction among doctors, patients and advocacy groups.
It's hard to uproot deeply held beliefs about cancer screening with scientific data. Certainly, there are people over age 75 who have had cancers detected by routine screening, and gained several extra years of life because of treatment. And clearly, people over age 75 who have other risk factors for cancer, such as a family history or prior personal experience with the disease, should continue to get screened regularly. But for the remainder, the risk of cancer, while increased at the end of life, must be balanced with other factors like remaining life expectancy .
A recent study suggests that doctors start to make more objective decisions about who will truly benefit from screening- especially considering the explosion of the elderly that will soon swell our population.
It's not an easy calculation to make, but one that makes sense for all patients. Dr. Otis Brawley said, "Many doctors are ordering screening tests purely to cover themselves. We need to think about the rational use of health care."
That means making some difficult decisions with elderly patients, and going against the misguided belief that when it comes to health care, more is always better. | 2088.txt | 2 |
[
"It applies to women over 50.",
"It is a must for adult women.",
"It is optional for young women.",
"It doesn't apply to women over 74."
] | What is the conventional view about women screening for breast cancer? | Our risk of cancer rises dramatically as we age. So it makes sense that the elderly should be routinely screened for new tumors - or doesn't it?
While such vigilant tracking of cancer is a good thing in general, researchers are increasingly questioning whether all of this testing is necessary for the elderly. With the percentage of people over age 65 expected to nearly double by 2050, it's important to weigh the health benefits of screening against the risks and costs of routine testing.
In many cases, screening can lead to surgeries to remove cancer, while the cancers themselves may be slow-growing and may not pose serious health problems in patients' remaining years. But the message that everyone must screen for cancer has become so deep-rooted that when health care experts recommended that women under 50 and over 74 stop screening for breast cancer, it caused a riotous reaction among doctors, patients and advocacy groups.
It's hard to uproot deeply held beliefs about cancer screening with scientific data. Certainly, there are people over age 75 who have had cancers detected by routine screening, and gained several extra years of life because of treatment. And clearly, people over age 75 who have other risk factors for cancer, such as a family history or prior personal experience with the disease, should continue to get screened regularly. But for the remainder, the risk of cancer, while increased at the end of life, must be balanced with other factors like remaining life expectancy .
A recent study suggests that doctors start to make more objective decisions about who will truly benefit from screening- especially considering the explosion of the elderly that will soon swell our population.
It's not an easy calculation to make, but one that makes sense for all patients. Dr. Otis Brawley said, "Many doctors are ordering screening tests purely to cover themselves. We need to think about the rational use of health care."
That means making some difficult decisions with elderly patients, and going against the misguided belief that when it comes to health care, more is always better. | 2088.txt | 1 |
[
"They want to protect themselves against medical disputes.",
"They want to take advantage of the medical care system.",
"They want data for medical research.",
"They want their patients to suffer less."
] | Why do many doctors prescribe routine screening for cancer? | Our risk of cancer rises dramatically as we age. So it makes sense that the elderly should be routinely screened for new tumors - or doesn't it?
While such vigilant tracking of cancer is a good thing in general, researchers are increasingly questioning whether all of this testing is necessary for the elderly. With the percentage of people over age 65 expected to nearly double by 2050, it's important to weigh the health benefits of screening against the risks and costs of routine testing.
In many cases, screening can lead to surgeries to remove cancer, while the cancers themselves may be slow-growing and may not pose serious health problems in patients' remaining years. But the message that everyone must screen for cancer has become so deep-rooted that when health care experts recommended that women under 50 and over 74 stop screening for breast cancer, it caused a riotous reaction among doctors, patients and advocacy groups.
It's hard to uproot deeply held beliefs about cancer screening with scientific data. Certainly, there are people over age 75 who have had cancers detected by routine screening, and gained several extra years of life because of treatment. And clearly, people over age 75 who have other risk factors for cancer, such as a family history or prior personal experience with the disease, should continue to get screened regularly. But for the remainder, the risk of cancer, while increased at the end of life, must be balanced with other factors like remaining life expectancy .
A recent study suggests that doctors start to make more objective decisions about who will truly benefit from screening- especially considering the explosion of the elderly that will soon swell our population.
It's not an easy calculation to make, but one that makes sense for all patients. Dr. Otis Brawley said, "Many doctors are ordering screening tests purely to cover themselves. We need to think about the rational use of health care."
That means making some difficult decisions with elderly patients, and going against the misguided belief that when it comes to health care, more is always better. | 2088.txt | 0 |
[
"The more, the better.",
"Prevention is better than cure.",
"Better early than late.",
"Better care, longer life."
] | What does the author say is the general view about health care? | Our risk of cancer rises dramatically as we age. So it makes sense that the elderly should be routinely screened for new tumors - or doesn't it?
While such vigilant tracking of cancer is a good thing in general, researchers are increasingly questioning whether all of this testing is necessary for the elderly. With the percentage of people over age 65 expected to nearly double by 2050, it's important to weigh the health benefits of screening against the risks and costs of routine testing.
In many cases, screening can lead to surgeries to remove cancer, while the cancers themselves may be slow-growing and may not pose serious health problems in patients' remaining years. But the message that everyone must screen for cancer has become so deep-rooted that when health care experts recommended that women under 50 and over 74 stop screening for breast cancer, it caused a riotous reaction among doctors, patients and advocacy groups.
It's hard to uproot deeply held beliefs about cancer screening with scientific data. Certainly, there are people over age 75 who have had cancers detected by routine screening, and gained several extra years of life because of treatment. And clearly, people over age 75 who have other risk factors for cancer, such as a family history or prior personal experience with the disease, should continue to get screened regularly. But for the remainder, the risk of cancer, while increased at the end of life, must be balanced with other factors like remaining life expectancy .
A recent study suggests that doctors start to make more objective decisions about who will truly benefit from screening- especially considering the explosion of the elderly that will soon swell our population.
It's not an easy calculation to make, but one that makes sense for all patients. Dr. Otis Brawley said, "Many doctors are ordering screening tests purely to cover themselves. We need to think about the rational use of health care."
That means making some difficult decisions with elderly patients, and going against the misguided belief that when it comes to health care, more is always better. | 2088.txt | 0 |
[
"They want to see how much they have saved.",
"They want to cut down their utility expenses.",
"They want to know if they are able to pay.",
"They want to avoid being overcharged."
] | Why are the Gatais eager to see their electricity bills now? | The Gatais used to frown when they received power bills that routinely topped $200. Last September the couple moved into a 1 500-square-foot home in Premier Gardens, a subdivision of 95 "zero-energy homes" (ZEH) just outside town. Now they're actually eager to see their electricity bills. The grand total over the 10 months they've lived in the three-bedroom house: $75. For the past two months they haven't paid a cent.
ZEH communities are the leading edge of technologies that might someday create houses that produce as much energy as they consume. Premier Gardens is one of a half-dozen subdivisions in California where every home cuts power consumption by 50%, mostly by using low-power appliances and solar panels.
Aside from the panels on the roof, Premier Gardens looks like a community of conventional homes. But inside, special windows cut power bills by blocking solar heat in summer and retaining indoor warmth in winter.
The rest of the energy savings comes from the solar units. They don't just feed the home they serve. If they generate more power than the home is using, the excess flows into the utility's power grid . The residents are billed by "net metering": they pay for the amount of power they tap off the grid, less the kilowatts they feed into it. If a home generates more power than it uses, the bill is zero.
That sounds like a bad deal for the power company, but it's not. Solar homes produce the most power on the hot sunny afternoons when everyone rushes home to turn up the air conditioner. "It helps us lower usage at peak power times," says solar expert Mike Keesee. "That lets us avoid building costly plants or buying expensive power at peak usage time."
What's not to like? Mostly the costs. The special features can add $25000 or more to the purchase price of a house. Tax breaks bring the cost down, especially in California, but in many states ZEHs can be prohibitively expensive. For the consumer, it's a matter of paying now for the hardware to save later on the utilities. | 2115.txt | 0 |
[
"They have created cutting-edge technologies.",
"They aim to be self-sufficient in power supply.",
"They are subdivided into half a dozen sections.",
"They are built in harmony with the environment."
] | What is special about the ZEH communities? | The Gatais used to frown when they received power bills that routinely topped $200. Last September the couple moved into a 1 500-square-foot home in Premier Gardens, a subdivision of 95 "zero-energy homes" (ZEH) just outside town. Now they're actually eager to see their electricity bills. The grand total over the 10 months they've lived in the three-bedroom house: $75. For the past two months they haven't paid a cent.
ZEH communities are the leading edge of technologies that might someday create houses that produce as much energy as they consume. Premier Gardens is one of a half-dozen subdivisions in California where every home cuts power consumption by 50%, mostly by using low-power appliances and solar panels.
Aside from the panels on the roof, Premier Gardens looks like a community of conventional homes. But inside, special windows cut power bills by blocking solar heat in summer and retaining indoor warmth in winter.
The rest of the energy savings comes from the solar units. They don't just feed the home they serve. If they generate more power than the home is using, the excess flows into the utility's power grid . The residents are billed by "net metering": they pay for the amount of power they tap off the grid, less the kilowatts they feed into it. If a home generates more power than it uses, the bill is zero.
That sounds like a bad deal for the power company, but it's not. Solar homes produce the most power on the hot sunny afternoons when everyone rushes home to turn up the air conditioner. "It helps us lower usage at peak power times," says solar expert Mike Keesee. "That lets us avoid building costly plants or buying expensive power at peak usage time."
What's not to like? Mostly the costs. The special features can add $25000 or more to the purchase price of a house. Tax breaks bring the cost down, especially in California, but in many states ZEHs can be prohibitively expensive. For the consumer, it's a matter of paying now for the hardware to save later on the utilities. | 2115.txt | 1 |
[
"They are only charged for the amount of power they consume on rainy days.",
"They needn't pay a single cent for their power consumption on sunny days.",
"They only pay for the excess power that flows into the utility's power grid.",
"They pay for the electricity from the grid less their home-generated power."
] | How are the residents in the ZEH communities billed for electricity use? | The Gatais used to frown when they received power bills that routinely topped $200. Last September the couple moved into a 1 500-square-foot home in Premier Gardens, a subdivision of 95 "zero-energy homes" (ZEH) just outside town. Now they're actually eager to see their electricity bills. The grand total over the 10 months they've lived in the three-bedroom house: $75. For the past two months they haven't paid a cent.
ZEH communities are the leading edge of technologies that might someday create houses that produce as much energy as they consume. Premier Gardens is one of a half-dozen subdivisions in California where every home cuts power consumption by 50%, mostly by using low-power appliances and solar panels.
Aside from the panels on the roof, Premier Gardens looks like a community of conventional homes. But inside, special windows cut power bills by blocking solar heat in summer and retaining indoor warmth in winter.
The rest of the energy savings comes from the solar units. They don't just feed the home they serve. If they generate more power than the home is using, the excess flows into the utility's power grid . The residents are billed by "net metering": they pay for the amount of power they tap off the grid, less the kilowatts they feed into it. If a home generates more power than it uses, the bill is zero.
That sounds like a bad deal for the power company, but it's not. Solar homes produce the most power on the hot sunny afternoons when everyone rushes home to turn up the air conditioner. "It helps us lower usage at peak power times," says solar expert Mike Keesee. "That lets us avoid building costly plants or buying expensive power at peak usage time."
What's not to like? Mostly the costs. The special features can add $25000 or more to the purchase price of a house. Tax breaks bring the cost down, especially in California, but in many states ZEHs can be prohibitively expensive. For the consumer, it's a matter of paying now for the hardware to save later on the utilities. | 2115.txt | 3 |
[
"More pressure at peak time.",
"Less profits in the short term.",
"Increased electricity output.",
"Reduced operational costs."
] | What does the "net metering" practice mean to the power company? | The Gatais used to frown when they received power bills that routinely topped $200. Last September the couple moved into a 1 500-square-foot home in Premier Gardens, a subdivision of 95 "zero-energy homes" (ZEH) just outside town. Now they're actually eager to see their electricity bills. The grand total over the 10 months they've lived in the three-bedroom house: $75. For the past two months they haven't paid a cent.
ZEH communities are the leading edge of technologies that might someday create houses that produce as much energy as they consume. Premier Gardens is one of a half-dozen subdivisions in California where every home cuts power consumption by 50%, mostly by using low-power appliances and solar panels.
Aside from the panels on the roof, Premier Gardens looks like a community of conventional homes. But inside, special windows cut power bills by blocking solar heat in summer and retaining indoor warmth in winter.
The rest of the energy savings comes from the solar units. They don't just feed the home they serve. If they generate more power than the home is using, the excess flows into the utility's power grid . The residents are billed by "net metering": they pay for the amount of power they tap off the grid, less the kilowatts they feed into it. If a home generates more power than it uses, the bill is zero.
That sounds like a bad deal for the power company, but it's not. Solar homes produce the most power on the hot sunny afternoons when everyone rushes home to turn up the air conditioner. "It helps us lower usage at peak power times," says solar expert Mike Keesee. "That lets us avoid building costly plants or buying expensive power at peak usage time."
What's not to like? Mostly the costs. The special features can add $25000 or more to the purchase price of a house. Tax breaks bring the cost down, especially in California, but in many states ZEHs can be prohibitively expensive. For the consumer, it's a matter of paying now for the hardware to save later on the utilities. | 2115.txt | 3 |
[
"is but a dream for average consumers",
"gives the owner substantial tax benefits",
"is a worthy investment in the long run",
"contributes to environmental protection"
] | The author believes that buying a house in a ZEH community _ . | The Gatais used to frown when they received power bills that routinely topped $200. Last September the couple moved into a 1 500-square-foot home in Premier Gardens, a subdivision of 95 "zero-energy homes" (ZEH) just outside town. Now they're actually eager to see their electricity bills. The grand total over the 10 months they've lived in the three-bedroom house: $75. For the past two months they haven't paid a cent.
ZEH communities are the leading edge of technologies that might someday create houses that produce as much energy as they consume. Premier Gardens is one of a half-dozen subdivisions in California where every home cuts power consumption by 50%, mostly by using low-power appliances and solar panels.
Aside from the panels on the roof, Premier Gardens looks like a community of conventional homes. But inside, special windows cut power bills by blocking solar heat in summer and retaining indoor warmth in winter.
The rest of the energy savings comes from the solar units. They don't just feed the home they serve. If they generate more power than the home is using, the excess flows into the utility's power grid . The residents are billed by "net metering": they pay for the amount of power they tap off the grid, less the kilowatts they feed into it. If a home generates more power than it uses, the bill is zero.
That sounds like a bad deal for the power company, but it's not. Solar homes produce the most power on the hot sunny afternoons when everyone rushes home to turn up the air conditioner. "It helps us lower usage at peak power times," says solar expert Mike Keesee. "That lets us avoid building costly plants or buying expensive power at peak usage time."
What's not to like? Mostly the costs. The special features can add $25000 or more to the purchase price of a house. Tax breaks bring the cost down, especially in California, but in many states ZEHs can be prohibitively expensive. For the consumer, it's a matter of paying now for the hardware to save later on the utilities. | 2115.txt | 2 |
[
"explain some critics' refusal to consider Raisin in the Sun a deliberately ironic play",
"suggest that ironic nuances ally Raisin in the Sun with Du Bois' and Fanon's writings",
"analyze the fundamental dramatic conflicts in Raisin in the Sun",
"affirm the thematic coherence underlying Raisin in the Sun"
] | The author's primary purpose in this passage is to | In Raisin in the Sun, Lorraine Hansberry does not reject integration or the economic and moral progress of the American dream;rather, she remains loyal to this dream while looking, realistically, at its incomplete realization. Once we recognize this dual vision, we can accept the play's ironic nuances as deliberate social commentaries by Hansberry rather than as the "unintentional" irony that Bigsby attributes to the work. Indeed a curiously persistent refusal to credit Hansberry with a capacity for intentional irony has led some critics to interpret the play's thematic conflicts as mere confusion, contradiction, or eclecticism. Isaacs, for example, cannot easily reconcile Hansberry's intense concern for her race with her ideal of human reconciliation. But the play's complex view of Black self-esteem and human solidarity as compatible is no more "contradictory" than Du Bois'famous, well-considered ideal of ethnic self-awareness coexisting with human unity, or Fanon's emphasis on an ideal internationalism that also accommodates national identities and roles. | 1881.txt | 3 |
[
"It derives from Hansberry's eclectic approach to dramatic structure.",
"It is justified by Hansberry's loyalty to a favorable depiction of American life.",
"It is influenced by the themes of works by Du Bois and Fanon.",
"It reflects Hansberry's reservations about the extent to which the American dream has been realized."
] | It can be inferred from the passage that the author believes which of the following about Hansberry's use of irony in Raisin in the Sun? | In Raisin in the Sun, Lorraine Hansberry does not reject integration or the economic and moral progress of the American dream;rather, she remains loyal to this dream while looking, realistically, at its incomplete realization. Once we recognize this dual vision, we can accept the play's ironic nuances as deliberate social commentaries by Hansberry rather than as the "unintentional" irony that Bigsby attributes to the work. Indeed a curiously persistent refusal to credit Hansberry with a capacity for intentional irony has led some critics to interpret the play's thematic conflicts as mere confusion, contradiction, or eclecticism. Isaacs, for example, cannot easily reconcile Hansberry's intense concern for her race with her ideal of human reconciliation. But the play's complex view of Black self-esteem and human solidarity as compatible is no more "contradictory" than Du Bois'famous, well-considered ideal of ethnic self-awareness coexisting with human unity, or Fanon's emphasis on an ideal internationalism that also accommodates national identities and roles. | 1881.txt | 3 |
[
"The statement that Hansberry is \"loyal\" (line 3) to the American dream",
"The description of Hansberry's concern for Black Americans as \"intense\" (line 13)",
"The assertion that Hansberry is concerned with \"human solidarity\" (line 15)",
"The description of Du Bois' ideal as \"well-considered\" (line 17)"
] | In which of the following does the author of the passage reinforce his criticism of responses such as Isaacs'to Raisin in the Sun? | In Raisin in the Sun, Lorraine Hansberry does not reject integration or the economic and moral progress of the American dream;rather, she remains loyal to this dream while looking, realistically, at its incomplete realization. Once we recognize this dual vision, we can accept the play's ironic nuances as deliberate social commentaries by Hansberry rather than as the "unintentional" irony that Bigsby attributes to the work. Indeed a curiously persistent refusal to credit Hansberry with a capacity for intentional irony has led some critics to interpret the play's thematic conflicts as mere confusion, contradiction, or eclecticism. Isaacs, for example, cannot easily reconcile Hansberry's intense concern for her race with her ideal of human reconciliation. But the play's complex view of Black self-esteem and human solidarity as compatible is no more "contradictory" than Du Bois'famous, well-considered ideal of ethnic self-awareness coexisting with human unity, or Fanon's emphasis on an ideal internationalism that also accommodates national identities and roles. | 1881.txt | 3 |
[
"The world is certainly flat; therefore, the person proposing to sail around it is unquestionably foolhardy.",
"Radioactivity cannot be directly perceived; therefore, a scientist could not possibly control it in a laboratory.",
"The painter of this picture could not intend it to be funny, therefore, its humor must result from a lack of skill.",
"Traditional social mores are beneficial to culture; therefore, anyone who deviates from them acts destructively."
] | The author of the passage would probably consider which of the following judgments to be most similar to the reasoning of critics described in lines 8-12? | In Raisin in the Sun, Lorraine Hansberry does not reject integration or the economic and moral progress of the American dream;rather, she remains loyal to this dream while looking, realistically, at its incomplete realization. Once we recognize this dual vision, we can accept the play's ironic nuances as deliberate social commentaries by Hansberry rather than as the "unintentional" irony that Bigsby attributes to the work. Indeed a curiously persistent refusal to credit Hansberry with a capacity for intentional irony has led some critics to interpret the play's thematic conflicts as mere confusion, contradiction, or eclecticism. Isaacs, for example, cannot easily reconcile Hansberry's intense concern for her race with her ideal of human reconciliation. But the play's complex view of Black self-esteem and human solidarity as compatible is no more "contradictory" than Du Bois'famous, well-considered ideal of ethnic self-awareness coexisting with human unity, or Fanon's emphasis on an ideal internationalism that also accommodates national identities and roles. | 1881.txt | 2 |
[
"Disturbance reduces or eliminates competition by other species.",
"Disturbance increases negative interactions with other organisms on the site.",
"Disturbance prevents a plant species from colonizing a new site.",
"Disturbance reduces the fertility of a site."
] | According to paragraph 1, how does disturbance of a site influence its colonization by a plant species? | Colonization is one way in which plants can change the ecology of a site. Colonization is a process with two components: invasion and survival. The rate at which a site is colonized by plants depends on both the rate at which individual organisms (seeds, spores, immature or mature individuals) arrive at the site and their success at becoming established and surviving. Success in colonization depends to a great extent on there being a site available for colonization - a safe site where disturbance by fire or by cutting down of trees has either removed competing species or reduced levels of competition and other negative interactions to a level at which the invading species can become established. For a given rate of invasion, colonization of a moist, fertile site is likely to be much more rapid than that of a dry, infertile site because of poor survival on the latter. A fertile, plowed field is rapidly invaded by a large variety of weeds, whereas a neighboring construction site from which the soil has been compacted or removed to expose a coarse, infertile parent material may remain virtually free of vegetation for many months or even years despite receiving the same input of seeds as the plowed field.
Both the rate of invasion and the rate of extinction vary greatly among different plant species. Pioneer species - those that occur only in the earliest stages of colonization - tend to have high rates of invasion because they produce very large numbers of reproductive propagules (seeds, spores, and so on) and because they have an efficient means of dispersal (normally, winD.
If colonizers produce short-lived reproductive propagules, then they must produce very large numbers unless they have an efficient means of dispersal to suitable new habitats. Many plants depend on wind for dispersal and produce abundant quantities of small, relatively short-lived seeds to compensate for the fact that wind is not always a reliable means of reaching the appropriate type of habitat. Alternative strategies have evolved in some plants, such as those that produce fewer but larger seeds that are dispersed to suitable sites by birds or small mammals or those that produce long-lived seeds. Many forest plants seem to exhibit the latter adaptation, and viable seeds of pioneer species can be found in large numbers on some forest floors. For example, as many as 1,125 viable seeds per square meter were found in a 100-year-old Douglas fir/western hemlock forest in coastal British Columbia. Nearly all the seeds that had germinated from this seed bank were from pioneer species. The rapid colonization of such sites after disturbance is undoubtedly in part a reflection of the large seed bank on the forest floor.
An adaptation that is well developed in colonizing species is a high degree of variation in germination (the beginning of a seed's growth). Seeds of a given species exhibit a wide range of germination dates, increasing the probability that at least some of the seeds will germinate during a period of favorable environmental conditions. This is particularly important for species that colonize an environment where there is no existing vegetation to ameliorate climatic extremes and in which there may be great climatic diversity.
Species succession in plant communities, i.e., the temporal sequence of appearance and disappearance of species is dependent on events occurring at different stages in the life history of a species. Variation in rates of invasion and growth plays an important role in determining patterns of succession, especially secondary succession. The species that are first to colonize a site are those that produce abundant seed that is distributed successfully to new sites. Such species generally grow rapidly and quickly dominate new sites, excluding other species with lower invasion and growth rates. The first community that occupies a disturbed area therefore may be composed of species with the highest rate of invasion, whereas the community of the subsequent stage may consist of plants with similar survival rates but lower invasion rates. | 3726.txt | 0 |
[
"almost totally.",
"unusually.",
"consistently.",
"unnaturally."
] | The word "virtually" in the passage (paragraph 1) is closest in meaning to | Colonization is one way in which plants can change the ecology of a site. Colonization is a process with two components: invasion and survival. The rate at which a site is colonized by plants depends on both the rate at which individual organisms (seeds, spores, immature or mature individuals) arrive at the site and their success at becoming established and surviving. Success in colonization depends to a great extent on there being a site available for colonization - a safe site where disturbance by fire or by cutting down of trees has either removed competing species or reduced levels of competition and other negative interactions to a level at which the invading species can become established. For a given rate of invasion, colonization of a moist, fertile site is likely to be much more rapid than that of a dry, infertile site because of poor survival on the latter. A fertile, plowed field is rapidly invaded by a large variety of weeds, whereas a neighboring construction site from which the soil has been compacted or removed to expose a coarse, infertile parent material may remain virtually free of vegetation for many months or even years despite receiving the same input of seeds as the plowed field.
Both the rate of invasion and the rate of extinction vary greatly among different plant species. Pioneer species - those that occur only in the earliest stages of colonization - tend to have high rates of invasion because they produce very large numbers of reproductive propagules (seeds, spores, and so on) and because they have an efficient means of dispersal (normally, winD.
If colonizers produce short-lived reproductive propagules, then they must produce very large numbers unless they have an efficient means of dispersal to suitable new habitats. Many plants depend on wind for dispersal and produce abundant quantities of small, relatively short-lived seeds to compensate for the fact that wind is not always a reliable means of reaching the appropriate type of habitat. Alternative strategies have evolved in some plants, such as those that produce fewer but larger seeds that are dispersed to suitable sites by birds or small mammals or those that produce long-lived seeds. Many forest plants seem to exhibit the latter adaptation, and viable seeds of pioneer species can be found in large numbers on some forest floors. For example, as many as 1,125 viable seeds per square meter were found in a 100-year-old Douglas fir/western hemlock forest in coastal British Columbia. Nearly all the seeds that had germinated from this seed bank were from pioneer species. The rapid colonization of such sites after disturbance is undoubtedly in part a reflection of the large seed bank on the forest floor.
An adaptation that is well developed in colonizing species is a high degree of variation in germination (the beginning of a seed's growth). Seeds of a given species exhibit a wide range of germination dates, increasing the probability that at least some of the seeds will germinate during a period of favorable environmental conditions. This is particularly important for species that colonize an environment where there is no existing vegetation to ameliorate climatic extremes and in which there may be great climatic diversity.
Species succession in plant communities, i.e., the temporal sequence of appearance and disappearance of species is dependent on events occurring at different stages in the life history of a species. Variation in rates of invasion and growth plays an important role in determining patterns of succession, especially secondary succession. The species that are first to colonize a site are those that produce abundant seed that is distributed successfully to new sites. Such species generally grow rapidly and quickly dominate new sites, excluding other species with lower invasion and growth rates. The first community that occupies a disturbed area therefore may be composed of species with the highest rate of invasion, whereas the community of the subsequent stage may consist of plants with similar survival rates but lower invasion rates. | 3726.txt | 0 |
[
"To argue that sites that have been affected by human activity tend to be colonized slowly.",
"To illustrate the kind of sites that may be invaded by weeds.",
"To contrast sites in terms of their suitability for colonization.",
"To explain that exposing or compacting the soil results in successful colonization."
] | Why does the author mention a plowed field and a construction site in the passage? | Colonization is one way in which plants can change the ecology of a site. Colonization is a process with two components: invasion and survival. The rate at which a site is colonized by plants depends on both the rate at which individual organisms (seeds, spores, immature or mature individuals) arrive at the site and their success at becoming established and surviving. Success in colonization depends to a great extent on there being a site available for colonization - a safe site where disturbance by fire or by cutting down of trees has either removed competing species or reduced levels of competition and other negative interactions to a level at which the invading species can become established. For a given rate of invasion, colonization of a moist, fertile site is likely to be much more rapid than that of a dry, infertile site because of poor survival on the latter. A fertile, plowed field is rapidly invaded by a large variety of weeds, whereas a neighboring construction site from which the soil has been compacted or removed to expose a coarse, infertile parent material may remain virtually free of vegetation for many months or even years despite receiving the same input of seeds as the plowed field.
Both the rate of invasion and the rate of extinction vary greatly among different plant species. Pioneer species - those that occur only in the earliest stages of colonization - tend to have high rates of invasion because they produce very large numbers of reproductive propagules (seeds, spores, and so on) and because they have an efficient means of dispersal (normally, winD.
If colonizers produce short-lived reproductive propagules, then they must produce very large numbers unless they have an efficient means of dispersal to suitable new habitats. Many plants depend on wind for dispersal and produce abundant quantities of small, relatively short-lived seeds to compensate for the fact that wind is not always a reliable means of reaching the appropriate type of habitat. Alternative strategies have evolved in some plants, such as those that produce fewer but larger seeds that are dispersed to suitable sites by birds or small mammals or those that produce long-lived seeds. Many forest plants seem to exhibit the latter adaptation, and viable seeds of pioneer species can be found in large numbers on some forest floors. For example, as many as 1,125 viable seeds per square meter were found in a 100-year-old Douglas fir/western hemlock forest in coastal British Columbia. Nearly all the seeds that had germinated from this seed bank were from pioneer species. The rapid colonization of such sites after disturbance is undoubtedly in part a reflection of the large seed bank on the forest floor.
An adaptation that is well developed in colonizing species is a high degree of variation in germination (the beginning of a seed's growth). Seeds of a given species exhibit a wide range of germination dates, increasing the probability that at least some of the seeds will germinate during a period of favorable environmental conditions. This is particularly important for species that colonize an environment where there is no existing vegetation to ameliorate climatic extremes and in which there may be great climatic diversity.
Species succession in plant communities, i.e., the temporal sequence of appearance and disappearance of species is dependent on events occurring at different stages in the life history of a species. Variation in rates of invasion and growth plays an important role in determining patterns of succession, especially secondary succession. The species that are first to colonize a site are those that produce abundant seed that is distributed successfully to new sites. Such species generally grow rapidly and quickly dominate new sites, excluding other species with lower invasion and growth rates. The first community that occupies a disturbed area therefore may be composed of species with the highest rate of invasion, whereas the community of the subsequent stage may consist of plants with similar survival rates but lower invasion rates. | 3726.txt | 2 |
[
"without.",
"almost never.",
"even though.",
"perhaps."
] | The word "despite"(paragraph 1) in the passage is closest in meaning to | Colonization is one way in which plants can change the ecology of a site. Colonization is a process with two components: invasion and survival. The rate at which a site is colonized by plants depends on both the rate at which individual organisms (seeds, spores, immature or mature individuals) arrive at the site and their success at becoming established and surviving. Success in colonization depends to a great extent on there being a site available for colonization - a safe site where disturbance by fire or by cutting down of trees has either removed competing species or reduced levels of competition and other negative interactions to a level at which the invading species can become established. For a given rate of invasion, colonization of a moist, fertile site is likely to be much more rapid than that of a dry, infertile site because of poor survival on the latter. A fertile, plowed field is rapidly invaded by a large variety of weeds, whereas a neighboring construction site from which the soil has been compacted or removed to expose a coarse, infertile parent material may remain virtually free of vegetation for many months or even years despite receiving the same input of seeds as the plowed field.
Both the rate of invasion and the rate of extinction vary greatly among different plant species. Pioneer species - those that occur only in the earliest stages of colonization - tend to have high rates of invasion because they produce very large numbers of reproductive propagules (seeds, spores, and so on) and because they have an efficient means of dispersal (normally, winD.
If colonizers produce short-lived reproductive propagules, then they must produce very large numbers unless they have an efficient means of dispersal to suitable new habitats. Many plants depend on wind for dispersal and produce abundant quantities of small, relatively short-lived seeds to compensate for the fact that wind is not always a reliable means of reaching the appropriate type of habitat. Alternative strategies have evolved in some plants, such as those that produce fewer but larger seeds that are dispersed to suitable sites by birds or small mammals or those that produce long-lived seeds. Many forest plants seem to exhibit the latter adaptation, and viable seeds of pioneer species can be found in large numbers on some forest floors. For example, as many as 1,125 viable seeds per square meter were found in a 100-year-old Douglas fir/western hemlock forest in coastal British Columbia. Nearly all the seeds that had germinated from this seed bank were from pioneer species. The rapid colonization of such sites after disturbance is undoubtedly in part a reflection of the large seed bank on the forest floor.
An adaptation that is well developed in colonizing species is a high degree of variation in germination (the beginning of a seed's growth). Seeds of a given species exhibit a wide range of germination dates, increasing the probability that at least some of the seeds will germinate during a period of favorable environmental conditions. This is particularly important for species that colonize an environment where there is no existing vegetation to ameliorate climatic extremes and in which there may be great climatic diversity.
Species succession in plant communities, i.e., the temporal sequence of appearance and disappearance of species is dependent on events occurring at different stages in the life history of a species. Variation in rates of invasion and growth plays an important role in determining patterns of succession, especially secondary succession. The species that are first to colonize a site are those that produce abundant seed that is distributed successfully to new sites. Such species generally grow rapidly and quickly dominate new sites, excluding other species with lower invasion and growth rates. The first community that occupies a disturbed area therefore may be composed of species with the highest rate of invasion, whereas the community of the subsequent stage may consist of plants with similar survival rates but lower invasion rates. | 3726.txt | 2 |
[
"Large seeds are easier for birds and animals to see than are the small seeds dispersed by the wind.",
"Large seeds are too heavy for the wind to disperse.",
"Large seeds cannot be eaten by birds and animals.",
"Large seeds are short-lived and thus require a more efficient means of dispersal than small seeds do."
] | What can be inferred from paragraph 3 about the reason that large seeds are dispersed by birds or small animals rather than by wind? | Colonization is one way in which plants can change the ecology of a site. Colonization is a process with two components: invasion and survival. The rate at which a site is colonized by plants depends on both the rate at which individual organisms (seeds, spores, immature or mature individuals) arrive at the site and their success at becoming established and surviving. Success in colonization depends to a great extent on there being a site available for colonization - a safe site where disturbance by fire or by cutting down of trees has either removed competing species or reduced levels of competition and other negative interactions to a level at which the invading species can become established. For a given rate of invasion, colonization of a moist, fertile site is likely to be much more rapid than that of a dry, infertile site because of poor survival on the latter. A fertile, plowed field is rapidly invaded by a large variety of weeds, whereas a neighboring construction site from which the soil has been compacted or removed to expose a coarse, infertile parent material may remain virtually free of vegetation for many months or even years despite receiving the same input of seeds as the plowed field.
Both the rate of invasion and the rate of extinction vary greatly among different plant species. Pioneer species - those that occur only in the earliest stages of colonization - tend to have high rates of invasion because they produce very large numbers of reproductive propagules (seeds, spores, and so on) and because they have an efficient means of dispersal (normally, winD.
If colonizers produce short-lived reproductive propagules, then they must produce very large numbers unless they have an efficient means of dispersal to suitable new habitats. Many plants depend on wind for dispersal and produce abundant quantities of small, relatively short-lived seeds to compensate for the fact that wind is not always a reliable means of reaching the appropriate type of habitat. Alternative strategies have evolved in some plants, such as those that produce fewer but larger seeds that are dispersed to suitable sites by birds or small mammals or those that produce long-lived seeds. Many forest plants seem to exhibit the latter adaptation, and viable seeds of pioneer species can be found in large numbers on some forest floors. For example, as many as 1,125 viable seeds per square meter were found in a 100-year-old Douglas fir/western hemlock forest in coastal British Columbia. Nearly all the seeds that had germinated from this seed bank were from pioneer species. The rapid colonization of such sites after disturbance is undoubtedly in part a reflection of the large seed bank on the forest floor.
An adaptation that is well developed in colonizing species is a high degree of variation in germination (the beginning of a seed's growth). Seeds of a given species exhibit a wide range of germination dates, increasing the probability that at least some of the seeds will germinate during a period of favorable environmental conditions. This is particularly important for species that colonize an environment where there is no existing vegetation to ameliorate climatic extremes and in which there may be great climatic diversity.
Species succession in plant communities, i.e., the temporal sequence of appearance and disappearance of species is dependent on events occurring at different stages in the life history of a species. Variation in rates of invasion and growth plays an important role in determining patterns of succession, especially secondary succession. The species that are first to colonize a site are those that produce abundant seed that is distributed successfully to new sites. Such species generally grow rapidly and quickly dominate new sites, excluding other species with lower invasion and growth rates. The first community that occupies a disturbed area therefore may be composed of species with the highest rate of invasion, whereas the community of the subsequent stage may consist of plants with similar survival rates but lower invasion rates. | 3726.txt | 1 |
[
"producing fewer seeds.",
"producing larger seeds.",
"dispersal by birds and small mammals.",
"producing long-lived seeds."
] | The phrase "the latter adaptation" in the passage (paragraph 3) refers to | Colonization is one way in which plants can change the ecology of a site. Colonization is a process with two components: invasion and survival. The rate at which a site is colonized by plants depends on both the rate at which individual organisms (seeds, spores, immature or mature individuals) arrive at the site and their success at becoming established and surviving. Success in colonization depends to a great extent on there being a site available for colonization - a safe site where disturbance by fire or by cutting down of trees has either removed competing species or reduced levels of competition and other negative interactions to a level at which the invading species can become established. For a given rate of invasion, colonization of a moist, fertile site is likely to be much more rapid than that of a dry, infertile site because of poor survival on the latter. A fertile, plowed field is rapidly invaded by a large variety of weeds, whereas a neighboring construction site from which the soil has been compacted or removed to expose a coarse, infertile parent material may remain virtually free of vegetation for many months or even years despite receiving the same input of seeds as the plowed field.
Both the rate of invasion and the rate of extinction vary greatly among different plant species. Pioneer species - those that occur only in the earliest stages of colonization - tend to have high rates of invasion because they produce very large numbers of reproductive propagules (seeds, spores, and so on) and because they have an efficient means of dispersal (normally, winD.
If colonizers produce short-lived reproductive propagules, then they must produce very large numbers unless they have an efficient means of dispersal to suitable new habitats. Many plants depend on wind for dispersal and produce abundant quantities of small, relatively short-lived seeds to compensate for the fact that wind is not always a reliable means of reaching the appropriate type of habitat. Alternative strategies have evolved in some plants, such as those that produce fewer but larger seeds that are dispersed to suitable sites by birds or small mammals or those that produce long-lived seeds. Many forest plants seem to exhibit the latter adaptation, and viable seeds of pioneer species can be found in large numbers on some forest floors. For example, as many as 1,125 viable seeds per square meter were found in a 100-year-old Douglas fir/western hemlock forest in coastal British Columbia. Nearly all the seeds that had germinated from this seed bank were from pioneer species. The rapid colonization of such sites after disturbance is undoubtedly in part a reflection of the large seed bank on the forest floor.
An adaptation that is well developed in colonizing species is a high degree of variation in germination (the beginning of a seed's growth). Seeds of a given species exhibit a wide range of germination dates, increasing the probability that at least some of the seeds will germinate during a period of favorable environmental conditions. This is particularly important for species that colonize an environment where there is no existing vegetation to ameliorate climatic extremes and in which there may be great climatic diversity.
Species succession in plant communities, i.e., the temporal sequence of appearance and disappearance of species is dependent on events occurring at different stages in the life history of a species. Variation in rates of invasion and growth plays an important role in determining patterns of succession, especially secondary succession. The species that are first to colonize a site are those that produce abundant seed that is distributed successfully to new sites. Such species generally grow rapidly and quickly dominate new sites, excluding other species with lower invasion and growth rates. The first community that occupies a disturbed area therefore may be composed of species with the highest rate of invasion, whereas the community of the subsequent stage may consist of plants with similar survival rates but lower invasion rates. | 3726.txt | 3 |
[
"able to survive.",
"individual.",
"large.",
"remaining."
] | The word "viable" in the passage (paragraph 3) is closest in meaning to | Colonization is one way in which plants can change the ecology of a site. Colonization is a process with two components: invasion and survival. The rate at which a site is colonized by plants depends on both the rate at which individual organisms (seeds, spores, immature or mature individuals) arrive at the site and their success at becoming established and surviving. Success in colonization depends to a great extent on there being a site available for colonization - a safe site where disturbance by fire or by cutting down of trees has either removed competing species or reduced levels of competition and other negative interactions to a level at which the invading species can become established. For a given rate of invasion, colonization of a moist, fertile site is likely to be much more rapid than that of a dry, infertile site because of poor survival on the latter. A fertile, plowed field is rapidly invaded by a large variety of weeds, whereas a neighboring construction site from which the soil has been compacted or removed to expose a coarse, infertile parent material may remain virtually free of vegetation for many months or even years despite receiving the same input of seeds as the plowed field.
Both the rate of invasion and the rate of extinction vary greatly among different plant species. Pioneer species - those that occur only in the earliest stages of colonization - tend to have high rates of invasion because they produce very large numbers of reproductive propagules (seeds, spores, and so on) and because they have an efficient means of dispersal (normally, winD.
If colonizers produce short-lived reproductive propagules, then they must produce very large numbers unless they have an efficient means of dispersal to suitable new habitats. Many plants depend on wind for dispersal and produce abundant quantities of small, relatively short-lived seeds to compensate for the fact that wind is not always a reliable means of reaching the appropriate type of habitat. Alternative strategies have evolved in some plants, such as those that produce fewer but larger seeds that are dispersed to suitable sites by birds or small mammals or those that produce long-lived seeds. Many forest plants seem to exhibit the latter adaptation, and viable seeds of pioneer species can be found in large numbers on some forest floors. For example, as many as 1,125 viable seeds per square meter were found in a 100-year-old Douglas fir/western hemlock forest in coastal British Columbia. Nearly all the seeds that had germinated from this seed bank were from pioneer species. The rapid colonization of such sites after disturbance is undoubtedly in part a reflection of the large seed bank on the forest floor.
An adaptation that is well developed in colonizing species is a high degree of variation in germination (the beginning of a seed's growth). Seeds of a given species exhibit a wide range of germination dates, increasing the probability that at least some of the seeds will germinate during a period of favorable environmental conditions. This is particularly important for species that colonize an environment where there is no existing vegetation to ameliorate climatic extremes and in which there may be great climatic diversity.
Species succession in plant communities, i.e., the temporal sequence of appearance and disappearance of species is dependent on events occurring at different stages in the life history of a species. Variation in rates of invasion and growth plays an important role in determining patterns of succession, especially secondary succession. The species that are first to colonize a site are those that produce abundant seed that is distributed successfully to new sites. Such species generally grow rapidly and quickly dominate new sites, excluding other species with lower invasion and growth rates. The first community that occupies a disturbed area therefore may be composed of species with the highest rate of invasion, whereas the community of the subsequent stage may consist of plants with similar survival rates but lower invasion rates. | 3726.txt | 0 |
[
"It is uncommon for older seed to germinate.",
"Pioneer species tend to prefer forest floors for colonization purposes.",
"Long-lived seeds of pioneer species can successfully germinate over long periods of time.",
"Coastal British Columbia is particularly suited for pioneer species to develop."
] | The example of the 100-year-old Douglas fir/western hemlock forest in paragraph to illustrates which of the following ideas? | Colonization is one way in which plants can change the ecology of a site. Colonization is a process with two components: invasion and survival. The rate at which a site is colonized by plants depends on both the rate at which individual organisms (seeds, spores, immature or mature individuals) arrive at the site and their success at becoming established and surviving. Success in colonization depends to a great extent on there being a site available for colonization - a safe site where disturbance by fire or by cutting down of trees has either removed competing species or reduced levels of competition and other negative interactions to a level at which the invading species can become established. For a given rate of invasion, colonization of a moist, fertile site is likely to be much more rapid than that of a dry, infertile site because of poor survival on the latter. A fertile, plowed field is rapidly invaded by a large variety of weeds, whereas a neighboring construction site from which the soil has been compacted or removed to expose a coarse, infertile parent material may remain virtually free of vegetation for many months or even years despite receiving the same input of seeds as the plowed field.
Both the rate of invasion and the rate of extinction vary greatly among different plant species. Pioneer species - those that occur only in the earliest stages of colonization - tend to have high rates of invasion because they produce very large numbers of reproductive propagules (seeds, spores, and so on) and because they have an efficient means of dispersal (normally, winD.
If colonizers produce short-lived reproductive propagules, then they must produce very large numbers unless they have an efficient means of dispersal to suitable new habitats. Many plants depend on wind for dispersal and produce abundant quantities of small, relatively short-lived seeds to compensate for the fact that wind is not always a reliable means of reaching the appropriate type of habitat. Alternative strategies have evolved in some plants, such as those that produce fewer but larger seeds that are dispersed to suitable sites by birds or small mammals or those that produce long-lived seeds. Many forest plants seem to exhibit the latter adaptation, and viable seeds of pioneer species can be found in large numbers on some forest floors. For example, as many as 1,125 viable seeds per square meter were found in a 100-year-old Douglas fir/western hemlock forest in coastal British Columbia. Nearly all the seeds that had germinated from this seed bank were from pioneer species. The rapid colonization of such sites after disturbance is undoubtedly in part a reflection of the large seed bank on the forest floor.
An adaptation that is well developed in colonizing species is a high degree of variation in germination (the beginning of a seed's growth). Seeds of a given species exhibit a wide range of germination dates, increasing the probability that at least some of the seeds will germinate during a period of favorable environmental conditions. This is particularly important for species that colonize an environment where there is no existing vegetation to ameliorate climatic extremes and in which there may be great climatic diversity.
Species succession in plant communities, i.e., the temporal sequence of appearance and disappearance of species is dependent on events occurring at different stages in the life history of a species. Variation in rates of invasion and growth plays an important role in determining patterns of succession, especially secondary succession. The species that are first to colonize a site are those that produce abundant seed that is distributed successfully to new sites. Such species generally grow rapidly and quickly dominate new sites, excluding other species with lower invasion and growth rates. The first community that occupies a disturbed area therefore may be composed of species with the highest rate of invasion, whereas the community of the subsequent stage may consist of plants with similar survival rates but lower invasion rates. | 3726.txt | 2 |
[
"By producing seeds only during favorable climatic conditions.",
"By generating large numbers of seeds.",
"By colonizing only those areas where other plants have survived.",
"By producing seeds that have a wide range of germination dates."
] | According to paragraph 4, how do plants manage to germinate in areas with great climatic diversity and climatic extremes? | Colonization is one way in which plants can change the ecology of a site. Colonization is a process with two components: invasion and survival. The rate at which a site is colonized by plants depends on both the rate at which individual organisms (seeds, spores, immature or mature individuals) arrive at the site and their success at becoming established and surviving. Success in colonization depends to a great extent on there being a site available for colonization - a safe site where disturbance by fire or by cutting down of trees has either removed competing species or reduced levels of competition and other negative interactions to a level at which the invading species can become established. For a given rate of invasion, colonization of a moist, fertile site is likely to be much more rapid than that of a dry, infertile site because of poor survival on the latter. A fertile, plowed field is rapidly invaded by a large variety of weeds, whereas a neighboring construction site from which the soil has been compacted or removed to expose a coarse, infertile parent material may remain virtually free of vegetation for many months or even years despite receiving the same input of seeds as the plowed field.
Both the rate of invasion and the rate of extinction vary greatly among different plant species. Pioneer species - those that occur only in the earliest stages of colonization - tend to have high rates of invasion because they produce very large numbers of reproductive propagules (seeds, spores, and so on) and because they have an efficient means of dispersal (normally, winD.
If colonizers produce short-lived reproductive propagules, then they must produce very large numbers unless they have an efficient means of dispersal to suitable new habitats. Many plants depend on wind for dispersal and produce abundant quantities of small, relatively short-lived seeds to compensate for the fact that wind is not always a reliable means of reaching the appropriate type of habitat. Alternative strategies have evolved in some plants, such as those that produce fewer but larger seeds that are dispersed to suitable sites by birds or small mammals or those that produce long-lived seeds. Many forest plants seem to exhibit the latter adaptation, and viable seeds of pioneer species can be found in large numbers on some forest floors. For example, as many as 1,125 viable seeds per square meter were found in a 100-year-old Douglas fir/western hemlock forest in coastal British Columbia. Nearly all the seeds that had germinated from this seed bank were from pioneer species. The rapid colonization of such sites after disturbance is undoubtedly in part a reflection of the large seed bank on the forest floor.
An adaptation that is well developed in colonizing species is a high degree of variation in germination (the beginning of a seed's growth). Seeds of a given species exhibit a wide range of germination dates, increasing the probability that at least some of the seeds will germinate during a period of favorable environmental conditions. This is particularly important for species that colonize an environment where there is no existing vegetation to ameliorate climatic extremes and in which there may be great climatic diversity.
Species succession in plant communities, i.e., the temporal sequence of appearance and disappearance of species is dependent on events occurring at different stages in the life history of a species. Variation in rates of invasion and growth plays an important role in determining patterns of succession, especially secondary succession. The species that are first to colonize a site are those that produce abundant seed that is distributed successfully to new sites. Such species generally grow rapidly and quickly dominate new sites, excluding other species with lower invasion and growth rates. The first community that occupies a disturbed area therefore may be composed of species with the highest rate of invasion, whereas the community of the subsequent stage may consist of plants with similar survival rates but lower invasion rates. | 3726.txt | 3 |
[
"new.",
"improved.",
"suitable.",
"plentiful."
] | The word "abundant〃 in the passage (paragraph 5) is closest in meaning to | Colonization is one way in which plants can change the ecology of a site. Colonization is a process with two components: invasion and survival. The rate at which a site is colonized by plants depends on both the rate at which individual organisms (seeds, spores, immature or mature individuals) arrive at the site and their success at becoming established and surviving. Success in colonization depends to a great extent on there being a site available for colonization - a safe site where disturbance by fire or by cutting down of trees has either removed competing species or reduced levels of competition and other negative interactions to a level at which the invading species can become established. For a given rate of invasion, colonization of a moist, fertile site is likely to be much more rapid than that of a dry, infertile site because of poor survival on the latter. A fertile, plowed field is rapidly invaded by a large variety of weeds, whereas a neighboring construction site from which the soil has been compacted or removed to expose a coarse, infertile parent material may remain virtually free of vegetation for many months or even years despite receiving the same input of seeds as the plowed field.
Both the rate of invasion and the rate of extinction vary greatly among different plant species. Pioneer species - those that occur only in the earliest stages of colonization - tend to have high rates of invasion because they produce very large numbers of reproductive propagules (seeds, spores, and so on) and because they have an efficient means of dispersal (normally, winD.
If colonizers produce short-lived reproductive propagules, then they must produce very large numbers unless they have an efficient means of dispersal to suitable new habitats. Many plants depend on wind for dispersal and produce abundant quantities of small, relatively short-lived seeds to compensate for the fact that wind is not always a reliable means of reaching the appropriate type of habitat. Alternative strategies have evolved in some plants, such as those that produce fewer but larger seeds that are dispersed to suitable sites by birds or small mammals or those that produce long-lived seeds. Many forest plants seem to exhibit the latter adaptation, and viable seeds of pioneer species can be found in large numbers on some forest floors. For example, as many as 1,125 viable seeds per square meter were found in a 100-year-old Douglas fir/western hemlock forest in coastal British Columbia. Nearly all the seeds that had germinated from this seed bank were from pioneer species. The rapid colonization of such sites after disturbance is undoubtedly in part a reflection of the large seed bank on the forest floor.
An adaptation that is well developed in colonizing species is a high degree of variation in germination (the beginning of a seed's growth). Seeds of a given species exhibit a wide range of germination dates, increasing the probability that at least some of the seeds will germinate during a period of favorable environmental conditions. This is particularly important for species that colonize an environment where there is no existing vegetation to ameliorate climatic extremes and in which there may be great climatic diversity.
Species succession in plant communities, i.e., the temporal sequence of appearance and disappearance of species is dependent on events occurring at different stages in the life history of a species. Variation in rates of invasion and growth plays an important role in determining patterns of succession, especially secondary succession. The species that are first to colonize a site are those that produce abundant seed that is distributed successfully to new sites. Such species generally grow rapidly and quickly dominate new sites, excluding other species with lower invasion and growth rates. The first community that occupies a disturbed area therefore may be composed of species with the highest rate of invasion, whereas the community of the subsequent stage may consist of plants with similar survival rates but lower invasion rates. | 3726.txt | 3 |
[
"The extent of growth of a species on a prior site before it begins to colonize a secondary site.",
"The differences in invasion and growth rates across species.",
"The degree of fertility of a site.",
"The kind of disturbance that the site has undergone."
] | According to paragraph 5, which of the following determines the sequence in which plant species will colonize a site? | Colonization is one way in which plants can change the ecology of a site. Colonization is a process with two components: invasion and survival. The rate at which a site is colonized by plants depends on both the rate at which individual organisms (seeds, spores, immature or mature individuals) arrive at the site and their success at becoming established and surviving. Success in colonization depends to a great extent on there being a site available for colonization - a safe site where disturbance by fire or by cutting down of trees has either removed competing species or reduced levels of competition and other negative interactions to a level at which the invading species can become established. For a given rate of invasion, colonization of a moist, fertile site is likely to be much more rapid than that of a dry, infertile site because of poor survival on the latter. A fertile, plowed field is rapidly invaded by a large variety of weeds, whereas a neighboring construction site from which the soil has been compacted or removed to expose a coarse, infertile parent material may remain virtually free of vegetation for many months or even years despite receiving the same input of seeds as the plowed field.
Both the rate of invasion and the rate of extinction vary greatly among different plant species. Pioneer species - those that occur only in the earliest stages of colonization - tend to have high rates of invasion because they produce very large numbers of reproductive propagules (seeds, spores, and so on) and because they have an efficient means of dispersal (normally, winD.
If colonizers produce short-lived reproductive propagules, then they must produce very large numbers unless they have an efficient means of dispersal to suitable new habitats. Many plants depend on wind for dispersal and produce abundant quantities of small, relatively short-lived seeds to compensate for the fact that wind is not always a reliable means of reaching the appropriate type of habitat. Alternative strategies have evolved in some plants, such as those that produce fewer but larger seeds that are dispersed to suitable sites by birds or small mammals or those that produce long-lived seeds. Many forest plants seem to exhibit the latter adaptation, and viable seeds of pioneer species can be found in large numbers on some forest floors. For example, as many as 1,125 viable seeds per square meter were found in a 100-year-old Douglas fir/western hemlock forest in coastal British Columbia. Nearly all the seeds that had germinated from this seed bank were from pioneer species. The rapid colonization of such sites after disturbance is undoubtedly in part a reflection of the large seed bank on the forest floor.
An adaptation that is well developed in colonizing species is a high degree of variation in germination (the beginning of a seed's growth). Seeds of a given species exhibit a wide range of germination dates, increasing the probability that at least some of the seeds will germinate during a period of favorable environmental conditions. This is particularly important for species that colonize an environment where there is no existing vegetation to ameliorate climatic extremes and in which there may be great climatic diversity.
Species succession in plant communities, i.e., the temporal sequence of appearance and disappearance of species is dependent on events occurring at different stages in the life history of a species. Variation in rates of invasion and growth plays an important role in determining patterns of succession, especially secondary succession. The species that are first to colonize a site are those that produce abundant seed that is distributed successfully to new sites. Such species generally grow rapidly and quickly dominate new sites, excluding other species with lower invasion and growth rates. The first community that occupies a disturbed area therefore may be composed of species with the highest rate of invasion, whereas the community of the subsequent stage may consist of plants with similar survival rates but lower invasion rates. | 3726.txt | 1 |
[
"Because difierent schools set up difrerent physical education programs.",
"Because the physical activity of children will influence their health in adulthood.",
"Because nowadays children spend too much time on their studies.",
"Because only four percent of elementary schools provided daily physical education."
] | Why are schools recommended to give students certain time for sports? | Common sense would tell us that physically active children may be more likely to become active and healthy adults.73 Inthe United States,elementary and middle schools are advised to give students two and a half hours of ohvsical activity a week.That is what the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention and the American Heart Association l'ecommend .They say high schools should provide about four hours of physical activity each week.Yet many schools across the country have reduced their physical education programs.Criticism of the cuts has led in some places to
efforts to give students more time for exercise,not less.
The future health of Americans may depend on it.Just this week,a study reported that life expectancyhas fallen or is no longer increasing in some parts of the United States.The situation 1s worst among poor people in the southern states.and especially women.Public health researchers say it is largely the result ofincreases in obesity,smoking and high blood pressure.They also blame difierences in health services around the country.
In 2006,a study found that only four percent of elementary schools provided daily physical education all year for all grades.This was true of eight percent of middle schools and two percent of high schools.74 The study also found that 22 percent of a11 schools did not reauire student to take any P.E.
Charlene Burgeson is the executive director of the National Association for Sport and Physical Education.She says one problem for P E.teachers iS that schools are under pressure to put more time into academic subjects.Also,parents may agree that children need exercise in school.Yet many parents today still have bad memories of being chosen last for teams because teachers favored the good athletes in class.
But experts say PE classes have changed.They say the goal has moved away fromcompetition and toward personal performance.as a way to build a lifetime of activity.These days,teachers often lead activities like weight training and yoga . 75 Some parents like the idea of avoiding competitive sports in PE class.Yet others surely dislike that idea.In the end, schools may find themselves in a no-win situation. | 2643.txt | 1 |
[
"more and more people are getting fat",
"an increasing number of people smoke",
"some places don't provide adequate health services",
"a lot of people don't take regular exercise"
] | AIl the following factors may have caused fallen life expectancy in some parts of the United States EXCEPT that _ . | Common sense would tell us that physically active children may be more likely to become active and healthy adults.73 Inthe United States,elementary and middle schools are advised to give students two and a half hours of ohvsical activity a week.That is what the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention and the American Heart Association l'ecommend .They say high schools should provide about four hours of physical activity each week.Yet many schools across the country have reduced their physical education programs.Criticism of the cuts has led in some places to
efforts to give students more time for exercise,not less.
The future health of Americans may depend on it.Just this week,a study reported that life expectancyhas fallen or is no longer increasing in some parts of the United States.The situation 1s worst among poor people in the southern states.and especially women.Public health researchers say it is largely the result ofincreases in obesity,smoking and high blood pressure.They also blame difierences in health services around the country.
In 2006,a study found that only four percent of elementary schools provided daily physical education all year for all grades.This was true of eight percent of middle schools and two percent of high schools.74 The study also found that 22 percent of a11 schools did not reauire student to take any P.E.
Charlene Burgeson is the executive director of the National Association for Sport and Physical Education.She says one problem for P E.teachers iS that schools are under pressure to put more time into academic subjects.Also,parents may agree that children need exercise in school.Yet many parents today still have bad memories of being chosen last for teams because teachers favored the good athletes in class.
But experts say PE classes have changed.They say the goal has moved away fromcompetition and toward personal performance.as a way to build a lifetime of activity.These days,teachers often lead activities like weight training and yoga . 75 Some parents like the idea of avoiding competitive sports in PE class.Yet others surely dislike that idea.In the end, schools may find themselves in a no-win situation. | 2643.txt | 3 |
[
"help all the students exercise",
"create competition among students",
"produce good athletes",
"avoid competitive sports"
] | Today the goal of P E classes is to_. | Common sense would tell us that physically active children may be more likely to become active and healthy adults.73 Inthe United States,elementary and middle schools are advised to give students two and a half hours of ohvsical activity a week.That is what the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention and the American Heart Association l'ecommend .They say high schools should provide about four hours of physical activity each week.Yet many schools across the country have reduced their physical education programs.Criticism of the cuts has led in some places to
efforts to give students more time for exercise,not less.
The future health of Americans may depend on it.Just this week,a study reported that life expectancyhas fallen or is no longer increasing in some parts of the United States.The situation 1s worst among poor people in the southern states.and especially women.Public health researchers say it is largely the result ofincreases in obesity,smoking and high blood pressure.They also blame difierences in health services around the country.
In 2006,a study found that only four percent of elementary schools provided daily physical education all year for all grades.This was true of eight percent of middle schools and two percent of high schools.74 The study also found that 22 percent of a11 schools did not reauire student to take any P.E.
Charlene Burgeson is the executive director of the National Association for Sport and Physical Education.She says one problem for P E.teachers iS that schools are under pressure to put more time into academic subjects.Also,parents may agree that children need exercise in school.Yet many parents today still have bad memories of being chosen last for teams because teachers favored the good athletes in class.
But experts say PE classes have changed.They say the goal has moved away fromcompetition and toward personal performance.as a way to build a lifetime of activity.These days,teachers often lead activities like weight training and yoga . 75 Some parents like the idea of avoiding competitive sports in PE class.Yet others surely dislike that idea.In the end, schools may find themselves in a no-win situation. | 2643.txt | 3 |
[
"parents all agree with the idea of avoiding competitive sports",
"parents enjoyed their P.E. classes when they were students",
"a lot ot'attention is paid to students'academic subjects",
"a lot of schools don't have enough P.E.teachers"
] | We can infer from the passage that_. | Common sense would tell us that physically active children may be more likely to become active and healthy adults.73 Inthe United States,elementary and middle schools are advised to give students two and a half hours of ohvsical activity a week.That is what the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention and the American Heart Association l'ecommend .They say high schools should provide about four hours of physical activity each week.Yet many schools across the country have reduced their physical education programs.Criticism of the cuts has led in some places to
efforts to give students more time for exercise,not less.
The future health of Americans may depend on it.Just this week,a study reported that life expectancyhas fallen or is no longer increasing in some parts of the United States.The situation 1s worst among poor people in the southern states.and especially women.Public health researchers say it is largely the result ofincreases in obesity,smoking and high blood pressure.They also blame difierences in health services around the country.
In 2006,a study found that only four percent of elementary schools provided daily physical education all year for all grades.This was true of eight percent of middle schools and two percent of high schools.74 The study also found that 22 percent of a11 schools did not reauire student to take any P.E.
Charlene Burgeson is the executive director of the National Association for Sport and Physical Education.She says one problem for P E.teachers iS that schools are under pressure to put more time into academic subjects.Also,parents may agree that children need exercise in school.Yet many parents today still have bad memories of being chosen last for teams because teachers favored the good athletes in class.
But experts say PE classes have changed.They say the goal has moved away fromcompetition and toward personal performance.as a way to build a lifetime of activity.These days,teachers often lead activities like weight training and yoga . 75 Some parents like the idea of avoiding competitive sports in PE class.Yet others surely dislike that idea.In the end, schools may find themselves in a no-win situation. | 2643.txt | 2 |
[
"He wondered how long he had to wait for the next bus.",
"No driver would give him a ride.",
"He didn't know the routes.",
"He perhaps would have to take a taxi."
] | Why did the writer say that he would have a long night? | Last July, my 12-year-old car died on California's Santa Ana Freeway. It was an hour before sunset, and I was 25 miles from home. I couldn't reach anyone to pick me up, so I decided to take a bus. Not knowing the routes, I figured I'd just head east. A bus pulled up, and I asked the driver how far she was going. "Four more lights," she said. There was another bus I could take from there. This clearly was going to be a long night. She dropped me off at the end of her route and told me which bus to look for. After waiting 30 minutes, I began to think about a very expensive taxi ride home. Then a bus pulled up. There was no lighted number above its windshield . It was out of service. But the door opened, and I was surprised to find that it was the same driver. "I just can't leave you here," she said. "This isn't the nicest place. I'll give you a ride home." "You'll drive me home in the bus?" I asked, perplexed . "No, I'll take you in my car," she said. "It's a long way," I protested. "Come on, " she said. "I have nothing else to do." As we drove from the station in her car, she began telling me a story. A few days earlier, her brother had run out of gas. A good Samaritan picked him up, took him to a service station and then back to his car. "I'm just passing the favor along, " she said. When I offered her money as a thank-you, she wouldn't hear of it. "That wouldn't make it a favor, " she said. "Just do something nice for somebody. Pass it along." | 685.txt | 0 |
[
"very quiet and peaceful",
"dark without street lights",
"neither clean nor beautiful",
"a little unsafe"
] | Judging from its context, the place where the writer waited for the second bus was _ . | Last July, my 12-year-old car died on California's Santa Ana Freeway. It was an hour before sunset, and I was 25 miles from home. I couldn't reach anyone to pick me up, so I decided to take a bus. Not knowing the routes, I figured I'd just head east. A bus pulled up, and I asked the driver how far she was going. "Four more lights," she said. There was another bus I could take from there. This clearly was going to be a long night. She dropped me off at the end of her route and told me which bus to look for. After waiting 30 minutes, I began to think about a very expensive taxi ride home. Then a bus pulled up. There was no lighted number above its windshield . It was out of service. But the door opened, and I was surprised to find that it was the same driver. "I just can't leave you here," she said. "This isn't the nicest place. I'll give you a ride home." "You'll drive me home in the bus?" I asked, perplexed . "No, I'll take you in my car," she said. "It's a long way," I protested. "Come on, " she said. "I have nothing else to do." As we drove from the station in her car, she began telling me a story. A few days earlier, her brother had run out of gas. A good Samaritan picked him up, took him to a service station and then back to his car. "I'm just passing the favor along, " she said. When I offered her money as a thank-you, she wouldn't hear of it. "That wouldn't make it a favor, " she said. "Just do something nice for somebody. Pass it along." | 685.txt | 3 |
[
"No bus would come at the time.",
"A taxi ride would be more comfortable.",
"He became impatient and a bit worried.",
"He knew the driver would never return."
] | Why did the writer change his mind after waiting for 30 minutes at the end of the route? | Last July, my 12-year-old car died on California's Santa Ana Freeway. It was an hour before sunset, and I was 25 miles from home. I couldn't reach anyone to pick me up, so I decided to take a bus. Not knowing the routes, I figured I'd just head east. A bus pulled up, and I asked the driver how far she was going. "Four more lights," she said. There was another bus I could take from there. This clearly was going to be a long night. She dropped me off at the end of her route and told me which bus to look for. After waiting 30 minutes, I began to think about a very expensive taxi ride home. Then a bus pulled up. There was no lighted number above its windshield . It was out of service. But the door opened, and I was surprised to find that it was the same driver. "I just can't leave you here," she said. "This isn't the nicest place. I'll give you a ride home." "You'll drive me home in the bus?" I asked, perplexed . "No, I'll take you in my car," she said. "It's a long way," I protested. "Come on, " she said. "I have nothing else to do." As we drove from the station in her car, she began telling me a story. A few days earlier, her brother had run out of gas. A good Samaritan picked him up, took him to a service station and then back to his car. "I'm just passing the favor along, " she said. When I offered her money as a thank-you, she wouldn't hear of it. "That wouldn't make it a favor, " she said. "Just do something nice for somebody. Pass it along." | 685.txt | 2 |
[
"she happened to go in the same direction",
"she wanted to do something good for other people",
"her brother told her to do so",
"she wanted to earn more money"
] | The bus driver drove the writer home later because _ . | Last July, my 12-year-old car died on California's Santa Ana Freeway. It was an hour before sunset, and I was 25 miles from home. I couldn't reach anyone to pick me up, so I decided to take a bus. Not knowing the routes, I figured I'd just head east. A bus pulled up, and I asked the driver how far she was going. "Four more lights," she said. There was another bus I could take from there. This clearly was going to be a long night. She dropped me off at the end of her route and told me which bus to look for. After waiting 30 minutes, I began to think about a very expensive taxi ride home. Then a bus pulled up. There was no lighted number above its windshield . It was out of service. But the door opened, and I was surprised to find that it was the same driver. "I just can't leave you here," she said. "This isn't the nicest place. I'll give you a ride home." "You'll drive me home in the bus?" I asked, perplexed . "No, I'll take you in my car," she said. "It's a long way," I protested. "Come on, " she said. "I have nothing else to do." As we drove from the station in her car, she began telling me a story. A few days earlier, her brother had run out of gas. A good Samaritan picked him up, took him to a service station and then back to his car. "I'm just passing the favor along, " she said. When I offered her money as a thank-you, she wouldn't hear of it. "That wouldn't make it a favor, " she said. "Just do something nice for somebody. Pass it along." | 685.txt | 1 |
[
"would do as she did",
"would keep her in memory",
"would give the money to others",
"would do her a favor"
] | The bus driver hoped that the writer _ . | Last July, my 12-year-old car died on California's Santa Ana Freeway. It was an hour before sunset, and I was 25 miles from home. I couldn't reach anyone to pick me up, so I decided to take a bus. Not knowing the routes, I figured I'd just head east. A bus pulled up, and I asked the driver how far she was going. "Four more lights," she said. There was another bus I could take from there. This clearly was going to be a long night. She dropped me off at the end of her route and told me which bus to look for. After waiting 30 minutes, I began to think about a very expensive taxi ride home. Then a bus pulled up. There was no lighted number above its windshield . It was out of service. But the door opened, and I was surprised to find that it was the same driver. "I just can't leave you here," she said. "This isn't the nicest place. I'll give you a ride home." "You'll drive me home in the bus?" I asked, perplexed . "No, I'll take you in my car," she said. "It's a long way," I protested. "Come on, " she said. "I have nothing else to do." As we drove from the station in her car, she began telling me a story. A few days earlier, her brother had run out of gas. A good Samaritan picked him up, took him to a service station and then back to his car. "I'm just passing the favor along, " she said. When I offered her money as a thank-you, she wouldn't hear of it. "That wouldn't make it a favor, " she said. "Just do something nice for somebody. Pass it along." | 685.txt | 0 |
[
"both genetic inheritance and environmental influences",
"the differentiation of the inherited physical characteristics",
"humans‘ adaptations to diverse climate and other living conditions",
"genetic mutations alone"
] | It can be inferred from the first paragraph that the diversification of human race resulted from _ . | With its almost six billion people, the world offers a fascinating variety of human shapes and colors.As humans spread throughout the world, their adaptations to diverse climate and other living conditions resulted in this fascinating variety of complexions, colors, and shapes.Genetic mutations added distinct characteristics to the peoples of the globe.In this sense the concept of race, a group with inherited physical characteristics that distinguish it from another group, is a reality.Humans do indeed come in a variety of colors and shapes.
In two senses, however, race is a myth, a fabrication of the human mind.The first fabrication is the idea that any one race is superior to another.All races have their geniuses-and their idiots.Like language, no race is superior to another.Adolf Hitler‘s ideas were extreme.He believed that a superior race, called the Aryans, was responsible for the cultural achievements of Europe.They possessed the genetic stuff that made them inherently superior.Even many scientists of the timenot only Germany but throughout Europe and the United States-espoused the idea of racial superiority.Not surprisingly, they considered themselves members of the supposedly superior race!
In addition to the myth of racial superiority, there is a second myth-that of the existence of a" pure" race.From the perspective of contemporary biology, humans show such a mixture of physical characteristics.that the" pure" races do not exist.Instead of falling into distinct types clearly separate from one another, human characteristics flow endlessly together.These minute gradations made arbitrary any attempt to draw definite lines.
Large groupings of people, however, can be classified by blood type and gene frequencies.Yet even this arrangement does not uncover" race" . Rather, such classifications are so arbitrary that biologists and anthropologists can draw up listings showing any number of" race" . Ashley Montagu, a physical anthropologist, pointed out that some scientists have classified humans into only two" races" while others have found as many as two thousand.Montagu himself classified humans into forty" racial" groups.
This is not meant to imply that the idea of race is a myth.That idea is definitely very much alive.It is firmly embedded in our culture, a social reality that we confront daily.Sociologist W.I.Thomas observed that" if people define situations as real, they are real in their consequences" . The fact that no race is superior or that biologically we cannot even decide how people should be classified into races is not what counts.What makes a difference for social life, rather, is that people believe these ideas, for people act on beliefs, not facts.As a result, we always have people like Hitler.Most people, fortunately, do not believe in such extremes, yet most people also appear to be ethnocentric enough to believe, at least just a little, that their own race is superior to others. | 600.txt | 0 |
[
"mystery",
"invention",
"exaggeration",
"perspective"
] | The word" fabrication" (in the first sentence of the second paragraph)probably means _ . | With its almost six billion people, the world offers a fascinating variety of human shapes and colors.As humans spread throughout the world, their adaptations to diverse climate and other living conditions resulted in this fascinating variety of complexions, colors, and shapes.Genetic mutations added distinct characteristics to the peoples of the globe.In this sense the concept of race, a group with inherited physical characteristics that distinguish it from another group, is a reality.Humans do indeed come in a variety of colors and shapes.
In two senses, however, race is a myth, a fabrication of the human mind.The first fabrication is the idea that any one race is superior to another.All races have their geniuses-and their idiots.Like language, no race is superior to another.Adolf Hitler‘s ideas were extreme.He believed that a superior race, called the Aryans, was responsible for the cultural achievements of Europe.They possessed the genetic stuff that made them inherently superior.Even many scientists of the timenot only Germany but throughout Europe and the United States-espoused the idea of racial superiority.Not surprisingly, they considered themselves members of the supposedly superior race!
In addition to the myth of racial superiority, there is a second myth-that of the existence of a" pure" race.From the perspective of contemporary biology, humans show such a mixture of physical characteristics.that the" pure" races do not exist.Instead of falling into distinct types clearly separate from one another, human characteristics flow endlessly together.These minute gradations made arbitrary any attempt to draw definite lines.
Large groupings of people, however, can be classified by blood type and gene frequencies.Yet even this arrangement does not uncover" race" . Rather, such classifications are so arbitrary that biologists and anthropologists can draw up listings showing any number of" race" . Ashley Montagu, a physical anthropologist, pointed out that some scientists have classified humans into only two" races" while others have found as many as two thousand.Montagu himself classified humans into forty" racial" groups.
This is not meant to imply that the idea of race is a myth.That idea is definitely very much alive.It is firmly embedded in our culture, a social reality that we confront daily.Sociologist W.I.Thomas observed that" if people define situations as real, they are real in their consequences" . The fact that no race is superior or that biologically we cannot even decide how people should be classified into races is not what counts.What makes a difference for social life, rather, is that people believe these ideas, for people act on beliefs, not facts.As a result, we always have people like Hitler.Most people, fortunately, do not believe in such extremes, yet most people also appear to be ethnocentric enough to believe, at least just a little, that their own race is superior to others. | 600.txt | 1 |
[
"Because people of different races often get married.",
"Because people have different blood types.",
"Because racial characteristics overlap.",
"Because there are so many races in the world."
] | Why is there no" pure" race according to the passage? | With its almost six billion people, the world offers a fascinating variety of human shapes and colors.As humans spread throughout the world, their adaptations to diverse climate and other living conditions resulted in this fascinating variety of complexions, colors, and shapes.Genetic mutations added distinct characteristics to the peoples of the globe.In this sense the concept of race, a group with inherited physical characteristics that distinguish it from another group, is a reality.Humans do indeed come in a variety of colors and shapes.
In two senses, however, race is a myth, a fabrication of the human mind.The first fabrication is the idea that any one race is superior to another.All races have their geniuses-and their idiots.Like language, no race is superior to another.Adolf Hitler‘s ideas were extreme.He believed that a superior race, called the Aryans, was responsible for the cultural achievements of Europe.They possessed the genetic stuff that made them inherently superior.Even many scientists of the timenot only Germany but throughout Europe and the United States-espoused the idea of racial superiority.Not surprisingly, they considered themselves members of the supposedly superior race!
In addition to the myth of racial superiority, there is a second myth-that of the existence of a" pure" race.From the perspective of contemporary biology, humans show such a mixture of physical characteristics.that the" pure" races do not exist.Instead of falling into distinct types clearly separate from one another, human characteristics flow endlessly together.These minute gradations made arbitrary any attempt to draw definite lines.
Large groupings of people, however, can be classified by blood type and gene frequencies.Yet even this arrangement does not uncover" race" . Rather, such classifications are so arbitrary that biologists and anthropologists can draw up listings showing any number of" race" . Ashley Montagu, a physical anthropologist, pointed out that some scientists have classified humans into only two" races" while others have found as many as two thousand.Montagu himself classified humans into forty" racial" groups.
This is not meant to imply that the idea of race is a myth.That idea is definitely very much alive.It is firmly embedded in our culture, a social reality that we confront daily.Sociologist W.I.Thomas observed that" if people define situations as real, they are real in their consequences" . The fact that no race is superior or that biologically we cannot even decide how people should be classified into races is not what counts.What makes a difference for social life, rather, is that people believe these ideas, for people act on beliefs, not facts.As a result, we always have people like Hitler.Most people, fortunately, do not believe in such extremes, yet most people also appear to be ethnocentric enough to believe, at least just a little, that their own race is superior to others. | 600.txt | 2 |
[
"is at best arbitrary",
"is bound to be biased",
"tends to pick out one race as superior",
"takes culture into account"
] | Any attempt at classifying races _ . | With its almost six billion people, the world offers a fascinating variety of human shapes and colors.As humans spread throughout the world, their adaptations to diverse climate and other living conditions resulted in this fascinating variety of complexions, colors, and shapes.Genetic mutations added distinct characteristics to the peoples of the globe.In this sense the concept of race, a group with inherited physical characteristics that distinguish it from another group, is a reality.Humans do indeed come in a variety of colors and shapes.
In two senses, however, race is a myth, a fabrication of the human mind.The first fabrication is the idea that any one race is superior to another.All races have their geniuses-and their idiots.Like language, no race is superior to another.Adolf Hitler‘s ideas were extreme.He believed that a superior race, called the Aryans, was responsible for the cultural achievements of Europe.They possessed the genetic stuff that made them inherently superior.Even many scientists of the timenot only Germany but throughout Europe and the United States-espoused the idea of racial superiority.Not surprisingly, they considered themselves members of the supposedly superior race!
In addition to the myth of racial superiority, there is a second myth-that of the existence of a" pure" race.From the perspective of contemporary biology, humans show such a mixture of physical characteristics.that the" pure" races do not exist.Instead of falling into distinct types clearly separate from one another, human characteristics flow endlessly together.These minute gradations made arbitrary any attempt to draw definite lines.
Large groupings of people, however, can be classified by blood type and gene frequencies.Yet even this arrangement does not uncover" race" . Rather, such classifications are so arbitrary that biologists and anthropologists can draw up listings showing any number of" race" . Ashley Montagu, a physical anthropologist, pointed out that some scientists have classified humans into only two" races" while others have found as many as two thousand.Montagu himself classified humans into forty" racial" groups.
This is not meant to imply that the idea of race is a myth.That idea is definitely very much alive.It is firmly embedded in our culture, a social reality that we confront daily.Sociologist W.I.Thomas observed that" if people define situations as real, they are real in their consequences" . The fact that no race is superior or that biologically we cannot even decide how people should be classified into races is not what counts.What makes a difference for social life, rather, is that people believe these ideas, for people act on beliefs, not facts.As a result, we always have people like Hitler.Most people, fortunately, do not believe in such extremes, yet most people also appear to be ethnocentric enough to believe, at least just a little, that their own race is superior to others. | 600.txt | 0 |
[
"it is hardly possible to classify humans into racial groups",
"we should be on our guard against any idea of racial superiority",
"race is indeed a mystery to be explored and uncovered",
"it is not important how people should be classified"
] | The author concludes the passage by pointing out that | With its almost six billion people, the world offers a fascinating variety of human shapes and colors.As humans spread throughout the world, their adaptations to diverse climate and other living conditions resulted in this fascinating variety of complexions, colors, and shapes.Genetic mutations added distinct characteristics to the peoples of the globe.In this sense the concept of race, a group with inherited physical characteristics that distinguish it from another group, is a reality.Humans do indeed come in a variety of colors and shapes.
In two senses, however, race is a myth, a fabrication of the human mind.The first fabrication is the idea that any one race is superior to another.All races have their geniuses-and their idiots.Like language, no race is superior to another.Adolf Hitler‘s ideas were extreme.He believed that a superior race, called the Aryans, was responsible for the cultural achievements of Europe.They possessed the genetic stuff that made them inherently superior.Even many scientists of the timenot only Germany but throughout Europe and the United States-espoused the idea of racial superiority.Not surprisingly, they considered themselves members of the supposedly superior race!
In addition to the myth of racial superiority, there is a second myth-that of the existence of a" pure" race.From the perspective of contemporary biology, humans show such a mixture of physical characteristics.that the" pure" races do not exist.Instead of falling into distinct types clearly separate from one another, human characteristics flow endlessly together.These minute gradations made arbitrary any attempt to draw definite lines.
Large groupings of people, however, can be classified by blood type and gene frequencies.Yet even this arrangement does not uncover" race" . Rather, such classifications are so arbitrary that biologists and anthropologists can draw up listings showing any number of" race" . Ashley Montagu, a physical anthropologist, pointed out that some scientists have classified humans into only two" races" while others have found as many as two thousand.Montagu himself classified humans into forty" racial" groups.
This is not meant to imply that the idea of race is a myth.That idea is definitely very much alive.It is firmly embedded in our culture, a social reality that we confront daily.Sociologist W.I.Thomas observed that" if people define situations as real, they are real in their consequences" . The fact that no race is superior or that biologically we cannot even decide how people should be classified into races is not what counts.What makes a difference for social life, rather, is that people believe these ideas, for people act on beliefs, not facts.As a result, we always have people like Hitler.Most people, fortunately, do not believe in such extremes, yet most people also appear to be ethnocentric enough to believe, at least just a little, that their own race is superior to others. | 600.txt | 1 |
[
"It is easy to tame them.",
"It is hard to tame them.",
"They are living a better life than Asian elephants.",
"Their fate is quite similar to that of Asian elephants."
] | What can we know about African elephants from the passage? | For centuries, in the countries of south and Southeast Asia the elephant has been an intimate part of the culture, economy and religion, and nowhere more so than in Thailand. Unlike its African cousin, the Asian elephant is easily domesticated . The rare so-called white elephants have actually lent the authority of kingship to its rulers and until the 1920s the national flag was a white elephant on a red background.To the early Western visitors the country's romantic name was "Land of the White Elephant".
Today, however, the story is very different. Out of work and out of land, the Thai elephant struggles for survival in a nation that no longer needs it. The elephant has found itself more or less abandoned by previous owners who have moved on to a different economic world and a westernized society. And while the elephant's problems began many years ago, now it rates a very low national priority.
How this reversal from national icon to neglected animal came about is a tale of worsening environmental and the changing lives of the Thais themselves. According to Richard Lair, Thailand's experts on the Asian elephant and author of the report Gone Astray, at the turn of the century there may well have beenas many as 100,000 domestic elephants in the country. In the north of Thailand alone it was estimated that more than 20,000 elephants were employed in transport, 1,000 of them alone on the road between the cities of Chiang Mai and Chiang Saen. This was at a time when 90 per cent of Thailand was still forest-a habitat that not only supported the animals but also made them necessary to carry goods and people. Nothing ploughs through dense forest better than a massive but sure-footed elephant.
By 1950 the elephant population had dropped to a still substantial 13,397, but today there are probably nomore than 3,800, with another 1,350 roaming free in the national parks. But now, Thailand's forest coversonly 20 per cent of the land. This deforestation is the central point of the elephant's difficult situation, for it has effectively put the animals out of work. This century, as the road network grew, so the elephant's role as a beast of burden declined. | 1661.txt | 1 |
[
"white elephant is rarely seen and thus very special",
"white elephant was a national symbol until the 1920s",
"white elephant has helped kings to gain the ruling authority",
"this name was so romantic that it was popular among visitors"
] | Thailand was once called "Land of the White Elephant" because _ . | For centuries, in the countries of south and Southeast Asia the elephant has been an intimate part of the culture, economy and religion, and nowhere more so than in Thailand. Unlike its African cousin, the Asian elephant is easily domesticated . The rare so-called white elephants have actually lent the authority of kingship to its rulers and until the 1920s the national flag was a white elephant on a red background.To the early Western visitors the country's romantic name was "Land of the White Elephant".
Today, however, the story is very different. Out of work and out of land, the Thai elephant struggles for survival in a nation that no longer needs it. The elephant has found itself more or less abandoned by previous owners who have moved on to a different economic world and a westernized society. And while the elephant's problems began many years ago, now it rates a very low national priority.
How this reversal from national icon to neglected animal came about is a tale of worsening environmental and the changing lives of the Thais themselves. According to Richard Lair, Thailand's experts on the Asian elephant and author of the report Gone Astray, at the turn of the century there may well have beenas many as 100,000 domestic elephants in the country. In the north of Thailand alone it was estimated that more than 20,000 elephants were employed in transport, 1,000 of them alone on the road between the cities of Chiang Mai and Chiang Saen. This was at a time when 90 per cent of Thailand was still forest-a habitat that not only supported the animals but also made them necessary to carry goods and people. Nothing ploughs through dense forest better than a massive but sure-footed elephant.
By 1950 the elephant population had dropped to a still substantial 13,397, but today there are probably nomore than 3,800, with another 1,350 roaming free in the national parks. But now, Thailand's forest coversonly 20 per cent of the land. This deforestation is the central point of the elephant's difficult situation, for it has effectively put the animals out of work. This century, as the road network grew, so the elephant's role as a beast of burden declined. | 1661.txt | 1 |
[
"Because the elephants are no longer useful to their owners.",
"Because their owners are westernized and neglect them.",
"Because the government pays little attention to the problem.",
"Because there are too many elephants and too few jobs."
] | Why is the Thai elephant "out of work", according to the author? | For centuries, in the countries of south and Southeast Asia the elephant has been an intimate part of the culture, economy and religion, and nowhere more so than in Thailand. Unlike its African cousin, the Asian elephant is easily domesticated . The rare so-called white elephants have actually lent the authority of kingship to its rulers and until the 1920s the national flag was a white elephant on a red background.To the early Western visitors the country's romantic name was "Land of the White Elephant".
Today, however, the story is very different. Out of work and out of land, the Thai elephant struggles for survival in a nation that no longer needs it. The elephant has found itself more or less abandoned by previous owners who have moved on to a different economic world and a westernized society. And while the elephant's problems began many years ago, now it rates a very low national priority.
How this reversal from national icon to neglected animal came about is a tale of worsening environmental and the changing lives of the Thais themselves. According to Richard Lair, Thailand's experts on the Asian elephant and author of the report Gone Astray, at the turn of the century there may well have beenas many as 100,000 domestic elephants in the country. In the north of Thailand alone it was estimated that more than 20,000 elephants were employed in transport, 1,000 of them alone on the road between the cities of Chiang Mai and Chiang Saen. This was at a time when 90 per cent of Thailand was still forest-a habitat that not only supported the animals but also made them necessary to carry goods and people. Nothing ploughs through dense forest better than a massive but sure-footed elephant.
By 1950 the elephant population had dropped to a still substantial 13,397, but today there are probably nomore than 3,800, with another 1,350 roaming free in the national parks. But now, Thailand's forest coversonly 20 per cent of the land. This deforestation is the central point of the elephant's difficult situation, for it has effectively put the animals out of work. This century, as the road network grew, so the elephant's role as a beast of burden declined. | 1661.txt | 0 |
[
"There were 100,000 tamed elephants at the turn of the century.",
"20,000 elephants were employed in transport in Thailand at the turn of the century.",
"By 1950 the elephant population in Thailand has been quite small.",
"Today the elephant population is estimated at 5,150."
] | Which of the following statements is true about the elephant population at various times? | For centuries, in the countries of south and Southeast Asia the elephant has been an intimate part of the culture, economy and religion, and nowhere more so than in Thailand. Unlike its African cousin, the Asian elephant is easily domesticated . The rare so-called white elephants have actually lent the authority of kingship to its rulers and until the 1920s the national flag was a white elephant on a red background.To the early Western visitors the country's romantic name was "Land of the White Elephant".
Today, however, the story is very different. Out of work and out of land, the Thai elephant struggles for survival in a nation that no longer needs it. The elephant has found itself more or less abandoned by previous owners who have moved on to a different economic world and a westernized society. And while the elephant's problems began many years ago, now it rates a very low national priority.
How this reversal from national icon to neglected animal came about is a tale of worsening environmental and the changing lives of the Thais themselves. According to Richard Lair, Thailand's experts on the Asian elephant and author of the report Gone Astray, at the turn of the century there may well have beenas many as 100,000 domestic elephants in the country. In the north of Thailand alone it was estimated that more than 20,000 elephants were employed in transport, 1,000 of them alone on the road between the cities of Chiang Mai and Chiang Saen. This was at a time when 90 per cent of Thailand was still forest-a habitat that not only supported the animals but also made them necessary to carry goods and people. Nothing ploughs through dense forest better than a massive but sure-footed elephant.
By 1950 the elephant population had dropped to a still substantial 13,397, but today there are probably nomore than 3,800, with another 1,350 roaming free in the national parks. But now, Thailand's forest coversonly 20 per cent of the land. This deforestation is the central point of the elephant's difficult situation, for it has effectively put the animals out of work. This century, as the road network grew, so the elephant's role as a beast of burden declined. | 1661.txt | 3 |
[
"a travel magazine",
"a history book",
"a research report",
"an official announcement"
] | The passage is most probably from _ . | For centuries, in the countries of south and Southeast Asia the elephant has been an intimate part of the culture, economy and religion, and nowhere more so than in Thailand. Unlike its African cousin, the Asian elephant is easily domesticated . The rare so-called white elephants have actually lent the authority of kingship to its rulers and until the 1920s the national flag was a white elephant on a red background.To the early Western visitors the country's romantic name was "Land of the White Elephant".
Today, however, the story is very different. Out of work and out of land, the Thai elephant struggles for survival in a nation that no longer needs it. The elephant has found itself more or less abandoned by previous owners who have moved on to a different economic world and a westernized society. And while the elephant's problems began many years ago, now it rates a very low national priority.
How this reversal from national icon to neglected animal came about is a tale of worsening environmental and the changing lives of the Thais themselves. According to Richard Lair, Thailand's experts on the Asian elephant and author of the report Gone Astray, at the turn of the century there may well have beenas many as 100,000 domestic elephants in the country. In the north of Thailand alone it was estimated that more than 20,000 elephants were employed in transport, 1,000 of them alone on the road between the cities of Chiang Mai and Chiang Saen. This was at a time when 90 per cent of Thailand was still forest-a habitat that not only supported the animals but also made them necessary to carry goods and people. Nothing ploughs through dense forest better than a massive but sure-footed elephant.
By 1950 the elephant population had dropped to a still substantial 13,397, but today there are probably nomore than 3,800, with another 1,350 roaming free in the national parks. But now, Thailand's forest coversonly 20 per cent of the land. This deforestation is the central point of the elephant's difficult situation, for it has effectively put the animals out of work. This century, as the road network grew, so the elephant's role as a beast of burden declined. | 1661.txt | 2 |
[
"A central issue in the explanation of how lightning occurs",
"Benjamin Franklin's activities as a scientist",
"Research into the strength and distribution of thunderstorms",
"The direction of movement of electrical charges in thunderclouds"
] | The passage is primarily concerned with discussing which of the following? | Benjamin Franklin established that lightning is the transfer of positive or negative electrical charge between regions of a cloud or from cloud to earth. Such transfers require that electrically neutral clouds, with uniform charge distributions, become electrified by separation of charges into distinct regions. The greater this separation is, the greater the voltage, or electrical potential of the cloud. Scientists still do not now the precise distribution of charges in thunderclouds nor how separation adequate to support the huge voltages typical of lightning bolts arises. According to one theory, the precipitation hypothesis, charge separation occurs as a result of precipitation. Larger droplets in a thundercloud precipitate downward past smaller suspended droplets. Collisions among droplets transfer negative charge to precipitating droplets, leaving the suspended droplets with a positive charge, thus producing a positive dipole in which the lower region of the thundercloud is filled with negatively charged raindrops and the upper with positively charged suspended droplets. | 1952.txt | 0 |
[
"produce a distribution of charges called a positive dipole in the clouds where they originate",
"result in the movement of negative charges to the centers of the clouds where they originate",
"result in the suspension of large, positively charged raindrops at the tops of the clouds where they originate",
"originate in clouds in which the positive and negative charges are not uniformly distributed"
] | The passage suggests that lightning bolts typically | Benjamin Franklin established that lightning is the transfer of positive or negative electrical charge between regions of a cloud or from cloud to earth. Such transfers require that electrically neutral clouds, with uniform charge distributions, become electrified by separation of charges into distinct regions. The greater this separation is, the greater the voltage, or electrical potential of the cloud. Scientists still do not now the precise distribution of charges in thunderclouds nor how separation adequate to support the huge voltages typical of lightning bolts arises. According to one theory, the precipitation hypothesis, charge separation occurs as a result of precipitation. Larger droplets in a thundercloud precipitate downward past smaller suspended droplets. Collisions among droplets transfer negative charge to precipitating droplets, leaving the suspended droplets with a positive charge, thus producing a positive dipole in which the lower region of the thundercloud is filled with negatively charged raindrops and the upper with positively charged suspended droplets. | 1952.txt | 3 |
[
"testing a theory proposed earlier, showing it to be false, and developing an alternative, far more successful theory of his own",
"making an important discovery that is still important for scientific investigations of lightning",
"introducing a hypothesis that, though recently shown to be false, proved to be a useful source of insights for scientists studying lightning",
"developing a technique that has enabled scientists to measure more precisely the phenomena that affect the strength and location of lightning bolts"
] | According to the passage, Benjamin Franklin contributed to the scientific study of lightning by | Benjamin Franklin established that lightning is the transfer of positive or negative electrical charge between regions of a cloud or from cloud to earth. Such transfers require that electrically neutral clouds, with uniform charge distributions, become electrified by separation of charges into distinct regions. The greater this separation is, the greater the voltage, or electrical potential of the cloud. Scientists still do not now the precise distribution of charges in thunderclouds nor how separation adequate to support the huge voltages typical of lightning bolts arises. According to one theory, the precipitation hypothesis, charge separation occurs as a result of precipitation. Larger droplets in a thundercloud precipitate downward past smaller suspended droplets. Collisions among droplets transfer negative charge to precipitating droplets, leaving the suspended droplets with a positive charge, thus producing a positive dipole in which the lower region of the thundercloud is filled with negatively charged raindrops and the upper with positively charged suspended droplets. | 1952.txt | 1 |
[
"Larger clouds are more likely than smaller clouds to be characterized by complete separation of positive and negative charges.",
"In smaller clouds lightning more often occurs within the cloud than between the cloud and the earth.",
"Large raindrops move more rapidly in small clouds than they do in large clouds.",
"In clouds of all sizes negative charges concentrate in the center of the clouds when the clouds become electrically charged"
] | Which of the following, if true, would most seriously undermine the precipitation hypothesis, as it is set forth in the passage? | Benjamin Franklin established that lightning is the transfer of positive or negative electrical charge between regions of a cloud or from cloud to earth. Such transfers require that electrically neutral clouds, with uniform charge distributions, become electrified by separation of charges into distinct regions. The greater this separation is, the greater the voltage, or electrical potential of the cloud. Scientists still do not now the precise distribution of charges in thunderclouds nor how separation adequate to support the huge voltages typical of lightning bolts arises. According to one theory, the precipitation hypothesis, charge separation occurs as a result of precipitation. Larger droplets in a thundercloud precipitate downward past smaller suspended droplets. Collisions among droplets transfer negative charge to precipitating droplets, leaving the suspended droplets with a positive charge, thus producing a positive dipole in which the lower region of the thundercloud is filled with negatively charged raindrops and the upper with positively charged suspended droplets. | 1952.txt | 3 |
[
"He thinks that the first Americans came from Clovis， N.M.",
"He agrees with the common idea that the first Americans came from Siberia.",
"He thinks that the first Americans came from Europe.",
"He thinks that it was people from Iberia who first invented the boat and came to America."
] | What does Stanford think of the origins of the first Americans? | For 30 years， Smithsonian Institution archeologist Dennis Stanford searched in vain for the origins of the first Americans. Every textbook described how mammoth-hunters from Siberia had migrated across the Bering land bridge about 12，000 years ago and had slowly wandered south and east until they filled the New World. In each of their settlements， this theory held， the original Americans left their calling cards： distinctively shaped spear points named after the site in Clovis， N.M.， where the stone tips were first unearthed. If this account was right， Stanford reasoned， then Siberia should be littered with similar points. But not a single Clovis point has turned up in Siberia. And now Stanford has a radical new proposal to explain why. Clovis people， he thinks， came from Europe--arriving 15，000 years before Columbus， and by boat. "They were from Iberia， not Siberia，" Stanford told startled colleagues at an archeology conference last month.
Debate over a European connection has dogged anthropology in recent months， though until now no one of Stanford's stature had stated it so un-equivocally and publicly. But the similarities between the oddly shaped stone points of Clovis and the European culture called Solutrean strongly suggest this conclusion， say Stanford and colleague Bruce Bradley. Moreover， tools recently found beneath Clovis-era layers at a dig in Cactus Hill， Va.--about where European itinerants could have first landed--also resemble Solutrean artifacts. The Solutrean theory poses similar questions to those raised by Kennewick Man， the 8，400-year-old skeleton found in Washington state in 1996 and initially called European by an anthropologist. A new federal study to help determine whether K-Man's remains should be turned over to local tribes just concluded that the body looked more Asian than European， though not Siberian. But it didn't match any modern Indian tribe， a finding that Indians see as the latest scheme to deny tribes the right to repatriate and rebury such remains.
Native Americans aren't the only ones dismayed by the Euro theory. Solutrean expert Lawrence Straus， an anthropology professor at the University of New Mexico， dismisses the resemblance between the spear points as an instance of two cultures' arriving at a similar idea independently. "This is a classic case of convergence，" says Straus. "And it's not even a tricky case." Moreover， Solutrean culture ended 17，000 years ago， at least 5，000 years before the first evidence of Clovis culture. And there is no evidence that Solutreans had the requisite boats to paddle across the North Atlantic.
Many scientists grumble that Stanford should publish his findings in peer-reviewed journals be-fore talking in public. Stanford promises to publish soon， but in the meantime， he says， "I'm trying to get people to think more broadly." No argument there. | 1080.txt | 2 |
[
"a tricky scheme",
"convincing enough",
"a cute trap",
"unreasonable"
] | We can learn from the text that Indian tribes regard the results of the federal study as _ . | For 30 years， Smithsonian Institution archeologist Dennis Stanford searched in vain for the origins of the first Americans. Every textbook described how mammoth-hunters from Siberia had migrated across the Bering land bridge about 12，000 years ago and had slowly wandered south and east until they filled the New World. In each of their settlements， this theory held， the original Americans left their calling cards： distinctively shaped spear points named after the site in Clovis， N.M.， where the stone tips were first unearthed. If this account was right， Stanford reasoned， then Siberia should be littered with similar points. But not a single Clovis point has turned up in Siberia. And now Stanford has a radical new proposal to explain why. Clovis people， he thinks， came from Europe--arriving 15，000 years before Columbus， and by boat. "They were from Iberia， not Siberia，" Stanford told startled colleagues at an archeology conference last month.
Debate over a European connection has dogged anthropology in recent months， though until now no one of Stanford's stature had stated it so un-equivocally and publicly. But the similarities between the oddly shaped stone points of Clovis and the European culture called Solutrean strongly suggest this conclusion， say Stanford and colleague Bruce Bradley. Moreover， tools recently found beneath Clovis-era layers at a dig in Cactus Hill， Va.--about where European itinerants could have first landed--also resemble Solutrean artifacts. The Solutrean theory poses similar questions to those raised by Kennewick Man， the 8，400-year-old skeleton found in Washington state in 1996 and initially called European by an anthropologist. A new federal study to help determine whether K-Man's remains should be turned over to local tribes just concluded that the body looked more Asian than European， though not Siberian. But it didn't match any modern Indian tribe， a finding that Indians see as the latest scheme to deny tribes the right to repatriate and rebury such remains.
Native Americans aren't the only ones dismayed by the Euro theory. Solutrean expert Lawrence Straus， an anthropology professor at the University of New Mexico， dismisses the resemblance between the spear points as an instance of two cultures' arriving at a similar idea independently. "This is a classic case of convergence，" says Straus. "And it's not even a tricky case." Moreover， Solutrean culture ended 17，000 years ago， at least 5，000 years before the first evidence of Clovis culture. And there is no evidence that Solutreans had the requisite boats to paddle across the North Atlantic.
Many scientists grumble that Stanford should publish his findings in peer-reviewed journals be-fore talking in public. Stanford promises to publish soon， but in the meantime， he says， "I'm trying to get people to think more broadly." No argument there. | 1080.txt | 0 |
[
"identical",
"similar",
"complementary",
"opposite"
] | The views of Lawrence Straus and Stanford are _ . | For 30 years， Smithsonian Institution archeologist Dennis Stanford searched in vain for the origins of the first Americans. Every textbook described how mammoth-hunters from Siberia had migrated across the Bering land bridge about 12，000 years ago and had slowly wandered south and east until they filled the New World. In each of their settlements， this theory held， the original Americans left their calling cards： distinctively shaped spear points named after the site in Clovis， N.M.， where the stone tips were first unearthed. If this account was right， Stanford reasoned， then Siberia should be littered with similar points. But not a single Clovis point has turned up in Siberia. And now Stanford has a radical new proposal to explain why. Clovis people， he thinks， came from Europe--arriving 15，000 years before Columbus， and by boat. "They were from Iberia， not Siberia，" Stanford told startled colleagues at an archeology conference last month.
Debate over a European connection has dogged anthropology in recent months， though until now no one of Stanford's stature had stated it so un-equivocally and publicly. But the similarities between the oddly shaped stone points of Clovis and the European culture called Solutrean strongly suggest this conclusion， say Stanford and colleague Bruce Bradley. Moreover， tools recently found beneath Clovis-era layers at a dig in Cactus Hill， Va.--about where European itinerants could have first landed--also resemble Solutrean artifacts. The Solutrean theory poses similar questions to those raised by Kennewick Man， the 8，400-year-old skeleton found in Washington state in 1996 and initially called European by an anthropologist. A new federal study to help determine whether K-Man's remains should be turned over to local tribes just concluded that the body looked more Asian than European， though not Siberian. But it didn't match any modern Indian tribe， a finding that Indians see as the latest scheme to deny tribes the right to repatriate and rebury such remains.
Native Americans aren't the only ones dismayed by the Euro theory. Solutrean expert Lawrence Straus， an anthropology professor at the University of New Mexico， dismisses the resemblance between the spear points as an instance of two cultures' arriving at a similar idea independently. "This is a classic case of convergence，" says Straus. "And it's not even a tricky case." Moreover， Solutrean culture ended 17，000 years ago， at least 5，000 years before the first evidence of Clovis culture. And there is no evidence that Solutreans had the requisite boats to paddle across the North Atlantic.
Many scientists grumble that Stanford should publish his findings in peer-reviewed journals be-fore talking in public. Stanford promises to publish soon， but in the meantime， he says， "I'm trying to get people to think more broadly." No argument there. | 1080.txt | 3 |
[
"show the products makers came from the same culture",
"do not show any connection between the two cultures",
"are not the products of the different inhabitants",
"show the resemblance of the two different cultures"
] | According to Lawrence Straus， the spear points _ . | For 30 years， Smithsonian Institution archeologist Dennis Stanford searched in vain for the origins of the first Americans. Every textbook described how mammoth-hunters from Siberia had migrated across the Bering land bridge about 12，000 years ago and had slowly wandered south and east until they filled the New World. In each of their settlements， this theory held， the original Americans left their calling cards： distinctively shaped spear points named after the site in Clovis， N.M.， where the stone tips were first unearthed. If this account was right， Stanford reasoned， then Siberia should be littered with similar points. But not a single Clovis point has turned up in Siberia. And now Stanford has a radical new proposal to explain why. Clovis people， he thinks， came from Europe--arriving 15，000 years before Columbus， and by boat. "They were from Iberia， not Siberia，" Stanford told startled colleagues at an archeology conference last month.
Debate over a European connection has dogged anthropology in recent months， though until now no one of Stanford's stature had stated it so un-equivocally and publicly. But the similarities between the oddly shaped stone points of Clovis and the European culture called Solutrean strongly suggest this conclusion， say Stanford and colleague Bruce Bradley. Moreover， tools recently found beneath Clovis-era layers at a dig in Cactus Hill， Va.--about where European itinerants could have first landed--also resemble Solutrean artifacts. The Solutrean theory poses similar questions to those raised by Kennewick Man， the 8，400-year-old skeleton found in Washington state in 1996 and initially called European by an anthropologist. A new federal study to help determine whether K-Man's remains should be turned over to local tribes just concluded that the body looked more Asian than European， though not Siberian. But it didn't match any modern Indian tribe， a finding that Indians see as the latest scheme to deny tribes the right to repatriate and rebury such remains.
Native Americans aren't the only ones dismayed by the Euro theory. Solutrean expert Lawrence Straus， an anthropology professor at the University of New Mexico， dismisses the resemblance between the spear points as an instance of two cultures' arriving at a similar idea independently. "This is a classic case of convergence，" says Straus. "And it's not even a tricky case." Moreover， Solutrean culture ended 17，000 years ago， at least 5，000 years before the first evidence of Clovis culture. And there is no evidence that Solutreans had the requisite boats to paddle across the North Atlantic.
Many scientists grumble that Stanford should publish his findings in peer-reviewed journals be-fore talking in public. Stanford promises to publish soon， but in the meantime， he says， "I'm trying to get people to think more broadly." No argument there. | 1080.txt | 1 |
[
"K-Man's remains helped to certify Stanford‘s assertion.",
"The first Americans came from Europe by boat.",
"Anthropologists fail to make such a certain statement as Stanford.",
"It was the Indian tribes‘ rights to rebury the K-Man's remains."
] | Which of the following statement is true? | For 30 years， Smithsonian Institution archeologist Dennis Stanford searched in vain for the origins of the first Americans. Every textbook described how mammoth-hunters from Siberia had migrated across the Bering land bridge about 12，000 years ago and had slowly wandered south and east until they filled the New World. In each of their settlements， this theory held， the original Americans left their calling cards： distinctively shaped spear points named after the site in Clovis， N.M.， where the stone tips were first unearthed. If this account was right， Stanford reasoned， then Siberia should be littered with similar points. But not a single Clovis point has turned up in Siberia. And now Stanford has a radical new proposal to explain why. Clovis people， he thinks， came from Europe--arriving 15，000 years before Columbus， and by boat. "They were from Iberia， not Siberia，" Stanford told startled colleagues at an archeology conference last month.
Debate over a European connection has dogged anthropology in recent months， though until now no one of Stanford's stature had stated it so un-equivocally and publicly. But the similarities between the oddly shaped stone points of Clovis and the European culture called Solutrean strongly suggest this conclusion， say Stanford and colleague Bruce Bradley. Moreover， tools recently found beneath Clovis-era layers at a dig in Cactus Hill， Va.--about where European itinerants could have first landed--also resemble Solutrean artifacts. The Solutrean theory poses similar questions to those raised by Kennewick Man， the 8，400-year-old skeleton found in Washington state in 1996 and initially called European by an anthropologist. A new federal study to help determine whether K-Man's remains should be turned over to local tribes just concluded that the body looked more Asian than European， though not Siberian. But it didn't match any modern Indian tribe， a finding that Indians see as the latest scheme to deny tribes the right to repatriate and rebury such remains.
Native Americans aren't the only ones dismayed by the Euro theory. Solutrean expert Lawrence Straus， an anthropology professor at the University of New Mexico， dismisses the resemblance between the spear points as an instance of two cultures' arriving at a similar idea independently. "This is a classic case of convergence，" says Straus. "And it's not even a tricky case." Moreover， Solutrean culture ended 17，000 years ago， at least 5，000 years before the first evidence of Clovis culture. And there is no evidence that Solutreans had the requisite boats to paddle across the North Atlantic.
Many scientists grumble that Stanford should publish his findings in peer-reviewed journals be-fore talking in public. Stanford promises to publish soon， but in the meantime， he says， "I'm trying to get people to think more broadly." No argument there. | 1080.txt | 2 |
[
"the function of I.Q. in cultivating a writer",
"the relationship between genius and success",
"the decisive factor in making a genius",
"the way of gaining some sense of distinction"
] | The passage mainly deals with. | The latest research suggests that the key factor separating geniuses from the merely accomplished is not I.Q., a generally bad predictor of success. Instead, it's purposeful practice. Top performers spend more hours practising their craft. It you wanted to picture how a typical genius might develop, you'd take a girl who possessed a slightly above average language ability. It wouldn't have to be a big talent, just enough so that she might gain some sense of distinction. Then you would want her to meet, say, a novelist, who coincidentally shared some similar qualities. Maybe the writer was from the same town, had the same family background, or shared the same birthday.
This contact would give the girl a vision of her future self. It would hive her some idea of a fascinating circle who might someday join. It would also help if one of her parents died when she was 12, giving her a strong sense of insecurity and fuelling a desperate need for success. Armed with this ambition, she would read novels and life stories of writers without end. This would give her a primary knowledge of her field. She's be able to see new writing in deeper ways and quickly understand its inner workings.
Then she would practise writing. Her practice would be slow, painstaking and error-focused. By practising in this way, he delays the automatizing process. Her mind wants to turn conscious, newly learned skills into unconscious. Automatically performed skills. By practising slowly, by breaking skills down into tiny parts and repeating, she forces the brain to internalize a better pattern of performance. Then she would find an adviser who would provide a constant stream of feedback, viewing her performance form the outside, correcting the smallest errors, pushing her to take on tougher challenges. By now she is redoing problems-how do I get characters into a room-dozens and dozens of times. She is establishing habits of thought she can call upon in order to understand or solve future problems.
The primary quality our young writer possesses is not some mysterious genius. It's the ability to develop a purposeful, laborious and boring practice routine; the latest research takes some of the magic out of great achievement. But it underlines a fact that is often neglected. Public discussion is affected by genetics and what we're "hard-wired" to do. And it's true that genes play a role in our capabilities. But the brain is also very plastic. We construct ourselves through behaviour. | 3545.txt | 2 |
[
"come to understand the inner structure of writing",
"join a fascinating circle of writers someday",
"share with a novelist her likes and dislikes",
"learn from the living examples to establish a sense of security"
] | By reading novels and writers' stories, the girl could. | The latest research suggests that the key factor separating geniuses from the merely accomplished is not I.Q., a generally bad predictor of success. Instead, it's purposeful practice. Top performers spend more hours practising their craft. It you wanted to picture how a typical genius might develop, you'd take a girl who possessed a slightly above average language ability. It wouldn't have to be a big talent, just enough so that she might gain some sense of distinction. Then you would want her to meet, say, a novelist, who coincidentally shared some similar qualities. Maybe the writer was from the same town, had the same family background, or shared the same birthday.
This contact would give the girl a vision of her future self. It would hive her some idea of a fascinating circle who might someday join. It would also help if one of her parents died when she was 12, giving her a strong sense of insecurity and fuelling a desperate need for success. Armed with this ambition, she would read novels and life stories of writers without end. This would give her a primary knowledge of her field. She's be able to see new writing in deeper ways and quickly understand its inner workings.
Then she would practise writing. Her practice would be slow, painstaking and error-focused. By practising in this way, he delays the automatizing process. Her mind wants to turn conscious, newly learned skills into unconscious. Automatically performed skills. By practising slowly, by breaking skills down into tiny parts and repeating, she forces the brain to internalize a better pattern of performance. Then she would find an adviser who would provide a constant stream of feedback, viewing her performance form the outside, correcting the smallest errors, pushing her to take on tougher challenges. By now she is redoing problems-how do I get characters into a room-dozens and dozens of times. She is establishing habits of thought she can call upon in order to understand or solve future problems.
The primary quality our young writer possesses is not some mysterious genius. It's the ability to develop a purposeful, laborious and boring practice routine; the latest research takes some of the magic out of great achievement. But it underlines a fact that is often neglected. Public discussion is affected by genetics and what we're "hard-wired" to do. And it's true that genes play a role in our capabilities. But the brain is also very plastic. We construct ourselves through behaviour. | 3545.txt | 0 |
[
"her adviser forms a primary challenging force to her success.",
"her writing turns into an automatic pattern of performance",
"she acquires the magic of some great achievement",
"she comes to realize she is \"hard-wired\" to write"
] | In the girl's long painstaking training process, _ . | The latest research suggests that the key factor separating geniuses from the merely accomplished is not I.Q., a generally bad predictor of success. Instead, it's purposeful practice. Top performers spend more hours practising their craft. It you wanted to picture how a typical genius might develop, you'd take a girl who possessed a slightly above average language ability. It wouldn't have to be a big talent, just enough so that she might gain some sense of distinction. Then you would want her to meet, say, a novelist, who coincidentally shared some similar qualities. Maybe the writer was from the same town, had the same family background, or shared the same birthday.
This contact would give the girl a vision of her future self. It would hive her some idea of a fascinating circle who might someday join. It would also help if one of her parents died when she was 12, giving her a strong sense of insecurity and fuelling a desperate need for success. Armed with this ambition, she would read novels and life stories of writers without end. This would give her a primary knowledge of her field. She's be able to see new writing in deeper ways and quickly understand its inner workings.
Then she would practise writing. Her practice would be slow, painstaking and error-focused. By practising in this way, he delays the automatizing process. Her mind wants to turn conscious, newly learned skills into unconscious. Automatically performed skills. By practising slowly, by breaking skills down into tiny parts and repeating, she forces the brain to internalize a better pattern of performance. Then she would find an adviser who would provide a constant stream of feedback, viewing her performance form the outside, correcting the smallest errors, pushing her to take on tougher challenges. By now she is redoing problems-how do I get characters into a room-dozens and dozens of times. She is establishing habits of thought she can call upon in order to understand or solve future problems.
The primary quality our young writer possesses is not some mysterious genius. It's the ability to develop a purposeful, laborious and boring practice routine; the latest research takes some of the magic out of great achievement. But it underlines a fact that is often neglected. Public discussion is affected by genetics and what we're "hard-wired" to do. And it's true that genes play a role in our capabilities. But the brain is also very plastic. We construct ourselves through behaviour. | 3545.txt | 1 |
[
"A fuelling ambition plays a leading role in one's success",
"A responsible adviser is more important than the knowledge of writing.",
"As to the growth of a genius, I.Q. Doesn't matter, but just his|her effort.",
"What really matters is what you do rather than who you are."
] | What can be concluded from the passage? | The latest research suggests that the key factor separating geniuses from the merely accomplished is not I.Q., a generally bad predictor of success. Instead, it's purposeful practice. Top performers spend more hours practising their craft. It you wanted to picture how a typical genius might develop, you'd take a girl who possessed a slightly above average language ability. It wouldn't have to be a big talent, just enough so that she might gain some sense of distinction. Then you would want her to meet, say, a novelist, who coincidentally shared some similar qualities. Maybe the writer was from the same town, had the same family background, or shared the same birthday.
This contact would give the girl a vision of her future self. It would hive her some idea of a fascinating circle who might someday join. It would also help if one of her parents died when she was 12, giving her a strong sense of insecurity and fuelling a desperate need for success. Armed with this ambition, she would read novels and life stories of writers without end. This would give her a primary knowledge of her field. She's be able to see new writing in deeper ways and quickly understand its inner workings.
Then she would practise writing. Her practice would be slow, painstaking and error-focused. By practising in this way, he delays the automatizing process. Her mind wants to turn conscious, newly learned skills into unconscious. Automatically performed skills. By practising slowly, by breaking skills down into tiny parts and repeating, she forces the brain to internalize a better pattern of performance. Then she would find an adviser who would provide a constant stream of feedback, viewing her performance form the outside, correcting the smallest errors, pushing her to take on tougher challenges. By now she is redoing problems-how do I get characters into a room-dozens and dozens of times. She is establishing habits of thought she can call upon in order to understand or solve future problems.
The primary quality our young writer possesses is not some mysterious genius. It's the ability to develop a purposeful, laborious and boring practice routine; the latest research takes some of the magic out of great achievement. But it underlines a fact that is often neglected. Public discussion is affected by genetics and what we're "hard-wired" to do. And it's true that genes play a role in our capabilities. But the brain is also very plastic. We construct ourselves through behaviour. | 3545.txt | 3 |
[
"overcome deficiencies in current geologic hypotheses",
"clarify theories concerning the Earth's gravitational forces",
"complement the theory of continental drift",
"accommodate relevant theories from the field of physics"
] | The passage indicates that one reason why the expansion hypothesis has attracted little support is that it will not | The hypothesis of an expanding Earth has never attracted notable support, and if it were not for the historical example of continental drift, such indifference might be a legitimate response to an apparently improbable concept. It should be remembered, however, that drift too was once regarded as illusory, but the idea was kept alive until evidence from physicists compelled geologists to reinterpret their date.
Of course, it would be as dangerous to overreact to history by concluding that the majority must now be wrong about expansion as it would be to reenact the response that greeted the suggestion that the continents had drifted. The cases are not precisely analogous, There were serious problems with the pre-drift world view that a drift theory could help to resolve, whereas Earth expansion appears to offer no comparable advantages. If, however, physicists could show that the Earth's gravitational force has decreased with time, expansion would have to be reconsidered and accommodated. | 1958.txt | 0 |
[
"physicists are reluctant to communicate with other scientists",
"improbable hypotheses usually turn out to be valid",
"there should be cooperation between different fields of science",
"there is a need for governmental control of scientific research"
] | The final acceptance of a drift theory could best be used to support the argument that | The hypothesis of an expanding Earth has never attracted notable support, and if it were not for the historical example of continental drift, such indifference might be a legitimate response to an apparently improbable concept. It should be remembered, however, that drift too was once regarded as illusory, but the idea was kept alive until evidence from physicists compelled geologists to reinterpret their date.
Of course, it would be as dangerous to overreact to history by concluding that the majority must now be wrong about expansion as it would be to reenact the response that greeted the suggestion that the continents had drifted. The cases are not precisely analogous, There were serious problems with the pre-drift world view that a drift theory could help to resolve, whereas Earth expansion appears to offer no comparable advantages. If, however, physicists could show that the Earth's gravitational force has decreased with time, expansion would have to be reconsidered and accommodated. | 1958.txt | 2 |
[
"relying on incomplete measurements",
"introducing irrelevant information",
"rejecting corroborative evidence",
"making unwarranted comparisons"
] | In developing his argument, the author warns against | The hypothesis of an expanding Earth has never attracted notable support, and if it were not for the historical example of continental drift, such indifference might be a legitimate response to an apparently improbable concept. It should be remembered, however, that drift too was once regarded as illusory, but the idea was kept alive until evidence from physicists compelled geologists to reinterpret their date.
Of course, it would be as dangerous to overreact to history by concluding that the majority must now be wrong about expansion as it would be to reenact the response that greeted the suggestion that the continents had drifted. The cases are not precisely analogous, There were serious problems with the pre-drift world view that a drift theory could help to resolve, whereas Earth expansion appears to offer no comparable advantages. If, however, physicists could show that the Earth's gravitational force has decreased with time, expansion would have to be reconsidered and accommodated. | 1958.txt | 3 |
[
"representative of the geologic age of the Earth",
"analogous to the movement of land masses",
"similar to optical phenomena such as mirages",
"proportional to the size of the Earth"
] | It can be deduced from the passage that the gravitation force at a point on the Earth's surface is | The hypothesis of an expanding Earth has never attracted notable support, and if it were not for the historical example of continental drift, such indifference might be a legitimate response to an apparently improbable concept. It should be remembered, however, that drift too was once regarded as illusory, but the idea was kept alive until evidence from physicists compelled geologists to reinterpret their date.
Of course, it would be as dangerous to overreact to history by concluding that the majority must now be wrong about expansion as it would be to reenact the response that greeted the suggestion that the continents had drifted. The cases are not precisely analogous, There were serious problems with the pre-drift world view that a drift theory could help to resolve, whereas Earth expansion appears to offer no comparable advantages. If, however, physicists could show that the Earth's gravitational force has decreased with time, expansion would have to be reconsidered and accommodated. | 1958.txt | 3 |
[
"Spero can hardly maintain her business",
"Spero is too much engaged in her work",
"Spero has grown out of her bad habit",
"Spero is not in a desperate situation"
] | By "Ellen Spero isn't biting her nails just yet" (line 1, paragraph 1), the author means________. | When it comes to the slowing economy, Ellen Spero isn't biting her nails just yet. But the47-year-old manicurist isn't cutting, filling or polishing as many nails as she'd like to, either.Most of her clients spend $12 to $50 weekly, but last month two longtime customers suddenlystopped showing up. Spero blames the softening economy. "I'm a good economic indicator,"she says, "I provide a service that people can do without when they're concerned about savingsome dollars." So Spero is downscaling, shopping at middle-brow Dillard's department storenear her suburban Cleveland home, instead of Neiman Marcus. "I don't know if other clientsare going to abandon me, too," she says.
Even before Alan Greenspan's admission that America's red-hot economy is cooling, lotsof working folks had already seen signs of the slowdown themselves. From car dealerships toGap outlets, sales have been lagging for months as shoppers temper their spending. Forretailers, who last year took in 24 percent of their revenue between Thanksgiving andChristmas, the cautious approach is coming at a crucial time. Already, experts say, holidaysales are off 7 percent from last year's pace. But don't sound any alarms just yet. Consumersseem only concerned, not panicked, and many say they remain optimistic about the economy'slong-term prospects even as they do some modest belt-tightening.
Consumers say they're not in despair because, despite the dreadful headlines, their ownfortunes still feel pretty good. Home prices are holding steady in most regions. In Manhattan,"there's a new gold rush happening in the $4 million to $10 million range, predominantly fedby Wall Street bonuses," says broker Barbara Corcoran. In San Francisco, prices are stillrising even as frenzied overbidding quiets. "Instead of 20 to 30 offers, now maybe you only get two or three," says John Tealdi, a Bay Area real-estate broker. And most folks still feelpretty comfortable about their ability to find and keep a job.
Many folks see silver linings to this slowdown. Potential home buyers would cheer forlower interest rates. Employers wouldn't mind a little fewer bubbles in the job market. Manyconsumers seem to have been influenced by stock-market swings, which investors now viewas a necessary ingredient to a sustained boom. Diners might see an upside, too. Getting a tableat Manhattan's hot new Alain Ducasse restaurant need to be impossible. Not anymore. Forthat, Greenspan & Co. may still be worth toasting. | 540.txt | 3 |
[
"Optimistic.",
"Confused.",
"Carefree.",
"Panicked."
] | How do the public feel about the current economic situation? | When it comes to the slowing economy, Ellen Spero isn't biting her nails just yet. But the47-year-old manicurist isn't cutting, filling or polishing as many nails as she'd like to, either.Most of her clients spend $12 to $50 weekly, but last month two longtime customers suddenlystopped showing up. Spero blames the softening economy. "I'm a good economic indicator,"she says, "I provide a service that people can do without when they're concerned about savingsome dollars." So Spero is downscaling, shopping at middle-brow Dillard's department storenear her suburban Cleveland home, instead of Neiman Marcus. "I don't know if other clientsare going to abandon me, too," she says.
Even before Alan Greenspan's admission that America's red-hot economy is cooling, lotsof working folks had already seen signs of the slowdown themselves. From car dealerships toGap outlets, sales have been lagging for months as shoppers temper their spending. Forretailers, who last year took in 24 percent of their revenue between Thanksgiving andChristmas, the cautious approach is coming at a crucial time. Already, experts say, holidaysales are off 7 percent from last year's pace. But don't sound any alarms just yet. Consumersseem only concerned, not panicked, and many say they remain optimistic about the economy'slong-term prospects even as they do some modest belt-tightening.
Consumers say they're not in despair because, despite the dreadful headlines, their ownfortunes still feel pretty good. Home prices are holding steady in most regions. In Manhattan,"there's a new gold rush happening in the $4 million to $10 million range, predominantly fedby Wall Street bonuses," says broker Barbara Corcoran. In San Francisco, prices are stillrising even as frenzied overbidding quiets. "Instead of 20 to 30 offers, now maybe you only get two or three," says John Tealdi, a Bay Area real-estate broker. And most folks still feelpretty comfortable about their ability to find and keep a job.
Many folks see silver linings to this slowdown. Potential home buyers would cheer forlower interest rates. Employers wouldn't mind a little fewer bubbles in the job market. Manyconsumers seem to have been influenced by stock-market swings, which investors now viewas a necessary ingredient to a sustained boom. Diners might see an upside, too. Getting a tableat Manhattan's hot new Alain Ducasse restaurant need to be impossible. Not anymore. Forthat, Greenspan & Co. may still be worth toasting. | 540.txt | 0 |
[
"gold market",
"real estate",
"stock exchange",
"venture investment"
] | When mentioning "the $4 million to $10 million range" (lines 2~3, paragraph 3) the author is talking about ________. | When it comes to the slowing economy, Ellen Spero isn't biting her nails just yet. But the47-year-old manicurist isn't cutting, filling or polishing as many nails as she'd like to, either.Most of her clients spend $12 to $50 weekly, but last month two longtime customers suddenlystopped showing up. Spero blames the softening economy. "I'm a good economic indicator,"she says, "I provide a service that people can do without when they're concerned about savingsome dollars." So Spero is downscaling, shopping at middle-brow Dillard's department storenear her suburban Cleveland home, instead of Neiman Marcus. "I don't know if other clientsare going to abandon me, too," she says.
Even before Alan Greenspan's admission that America's red-hot economy is cooling, lotsof working folks had already seen signs of the slowdown themselves. From car dealerships toGap outlets, sales have been lagging for months as shoppers temper their spending. Forretailers, who last year took in 24 percent of their revenue between Thanksgiving andChristmas, the cautious approach is coming at a crucial time. Already, experts say, holidaysales are off 7 percent from last year's pace. But don't sound any alarms just yet. Consumersseem only concerned, not panicked, and many say they remain optimistic about the economy'slong-term prospects even as they do some modest belt-tightening.
Consumers say they're not in despair because, despite the dreadful headlines, their ownfortunes still feel pretty good. Home prices are holding steady in most regions. In Manhattan,"there's a new gold rush happening in the $4 million to $10 million range, predominantly fedby Wall Street bonuses," says broker Barbara Corcoran. In San Francisco, prices are stillrising even as frenzied overbidding quiets. "Instead of 20 to 30 offers, now maybe you only get two or three," says John Tealdi, a Bay Area real-estate broker. And most folks still feelpretty comfortable about their ability to find and keep a job.
Many folks see silver linings to this slowdown. Potential home buyers would cheer forlower interest rates. Employers wouldn't mind a little fewer bubbles in the job market. Manyconsumers seem to have been influenced by stock-market swings, which investors now viewas a necessary ingredient to a sustained boom. Diners might see an upside, too. Getting a tableat Manhattan's hot new Alain Ducasse restaurant need to be impossible. Not anymore. Forthat, Greenspan & Co. may still be worth toasting. | 540.txt | 1 |
[
"They would benefit in certain ways.",
"The stock market shows signs of recovery.",
"Such a slowdown usually precedes a boom.",
"The purchasing power would be enhanced."
] | Why can many people see "silver linings" to the economic showdown? | When it comes to the slowing economy, Ellen Spero isn't biting her nails just yet. But the47-year-old manicurist isn't cutting, filling or polishing as many nails as she'd like to, either.Most of her clients spend $12 to $50 weekly, but last month two longtime customers suddenlystopped showing up. Spero blames the softening economy. "I'm a good economic indicator,"she says, "I provide a service that people can do without when they're concerned about savingsome dollars." So Spero is downscaling, shopping at middle-brow Dillard's department storenear her suburban Cleveland home, instead of Neiman Marcus. "I don't know if other clientsare going to abandon me, too," she says.
Even before Alan Greenspan's admission that America's red-hot economy is cooling, lotsof working folks had already seen signs of the slowdown themselves. From car dealerships toGap outlets, sales have been lagging for months as shoppers temper their spending. Forretailers, who last year took in 24 percent of their revenue between Thanksgiving andChristmas, the cautious approach is coming at a crucial time. Already, experts say, holidaysales are off 7 percent from last year's pace. But don't sound any alarms just yet. Consumersseem only concerned, not panicked, and many say they remain optimistic about the economy'slong-term prospects even as they do some modest belt-tightening.
Consumers say they're not in despair because, despite the dreadful headlines, their ownfortunes still feel pretty good. Home prices are holding steady in most regions. In Manhattan,"there's a new gold rush happening in the $4 million to $10 million range, predominantly fedby Wall Street bonuses," says broker Barbara Corcoran. In San Francisco, prices are stillrising even as frenzied overbidding quiets. "Instead of 20 to 30 offers, now maybe you only get two or three," says John Tealdi, a Bay Area real-estate broker. And most folks still feelpretty comfortable about their ability to find and keep a job.
Many folks see silver linings to this slowdown. Potential home buyers would cheer forlower interest rates. Employers wouldn't mind a little fewer bubbles in the job market. Manyconsumers seem to have been influenced by stock-market swings, which investors now viewas a necessary ingredient to a sustained boom. Diners might see an upside, too. Getting a tableat Manhattan's hot new Alain Ducasse restaurant need to be impossible. Not anymore. Forthat, Greenspan & Co. may still be worth toasting. | 540.txt | 0 |
[
"A new boom, on the horizon.",
"Tighten the belt, the single remedy.",
"Caution all right, panic not.",
"The more ventures, the more chances."
] | To which of the following is the author likely to agree? | When it comes to the slowing economy, Ellen Spero isn't biting her nails just yet. But the47-year-old manicurist isn't cutting, filling or polishing as many nails as she'd like to, either.Most of her clients spend $12 to $50 weekly, but last month two longtime customers suddenlystopped showing up. Spero blames the softening economy. "I'm a good economic indicator,"she says, "I provide a service that people can do without when they're concerned about savingsome dollars." So Spero is downscaling, shopping at middle-brow Dillard's department storenear her suburban Cleveland home, instead of Neiman Marcus. "I don't know if other clientsare going to abandon me, too," she says.
Even before Alan Greenspan's admission that America's red-hot economy is cooling, lotsof working folks had already seen signs of the slowdown themselves. From car dealerships toGap outlets, sales have been lagging for months as shoppers temper their spending. Forretailers, who last year took in 24 percent of their revenue between Thanksgiving andChristmas, the cautious approach is coming at a crucial time. Already, experts say, holidaysales are off 7 percent from last year's pace. But don't sound any alarms just yet. Consumersseem only concerned, not panicked, and many say they remain optimistic about the economy'slong-term prospects even as they do some modest belt-tightening.
Consumers say they're not in despair because, despite the dreadful headlines, their ownfortunes still feel pretty good. Home prices are holding steady in most regions. In Manhattan,"there's a new gold rush happening in the $4 million to $10 million range, predominantly fedby Wall Street bonuses," says broker Barbara Corcoran. In San Francisco, prices are stillrising even as frenzied overbidding quiets. "Instead of 20 to 30 offers, now maybe you only get two or three," says John Tealdi, a Bay Area real-estate broker. And most folks still feelpretty comfortable about their ability to find and keep a job.
Many folks see silver linings to this slowdown. Potential home buyers would cheer forlower interest rates. Employers wouldn't mind a little fewer bubbles in the job market. Manyconsumers seem to have been influenced by stock-market swings, which investors now viewas a necessary ingredient to a sustained boom. Diners might see an upside, too. Getting a tableat Manhattan's hot new Alain Ducasse restaurant need to be impossible. Not anymore. Forthat, Greenspan & Co. may still be worth toasting. | 540.txt | 2 |
[
"Because she received a degree in mathematics.",
"Because she contributed to saving the wounded.",
"Because she won the Nobel Prize with Frederic.",
"Because she worked as a helper to her mother."
] | Why was Irene Curie awarded a Military Medal? | Most people know that Marie Curie was the first woman to win the Nobel Prize, and the first person to win it twice. However, few people know that she was also the mother of a Nobel Prize winner.
Born in September, 1897, Irene Curie was the first of the Curies' two daughters. Along with nice other children whose parents were also famous scholars, Irene studied in their own school, and her mother was one of the teachers. She finished her high school education at the College of Sévigné in Paris.
Irene entered the University of Paris in 1914 to prepare for a degree in mathematics and physics. When World War I began, Irene went to help her mother, who was using X??ray facilities to help save the lives of wounded soldiers. Irene continued the work by developing X??ray facilities in military hospitals in France and Belgium. Her services were recognised in the form of a Military Medal by the French government.
In 1918, Irene became her mother's assistant at the Curie Institute. In December 1924, Frederic Joliot joined the Institute, and Irene taught him the techniques required for his work. They soon fell in love and were married in 1926. Their daughter Helene was born in 1927 and their son Pierre five years later.
Like her mother, Irene combined family and career. Like her mother, Irene was awarded a Nobel Prize, along with her husband, in 1935. Unfortunately, also like her mother, she developed leukemia because of her work with radioactivity . Irene Joliot??Curie died from leukemia on March 17,1956. | 3062.txt | 1 |
[
"At the Curie Institute.",
"At the University of Paris.",
"At a military hospital.",
"At the College of Sévigné."
] | Where did Irene Curie meet her husband Frederic Joliot? | Most people know that Marie Curie was the first woman to win the Nobel Prize, and the first person to win it twice. However, few people know that she was also the mother of a Nobel Prize winner.
Born in September, 1897, Irene Curie was the first of the Curies' two daughters. Along with nice other children whose parents were also famous scholars, Irene studied in their own school, and her mother was one of the teachers. She finished her high school education at the College of Sévigné in Paris.
Irene entered the University of Paris in 1914 to prepare for a degree in mathematics and physics. When World War I began, Irene went to help her mother, who was using X??ray facilities to help save the lives of wounded soldiers. Irene continued the work by developing X??ray facilities in military hospitals in France and Belgium. Her services were recognised in the form of a Military Medal by the French government.
In 1918, Irene became her mother's assistant at the Curie Institute. In December 1924, Frederic Joliot joined the Institute, and Irene taught him the techniques required for his work. They soon fell in love and were married in 1926. Their daughter Helene was born in 1927 and their son Pierre five years later.
Like her mother, Irene combined family and career. Like her mother, Irene was awarded a Nobel Prize, along with her husband, in 1935. Unfortunately, also like her mother, she developed leukemia because of her work with radioactivity . Irene Joliot??Curie died from leukemia on March 17,1956. | 3062.txt | 0 |
[
"In 1932.",
"In 1927.",
"In 1897.",
"In 1926."
] | When was the second child of Irene Curie and Frederic Joliot born? | Most people know that Marie Curie was the first woman to win the Nobel Prize, and the first person to win it twice. However, few people know that she was also the mother of a Nobel Prize winner.
Born in September, 1897, Irene Curie was the first of the Curies' two daughters. Along with nice other children whose parents were also famous scholars, Irene studied in their own school, and her mother was one of the teachers. She finished her high school education at the College of Sévigné in Paris.
Irene entered the University of Paris in 1914 to prepare for a degree in mathematics and physics. When World War I began, Irene went to help her mother, who was using X??ray facilities to help save the lives of wounded soldiers. Irene continued the work by developing X??ray facilities in military hospitals in France and Belgium. Her services were recognised in the form of a Military Medal by the French government.
In 1918, Irene became her mother's assistant at the Curie Institute. In December 1924, Frederic Joliot joined the Institute, and Irene taught him the techniques required for his work. They soon fell in love and were married in 1926. Their daughter Helene was born in 1927 and their son Pierre five years later.
Like her mother, Irene combined family and career. Like her mother, Irene was awarded a Nobel Prize, along with her husband, in 1935. Unfortunately, also like her mother, she developed leukemia because of her work with radioactivity . Irene Joliot??Curie died from leukemia on March 17,1956. | 3062.txt | 0 |
[
"Irene worked with radioactivity.",
"Irene combined family and career.",
"Irene won the Nobel Prize once.",
"Irene died from leukemia."
] | In which of the following aspects was Irene Curie different from her mother? | Most people know that Marie Curie was the first woman to win the Nobel Prize, and the first person to win it twice. However, few people know that she was also the mother of a Nobel Prize winner.
Born in September, 1897, Irene Curie was the first of the Curies' two daughters. Along with nice other children whose parents were also famous scholars, Irene studied in their own school, and her mother was one of the teachers. She finished her high school education at the College of Sévigné in Paris.
Irene entered the University of Paris in 1914 to prepare for a degree in mathematics and physics. When World War I began, Irene went to help her mother, who was using X??ray facilities to help save the lives of wounded soldiers. Irene continued the work by developing X??ray facilities in military hospitals in France and Belgium. Her services were recognised in the form of a Military Medal by the French government.
In 1918, Irene became her mother's assistant at the Curie Institute. In December 1924, Frederic Joliot joined the Institute, and Irene taught him the techniques required for his work. They soon fell in love and were married in 1926. Their daughter Helene was born in 1927 and their son Pierre five years later.
Like her mother, Irene combined family and career. Like her mother, Irene was awarded a Nobel Prize, along with her husband, in 1935. Unfortunately, also like her mother, she developed leukemia because of her work with radioactivity . Irene Joliot??Curie died from leukemia on March 17,1956. | 3062.txt | 2 |
[
"They are culture－related.",
"They affect people's health.",
"They change with the seasons.",
"They vary from person to person."
] | What does the author say about people's sleeping habits? | Everybody sleeps, but what people stay up late to catch－or wake up early in order not to miss－varies by culture. From data collected, it seems the things that cause us to lose the most sleep, on average, are sporting events, time changes, and holidays.
Around the world, people changed sleep patterns thanks to the start or end of daylight savings time. Russians, for example, began to wake up about a half-hour later each day after President Vladimir Putin shifted the country permanently to "winter time" starting on October 26.Russia's other late nights and early mornings generally correspond to public holidays. On New Year's Eve, Russians have the world's latest bedtime, hitting the hay at around 3:30 am. Russians also get up an hour later on International Women's Day, the day for treating and celebrating female relatives. Similarly, Americans' late nights, late mornings, and longest sleeps fall on three－day weekends. Canada got the least sleep of the year the night it beat Sweden in the Olympic hockey (. final.The World Cup is also chiefly responsible for sleep deprivation . The worst night for sleep in the U. K. was the night of the England-Italy match on June 14. Brits stayed up a half－hour later to watch it, and then they woke up earlier than usual the next morning thanks to summer nights, the phenomenon in which the sun barely sets in northern countries in the summertime. That was nothing, though, compared to Germans, Italians, and the French, who stayed up around an hour and a haft later on various days throughout the summer to watch the Cup.
It should be made clear that not everyone has a device to record their sleep patterns; in some of these nations, it's likely that only the richest people do. And people who elect to track their sleep may try to get more sleep than the average person. Even if that's the case, though, the above findings are still striking. If the most health-conscious among us have such deep swings in our shut-eye levels throughout the year, how much sleeg are the rest of us losing? | 2229.txt | 0 |
[
"They don't fall asleep until very late.",
"They don't sleep much on weekends.",
"They get less sleep on public holidays.",
"They sleep longer than people elsewhere."
] | What do we learn about the Russians regarding sleep? | Everybody sleeps, but what people stay up late to catch－or wake up early in order not to miss－varies by culture. From data collected, it seems the things that cause us to lose the most sleep, on average, are sporting events, time changes, and holidays.
Around the world, people changed sleep patterns thanks to the start or end of daylight savings time. Russians, for example, began to wake up about a half-hour later each day after President Vladimir Putin shifted the country permanently to "winter time" starting on October 26.Russia's other late nights and early mornings generally correspond to public holidays. On New Year's Eve, Russians have the world's latest bedtime, hitting the hay at around 3:30 am. Russians also get up an hour later on International Women's Day, the day for treating and celebrating female relatives. Similarly, Americans' late nights, late mornings, and longest sleeps fall on three－day weekends. Canada got the least sleep of the year the night it beat Sweden in the Olympic hockey (. final.The World Cup is also chiefly responsible for sleep deprivation . The worst night for sleep in the U. K. was the night of the England-Italy match on June 14. Brits stayed up a half－hour later to watch it, and then they woke up earlier than usual the next morning thanks to summer nights, the phenomenon in which the sun barely sets in northern countries in the summertime. That was nothing, though, compared to Germans, Italians, and the French, who stayed up around an hour and a haft later on various days throughout the summer to watch the Cup.
It should be made clear that not everyone has a device to record their sleep patterns; in some of these nations, it's likely that only the richest people do. And people who elect to track their sleep may try to get more sleep than the average person. Even if that's the case, though, the above findings are still striking. If the most health-conscious among us have such deep swings in our shut-eye levels throughout the year, how much sleeg are the rest of us losing? | 2229.txt | 2 |
[
"The daylight savings time.",
"The colorful night life.",
"The World Cup.",
"The summertime."
] | what is the major cause for Europeans' loss of sleep? | Everybody sleeps, but what people stay up late to catch－or wake up early in order not to miss－varies by culture. From data collected, it seems the things that cause us to lose the most sleep, on average, are sporting events, time changes, and holidays.
Around the world, people changed sleep patterns thanks to the start or end of daylight savings time. Russians, for example, began to wake up about a half-hour later each day after President Vladimir Putin shifted the country permanently to "winter time" starting on October 26.Russia's other late nights and early mornings generally correspond to public holidays. On New Year's Eve, Russians have the world's latest bedtime, hitting the hay at around 3:30 am. Russians also get up an hour later on International Women's Day, the day for treating and celebrating female relatives. Similarly, Americans' late nights, late mornings, and longest sleeps fall on three－day weekends. Canada got the least sleep of the year the night it beat Sweden in the Olympic hockey (. final.The World Cup is also chiefly responsible for sleep deprivation . The worst night for sleep in the U. K. was the night of the England-Italy match on June 14. Brits stayed up a half－hour later to watch it, and then they woke up earlier than usual the next morning thanks to summer nights, the phenomenon in which the sun barely sets in northern countries in the summertime. That was nothing, though, compared to Germans, Italians, and the French, who stayed up around an hour and a haft later on various days throughout the summer to watch the Cup.
It should be made clear that not everyone has a device to record their sleep patterns; in some of these nations, it's likely that only the richest people do. And people who elect to track their sleep may try to get more sleep than the average person. Even if that's the case, though, the above findings are still striking. If the most health-conscious among us have such deep swings in our shut-eye levels throughout the year, how much sleeg are the rest of us losing? | 2229.txt | 2 |
[
"They have trouble falling asleep.",
"They want to get sufficient sleep.",
"They are involved in a sleep research.",
"They want to go to bed on regular hours."
] | what is the most probable reason for some rich people to use a device to record their sleeppatterns? | Everybody sleeps, but what people stay up late to catch－or wake up early in order not to miss－varies by culture. From data collected, it seems the things that cause us to lose the most sleep, on average, are sporting events, time changes, and holidays.
Around the world, people changed sleep patterns thanks to the start or end of daylight savings time. Russians, for example, began to wake up about a half-hour later each day after President Vladimir Putin shifted the country permanently to "winter time" starting on October 26.Russia's other late nights and early mornings generally correspond to public holidays. On New Year's Eve, Russians have the world's latest bedtime, hitting the hay at around 3:30 am. Russians also get up an hour later on International Women's Day, the day for treating and celebrating female relatives. Similarly, Americans' late nights, late mornings, and longest sleeps fall on three－day weekends. Canada got the least sleep of the year the night it beat Sweden in the Olympic hockey (. final.The World Cup is also chiefly responsible for sleep deprivation . The worst night for sleep in the U. K. was the night of the England-Italy match on June 14. Brits stayed up a half－hour later to watch it, and then they woke up earlier than usual the next morning thanks to summer nights, the phenomenon in which the sun barely sets in northern countries in the summertime. That was nothing, though, compared to Germans, Italians, and the French, who stayed up around an hour and a haft later on various days throughout the summer to watch the Cup.
It should be made clear that not everyone has a device to record their sleep patterns; in some of these nations, it's likely that only the richest people do. And people who elect to track their sleep may try to get more sleep than the average person. Even if that's the case, though, the above findings are still striking. If the most health-conscious among us have such deep swings in our shut-eye levels throughout the year, how much sleeg are the rest of us losing? | 2229.txt | 1 |
[
"Sleeplessness does harm to people's health.",
"Few people really know the importance of sleep.",
"It is important to study our sleep patterns.",
"Average people probably sleep less than the rich."
] | what does the author imply in the last paragraph? | Everybody sleeps, but what people stay up late to catch－or wake up early in order not to miss－varies by culture. From data collected, it seems the things that cause us to lose the most sleep, on average, are sporting events, time changes, and holidays.
Around the world, people changed sleep patterns thanks to the start or end of daylight savings time. Russians, for example, began to wake up about a half-hour later each day after President Vladimir Putin shifted the country permanently to "winter time" starting on October 26.Russia's other late nights and early mornings generally correspond to public holidays. On New Year's Eve, Russians have the world's latest bedtime, hitting the hay at around 3:30 am. Russians also get up an hour later on International Women's Day, the day for treating and celebrating female relatives. Similarly, Americans' late nights, late mornings, and longest sleeps fall on three－day weekends. Canada got the least sleep of the year the night it beat Sweden in the Olympic hockey (. final.The World Cup is also chiefly responsible for sleep deprivation . The worst night for sleep in the U. K. was the night of the England-Italy match on June 14. Brits stayed up a half－hour later to watch it, and then they woke up earlier than usual the next morning thanks to summer nights, the phenomenon in which the sun barely sets in northern countries in the summertime. That was nothing, though, compared to Germans, Italians, and the French, who stayed up around an hour and a haft later on various days throughout the summer to watch the Cup.
It should be made clear that not everyone has a device to record their sleep patterns; in some of these nations, it's likely that only the richest people do. And people who elect to track their sleep may try to get more sleep than the average person. Even if that's the case, though, the above findings are still striking. If the most health-conscious among us have such deep swings in our shut-eye levels throughout the year, how much sleeg are the rest of us losing? | 2229.txt | 1 |
[
"the necessity of standardized tests",
"the validity of standardized tests",
"the method used in interpreting the results of standardized tests.",
"the theoretical grounds of standardized tests."
] | In this passage, the author is primarily concerned with _ . | The standardized educational or psychological tests, which are widely used to aid in selecting, assigning or promoting students, employees and military personnel, have been the target of recent attacks in books, magazines, the daily press, and even in Congress. The target is wrong, for, in attacking the tests, critics divert attention from the fault that lies with ill-informed or incompetent users. The tests themselves are merely tools. Whether the results will be valuable, meaningless, or even misleading depends partly upon the tool itself but largely upon the user.
All informed predictions of future performance are based upon some knowledge of relevant past performance. How well the predictions will be validated by later performance depends upon the amount, reliability and appropriateness of the information used and on the skill and wisdom with which it is interpreted. Anyone who keeps careful score knows that the information available is always incomplete and that the predictions are always subject to error.
Standardized tests should be considered in this context: they provide a quick, objective method of getting some kind of information about what a person has learned, the skills he has developed, or the kind of person he is. The information so obtained has, qualitatively, the same advantages and shortcomings as other kinds of information. Whether to use tests, other kinds of information, or both in a particular situation depends, therefore, upon the empirical evidence concerning comparative validity and upon such factors as cost and availability.
In general, the tests work most effectively when the traits or qualities to be measured can be most precisely defined ( for example, ability to do well in a particular course of training program ) and least effectively when what is to be measured or predicted cannot be well defined, for example, personality or creativity. Properly used, they provide a rapid means of getting comparable information about many people. Sometimes they identify students whose high potential has not been previously recognized. | 1994.txt | 3 |
[
"standardized tests should no longer be used.",
"results of standardized tests accurately reflect the abilities of the testees",
"the value of standardized tests lies in their proper interpretation",
"special methods must be applied to the result of standardized tests."
] | We can infer from the passage that _ . | The standardized educational or psychological tests, which are widely used to aid in selecting, assigning or promoting students, employees and military personnel, have been the target of recent attacks in books, magazines, the daily press, and even in Congress. The target is wrong, for, in attacking the tests, critics divert attention from the fault that lies with ill-informed or incompetent users. The tests themselves are merely tools. Whether the results will be valuable, meaningless, or even misleading depends partly upon the tool itself but largely upon the user.
All informed predictions of future performance are based upon some knowledge of relevant past performance. How well the predictions will be validated by later performance depends upon the amount, reliability and appropriateness of the information used and on the skill and wisdom with which it is interpreted. Anyone who keeps careful score knows that the information available is always incomplete and that the predictions are always subject to error.
Standardized tests should be considered in this context: they provide a quick, objective method of getting some kind of information about what a person has learned, the skills he has developed, or the kind of person he is. The information so obtained has, qualitatively, the same advantages and shortcomings as other kinds of information. Whether to use tests, other kinds of information, or both in a particular situation depends, therefore, upon the empirical evidence concerning comparative validity and upon such factors as cost and availability.
In general, the tests work most effectively when the traits or qualities to be measured can be most precisely defined ( for example, ability to do well in a particular course of training program ) and least effectively when what is to be measured or predicted cannot be well defined, for example, personality or creativity. Properly used, they provide a rapid means of getting comparable information about many people. Sometimes they identify students whose high potential has not been previously recognized. | 1994.txt | 3 |
[
"theoretical",
"critical",
"indisputable",
"experiential"
] | The word "empirical" (Line 6, Para.3) most probably means " _ " | The standardized educational or psychological tests, which are widely used to aid in selecting, assigning or promoting students, employees and military personnel, have been the target of recent attacks in books, magazines, the daily press, and even in Congress. The target is wrong, for, in attacking the tests, critics divert attention from the fault that lies with ill-informed or incompetent users. The tests themselves are merely tools. Whether the results will be valuable, meaningless, or even misleading depends partly upon the tool itself but largely upon the user.
All informed predictions of future performance are based upon some knowledge of relevant past performance. How well the predictions will be validated by later performance depends upon the amount, reliability and appropriateness of the information used and on the skill and wisdom with which it is interpreted. Anyone who keeps careful score knows that the information available is always incomplete and that the predictions are always subject to error.
Standardized tests should be considered in this context: they provide a quick, objective method of getting some kind of information about what a person has learned, the skills he has developed, or the kind of person he is. The information so obtained has, qualitatively, the same advantages and shortcomings as other kinds of information. Whether to use tests, other kinds of information, or both in a particular situation depends, therefore, upon the empirical evidence concerning comparative validity and upon such factors as cost and availability.
In general, the tests work most effectively when the traits or qualities to be measured can be most precisely defined ( for example, ability to do well in a particular course of training program ) and least effectively when what is to be measured or predicted cannot be well defined, for example, personality or creativity. Properly used, they provide a rapid means of getting comparable information about many people. Sometimes they identify students whose high potential has not been previously recognized. | 1994.txt | 3 |
[
"the user knows how to interpret the results in advance.",
"the objectives are most clearly defined.",
"the persons who take the test are intelligent or skillful.",
"they measure the traits or qualities of the tests"
] | According to the passage, standardized tests work work most effectively when _ . | The standardized educational or psychological tests, which are widely used to aid in selecting, assigning or promoting students, employees and military personnel, have been the target of recent attacks in books, magazines, the daily press, and even in Congress. The target is wrong, for, in attacking the tests, critics divert attention from the fault that lies with ill-informed or incompetent users. The tests themselves are merely tools. Whether the results will be valuable, meaningless, or even misleading depends partly upon the tool itself but largely upon the user.
All informed predictions of future performance are based upon some knowledge of relevant past performance. How well the predictions will be validated by later performance depends upon the amount, reliability and appropriateness of the information used and on the skill and wisdom with which it is interpreted. Anyone who keeps careful score knows that the information available is always incomplete and that the predictions are always subject to error.
Standardized tests should be considered in this context: they provide a quick, objective method of getting some kind of information about what a person has learned, the skills he has developed, or the kind of person he is. The information so obtained has, qualitatively, the same advantages and shortcomings as other kinds of information. Whether to use tests, other kinds of information, or both in a particular situation depends, therefore, upon the empirical evidence concerning comparative validity and upon such factors as cost and availability.
In general, the tests work most effectively when the traits or qualities to be measured can be most precisely defined ( for example, ability to do well in a particular course of training program ) and least effectively when what is to be measured or predicted cannot be well defined, for example, personality or creativity. Properly used, they provide a rapid means of getting comparable information about many people. Sometimes they identify students whose high potential has not been previously recognized. | 1994.txt | 1 |
[
"positive",
"critical",
"prejudiced",
"indifferent."
] | The author's attitude toward standardized tests could be described as _ . | The standardized educational or psychological tests, which are widely used to aid in selecting, assigning or promoting students, employees and military personnel, have been the target of recent attacks in books, magazines, the daily press, and even in Congress. The target is wrong, for, in attacking the tests, critics divert attention from the fault that lies with ill-informed or incompetent users. The tests themselves are merely tools. Whether the results will be valuable, meaningless, or even misleading depends partly upon the tool itself but largely upon the user.
All informed predictions of future performance are based upon some knowledge of relevant past performance. How well the predictions will be validated by later performance depends upon the amount, reliability and appropriateness of the information used and on the skill and wisdom with which it is interpreted. Anyone who keeps careful score knows that the information available is always incomplete and that the predictions are always subject to error.
Standardized tests should be considered in this context: they provide a quick, objective method of getting some kind of information about what a person has learned, the skills he has developed, or the kind of person he is. The information so obtained has, qualitatively, the same advantages and shortcomings as other kinds of information. Whether to use tests, other kinds of information, or both in a particular situation depends, therefore, upon the empirical evidence concerning comparative validity and upon such factors as cost and availability.
In general, the tests work most effectively when the traits or qualities to be measured can be most precisely defined ( for example, ability to do well in a particular course of training program ) and least effectively when what is to be measured or predicted cannot be well defined, for example, personality or creativity. Properly used, they provide a rapid means of getting comparable information about many people. Sometimes they identify students whose high potential has not been previously recognized. | 1994.txt | 0 |
[
"produce the same models as Detroit supplies in the U. S. market",
"provide cars of European styles",
"produce cars that are thought to be un-American by Germans",
"could hardly meet the demand for American cars last year"
] | Detroit's European subsidiaries _ . | Improbable as it may seem, an increasing number of Germans are giving up their elegant Mercedeses, sleek BMWs and ferociously fast Porsches and getting behind the wheels of imported American models - fro plush Cadillacs to more prosaic Fords. Unlike the cars produced by Detroit's European subsidiaries, these cars are as American as apple pie and watery beer. And thanks to a favorable exchange rate, they are more affordable than ever Last year Germans bought 12 477 new U. S. -built cars; sales are expected to double this year.
Like blue jeans, this buy - America fad appeals to Germans from all walks of life. Once regarded as faulty, flashy, gas - guzzling Goliaths, American autos are - thanks in large measure to foreign competition -more stylish and reliable than in years past. Tugged, off- road vehicles like the four-wheel drive Jeep Cherokee are now the hot wheels to drive among Germany's thirty- something set. Owners and Aficionados of American - made care also boast their cars are cheaper to maintain.
But that's not the main reason German motorists are choosing U. S. imports - It's their price. Even after the cost of overseas shipping is included, American - made cars offer more value - and deluxe features - for less money than German models. A Chrysler LeBaron convertible sells for 35 000 marks; a BMW 320i convertible, by comparison, commands 10 000 marks more. And U. S. autos come with standard equipment - electric windows, automatic locks and sun roofs - that's available only as expensive options on German models.
Owning an American car in Germany is not for everybody. But the worst headaches come form the German bureaucracy. Johann Erben, a Greiburg dental lab technician, purchased a LeBaron convertible during a U. S. trip in November - and has yet to drive it one kilometer. First, he waited months for the proper registration documents to arrive; then he spent more than 1 000 marks to have it comply with German regulations. Even so, safety inspectors refused to approve it until he changed the headlights and windows to European Community standards. "There I was with my supermodern, $ 20,000 car and unable to get it through inspection," Erben recalled. | 1399.txt | 2 |
[
"blue jeans",
"apple pie",
"U. S.-made cars",
"watery beer"
] | The buy-American fad that appeals to Germans most seems to be _ . | Improbable as it may seem, an increasing number of Germans are giving up their elegant Mercedeses, sleek BMWs and ferociously fast Porsches and getting behind the wheels of imported American models - fro plush Cadillacs to more prosaic Fords. Unlike the cars produced by Detroit's European subsidiaries, these cars are as American as apple pie and watery beer. And thanks to a favorable exchange rate, they are more affordable than ever Last year Germans bought 12 477 new U. S. -built cars; sales are expected to double this year.
Like blue jeans, this buy - America fad appeals to Germans from all walks of life. Once regarded as faulty, flashy, gas - guzzling Goliaths, American autos are - thanks in large measure to foreign competition -more stylish and reliable than in years past. Tugged, off- road vehicles like the four-wheel drive Jeep Cherokee are now the hot wheels to drive among Germany's thirty- something set. Owners and Aficionados of American - made care also boast their cars are cheaper to maintain.
But that's not the main reason German motorists are choosing U. S. imports - It's their price. Even after the cost of overseas shipping is included, American - made cars offer more value - and deluxe features - for less money than German models. A Chrysler LeBaron convertible sells for 35 000 marks; a BMW 320i convertible, by comparison, commands 10 000 marks more. And U. S. autos come with standard equipment - electric windows, automatic locks and sun roofs - that's available only as expensive options on German models.
Owning an American car in Germany is not for everybody. But the worst headaches come form the German bureaucracy. Johann Erben, a Greiburg dental lab technician, purchased a LeBaron convertible during a U. S. trip in November - and has yet to drive it one kilometer. First, he waited months for the proper registration documents to arrive; then he spent more than 1 000 marks to have it comply with German regulations. Even so, safety inspectors refused to approve it until he changed the headlights and windows to European Community standards. "There I was with my supermodern, $ 20,000 car and unable to get it through inspection," Erben recalled. | 1399.txt | 0 |
[
"endures wear and tear",
"are adaptable to road conditions",
"provides greater space",
"offers more deluxe features"
] | As for Germans, American cars not only are cheaper but _ . | Improbable as it may seem, an increasing number of Germans are giving up their elegant Mercedeses, sleek BMWs and ferociously fast Porsches and getting behind the wheels of imported American models - fro plush Cadillacs to more prosaic Fords. Unlike the cars produced by Detroit's European subsidiaries, these cars are as American as apple pie and watery beer. And thanks to a favorable exchange rate, they are more affordable than ever Last year Germans bought 12 477 new U. S. -built cars; sales are expected to double this year.
Like blue jeans, this buy - America fad appeals to Germans from all walks of life. Once regarded as faulty, flashy, gas - guzzling Goliaths, American autos are - thanks in large measure to foreign competition -more stylish and reliable than in years past. Tugged, off- road vehicles like the four-wheel drive Jeep Cherokee are now the hot wheels to drive among Germany's thirty- something set. Owners and Aficionados of American - made care also boast their cars are cheaper to maintain.
But that's not the main reason German motorists are choosing U. S. imports - It's their price. Even after the cost of overseas shipping is included, American - made cars offer more value - and deluxe features - for less money than German models. A Chrysler LeBaron convertible sells for 35 000 marks; a BMW 320i convertible, by comparison, commands 10 000 marks more. And U. S. autos come with standard equipment - electric windows, automatic locks and sun roofs - that's available only as expensive options on German models.
Owning an American car in Germany is not for everybody. But the worst headaches come form the German bureaucracy. Johann Erben, a Greiburg dental lab technician, purchased a LeBaron convertible during a U. S. trip in November - and has yet to drive it one kilometer. First, he waited months for the proper registration documents to arrive; then he spent more than 1 000 marks to have it comply with German regulations. Even so, safety inspectors refused to approve it until he changed the headlights and windows to European Community standards. "There I was with my supermodern, $ 20,000 car and unable to get it through inspection," Erben recalled. | 1399.txt | 3 |
[
"American cars used to consume a lot of oil.",
"Japanese cars still lead the German market.",
"The U. S. motor industry is now confident to cope with recession.",
"German cars are going to provide the same standard equipment as American-made cars."
] | Which of the following statements is true? | Improbable as it may seem, an increasing number of Germans are giving up their elegant Mercedeses, sleek BMWs and ferociously fast Porsches and getting behind the wheels of imported American models - fro plush Cadillacs to more prosaic Fords. Unlike the cars produced by Detroit's European subsidiaries, these cars are as American as apple pie and watery beer. And thanks to a favorable exchange rate, they are more affordable than ever Last year Germans bought 12 477 new U. S. -built cars; sales are expected to double this year.
Like blue jeans, this buy - America fad appeals to Germans from all walks of life. Once regarded as faulty, flashy, gas - guzzling Goliaths, American autos are - thanks in large measure to foreign competition -more stylish and reliable than in years past. Tugged, off- road vehicles like the four-wheel drive Jeep Cherokee are now the hot wheels to drive among Germany's thirty- something set. Owners and Aficionados of American - made care also boast their cars are cheaper to maintain.
But that's not the main reason German motorists are choosing U. S. imports - It's their price. Even after the cost of overseas shipping is included, American - made cars offer more value - and deluxe features - for less money than German models. A Chrysler LeBaron convertible sells for 35 000 marks; a BMW 320i convertible, by comparison, commands 10 000 marks more. And U. S. autos come with standard equipment - electric windows, automatic locks and sun roofs - that's available only as expensive options on German models.
Owning an American car in Germany is not for everybody. But the worst headaches come form the German bureaucracy. Johann Erben, a Greiburg dental lab technician, purchased a LeBaron convertible during a U. S. trip in November - and has yet to drive it one kilometer. First, he waited months for the proper registration documents to arrive; then he spent more than 1 000 marks to have it comply with German regulations. Even so, safety inspectors refused to approve it until he changed the headlights and windows to European Community standards. "There I was with my supermodern, $ 20,000 car and unable to get it through inspection," Erben recalled. | 1399.txt | 0 |
[
"a law to control the amount of imported goods from other continents",
"a set of standards to inspect imported cars",
"a system to regulate measures of manufactured goods",
"a set of standards to control product quality"
] | European Community standards probably are _ . | Improbable as it may seem, an increasing number of Germans are giving up their elegant Mercedeses, sleek BMWs and ferociously fast Porsches and getting behind the wheels of imported American models - fro plush Cadillacs to more prosaic Fords. Unlike the cars produced by Detroit's European subsidiaries, these cars are as American as apple pie and watery beer. And thanks to a favorable exchange rate, they are more affordable than ever Last year Germans bought 12 477 new U. S. -built cars; sales are expected to double this year.
Like blue jeans, this buy - America fad appeals to Germans from all walks of life. Once regarded as faulty, flashy, gas - guzzling Goliaths, American autos are - thanks in large measure to foreign competition -more stylish and reliable than in years past. Tugged, off- road vehicles like the four-wheel drive Jeep Cherokee are now the hot wheels to drive among Germany's thirty- something set. Owners and Aficionados of American - made care also boast their cars are cheaper to maintain.
But that's not the main reason German motorists are choosing U. S. imports - It's their price. Even after the cost of overseas shipping is included, American - made cars offer more value - and deluxe features - for less money than German models. A Chrysler LeBaron convertible sells for 35 000 marks; a BMW 320i convertible, by comparison, commands 10 000 marks more. And U. S. autos come with standard equipment - electric windows, automatic locks and sun roofs - that's available only as expensive options on German models.
Owning an American car in Germany is not for everybody. But the worst headaches come form the German bureaucracy. Johann Erben, a Greiburg dental lab technician, purchased a LeBaron convertible during a U. S. trip in November - and has yet to drive it one kilometer. First, he waited months for the proper registration documents to arrive; then he spent more than 1 000 marks to have it comply with German regulations. Even so, safety inspectors refused to approve it until he changed the headlights and windows to European Community standards. "There I was with my supermodern, $ 20,000 car and unable to get it through inspection," Erben recalled. | 1399.txt | 2 |
Subsets and Splits
No community queries yet
The top public SQL queries from the community will appear here once available.