option
list | question
stringlengths 11
354
| article
stringlengths 231
6.74k
| id
stringlengths 5
8
| label
int64 0
3
|
|---|---|---|---|---|
[
"international agreements can be reached more easily now.",
"man begins to realize the danger of nuclear war.",
"nuclear war will definitely not take place.",
"world opinion welcomes nuclear war"
]
| The last paragraph suggests that _ . | Is it possible to persuade mankind to live without war? War is an ancient institution, which has existed for at least six thousand years. It was always bad and usually foolish, but in the past human race managed to live with it. Modern ingenuity has changed this. Either man will abolish war, or war will abolish man. For the present, it is nuclear weapons that cause the most serious danger, but bacteriological or chemical weapons may, before long, offer an even greater threat. If we succeed in abolishing nuclear weapons, our work will not be done. It will never be done until we have succeeded in abolishing war. To do this, we need to persuade mankind to look upon international questions in a new way, not as contests of force, in which the victory goes to the side which is most skillful in killing people, but by arbitration in accordance with agreed principles of law. It is not easy to change very old mental habits, but this is what must be attempted.
There are those who say that the adoption of this or that ideology would prevent war. I believe this to be a big error. All ideologies are based upon dogmatic statements that are, at best, doubtful, and at worst, totally false. Their adherents believe in them so fanatically that they are willing to go to war in support of them.
The movement of world opinion during the past few years has been very largely such as we can welcome. It has become a commonplace that nuclear war must be avoided. Of course very difficult problems remain in the world, but the spirit in which they are being approached is a better one than it was some years ago. It has begun to be thought, even by the powerful men who decide whether we shall live or die, that negotiations should reach agreements even if both sides do not find these agreements wholly satisfactory. It has begun to be understood that the important conflict nowadays is not between different countries, but between man and the atom bomb. | 929.txt | 1 |
[
"Its GDP per head is far lagging behind that of the EU members.",
"Its inflation rate is still rising.",
"Its economy grows faster than any EU member.",
"Its economic resilience is very strong."
]
| What is Turkey's economic situation now? | How does the country's economy compare with those of the EU?
SOME of the concerns surrounding Turkey's application to join the European Union, to be voted on by the EU's Council of Ministers on December 17th, are
economic-in particular, the country's relative poverty. Its GDP per head is less than a third of the average for the 15 pre-2004 members of the EU. But it is not far off that of one of the ten new members which joined on May 1st 2004 (Latvia), and it is much the same as those of two countries, Bulgaria and Romania, which this week concluded accession talks with the EU that could make them full members on January 1st 2007.
Furthermore, the country's recent economic progress has been, according to Donald Johnston, the secretary-general of the OECD, "stunning". GDP in the second quarter of the year was 13.4% higher than a year earlier, a rate of growth that no EU country comes close to matching. Turkey's inflation rate has just fallen into single figures for the first time since 1972, and this week the country reached agreement with the IMF on a new three-year, $10 billion economic programme that will, according to the IMF's managing director, Rodrigo Rato, "help Turkey... reduce inflation toward European levels, and enhance the economy's resilience".
Resilience has not historically been the country's economic strong point. As recently as 2001, GDP fell by over 7%. It fell by more than 5% in 1994, and by just under 5% in 1999. Indeed, throughout the 1990s growth oscillated like an electrocardiogram recording a violent heart attack. This irregularity has been one of the main reasons (along with red tape and corruption) why the country has failed dismally to attract much-needed foreign direct investment. Its stock of such investment (as a percentage of GDP) is lower now than it was in the 1980s, and annual inflows have scarcely ever reached $1 billion (whereas Ireland attracted over $25 billion in 2003, as did Brazil in every year from 1998 to 2000).
One deterrent to foreign investors is due to disappear on January 1st 2005. On that day, Turkey will take away the right of virtually every one of its citizens to call themselves a millionaire. Six noughts will be removed from the face value of the lira; one unit of the local currency will henceforth be worth what 1m are now-ie, about €0.53 ($0.70). Goods will have to be priced in both the new and old lira for the whole of the year, but foreign bankers and investors can begin to look forward to a time in Turkey when they will no longer have to juggle mentally with indeterminate strings of zeros. | 1115.txt | 2 |
[
"Turkey will soon catch the average GDP level of the 15 pre-2004 EU members",
"inflation rate in Turkey used to be very high",
"Turkey's economy will keep growing at present rate",
"IMF's economic program will help Turkey join the EU"
]
| We can infer from the second paragraph that_ . | How does the country's economy compare with those of the EU?
SOME of the concerns surrounding Turkey's application to join the European Union, to be voted on by the EU's Council of Ministers on December 17th, are
economic-in particular, the country's relative poverty. Its GDP per head is less than a third of the average for the 15 pre-2004 members of the EU. But it is not far off that of one of the ten new members which joined on May 1st 2004 (Latvia), and it is much the same as those of two countries, Bulgaria and Romania, which this week concluded accession talks with the EU that could make them full members on January 1st 2007.
Furthermore, the country's recent economic progress has been, according to Donald Johnston, the secretary-general of the OECD, "stunning". GDP in the second quarter of the year was 13.4% higher than a year earlier, a rate of growth that no EU country comes close to matching. Turkey's inflation rate has just fallen into single figures for the first time since 1972, and this week the country reached agreement with the IMF on a new three-year, $10 billion economic programme that will, according to the IMF's managing director, Rodrigo Rato, "help Turkey... reduce inflation toward European levels, and enhance the economy's resilience".
Resilience has not historically been the country's economic strong point. As recently as 2001, GDP fell by over 7%. It fell by more than 5% in 1994, and by just under 5% in 1999. Indeed, throughout the 1990s growth oscillated like an electrocardiogram recording a violent heart attack. This irregularity has been one of the main reasons (along with red tape and corruption) why the country has failed dismally to attract much-needed foreign direct investment. Its stock of such investment (as a percentage of GDP) is lower now than it was in the 1980s, and annual inflows have scarcely ever reached $1 billion (whereas Ireland attracted over $25 billion in 2003, as did Brazil in every year from 1998 to 2000).
One deterrent to foreign investors is due to disappear on January 1st 2005. On that day, Turkey will take away the right of virtually every one of its citizens to call themselves a millionaire. Six noughts will be removed from the face value of the lira; one unit of the local currency will henceforth be worth what 1m are now-ie, about €0.53 ($0.70). Goods will have to be priced in both the new and old lira for the whole of the year, but foreign bankers and investors can begin to look forward to a time in Turkey when they will no longer have to juggle mentally with indeterminate strings of zeros. | 1115.txt | 1 |
[
"fell",
"climbed",
"developed",
"swang"
]
| The word ¡°oscillated¡± (Line 3, Paragraph 3) most probably means_ . | How does the country's economy compare with those of the EU?
SOME of the concerns surrounding Turkey's application to join the European Union, to be voted on by the EU's Council of Ministers on December 17th, are
economic-in particular, the country's relative poverty. Its GDP per head is less than a third of the average for the 15 pre-2004 members of the EU. But it is not far off that of one of the ten new members which joined on May 1st 2004 (Latvia), and it is much the same as those of two countries, Bulgaria and Romania, which this week concluded accession talks with the EU that could make them full members on January 1st 2007.
Furthermore, the country's recent economic progress has been, according to Donald Johnston, the secretary-general of the OECD, "stunning". GDP in the second quarter of the year was 13.4% higher than a year earlier, a rate of growth that no EU country comes close to matching. Turkey's inflation rate has just fallen into single figures for the first time since 1972, and this week the country reached agreement with the IMF on a new three-year, $10 billion economic programme that will, according to the IMF's managing director, Rodrigo Rato, "help Turkey... reduce inflation toward European levels, and enhance the economy's resilience".
Resilience has not historically been the country's economic strong point. As recently as 2001, GDP fell by over 7%. It fell by more than 5% in 1994, and by just under 5% in 1999. Indeed, throughout the 1990s growth oscillated like an electrocardiogram recording a violent heart attack. This irregularity has been one of the main reasons (along with red tape and corruption) why the country has failed dismally to attract much-needed foreign direct investment. Its stock of such investment (as a percentage of GDP) is lower now than it was in the 1980s, and annual inflows have scarcely ever reached $1 billion (whereas Ireland attracted over $25 billion in 2003, as did Brazil in every year from 1998 to 2000).
One deterrent to foreign investors is due to disappear on January 1st 2005. On that day, Turkey will take away the right of virtually every one of its citizens to call themselves a millionaire. Six noughts will be removed from the face value of the lira; one unit of the local currency will henceforth be worth what 1m are now-ie, about €0.53 ($0.70). Goods will have to be priced in both the new and old lira for the whole of the year, but foreign bankers and investors can begin to look forward to a time in Turkey when they will no longer have to juggle mentally with indeterminate strings of zeros. | 1115.txt | 3 |
[
"it's stock is far less than that of other countries",
"it does not have much influence on Turkey's economic progress",
"steady GDP growth will help Turkey attract more foreign direct investment",
"Turkey's economic resilience relies on foreign direct investment"
]
| Speaking of Turkey's foreign direct investment, the author implies that_ . | How does the country's economy compare with those of the EU?
SOME of the concerns surrounding Turkey's application to join the European Union, to be voted on by the EU's Council of Ministers on December 17th, are
economic-in particular, the country's relative poverty. Its GDP per head is less than a third of the average for the 15 pre-2004 members of the EU. But it is not far off that of one of the ten new members which joined on May 1st 2004 (Latvia), and it is much the same as those of two countries, Bulgaria and Romania, which this week concluded accession talks with the EU that could make them full members on January 1st 2007.
Furthermore, the country's recent economic progress has been, according to Donald Johnston, the secretary-general of the OECD, "stunning". GDP in the second quarter of the year was 13.4% higher than a year earlier, a rate of growth that no EU country comes close to matching. Turkey's inflation rate has just fallen into single figures for the first time since 1972, and this week the country reached agreement with the IMF on a new three-year, $10 billion economic programme that will, according to the IMF's managing director, Rodrigo Rato, "help Turkey... reduce inflation toward European levels, and enhance the economy's resilience".
Resilience has not historically been the country's economic strong point. As recently as 2001, GDP fell by over 7%. It fell by more than 5% in 1994, and by just under 5% in 1999. Indeed, throughout the 1990s growth oscillated like an electrocardiogram recording a violent heart attack. This irregularity has been one of the main reasons (along with red tape and corruption) why the country has failed dismally to attract much-needed foreign direct investment. Its stock of such investment (as a percentage of GDP) is lower now than it was in the 1980s, and annual inflows have scarcely ever reached $1 billion (whereas Ireland attracted over $25 billion in 2003, as did Brazil in every year from 1998 to 2000).
One deterrent to foreign investors is due to disappear on January 1st 2005. On that day, Turkey will take away the right of virtually every one of its citizens to call themselves a millionaire. Six noughts will be removed from the face value of the lira; one unit of the local currency will henceforth be worth what 1m are now-ie, about €0.53 ($0.70). Goods will have to be priced in both the new and old lira for the whole of the year, but foreign bankers and investors can begin to look forward to a time in Turkey when they will no longer have to juggle mentally with indeterminate strings of zeros. | 1115.txt | 2 |
[
"foreign investment environment in Turkey will become better",
"Turkey's citizens will suffer heavy loss due to the change of the face value of the lira",
"the local currency will depreciate with the removal of six noughts from the face value",
"prices of goods will go up"
]
| We can draw a conclusion from the text that_ . | How does the country's economy compare with those of the EU?
SOME of the concerns surrounding Turkey's application to join the European Union, to be voted on by the EU's Council of Ministers on December 17th, are
economic-in particular, the country's relative poverty. Its GDP per head is less than a third of the average for the 15 pre-2004 members of the EU. But it is not far off that of one of the ten new members which joined on May 1st 2004 (Latvia), and it is much the same as those of two countries, Bulgaria and Romania, which this week concluded accession talks with the EU that could make them full members on January 1st 2007.
Furthermore, the country's recent economic progress has been, according to Donald Johnston, the secretary-general of the OECD, "stunning". GDP in the second quarter of the year was 13.4% higher than a year earlier, a rate of growth that no EU country comes close to matching. Turkey's inflation rate has just fallen into single figures for the first time since 1972, and this week the country reached agreement with the IMF on a new three-year, $10 billion economic programme that will, according to the IMF's managing director, Rodrigo Rato, "help Turkey... reduce inflation toward European levels, and enhance the economy's resilience".
Resilience has not historically been the country's economic strong point. As recently as 2001, GDP fell by over 7%. It fell by more than 5% in 1994, and by just under 5% in 1999. Indeed, throughout the 1990s growth oscillated like an electrocardiogram recording a violent heart attack. This irregularity has been one of the main reasons (along with red tape and corruption) why the country has failed dismally to attract much-needed foreign direct investment. Its stock of such investment (as a percentage of GDP) is lower now than it was in the 1980s, and annual inflows have scarcely ever reached $1 billion (whereas Ireland attracted over $25 billion in 2003, as did Brazil in every year from 1998 to 2000).
One deterrent to foreign investors is due to disappear on January 1st 2005. On that day, Turkey will take away the right of virtually every one of its citizens to call themselves a millionaire. Six noughts will be removed from the face value of the lira; one unit of the local currency will henceforth be worth what 1m are now-ie, about €0.53 ($0.70). Goods will have to be priced in both the new and old lira for the whole of the year, but foreign bankers and investors can begin to look forward to a time in Turkey when they will no longer have to juggle mentally with indeterminate strings of zeros. | 1115.txt | 0 |
[
"the lack of stable communities",
"the breakdown of informal information channels",
"the increased mobility of families",
"the growing number of people moving from place to place"
]
| The word "it" (Line 3, Para. 2) most probably refers to . | In such a changing, complex society formerly simple solutions to informational needs become complicated. Many of life's problems which were solved by asking family members, friends or colleagues are beyond the capability of the extended family to resolve. Where to turn for expert information and how to determine which expert advice to accept are questions facing many people today.
In addition to this, there is the growing mobility of people since World War II. As families move away from their stable community, their friends of many years, their extended family relationships, the informal flow of information is cut off, and with it the confidence that information will be available when needed and will be trustworthy and reliable. The almost unconscious flow of information about the simplest aspects of living can be cut off. Thus, things once learned subconsciously through the casual communications of the extended family must be consciously learned.
Adding to societal changes today is an enormous stockpile of information. The individual now has more information available than any generation, and the task of finding that one piece of information relevant to his or her specific problem is complicated, time-consuming and sometimes even overwhelming.
Coupled with the growing quantity of information is the development of technologies which enable the storage and delivery of more information with greater speed to more locations than has ever been possible before. Computer technology makes it possible to store vast amounts of data in machine-readable files, and to program computers to locate specific information. Telecommunications developments enable the sending of messages via television, radio, and very shortly, electronic mail to bombard people with multitudes of messages. Satellites have extended the power of communications to report events at the instant of occurrence. Expertise can be shared worldwide through teleconferencing, and problems in dispute can be settled without the participants leaving their homes and/or jobs to travel to a distant conference site. Technology has facilitated the sharing of information and the storage and delivery of information, thus making more information available to more people.
In this world of change and complexity, the need for information is of greatest importance. Those people who have accurate, reliable up-to-date information to solve the day-to-day problems, the critical problems of their business, social and family life, will survive and succeed. "Knowledge is power" may well be the truest saying and access to information may be the most critical requirement of all people. | 1343.txt | 1 |
[
"they have to learn new things consciously",
"they lack the confidence of securing reliable and trustworthy information",
"they have difficulty obtaining the needed information readily",
"they can hardly carry out casual communications with an extended family"
]
| The main problem people may encounter today arises from the fact that . | In such a changing, complex society formerly simple solutions to informational needs become complicated. Many of life's problems which were solved by asking family members, friends or colleagues are beyond the capability of the extended family to resolve. Where to turn for expert information and how to determine which expert advice to accept are questions facing many people today.
In addition to this, there is the growing mobility of people since World War II. As families move away from their stable community, their friends of many years, their extended family relationships, the informal flow of information is cut off, and with it the confidence that information will be available when needed and will be trustworthy and reliable. The almost unconscious flow of information about the simplest aspects of living can be cut off. Thus, things once learned subconsciously through the casual communications of the extended family must be consciously learned.
Adding to societal changes today is an enormous stockpile of information. The individual now has more information available than any generation, and the task of finding that one piece of information relevant to his or her specific problem is complicated, time-consuming and sometimes even overwhelming.
Coupled with the growing quantity of information is the development of technologies which enable the storage and delivery of more information with greater speed to more locations than has ever been possible before. Computer technology makes it possible to store vast amounts of data in machine-readable files, and to program computers to locate specific information. Telecommunications developments enable the sending of messages via television, radio, and very shortly, electronic mail to bombard people with multitudes of messages. Satellites have extended the power of communications to report events at the instant of occurrence. Expertise can be shared worldwide through teleconferencing, and problems in dispute can be settled without the participants leaving their homes and/or jobs to travel to a distant conference site. Technology has facilitated the sharing of information and the storage and delivery of information, thus making more information available to more people.
In this world of change and complexity, the need for information is of greatest importance. Those people who have accurate, reliable up-to-date information to solve the day-to-day problems, the critical problems of their business, social and family life, will survive and succeed. "Knowledge is power" may well be the truest saying and access to information may be the most critical requirement of all people. | 1343.txt | 2 |
[
"electronic mail will soon play a dominant role in transmitting messages",
"it will become more difficult for people to keep secrets in an information era",
"people will spend less time holding meetings or conferences",
"events will be reported on the spot mainly through satellites"
]
| From the passage we can infer that . | In such a changing, complex society formerly simple solutions to informational needs become complicated. Many of life's problems which were solved by asking family members, friends or colleagues are beyond the capability of the extended family to resolve. Where to turn for expert information and how to determine which expert advice to accept are questions facing many people today.
In addition to this, there is the growing mobility of people since World War II. As families move away from their stable community, their friends of many years, their extended family relationships, the informal flow of information is cut off, and with it the confidence that information will be available when needed and will be trustworthy and reliable. The almost unconscious flow of information about the simplest aspects of living can be cut off. Thus, things once learned subconsciously through the casual communications of the extended family must be consciously learned.
Adding to societal changes today is an enormous stockpile of information. The individual now has more information available than any generation, and the task of finding that one piece of information relevant to his or her specific problem is complicated, time-consuming and sometimes even overwhelming.
Coupled with the growing quantity of information is the development of technologies which enable the storage and delivery of more information with greater speed to more locations than has ever been possible before. Computer technology makes it possible to store vast amounts of data in machine-readable files, and to program computers to locate specific information. Telecommunications developments enable the sending of messages via television, radio, and very shortly, electronic mail to bombard people with multitudes of messages. Satellites have extended the power of communications to report events at the instant of occurrence. Expertise can be shared worldwide through teleconferencing, and problems in dispute can be settled without the participants leaving their homes and/or jobs to travel to a distant conference site. Technology has facilitated the sharing of information and the storage and delivery of information, thus making more information available to more people.
In this world of change and complexity, the need for information is of greatest importance. Those people who have accurate, reliable up-to-date information to solve the day-to-day problems, the critical problems of their business, social and family life, will survive and succeed. "Knowledge is power" may well be the truest saying and access to information may be the most critical requirement of all people. | 1343.txt | 0 |
[
"it is necessary to obtain as much knowledge as possible",
"people should make the best use of the information accessible",
"we should realize the importance of accumulating information",
"it is of vital importance to acquire needed information efficiently"
]
| We can learn from the last paragraph that . | In such a changing, complex society formerly simple solutions to informational needs become complicated. Many of life's problems which were solved by asking family members, friends or colleagues are beyond the capability of the extended family to resolve. Where to turn for expert information and how to determine which expert advice to accept are questions facing many people today.
In addition to this, there is the growing mobility of people since World War II. As families move away from their stable community, their friends of many years, their extended family relationships, the informal flow of information is cut off, and with it the confidence that information will be available when needed and will be trustworthy and reliable. The almost unconscious flow of information about the simplest aspects of living can be cut off. Thus, things once learned subconsciously through the casual communications of the extended family must be consciously learned.
Adding to societal changes today is an enormous stockpile of information. The individual now has more information available than any generation, and the task of finding that one piece of information relevant to his or her specific problem is complicated, time-consuming and sometimes even overwhelming.
Coupled with the growing quantity of information is the development of technologies which enable the storage and delivery of more information with greater speed to more locations than has ever been possible before. Computer technology makes it possible to store vast amounts of data in machine-readable files, and to program computers to locate specific information. Telecommunications developments enable the sending of messages via television, radio, and very shortly, electronic mail to bombard people with multitudes of messages. Satellites have extended the power of communications to report events at the instant of occurrence. Expertise can be shared worldwide through teleconferencing, and problems in dispute can be settled without the participants leaving their homes and/or jobs to travel to a distant conference site. Technology has facilitated the sharing of information and the storage and delivery of information, thus making more information available to more people.
In this world of change and complexity, the need for information is of greatest importance. Those people who have accurate, reliable up-to-date information to solve the day-to-day problems, the critical problems of their business, social and family life, will survive and succeed. "Knowledge is power" may well be the truest saying and access to information may be the most critical requirement of all people. | 1343.txt | 3 |
[
"Better educated.",
"More money and freedom.",
"Independence.",
"Hard work."
]
| Which of the following features in the young is NOT mentioned? | Old people are always saying that the young are not what they were. The same comment is made from generation to generation and it is always true. It has never been truer than it is today. The young are better educated. They have a lot more money to spend and enjoy more freedom. They grow up more quickly and are not so dependent on their parents. They think more for themselves and do not blindly accept the ideals of their elders. Events which the older generation remembers vividly are nothing more than past history. This is as it should be. Every new generation is different from the one that preceded it. Today the difference is very marked indeed.
The old always assume that they know best for the simple reason that they have been around a bit longer. They don't like to feel that their values are being questioned or threatened. And this is precisely what the young are doing. They are question the assumptions of their elders and disturbing their complacency. Office hours, for instance, are nothing more than enforced slavery. Wouldn't people work best if they were given complete freedom and responsibility? And what about clothing? Who said that all the men in the world should wear drab grey suits and convict haircuts? If we ruin our minds to more serious matters, who said that human differences can best be solved through conventional politics or by violent means, who said that human difference can best be solved through conventional politics or by violent means? Why have the older generation so often used violence to solve their problems? Why are they so unhappy and guilt-ridden in their personal lives, so obsessed with mean ambitions and the desire to amass more and more material possessions? Can anything be right with the rat-race? Haven't the old lost touch with all that is important in life?
These are not questions the older generation can shrug off lightly. Their record over the past forty years or so hasn't been exactly spotless. Traditionally, the young have turned to their elders for guidance. Today, the situation might be reversed. The old-if they are prepared to admit it-could learn a thing or two from their children. One of the biggest lessons they could learn is that enjoyment is not ‘sinful'. Enjoyment is a principle one could apply to all aspects of life. It is surely not wrong to enjoy your work and enjoy your leisure; to shed restricting inhibitions. It is surely not wrong to live in the present rather than in the past or future. This emphasis on the present is only to be expected because the young have grown up under the shadow of the bomb: the constant threat of complete annihilation. This is their glorious heritage. Can we be surprised that they should so often question the sanity of the generation that bequeathed it? | 325.txt | 3 |
[
"Values.",
"The assumption of the elders.",
"Conformity.",
"Conventional ideas."
]
| What so the young reject most? | Old people are always saying that the young are not what they were. The same comment is made from generation to generation and it is always true. It has never been truer than it is today. The young are better educated. They have a lot more money to spend and enjoy more freedom. They grow up more quickly and are not so dependent on their parents. They think more for themselves and do not blindly accept the ideals of their elders. Events which the older generation remembers vividly are nothing more than past history. This is as it should be. Every new generation is different from the one that preceded it. Today the difference is very marked indeed.
The old always assume that they know best for the simple reason that they have been around a bit longer. They don't like to feel that their values are being questioned or threatened. And this is precisely what the young are doing. They are question the assumptions of their elders and disturbing their complacency. Office hours, for instance, are nothing more than enforced slavery. Wouldn't people work best if they were given complete freedom and responsibility? And what about clothing? Who said that all the men in the world should wear drab grey suits and convict haircuts? If we ruin our minds to more serious matters, who said that human differences can best be solved through conventional politics or by violent means, who said that human difference can best be solved through conventional politics or by violent means? Why have the older generation so often used violence to solve their problems? Why are they so unhappy and guilt-ridden in their personal lives, so obsessed with mean ambitions and the desire to amass more and more material possessions? Can anything be right with the rat-race? Haven't the old lost touch with all that is important in life?
These are not questions the older generation can shrug off lightly. Their record over the past forty years or so hasn't been exactly spotless. Traditionally, the young have turned to their elders for guidance. Today, the situation might be reversed. The old-if they are prepared to admit it-could learn a thing or two from their children. One of the biggest lessons they could learn is that enjoyment is not ‘sinful'. Enjoyment is a principle one could apply to all aspects of life. It is surely not wrong to enjoy your work and enjoy your leisure; to shed restricting inhibitions. It is surely not wrong to live in the present rather than in the past or future. This emphasis on the present is only to be expected because the young have grown up under the shadow of the bomb: the constant threat of complete annihilation. This is their glorious heritage. Can we be surprised that they should so often question the sanity of the generation that bequeathed it? | 325.txt | 2 |
[
"They have grown up under the shadow of the bomb.",
"They dislike the past.",
"They think the present world is the best.",
"They are afraid of destruction."
]
| Why do the young stress on the present? | Old people are always saying that the young are not what they were. The same comment is made from generation to generation and it is always true. It has never been truer than it is today. The young are better educated. They have a lot more money to spend and enjoy more freedom. They grow up more quickly and are not so dependent on their parents. They think more for themselves and do not blindly accept the ideals of their elders. Events which the older generation remembers vividly are nothing more than past history. This is as it should be. Every new generation is different from the one that preceded it. Today the difference is very marked indeed.
The old always assume that they know best for the simple reason that they have been around a bit longer. They don't like to feel that their values are being questioned or threatened. And this is precisely what the young are doing. They are question the assumptions of their elders and disturbing their complacency. Office hours, for instance, are nothing more than enforced slavery. Wouldn't people work best if they were given complete freedom and responsibility? And what about clothing? Who said that all the men in the world should wear drab grey suits and convict haircuts? If we ruin our minds to more serious matters, who said that human differences can best be solved through conventional politics or by violent means, who said that human difference can best be solved through conventional politics or by violent means? Why have the older generation so often used violence to solve their problems? Why are they so unhappy and guilt-ridden in their personal lives, so obsessed with mean ambitions and the desire to amass more and more material possessions? Can anything be right with the rat-race? Haven't the old lost touch with all that is important in life?
These are not questions the older generation can shrug off lightly. Their record over the past forty years or so hasn't been exactly spotless. Traditionally, the young have turned to their elders for guidance. Today, the situation might be reversed. The old-if they are prepared to admit it-could learn a thing or two from their children. One of the biggest lessons they could learn is that enjoyment is not ‘sinful'. Enjoyment is a principle one could apply to all aspects of life. It is surely not wrong to enjoy your work and enjoy your leisure; to shed restricting inhibitions. It is surely not wrong to live in the present rather than in the past or future. This emphasis on the present is only to be expected because the young have grown up under the shadow of the bomb: the constant threat of complete annihilation. This is their glorious heritage. Can we be surprised that they should so often question the sanity of the generation that bequeathed it? | 325.txt | 0 |
[
"Enjoyment is not sinful.",
"People should have more leisure time.",
"Men might enjoy life.",
"One should enjoy one's work."
]
| What can the old learn from the young generation? | Old people are always saying that the young are not what they were. The same comment is made from generation to generation and it is always true. It has never been truer than it is today. The young are better educated. They have a lot more money to spend and enjoy more freedom. They grow up more quickly and are not so dependent on their parents. They think more for themselves and do not blindly accept the ideals of their elders. Events which the older generation remembers vividly are nothing more than past history. This is as it should be. Every new generation is different from the one that preceded it. Today the difference is very marked indeed.
The old always assume that they know best for the simple reason that they have been around a bit longer. They don't like to feel that their values are being questioned or threatened. And this is precisely what the young are doing. They are question the assumptions of their elders and disturbing their complacency. Office hours, for instance, are nothing more than enforced slavery. Wouldn't people work best if they were given complete freedom and responsibility? And what about clothing? Who said that all the men in the world should wear drab grey suits and convict haircuts? If we ruin our minds to more serious matters, who said that human differences can best be solved through conventional politics or by violent means, who said that human difference can best be solved through conventional politics or by violent means? Why have the older generation so often used violence to solve their problems? Why are they so unhappy and guilt-ridden in their personal lives, so obsessed with mean ambitions and the desire to amass more and more material possessions? Can anything be right with the rat-race? Haven't the old lost touch with all that is important in life?
These are not questions the older generation can shrug off lightly. Their record over the past forty years or so hasn't been exactly spotless. Traditionally, the young have turned to their elders for guidance. Today, the situation might be reversed. The old-if they are prepared to admit it-could learn a thing or two from their children. One of the biggest lessons they could learn is that enjoyment is not ‘sinful'. Enjoyment is a principle one could apply to all aspects of life. It is surely not wrong to enjoy your work and enjoy your leisure; to shed restricting inhibitions. It is surely not wrong to live in the present rather than in the past or future. This emphasis on the present is only to be expected because the young have grown up under the shadow of the bomb: the constant threat of complete annihilation. This is their glorious heritage. Can we be surprised that they should so often question the sanity of the generation that bequeathed it? | 325.txt | 0 |
[
"stay far away from the empty hives because they are useless.",
"flee their queen, the young and their food stores away and steal the hives.",
"throw apiarists into a panic by plaguing the empty hives.",
"plunder the empty hives and take possession of all that is worth anything."
]
| When honey bees desert their hives, the other bees will usually _ | When honey bees began to desert their hives recently, never to return, it threw apiarists into a panic. What appeared to be perfectly healthy adult bees would flee their queen, the young and their foodstores. Instead of ransacking the empty hive, other bees would avoid it like the plague. Yet there was nothing obviously wrong. Researchers have now identified the first tangible clue in the mystery-a relatively new virus.
Colony collapse disorder became widespread in America in the winter of 2006-07, when about a quarter of the nation's beekeepers were affected, each losing between 30% and 90% of their winged workers. Bees are valued not so much for their honey, which is worth some $200m a year in America, but for their work in pollinating crops. This brings the economy some $15 billion a year, as apiarists move their hives to land producing fruit, vegetables and nuts.
Finding exactly why colonies collapse has been taxing the minds of both federal and university scientists. There have been few bodies on which to conduct autopsies. Those adult bees that have been found dead near an abandoned hive have been riddled with almost every bee disease known to man. Now a report by Diana Cox-Foster of Pennsylvania State University and her colleagues, published in the September 6th issue of Science, points the finger at the Israeli acute paralysis virus. The lurgy in question was, the researchers suggest, imported from Australia.
Because many factors could be acting together to cause bee colonies to collapse, Dr Cox-Foster and her colleagues decided to examine everything they could find within the empty hives. They collected samples from infected hives and compared them not only with samples from apparently healthy hives but also with an analysis of royal jelly-a bee secretion fed to the larvae-from China, which has not been affected by the mystery disorder. From their samples, the researchers extracted RNA-a chemical that carries and helps to decode genetic information. Their analysis revealed the presence of various bacteria, fungi and viruses that were lurking in the hives and the royal jelly. They then looked to see whether there was anything in the abandoned hives that was not found elsewhere.
What they found was a virus first identified in 2004 in the Middle East. Bees infected with Israeli acute paralysis virus shiver, their bodies become frozen and they die. But the virus itself cannot be the sole cause of colony collapse disorder. For a start, all the hives infected with it were also infested with a second nasty, the Kashmiri bee virus. Yet this virus was also present in many of the apparently healthy hives. Intriguingly, there was also a virus that the researchers were unable to classify. They suspect it may be a new lineage of the Kashmiri bee virus, but it could be something completely novel. This second virus was also found only in the abandoned hives.
The researchers reckon that the reason why so many honey bees are dying is down to a combination of factors that are found only, so far, in America. The Israeli acute paralysis virus may have had such a devastating effect there because of the presence of a parasite called the varroa mite. This parasite weakens the immune systems of bees, making the consequences of an infection more likely to be fatal. Tellingly, bees in Australia have not been infected by the parasite. | 3562.txt | 3 |
[
"the workers of the nation's beekeepers resigned from the beekeeping factory.",
"the apiarists moved their hives to land producing fruit, vegetables and nuts.",
"the crops could not grow to maturity as before short of effective pollination.",
"and each apiarist suffered a loss of $200m to $1b a year as well as most of their workers."
]
| When the bee colony collapse disorder became rampant in America, _ | When honey bees began to desert their hives recently, never to return, it threw apiarists into a panic. What appeared to be perfectly healthy adult bees would flee their queen, the young and their foodstores. Instead of ransacking the empty hive, other bees would avoid it like the plague. Yet there was nothing obviously wrong. Researchers have now identified the first tangible clue in the mystery-a relatively new virus.
Colony collapse disorder became widespread in America in the winter of 2006-07, when about a quarter of the nation's beekeepers were affected, each losing between 30% and 90% of their winged workers. Bees are valued not so much for their honey, which is worth some $200m a year in America, but for their work in pollinating crops. This brings the economy some $15 billion a year, as apiarists move their hives to land producing fruit, vegetables and nuts.
Finding exactly why colonies collapse has been taxing the minds of both federal and university scientists. There have been few bodies on which to conduct autopsies. Those adult bees that have been found dead near an abandoned hive have been riddled with almost every bee disease known to man. Now a report by Diana Cox-Foster of Pennsylvania State University and her colleagues, published in the September 6th issue of Science, points the finger at the Israeli acute paralysis virus. The lurgy in question was, the researchers suggest, imported from Australia.
Because many factors could be acting together to cause bee colonies to collapse, Dr Cox-Foster and her colleagues decided to examine everything they could find within the empty hives. They collected samples from infected hives and compared them not only with samples from apparently healthy hives but also with an analysis of royal jelly-a bee secretion fed to the larvae-from China, which has not been affected by the mystery disorder. From their samples, the researchers extracted RNA-a chemical that carries and helps to decode genetic information. Their analysis revealed the presence of various bacteria, fungi and viruses that were lurking in the hives and the royal jelly. They then looked to see whether there was anything in the abandoned hives that was not found elsewhere.
What they found was a virus first identified in 2004 in the Middle East. Bees infected with Israeli acute paralysis virus shiver, their bodies become frozen and they die. But the virus itself cannot be the sole cause of colony collapse disorder. For a start, all the hives infected with it were also infested with a second nasty, the Kashmiri bee virus. Yet this virus was also present in many of the apparently healthy hives. Intriguingly, there was also a virus that the researchers were unable to classify. They suspect it may be a new lineage of the Kashmiri bee virus, but it could be something completely novel. This second virus was also found only in the abandoned hives.
The researchers reckon that the reason why so many honey bees are dying is down to a combination of factors that are found only, so far, in America. The Israeli acute paralysis virus may have had such a devastating effect there because of the presence of a parasite called the varroa mite. This parasite weakens the immune systems of bees, making the consequences of an infection more likely to be fatal. Tellingly, bees in Australia have not been infected by the parasite. | 3562.txt | 2 |
[
"RNA experiment shows an intricate connection between the dead bees with their Chinese counterparts.",
"dead bees near a deserted hive are found to carry too many diseases.",
"there were almost no samples for scientists to do research on the dead bees.",
"the scientists could not identify exactly which disease was the main factor that causes the colonies collapse."
]
| It has been a headache to find out why bee colonies collapse because of the following reasons except _ | When honey bees began to desert their hives recently, never to return, it threw apiarists into a panic. What appeared to be perfectly healthy adult bees would flee their queen, the young and their foodstores. Instead of ransacking the empty hive, other bees would avoid it like the plague. Yet there was nothing obviously wrong. Researchers have now identified the first tangible clue in the mystery-a relatively new virus.
Colony collapse disorder became widespread in America in the winter of 2006-07, when about a quarter of the nation's beekeepers were affected, each losing between 30% and 90% of their winged workers. Bees are valued not so much for their honey, which is worth some $200m a year in America, but for their work in pollinating crops. This brings the economy some $15 billion a year, as apiarists move their hives to land producing fruit, vegetables and nuts.
Finding exactly why colonies collapse has been taxing the minds of both federal and university scientists. There have been few bodies on which to conduct autopsies. Those adult bees that have been found dead near an abandoned hive have been riddled with almost every bee disease known to man. Now a report by Diana Cox-Foster of Pennsylvania State University and her colleagues, published in the September 6th issue of Science, points the finger at the Israeli acute paralysis virus. The lurgy in question was, the researchers suggest, imported from Australia.
Because many factors could be acting together to cause bee colonies to collapse, Dr Cox-Foster and her colleagues decided to examine everything they could find within the empty hives. They collected samples from infected hives and compared them not only with samples from apparently healthy hives but also with an analysis of royal jelly-a bee secretion fed to the larvae-from China, which has not been affected by the mystery disorder. From their samples, the researchers extracted RNA-a chemical that carries and helps to decode genetic information. Their analysis revealed the presence of various bacteria, fungi and viruses that were lurking in the hives and the royal jelly. They then looked to see whether there was anything in the abandoned hives that was not found elsewhere.
What they found was a virus first identified in 2004 in the Middle East. Bees infected with Israeli acute paralysis virus shiver, their bodies become frozen and they die. But the virus itself cannot be the sole cause of colony collapse disorder. For a start, all the hives infected with it were also infested with a second nasty, the Kashmiri bee virus. Yet this virus was also present in many of the apparently healthy hives. Intriguingly, there was also a virus that the researchers were unable to classify. They suspect it may be a new lineage of the Kashmiri bee virus, but it could be something completely novel. This second virus was also found only in the abandoned hives.
The researchers reckon that the reason why so many honey bees are dying is down to a combination of factors that are found only, so far, in America. The Israeli acute paralysis virus may have had such a devastating effect there because of the presence of a parasite called the varroa mite. This parasite weakens the immune systems of bees, making the consequences of an infection more likely to be fatal. Tellingly, bees in Australia have not been infected by the parasite. | 3562.txt | 0 |
[
"They collected samples not only from infected hives, but also from healthy hives and royal jelly.",
"They sorted out a chemical that provides relevant information from the genetic perspective",
"The research points out that an Israeli virus is the main cause of the collapse disorder since the virus was found in the hives and the royal jelly",
"They found that there were all kinds of viruses in the royal jelly which were also present in the infected hives."
]
| Which one of the following statements is NOT TURE of the experiment carried out by Dr Cox-Foster and her colleagues? | When honey bees began to desert their hives recently, never to return, it threw apiarists into a panic. What appeared to be perfectly healthy adult bees would flee their queen, the young and their foodstores. Instead of ransacking the empty hive, other bees would avoid it like the plague. Yet there was nothing obviously wrong. Researchers have now identified the first tangible clue in the mystery-a relatively new virus.
Colony collapse disorder became widespread in America in the winter of 2006-07, when about a quarter of the nation's beekeepers were affected, each losing between 30% and 90% of their winged workers. Bees are valued not so much for their honey, which is worth some $200m a year in America, but for their work in pollinating crops. This brings the economy some $15 billion a year, as apiarists move their hives to land producing fruit, vegetables and nuts.
Finding exactly why colonies collapse has been taxing the minds of both federal and university scientists. There have been few bodies on which to conduct autopsies. Those adult bees that have been found dead near an abandoned hive have been riddled with almost every bee disease known to man. Now a report by Diana Cox-Foster of Pennsylvania State University and her colleagues, published in the September 6th issue of Science, points the finger at the Israeli acute paralysis virus. The lurgy in question was, the researchers suggest, imported from Australia.
Because many factors could be acting together to cause bee colonies to collapse, Dr Cox-Foster and her colleagues decided to examine everything they could find within the empty hives. They collected samples from infected hives and compared them not only with samples from apparently healthy hives but also with an analysis of royal jelly-a bee secretion fed to the larvae-from China, which has not been affected by the mystery disorder. From their samples, the researchers extracted RNA-a chemical that carries and helps to decode genetic information. Their analysis revealed the presence of various bacteria, fungi and viruses that were lurking in the hives and the royal jelly. They then looked to see whether there was anything in the abandoned hives that was not found elsewhere.
What they found was a virus first identified in 2004 in the Middle East. Bees infected with Israeli acute paralysis virus shiver, their bodies become frozen and they die. But the virus itself cannot be the sole cause of colony collapse disorder. For a start, all the hives infected with it were also infested with a second nasty, the Kashmiri bee virus. Yet this virus was also present in many of the apparently healthy hives. Intriguingly, there was also a virus that the researchers were unable to classify. They suspect it may be a new lineage of the Kashmiri bee virus, but it could be something completely novel. This second virus was also found only in the abandoned hives.
The researchers reckon that the reason why so many honey bees are dying is down to a combination of factors that are found only, so far, in America. The Israeli acute paralysis virus may have had such a devastating effect there because of the presence of a parasite called the varroa mite. This parasite weakens the immune systems of bees, making the consequences of an infection more likely to be fatal. Tellingly, bees in Australia have not been infected by the parasite. | 3562.txt | 2 |
[
"the bees were affected with Israeli acute paralysis virus which was fatal to them.",
"the hives were infected with a combination of the viruses that lead to massive deaths of the bees.",
"an unidentified virus which may be a new lineage of the Kashmiri bee virus or a new virus causes the disaster.",
"the varroa mite is believed to worsen the conditions of the infected bees and leave them more vulnerable to deadly disease."
]
| According to the researchers, so many honey bees are dying probably because of the following reasons except _ | When honey bees began to desert their hives recently, never to return, it threw apiarists into a panic. What appeared to be perfectly healthy adult bees would flee their queen, the young and their foodstores. Instead of ransacking the empty hive, other bees would avoid it like the plague. Yet there was nothing obviously wrong. Researchers have now identified the first tangible clue in the mystery-a relatively new virus.
Colony collapse disorder became widespread in America in the winter of 2006-07, when about a quarter of the nation's beekeepers were affected, each losing between 30% and 90% of their winged workers. Bees are valued not so much for their honey, which is worth some $200m a year in America, but for their work in pollinating crops. This brings the economy some $15 billion a year, as apiarists move their hives to land producing fruit, vegetables and nuts.
Finding exactly why colonies collapse has been taxing the minds of both federal and university scientists. There have been few bodies on which to conduct autopsies. Those adult bees that have been found dead near an abandoned hive have been riddled with almost every bee disease known to man. Now a report by Diana Cox-Foster of Pennsylvania State University and her colleagues, published in the September 6th issue of Science, points the finger at the Israeli acute paralysis virus. The lurgy in question was, the researchers suggest, imported from Australia.
Because many factors could be acting together to cause bee colonies to collapse, Dr Cox-Foster and her colleagues decided to examine everything they could find within the empty hives. They collected samples from infected hives and compared them not only with samples from apparently healthy hives but also with an analysis of royal jelly-a bee secretion fed to the larvae-from China, which has not been affected by the mystery disorder. From their samples, the researchers extracted RNA-a chemical that carries and helps to decode genetic information. Their analysis revealed the presence of various bacteria, fungi and viruses that were lurking in the hives and the royal jelly. They then looked to see whether there was anything in the abandoned hives that was not found elsewhere.
What they found was a virus first identified in 2004 in the Middle East. Bees infected with Israeli acute paralysis virus shiver, their bodies become frozen and they die. But the virus itself cannot be the sole cause of colony collapse disorder. For a start, all the hives infected with it were also infested with a second nasty, the Kashmiri bee virus. Yet this virus was also present in many of the apparently healthy hives. Intriguingly, there was also a virus that the researchers were unable to classify. They suspect it may be a new lineage of the Kashmiri bee virus, but it could be something completely novel. This second virus was also found only in the abandoned hives.
The researchers reckon that the reason why so many honey bees are dying is down to a combination of factors that are found only, so far, in America. The Israeli acute paralysis virus may have had such a devastating effect there because of the presence of a parasite called the varroa mite. This parasite weakens the immune systems of bees, making the consequences of an infection more likely to be fatal. Tellingly, bees in Australia have not been infected by the parasite. | 3562.txt | 1 |
[
"to be quiet",
"to be colorful",
"to be full of love",
"to be attentive to someone"
]
| What does the phrase "to put a sock in it" in Paragraph 1 probably mean? | George Prochnik would like the world to put a sock in it. He makes his case in a new book, Listening for Meaning in a World of Noise. Here he explains himself (using his indoor voice):
"We've become so accustomed to noise, there's almost a deep prejudice against the idea that silence might be beneficial. If you tell someone to be quiet, you sound like an old man. But it's never been more important to find continuing quiet. Silence focuses us, improves our health, and is a key to lasting peace and satisfaction."
"We need to excite people about the sounds you start to hear if you merely quiet things down a little. During a Japanese tea ceremony, the smallest sounds become a kind of art-the spoons making a light ringing sound on a bowl, the edges of a kimonobrushing against the floor."
"Deaf people are very attentivein almost every aspect of life. If two deaf people are walking together, using sign language, they constantly watch out for each other and protect each other by paying steady attention to the other. They are connected yet also fully aware of their surroundings. Even deaf teenagers! We in the hearing world can learn from them. If we remove the powerful blastsof noise, we become aware of an extraordinarily rich world around us-of little soft sounds and the sound of footsteps, of bird songs and ice cracking. It's astonishing how beautiful things sound when you can really listen. " | 2942.txt | 0 |
[
"We are used to quietness",
"We have to put up with noise",
"We do not think silence to be beneficial",
"We do not believe lasting peace to be available"
]
| What does Prochnik say about us? | George Prochnik would like the world to put a sock in it. He makes his case in a new book, Listening for Meaning in a World of Noise. Here he explains himself (using his indoor voice):
"We've become so accustomed to noise, there's almost a deep prejudice against the idea that silence might be beneficial. If you tell someone to be quiet, you sound like an old man. But it's never been more important to find continuing quiet. Silence focuses us, improves our health, and is a key to lasting peace and satisfaction."
"We need to excite people about the sounds you start to hear if you merely quiet things down a little. During a Japanese tea ceremony, the smallest sounds become a kind of art-the spoons making a light ringing sound on a bowl, the edges of a kimonobrushing against the floor."
"Deaf people are very attentivein almost every aspect of life. If two deaf people are walking together, using sign language, they constantly watch out for each other and protect each other by paying steady attention to the other. They are connected yet also fully aware of their surroundings. Even deaf teenagers! We in the hearing world can learn from them. If we remove the powerful blastsof noise, we become aware of an extraordinarily rich world around us-of little soft sounds and the sound of footsteps, of bird songs and ice cracking. It's astonishing how beautiful things sound when you can really listen. " | 2942.txt | 2 |
[
"We need more sounds in our lives",
"There isnothing to be learned from the deaf",
"We are not aware how rich the world around us is",
"There is too much noise at a Japanese tea ceremony"
]
| Which of the following is true according to Prochnik? | George Prochnik would like the world to put a sock in it. He makes his case in a new book, Listening for Meaning in a World of Noise. Here he explains himself (using his indoor voice):
"We've become so accustomed to noise, there's almost a deep prejudice against the idea that silence might be beneficial. If you tell someone to be quiet, you sound like an old man. But it's never been more important to find continuing quiet. Silence focuses us, improves our health, and is a key to lasting peace and satisfaction."
"We need to excite people about the sounds you start to hear if you merely quiet things down a little. During a Japanese tea ceremony, the smallest sounds become a kind of art-the spoons making a light ringing sound on a bowl, the edges of a kimonobrushing against the floor."
"Deaf people are very attentivein almost every aspect of life. If two deaf people are walking together, using sign language, they constantly watch out for each other and protect each other by paying steady attention to the other. They are connected yet also fully aware of their surroundings. Even deaf teenagers! We in the hearing world can learn from them. If we remove the powerful blastsof noise, we become aware of an extraordinarily rich world around us-of little soft sounds and the sound of footsteps, of bird songs and ice cracking. It's astonishing how beautiful things sound when you can really listen. " | 2942.txt | 2 |
[
"we can benefit a lot from old people",
"it is a good idea to use sign language",
"there is no escape from the world of sound",
"it is possible to find how beautiful things sound"
]
| It can be inferred from the text that _ . | George Prochnik would like the world to put a sock in it. He makes his case in a new book, Listening for Meaning in a World of Noise. Here he explains himself (using his indoor voice):
"We've become so accustomed to noise, there's almost a deep prejudice against the idea that silence might be beneficial. If you tell someone to be quiet, you sound like an old man. But it's never been more important to find continuing quiet. Silence focuses us, improves our health, and is a key to lasting peace and satisfaction."
"We need to excite people about the sounds you start to hear if you merely quiet things down a little. During a Japanese tea ceremony, the smallest sounds become a kind of art-the spoons making a light ringing sound on a bowl, the edges of a kimonobrushing against the floor."
"Deaf people are very attentivein almost every aspect of life. If two deaf people are walking together, using sign language, they constantly watch out for each other and protect each other by paying steady attention to the other. They are connected yet also fully aware of their surroundings. Even deaf teenagers! We in the hearing world can learn from them. If we remove the powerful blastsof noise, we become aware of an extraordinarily rich world around us-of little soft sounds and the sound of footsteps, of bird songs and ice cracking. It's astonishing how beautiful things sound when you can really listen. " | 2942.txt | 3 |
[
"To reject the claim that Britain was facing an energy shortage in the eighteenth century.",
"To explain why coal rather than other energy resources became the primary source of heat for homes and industries in eighteenth-century Britain.",
"To indicate that Britain's energy shortage was not the result of a lack of fuel.",
"To explain why coal mining became an important industry in nineteenth-century."
]
| Why does the author provide the information that "Great Britain had large amounts of coal"(paragraph 1)? | For years historians have sought to identify crucial elements in the eighteenth-century rise in industry, technology, and economic power known as the Industrial Revolution, and many give prominence to the problem of energy. Until the eighteenth century, people relied on energy derived from plants as well as animal and human muscle to provide power. Increased efficiency in the use of water and wind helped with such tasks as pumping, milling, or sailing. However, by the eighteenth century, Great Britain in particular was experiencing an energy shortage. Wood, the primary source of heat for homes and industries and also used in the iron industry as processed charcoal, was diminishing in supply. Great Britain had large amounts of coal; however, there were not yet efficient means by which to produce mechanical energy or to power machinery. This was to occur with progress in the development of the steam engine.
In the late 1700s James Watt designed an efficient and commercially viable steam engine that was soon applied to a variety of industrial uses as it became cheaper to use. The engine helped solve the problem of draining coal mines of groundwater and increased the production of coal needed to power steam engines elsewhere. A rotary engine attached to the steam engine enabled shafts to be turned and machines to be driven, resulting in mills using steam power to spin and weave cotton. Since the steam engine was fired by coal, the large mills did not need to be located by rivers, as had mills that used water- driven machines. The shift to increased mechanization in cotton production is apparent in the import of raw cotton and the sale of cotton goods. Between 1760 and 1850, the amount of raw cotton imported increased 230 times. Production of British cotton goods increased sixtyfold, and cotton cloth became Great Britain's most important product, accounting for one-half of all exports. The success of the steam engine resulted in increased demands for coal, and the consequent increase in coal production was made possible as the steam-powered pumps drained water from the ever-deeper coal seams found below the water table.
The availability of steam power and the demands for new machines facilitated the transformation of the iron industry. Charcoal, made from wood and thus in limited supply, was replaced with coal-derived coke (substance left after coal is heateD. as steam-driven bellows came into use for producing of raw iron. Impurities were burnt away with the use of coke, producing a high-quality refined iron. Reduced cost was also instrumental in developing steam-powered rolling mills capable of producing finished iron of various shapes and sizes. The resulting boom in the iron industry expanded the annual iron output by more than 170 times between 1740 and 1840, and by the 1850s Great Britain was producing more tons of iron than the rest of the world combined. The developments in the iron industry were in part a response to the demand for more machines and the ever-widening use of higher-quality iron in other industries.
Steam power and iron combined to revolutionize transport, which in turn had further implications. Improvements in road construction and sailing had occurred, but shipping heavy freight over land remained expensive, even with the use of rivers and canals wherever possible. Parallel rails had long been used in mining operations to move bigger loads, but horses were still the primary source of power. However, the arrival of the steam engine initiated a complete transformation in rail transportation, entrenching and expanding the Industrial Revolution. As transportation improved, distant and larger markets within the nation could be reached, thereby encouraging the development of larger factories to keep pace with increasing sales. Greater productivity and rising demands provided entrepreneurs with profits that could be reinvested to take advantage of new technologies to further expand capacity, or to seek alternative investment opportunities. Also, the availability of jobs in railway construction attracted many rural laborers accustomed to seasonal and temporary employment. When the work was completed, many moved to other construction jobs or to factory work in cities and towns, where they became part of an expanding working class. | 4062.txt | 2 |
[
"Water and wind could not be used efficiently.",
"There was no efficient way to power machinery.",
"Steam engines required large amounts of coal, which was in short supply.",
"Neither humans nor animals were strong enough to provide the power required for industrial application."
]
| What was "the problem of energy" that had to be solved to make the Industrial Revolution of the eighteenth century possible? | For years historians have sought to identify crucial elements in the eighteenth-century rise in industry, technology, and economic power known as the Industrial Revolution, and many give prominence to the problem of energy. Until the eighteenth century, people relied on energy derived from plants as well as animal and human muscle to provide power. Increased efficiency in the use of water and wind helped with such tasks as pumping, milling, or sailing. However, by the eighteenth century, Great Britain in particular was experiencing an energy shortage. Wood, the primary source of heat for homes and industries and also used in the iron industry as processed charcoal, was diminishing in supply. Great Britain had large amounts of coal; however, there were not yet efficient means by which to produce mechanical energy or to power machinery. This was to occur with progress in the development of the steam engine.
In the late 1700s James Watt designed an efficient and commercially viable steam engine that was soon applied to a variety of industrial uses as it became cheaper to use. The engine helped solve the problem of draining coal mines of groundwater and increased the production of coal needed to power steam engines elsewhere. A rotary engine attached to the steam engine enabled shafts to be turned and machines to be driven, resulting in mills using steam power to spin and weave cotton. Since the steam engine was fired by coal, the large mills did not need to be located by rivers, as had mills that used water- driven machines. The shift to increased mechanization in cotton production is apparent in the import of raw cotton and the sale of cotton goods. Between 1760 and 1850, the amount of raw cotton imported increased 230 times. Production of British cotton goods increased sixtyfold, and cotton cloth became Great Britain's most important product, accounting for one-half of all exports. The success of the steam engine resulted in increased demands for coal, and the consequent increase in coal production was made possible as the steam-powered pumps drained water from the ever-deeper coal seams found below the water table.
The availability of steam power and the demands for new machines facilitated the transformation of the iron industry. Charcoal, made from wood and thus in limited supply, was replaced with coal-derived coke (substance left after coal is heateD. as steam-driven bellows came into use for producing of raw iron. Impurities were burnt away with the use of coke, producing a high-quality refined iron. Reduced cost was also instrumental in developing steam-powered rolling mills capable of producing finished iron of various shapes and sizes. The resulting boom in the iron industry expanded the annual iron output by more than 170 times between 1740 and 1840, and by the 1850s Great Britain was producing more tons of iron than the rest of the world combined. The developments in the iron industry were in part a response to the demand for more machines and the ever-widening use of higher-quality iron in other industries.
Steam power and iron combined to revolutionize transport, which in turn had further implications. Improvements in road construction and sailing had occurred, but shipping heavy freight over land remained expensive, even with the use of rivers and canals wherever possible. Parallel rails had long been used in mining operations to move bigger loads, but horses were still the primary source of power. However, the arrival of the steam engine initiated a complete transformation in rail transportation, entrenching and expanding the Industrial Revolution. As transportation improved, distant and larger markets within the nation could be reached, thereby encouraging the development of larger factories to keep pace with increasing sales. Greater productivity and rising demands provided entrepreneurs with profits that could be reinvested to take advantage of new technologies to further expand capacity, or to seek alternative investment opportunities. Also, the availability of jobs in railway construction attracted many rural laborers accustomed to seasonal and temporary employment. When the work was completed, many moved to other construction jobs or to factory work in cities and towns, where they became part of an expanding working class. | 4062.txt | 1 |
[
"The importing of huge quantities of raw cotton by Britain.",
"Increased mechanization.",
"More possibilities for mill location.",
"Smaller mills."
]
| Which of the following is NOT mentionedin paragraph 2 as a development in cotton mills brought about by Watt's steamengine? | For years historians have sought to identify crucial elements in the eighteenth-century rise in industry, technology, and economic power known as the Industrial Revolution, and many give prominence to the problem of energy. Until the eighteenth century, people relied on energy derived from plants as well as animal and human muscle to provide power. Increased efficiency in the use of water and wind helped with such tasks as pumping, milling, or sailing. However, by the eighteenth century, Great Britain in particular was experiencing an energy shortage. Wood, the primary source of heat for homes and industries and also used in the iron industry as processed charcoal, was diminishing in supply. Great Britain had large amounts of coal; however, there were not yet efficient means by which to produce mechanical energy or to power machinery. This was to occur with progress in the development of the steam engine.
In the late 1700s James Watt designed an efficient and commercially viable steam engine that was soon applied to a variety of industrial uses as it became cheaper to use. The engine helped solve the problem of draining coal mines of groundwater and increased the production of coal needed to power steam engines elsewhere. A rotary engine attached to the steam engine enabled shafts to be turned and machines to be driven, resulting in mills using steam power to spin and weave cotton. Since the steam engine was fired by coal, the large mills did not need to be located by rivers, as had mills that used water- driven machines. The shift to increased mechanization in cotton production is apparent in the import of raw cotton and the sale of cotton goods. Between 1760 and 1850, the amount of raw cotton imported increased 230 times. Production of British cotton goods increased sixtyfold, and cotton cloth became Great Britain's most important product, accounting for one-half of all exports. The success of the steam engine resulted in increased demands for coal, and the consequent increase in coal production was made possible as the steam-powered pumps drained water from the ever-deeper coal seams found below the water table.
The availability of steam power and the demands for new machines facilitated the transformation of the iron industry. Charcoal, made from wood and thus in limited supply, was replaced with coal-derived coke (substance left after coal is heateD. as steam-driven bellows came into use for producing of raw iron. Impurities were burnt away with the use of coke, producing a high-quality refined iron. Reduced cost was also instrumental in developing steam-powered rolling mills capable of producing finished iron of various shapes and sizes. The resulting boom in the iron industry expanded the annual iron output by more than 170 times between 1740 and 1840, and by the 1850s Great Britain was producing more tons of iron than the rest of the world combined. The developments in the iron industry were in part a response to the demand for more machines and the ever-widening use of higher-quality iron in other industries.
Steam power and iron combined to revolutionize transport, which in turn had further implications. Improvements in road construction and sailing had occurred, but shipping heavy freight over land remained expensive, even with the use of rivers and canals wherever possible. Parallel rails had long been used in mining operations to move bigger loads, but horses were still the primary source of power. However, the arrival of the steam engine initiated a complete transformation in rail transportation, entrenching and expanding the Industrial Revolution. As transportation improved, distant and larger markets within the nation could be reached, thereby encouraging the development of larger factories to keep pace with increasing sales. Greater productivity and rising demands provided entrepreneurs with profits that could be reinvested to take advantage of new technologies to further expand capacity, or to seek alternative investment opportunities. Also, the availability of jobs in railway construction attracted many rural laborers accustomed to seasonal and temporary employment. When the work was completed, many moved to other construction jobs or to factory work in cities and towns, where they became part of an expanding working class. | 4062.txt | 3 |
[
"clearly seen in.",
"aided by.",
"associated with.",
"followed by."
]
| The phrase "apparent in" in the passage(paragraph 2)is closest in meaning to | For years historians have sought to identify crucial elements in the eighteenth-century rise in industry, technology, and economic power known as the Industrial Revolution, and many give prominence to the problem of energy. Until the eighteenth century, people relied on energy derived from plants as well as animal and human muscle to provide power. Increased efficiency in the use of water and wind helped with such tasks as pumping, milling, or sailing. However, by the eighteenth century, Great Britain in particular was experiencing an energy shortage. Wood, the primary source of heat for homes and industries and also used in the iron industry as processed charcoal, was diminishing in supply. Great Britain had large amounts of coal; however, there were not yet efficient means by which to produce mechanical energy or to power machinery. This was to occur with progress in the development of the steam engine.
In the late 1700s James Watt designed an efficient and commercially viable steam engine that was soon applied to a variety of industrial uses as it became cheaper to use. The engine helped solve the problem of draining coal mines of groundwater and increased the production of coal needed to power steam engines elsewhere. A rotary engine attached to the steam engine enabled shafts to be turned and machines to be driven, resulting in mills using steam power to spin and weave cotton. Since the steam engine was fired by coal, the large mills did not need to be located by rivers, as had mills that used water- driven machines. The shift to increased mechanization in cotton production is apparent in the import of raw cotton and the sale of cotton goods. Between 1760 and 1850, the amount of raw cotton imported increased 230 times. Production of British cotton goods increased sixtyfold, and cotton cloth became Great Britain's most important product, accounting for one-half of all exports. The success of the steam engine resulted in increased demands for coal, and the consequent increase in coal production was made possible as the steam-powered pumps drained water from the ever-deeper coal seams found below the water table.
The availability of steam power and the demands for new machines facilitated the transformation of the iron industry. Charcoal, made from wood and thus in limited supply, was replaced with coal-derived coke (substance left after coal is heateD. as steam-driven bellows came into use for producing of raw iron. Impurities were burnt away with the use of coke, producing a high-quality refined iron. Reduced cost was also instrumental in developing steam-powered rolling mills capable of producing finished iron of various shapes and sizes. The resulting boom in the iron industry expanded the annual iron output by more than 170 times between 1740 and 1840, and by the 1850s Great Britain was producing more tons of iron than the rest of the world combined. The developments in the iron industry were in part a response to the demand for more machines and the ever-widening use of higher-quality iron in other industries.
Steam power and iron combined to revolutionize transport, which in turn had further implications. Improvements in road construction and sailing had occurred, but shipping heavy freight over land remained expensive, even with the use of rivers and canals wherever possible. Parallel rails had long been used in mining operations to move bigger loads, but horses were still the primary source of power. However, the arrival of the steam engine initiated a complete transformation in rail transportation, entrenching and expanding the Industrial Revolution. As transportation improved, distant and larger markets within the nation could be reached, thereby encouraging the development of larger factories to keep pace with increasing sales. Greater productivity and rising demands provided entrepreneurs with profits that could be reinvested to take advantage of new technologies to further expand capacity, or to seek alternative investment opportunities. Also, the availability of jobs in railway construction attracted many rural laborers accustomed to seasonal and temporary employment. When the work was completed, many moved to other construction jobs or to factory work in cities and towns, where they became part of an expanding working class. | 4062.txt | 0 |
[
"Raw cotton.",
"Cotton cloth.",
"Steam-powered pumps.",
"Coal."
]
| According to paragraph 2, what was Britain's most important export by 1850? | For years historians have sought to identify crucial elements in the eighteenth-century rise in industry, technology, and economic power known as the Industrial Revolution, and many give prominence to the problem of energy. Until the eighteenth century, people relied on energy derived from plants as well as animal and human muscle to provide power. Increased efficiency in the use of water and wind helped with such tasks as pumping, milling, or sailing. However, by the eighteenth century, Great Britain in particular was experiencing an energy shortage. Wood, the primary source of heat for homes and industries and also used in the iron industry as processed charcoal, was diminishing in supply. Great Britain had large amounts of coal; however, there were not yet efficient means by which to produce mechanical energy or to power machinery. This was to occur with progress in the development of the steam engine.
In the late 1700s James Watt designed an efficient and commercially viable steam engine that was soon applied to a variety of industrial uses as it became cheaper to use. The engine helped solve the problem of draining coal mines of groundwater and increased the production of coal needed to power steam engines elsewhere. A rotary engine attached to the steam engine enabled shafts to be turned and machines to be driven, resulting in mills using steam power to spin and weave cotton. Since the steam engine was fired by coal, the large mills did not need to be located by rivers, as had mills that used water- driven machines. The shift to increased mechanization in cotton production is apparent in the import of raw cotton and the sale of cotton goods. Between 1760 and 1850, the amount of raw cotton imported increased 230 times. Production of British cotton goods increased sixtyfold, and cotton cloth became Great Britain's most important product, accounting for one-half of all exports. The success of the steam engine resulted in increased demands for coal, and the consequent increase in coal production was made possible as the steam-powered pumps drained water from the ever-deeper coal seams found below the water table.
The availability of steam power and the demands for new machines facilitated the transformation of the iron industry. Charcoal, made from wood and thus in limited supply, was replaced with coal-derived coke (substance left after coal is heateD. as steam-driven bellows came into use for producing of raw iron. Impurities were burnt away with the use of coke, producing a high-quality refined iron. Reduced cost was also instrumental in developing steam-powered rolling mills capable of producing finished iron of various shapes and sizes. The resulting boom in the iron industry expanded the annual iron output by more than 170 times between 1740 and 1840, and by the 1850s Great Britain was producing more tons of iron than the rest of the world combined. The developments in the iron industry were in part a response to the demand for more machines and the ever-widening use of higher-quality iron in other industries.
Steam power and iron combined to revolutionize transport, which in turn had further implications. Improvements in road construction and sailing had occurred, but shipping heavy freight over land remained expensive, even with the use of rivers and canals wherever possible. Parallel rails had long been used in mining operations to move bigger loads, but horses were still the primary source of power. However, the arrival of the steam engine initiated a complete transformation in rail transportation, entrenching and expanding the Industrial Revolution. As transportation improved, distant and larger markets within the nation could be reached, thereby encouraging the development of larger factories to keep pace with increasing sales. Greater productivity and rising demands provided entrepreneurs with profits that could be reinvested to take advantage of new technologies to further expand capacity, or to seek alternative investment opportunities. Also, the availability of jobs in railway construction attracted many rural laborers accustomed to seasonal and temporary employment. When the work was completed, many moved to other construction jobs or to factory work in cities and towns, where they became part of an expanding working class. | 4062.txt | 1 |
[
"resulting.",
"encouraging.",
"well documented.",
"immediate."
]
| The word "consequent"(paragraph 2)in the passage is closest in meaning to | For years historians have sought to identify crucial elements in the eighteenth-century rise in industry, technology, and economic power known as the Industrial Revolution, and many give prominence to the problem of energy. Until the eighteenth century, people relied on energy derived from plants as well as animal and human muscle to provide power. Increased efficiency in the use of water and wind helped with such tasks as pumping, milling, or sailing. However, by the eighteenth century, Great Britain in particular was experiencing an energy shortage. Wood, the primary source of heat for homes and industries and also used in the iron industry as processed charcoal, was diminishing in supply. Great Britain had large amounts of coal; however, there were not yet efficient means by which to produce mechanical energy or to power machinery. This was to occur with progress in the development of the steam engine.
In the late 1700s James Watt designed an efficient and commercially viable steam engine that was soon applied to a variety of industrial uses as it became cheaper to use. The engine helped solve the problem of draining coal mines of groundwater and increased the production of coal needed to power steam engines elsewhere. A rotary engine attached to the steam engine enabled shafts to be turned and machines to be driven, resulting in mills using steam power to spin and weave cotton. Since the steam engine was fired by coal, the large mills did not need to be located by rivers, as had mills that used water- driven machines. The shift to increased mechanization in cotton production is apparent in the import of raw cotton and the sale of cotton goods. Between 1760 and 1850, the amount of raw cotton imported increased 230 times. Production of British cotton goods increased sixtyfold, and cotton cloth became Great Britain's most important product, accounting for one-half of all exports. The success of the steam engine resulted in increased demands for coal, and the consequent increase in coal production was made possible as the steam-powered pumps drained water from the ever-deeper coal seams found below the water table.
The availability of steam power and the demands for new machines facilitated the transformation of the iron industry. Charcoal, made from wood and thus in limited supply, was replaced with coal-derived coke (substance left after coal is heateD. as steam-driven bellows came into use for producing of raw iron. Impurities were burnt away with the use of coke, producing a high-quality refined iron. Reduced cost was also instrumental in developing steam-powered rolling mills capable of producing finished iron of various shapes and sizes. The resulting boom in the iron industry expanded the annual iron output by more than 170 times between 1740 and 1840, and by the 1850s Great Britain was producing more tons of iron than the rest of the world combined. The developments in the iron industry were in part a response to the demand for more machines and the ever-widening use of higher-quality iron in other industries.
Steam power and iron combined to revolutionize transport, which in turn had further implications. Improvements in road construction and sailing had occurred, but shipping heavy freight over land remained expensive, even with the use of rivers and canals wherever possible. Parallel rails had long been used in mining operations to move bigger loads, but horses were still the primary source of power. However, the arrival of the steam engine initiated a complete transformation in rail transportation, entrenching and expanding the Industrial Revolution. As transportation improved, distant and larger markets within the nation could be reached, thereby encouraging the development of larger factories to keep pace with increasing sales. Greater productivity and rising demands provided entrepreneurs with profits that could be reinvested to take advantage of new technologies to further expand capacity, or to seek alternative investment opportunities. Also, the availability of jobs in railway construction attracted many rural laborers accustomed to seasonal and temporary employment. When the work was completed, many moved to other construction jobs or to factory work in cities and towns, where they became part of an expanding working class. | 4062.txt | 0 |
[
"It explains how by increasing the supply of raw materials from other countries, British industries were able to reduce costs and increase production.",
"It explains how the production of mechanical energy and its benefits spread quickly across countries that were linked commercially with Great Britain.",
"It demonstrates why developments in a single industry could not have caused the Industrial Revolution.",
"It illustrates why historians have assigned great importance to the issue of energy in the rise of the Industrial Revolution."
]
| What is the role of paragraph 2 in the passage as a whole? | For years historians have sought to identify crucial elements in the eighteenth-century rise in industry, technology, and economic power known as the Industrial Revolution, and many give prominence to the problem of energy. Until the eighteenth century, people relied on energy derived from plants as well as animal and human muscle to provide power. Increased efficiency in the use of water and wind helped with such tasks as pumping, milling, or sailing. However, by the eighteenth century, Great Britain in particular was experiencing an energy shortage. Wood, the primary source of heat for homes and industries and also used in the iron industry as processed charcoal, was diminishing in supply. Great Britain had large amounts of coal; however, there were not yet efficient means by which to produce mechanical energy or to power machinery. This was to occur with progress in the development of the steam engine.
In the late 1700s James Watt designed an efficient and commercially viable steam engine that was soon applied to a variety of industrial uses as it became cheaper to use. The engine helped solve the problem of draining coal mines of groundwater and increased the production of coal needed to power steam engines elsewhere. A rotary engine attached to the steam engine enabled shafts to be turned and machines to be driven, resulting in mills using steam power to spin and weave cotton. Since the steam engine was fired by coal, the large mills did not need to be located by rivers, as had mills that used water- driven machines. The shift to increased mechanization in cotton production is apparent in the import of raw cotton and the sale of cotton goods. Between 1760 and 1850, the amount of raw cotton imported increased 230 times. Production of British cotton goods increased sixtyfold, and cotton cloth became Great Britain's most important product, accounting for one-half of all exports. The success of the steam engine resulted in increased demands for coal, and the consequent increase in coal production was made possible as the steam-powered pumps drained water from the ever-deeper coal seams found below the water table.
The availability of steam power and the demands for new machines facilitated the transformation of the iron industry. Charcoal, made from wood and thus in limited supply, was replaced with coal-derived coke (substance left after coal is heateD. as steam-driven bellows came into use for producing of raw iron. Impurities were burnt away with the use of coke, producing a high-quality refined iron. Reduced cost was also instrumental in developing steam-powered rolling mills capable of producing finished iron of various shapes and sizes. The resulting boom in the iron industry expanded the annual iron output by more than 170 times between 1740 and 1840, and by the 1850s Great Britain was producing more tons of iron than the rest of the world combined. The developments in the iron industry were in part a response to the demand for more machines and the ever-widening use of higher-quality iron in other industries.
Steam power and iron combined to revolutionize transport, which in turn had further implications. Improvements in road construction and sailing had occurred, but shipping heavy freight over land remained expensive, even with the use of rivers and canals wherever possible. Parallel rails had long been used in mining operations to move bigger loads, but horses were still the primary source of power. However, the arrival of the steam engine initiated a complete transformation in rail transportation, entrenching and expanding the Industrial Revolution. As transportation improved, distant and larger markets within the nation could be reached, thereby encouraging the development of larger factories to keep pace with increasing sales. Greater productivity and rising demands provided entrepreneurs with profits that could be reinvested to take advantage of new technologies to further expand capacity, or to seek alternative investment opportunities. Also, the availability of jobs in railway construction attracted many rural laborers accustomed to seasonal and temporary employment. When the work was completed, many moved to other construction jobs or to factory work in cities and towns, where they became part of an expanding working class. | 4062.txt | 3 |
[
"It helped make wood into charcoal.",
"It reduced the dependency on steam-powered machines used for the production of iron.",
"It replaced charcoal in the production of raw and refined iron.",
"It powered the machines used to extract coal in coal mines."
]
| According to paragraph 3, why was the use of coke important for the ironindustry? | For years historians have sought to identify crucial elements in the eighteenth-century rise in industry, technology, and economic power known as the Industrial Revolution, and many give prominence to the problem of energy. Until the eighteenth century, people relied on energy derived from plants as well as animal and human muscle to provide power. Increased efficiency in the use of water and wind helped with such tasks as pumping, milling, or sailing. However, by the eighteenth century, Great Britain in particular was experiencing an energy shortage. Wood, the primary source of heat for homes and industries and also used in the iron industry as processed charcoal, was diminishing in supply. Great Britain had large amounts of coal; however, there were not yet efficient means by which to produce mechanical energy or to power machinery. This was to occur with progress in the development of the steam engine.
In the late 1700s James Watt designed an efficient and commercially viable steam engine that was soon applied to a variety of industrial uses as it became cheaper to use. The engine helped solve the problem of draining coal mines of groundwater and increased the production of coal needed to power steam engines elsewhere. A rotary engine attached to the steam engine enabled shafts to be turned and machines to be driven, resulting in mills using steam power to spin and weave cotton. Since the steam engine was fired by coal, the large mills did not need to be located by rivers, as had mills that used water- driven machines. The shift to increased mechanization in cotton production is apparent in the import of raw cotton and the sale of cotton goods. Between 1760 and 1850, the amount of raw cotton imported increased 230 times. Production of British cotton goods increased sixtyfold, and cotton cloth became Great Britain's most important product, accounting for one-half of all exports. The success of the steam engine resulted in increased demands for coal, and the consequent increase in coal production was made possible as the steam-powered pumps drained water from the ever-deeper coal seams found below the water table.
The availability of steam power and the demands for new machines facilitated the transformation of the iron industry. Charcoal, made from wood and thus in limited supply, was replaced with coal-derived coke (substance left after coal is heateD. as steam-driven bellows came into use for producing of raw iron. Impurities were burnt away with the use of coke, producing a high-quality refined iron. Reduced cost was also instrumental in developing steam-powered rolling mills capable of producing finished iron of various shapes and sizes. The resulting boom in the iron industry expanded the annual iron output by more than 170 times between 1740 and 1840, and by the 1850s Great Britain was producing more tons of iron than the rest of the world combined. The developments in the iron industry were in part a response to the demand for more machines and the ever-widening use of higher-quality iron in other industries.
Steam power and iron combined to revolutionize transport, which in turn had further implications. Improvements in road construction and sailing had occurred, but shipping heavy freight over land remained expensive, even with the use of rivers and canals wherever possible. Parallel rails had long been used in mining operations to move bigger loads, but horses were still the primary source of power. However, the arrival of the steam engine initiated a complete transformation in rail transportation, entrenching and expanding the Industrial Revolution. As transportation improved, distant and larger markets within the nation could be reached, thereby encouraging the development of larger factories to keep pace with increasing sales. Greater productivity and rising demands provided entrepreneurs with profits that could be reinvested to take advantage of new technologies to further expand capacity, or to seek alternative investment opportunities. Also, the availability of jobs in railway construction attracted many rural laborers accustomed to seasonal and temporary employment. When the work was completed, many moved to other construction jobs or to factory work in cities and towns, where they became part of an expanding working class. | 4062.txt | 2 |
[
"Steam-driven bellows were used to produce raw iron.",
"By the 1850s Britain was the world's largest producer of iron.",
"Steam-powered mills made it possible to produce iron of different shapes and sizes.",
"Greater demand for higher-quality iron increased its price."
]
| According to paragraph 3, all of the following were true of the ironindustry in Great Britain during the 1800s EXCEPT | For years historians have sought to identify crucial elements in the eighteenth-century rise in industry, technology, and economic power known as the Industrial Revolution, and many give prominence to the problem of energy. Until the eighteenth century, people relied on energy derived from plants as well as animal and human muscle to provide power. Increased efficiency in the use of water and wind helped with such tasks as pumping, milling, or sailing. However, by the eighteenth century, Great Britain in particular was experiencing an energy shortage. Wood, the primary source of heat for homes and industries and also used in the iron industry as processed charcoal, was diminishing in supply. Great Britain had large amounts of coal; however, there were not yet efficient means by which to produce mechanical energy or to power machinery. This was to occur with progress in the development of the steam engine.
In the late 1700s James Watt designed an efficient and commercially viable steam engine that was soon applied to a variety of industrial uses as it became cheaper to use. The engine helped solve the problem of draining coal mines of groundwater and increased the production of coal needed to power steam engines elsewhere. A rotary engine attached to the steam engine enabled shafts to be turned and machines to be driven, resulting in mills using steam power to spin and weave cotton. Since the steam engine was fired by coal, the large mills did not need to be located by rivers, as had mills that used water- driven machines. The shift to increased mechanization in cotton production is apparent in the import of raw cotton and the sale of cotton goods. Between 1760 and 1850, the amount of raw cotton imported increased 230 times. Production of British cotton goods increased sixtyfold, and cotton cloth became Great Britain's most important product, accounting for one-half of all exports. The success of the steam engine resulted in increased demands for coal, and the consequent increase in coal production was made possible as the steam-powered pumps drained water from the ever-deeper coal seams found below the water table.
The availability of steam power and the demands for new machines facilitated the transformation of the iron industry. Charcoal, made from wood and thus in limited supply, was replaced with coal-derived coke (substance left after coal is heateD. as steam-driven bellows came into use for producing of raw iron. Impurities were burnt away with the use of coke, producing a high-quality refined iron. Reduced cost was also instrumental in developing steam-powered rolling mills capable of producing finished iron of various shapes and sizes. The resulting boom in the iron industry expanded the annual iron output by more than 170 times between 1740 and 1840, and by the 1850s Great Britain was producing more tons of iron than the rest of the world combined. The developments in the iron industry were in part a response to the demand for more machines and the ever-widening use of higher-quality iron in other industries.
Steam power and iron combined to revolutionize transport, which in turn had further implications. Improvements in road construction and sailing had occurred, but shipping heavy freight over land remained expensive, even with the use of rivers and canals wherever possible. Parallel rails had long been used in mining operations to move bigger loads, but horses were still the primary source of power. However, the arrival of the steam engine initiated a complete transformation in rail transportation, entrenching and expanding the Industrial Revolution. As transportation improved, distant and larger markets within the nation could be reached, thereby encouraging the development of larger factories to keep pace with increasing sales. Greater productivity and rising demands provided entrepreneurs with profits that could be reinvested to take advantage of new technologies to further expand capacity, or to seek alternative investment opportunities. Also, the availability of jobs in railway construction attracted many rural laborers accustomed to seasonal and temporary employment. When the work was completed, many moved to other construction jobs or to factory work in cities and towns, where they became part of an expanding working class. | 4062.txt | 3 |
[
"anticipated.",
"accelerated.",
"spread.",
"started."
]
| The word "initiated"in the passage is closest in meaning to | For years historians have sought to identify crucial elements in the eighteenth-century rise in industry, technology, and economic power known as the Industrial Revolution, and many give prominence to the problem of energy. Until the eighteenth century, people relied on energy derived from plants as well as animal and human muscle to provide power. Increased efficiency in the use of water and wind helped with such tasks as pumping, milling, or sailing. However, by the eighteenth century, Great Britain in particular was experiencing an energy shortage. Wood, the primary source of heat for homes and industries and also used in the iron industry as processed charcoal, was diminishing in supply. Great Britain had large amounts of coal; however, there were not yet efficient means by which to produce mechanical energy or to power machinery. This was to occur with progress in the development of the steam engine.
In the late 1700s James Watt designed an efficient and commercially viable steam engine that was soon applied to a variety of industrial uses as it became cheaper to use. The engine helped solve the problem of draining coal mines of groundwater and increased the production of coal needed to power steam engines elsewhere. A rotary engine attached to the steam engine enabled shafts to be turned and machines to be driven, resulting in mills using steam power to spin and weave cotton. Since the steam engine was fired by coal, the large mills did not need to be located by rivers, as had mills that used water- driven machines. The shift to increased mechanization in cotton production is apparent in the import of raw cotton and the sale of cotton goods. Between 1760 and 1850, the amount of raw cotton imported increased 230 times. Production of British cotton goods increased sixtyfold, and cotton cloth became Great Britain's most important product, accounting for one-half of all exports. The success of the steam engine resulted in increased demands for coal, and the consequent increase in coal production was made possible as the steam-powered pumps drained water from the ever-deeper coal seams found below the water table.
The availability of steam power and the demands for new machines facilitated the transformation of the iron industry. Charcoal, made from wood and thus in limited supply, was replaced with coal-derived coke (substance left after coal is heateD. as steam-driven bellows came into use for producing of raw iron. Impurities were burnt away with the use of coke, producing a high-quality refined iron. Reduced cost was also instrumental in developing steam-powered rolling mills capable of producing finished iron of various shapes and sizes. The resulting boom in the iron industry expanded the annual iron output by more than 170 times between 1740 and 1840, and by the 1850s Great Britain was producing more tons of iron than the rest of the world combined. The developments in the iron industry were in part a response to the demand for more machines and the ever-widening use of higher-quality iron in other industries.
Steam power and iron combined to revolutionize transport, which in turn had further implications. Improvements in road construction and sailing had occurred, but shipping heavy freight over land remained expensive, even with the use of rivers and canals wherever possible. Parallel rails had long been used in mining operations to move bigger loads, but horses were still the primary source of power. However, the arrival of the steam engine initiated a complete transformation in rail transportation, entrenching and expanding the Industrial Revolution. As transportation improved, distant and larger markets within the nation could be reached, thereby encouraging the development of larger factories to keep pace with increasing sales. Greater productivity and rising demands provided entrepreneurs with profits that could be reinvested to take advantage of new technologies to further expand capacity, or to seek alternative investment opportunities. Also, the availability of jobs in railway construction attracted many rural laborers accustomed to seasonal and temporary employment. When the work was completed, many moved to other construction jobs or to factory work in cities and towns, where they became part of an expanding working class. | 4062.txt | 3 |
[
"Because railway construction employed mostly rural laborers, unemployment increased among urban workers.",
"It resulted in more trade within the country, but less trade with markets that could be reached only by ocean shipping.",
"It made shipping freight overland to distant markets less expensive.",
"It resulted in higher wages for factory workers."
]
| Paragraph 4 implies which of the following about the transformation inrail transportation? | For years historians have sought to identify crucial elements in the eighteenth-century rise in industry, technology, and economic power known as the Industrial Revolution, and many give prominence to the problem of energy. Until the eighteenth century, people relied on energy derived from plants as well as animal and human muscle to provide power. Increased efficiency in the use of water and wind helped with such tasks as pumping, milling, or sailing. However, by the eighteenth century, Great Britain in particular was experiencing an energy shortage. Wood, the primary source of heat for homes and industries and also used in the iron industry as processed charcoal, was diminishing in supply. Great Britain had large amounts of coal; however, there were not yet efficient means by which to produce mechanical energy or to power machinery. This was to occur with progress in the development of the steam engine.
In the late 1700s James Watt designed an efficient and commercially viable steam engine that was soon applied to a variety of industrial uses as it became cheaper to use. The engine helped solve the problem of draining coal mines of groundwater and increased the production of coal needed to power steam engines elsewhere. A rotary engine attached to the steam engine enabled shafts to be turned and machines to be driven, resulting in mills using steam power to spin and weave cotton. Since the steam engine was fired by coal, the large mills did not need to be located by rivers, as had mills that used water- driven machines. The shift to increased mechanization in cotton production is apparent in the import of raw cotton and the sale of cotton goods. Between 1760 and 1850, the amount of raw cotton imported increased 230 times. Production of British cotton goods increased sixtyfold, and cotton cloth became Great Britain's most important product, accounting for one-half of all exports. The success of the steam engine resulted in increased demands for coal, and the consequent increase in coal production was made possible as the steam-powered pumps drained water from the ever-deeper coal seams found below the water table.
The availability of steam power and the demands for new machines facilitated the transformation of the iron industry. Charcoal, made from wood and thus in limited supply, was replaced with coal-derived coke (substance left after coal is heateD. as steam-driven bellows came into use for producing of raw iron. Impurities were burnt away with the use of coke, producing a high-quality refined iron. Reduced cost was also instrumental in developing steam-powered rolling mills capable of producing finished iron of various shapes and sizes. The resulting boom in the iron industry expanded the annual iron output by more than 170 times between 1740 and 1840, and by the 1850s Great Britain was producing more tons of iron than the rest of the world combined. The developments in the iron industry were in part a response to the demand for more machines and the ever-widening use of higher-quality iron in other industries.
Steam power and iron combined to revolutionize transport, which in turn had further implications. Improvements in road construction and sailing had occurred, but shipping heavy freight over land remained expensive, even with the use of rivers and canals wherever possible. Parallel rails had long been used in mining operations to move bigger loads, but horses were still the primary source of power. However, the arrival of the steam engine initiated a complete transformation in rail transportation, entrenching and expanding the Industrial Revolution. As transportation improved, distant and larger markets within the nation could be reached, thereby encouraging the development of larger factories to keep pace with increasing sales. Greater productivity and rising demands provided entrepreneurs with profits that could be reinvested to take advantage of new technologies to further expand capacity, or to seek alternative investment opportunities. Also, the availability of jobs in railway construction attracted many rural laborers accustomed to seasonal and temporary employment. When the work was completed, many moved to other construction jobs or to factory work in cities and towns, where they became part of an expanding working class. | 4062.txt | 2 |
[
"in need of.",
"used to.",
"tired of.",
"encouraged by."
]
| The phrase "accustomed to" in the passage is closest in meaning to | For years historians have sought to identify crucial elements in the eighteenth-century rise in industry, technology, and economic power known as the Industrial Revolution, and many give prominence to the problem of energy. Until the eighteenth century, people relied on energy derived from plants as well as animal and human muscle to provide power. Increased efficiency in the use of water and wind helped with such tasks as pumping, milling, or sailing. However, by the eighteenth century, Great Britain in particular was experiencing an energy shortage. Wood, the primary source of heat for homes and industries and also used in the iron industry as processed charcoal, was diminishing in supply. Great Britain had large amounts of coal; however, there were not yet efficient means by which to produce mechanical energy or to power machinery. This was to occur with progress in the development of the steam engine.
In the late 1700s James Watt designed an efficient and commercially viable steam engine that was soon applied to a variety of industrial uses as it became cheaper to use. The engine helped solve the problem of draining coal mines of groundwater and increased the production of coal needed to power steam engines elsewhere. A rotary engine attached to the steam engine enabled shafts to be turned and machines to be driven, resulting in mills using steam power to spin and weave cotton. Since the steam engine was fired by coal, the large mills did not need to be located by rivers, as had mills that used water- driven machines. The shift to increased mechanization in cotton production is apparent in the import of raw cotton and the sale of cotton goods. Between 1760 and 1850, the amount of raw cotton imported increased 230 times. Production of British cotton goods increased sixtyfold, and cotton cloth became Great Britain's most important product, accounting for one-half of all exports. The success of the steam engine resulted in increased demands for coal, and the consequent increase in coal production was made possible as the steam-powered pumps drained water from the ever-deeper coal seams found below the water table.
The availability of steam power and the demands for new machines facilitated the transformation of the iron industry. Charcoal, made from wood and thus in limited supply, was replaced with coal-derived coke (substance left after coal is heateD. as steam-driven bellows came into use for producing of raw iron. Impurities were burnt away with the use of coke, producing a high-quality refined iron. Reduced cost was also instrumental in developing steam-powered rolling mills capable of producing finished iron of various shapes and sizes. The resulting boom in the iron industry expanded the annual iron output by more than 170 times between 1740 and 1840, and by the 1850s Great Britain was producing more tons of iron than the rest of the world combined. The developments in the iron industry were in part a response to the demand for more machines and the ever-widening use of higher-quality iron in other industries.
Steam power and iron combined to revolutionize transport, which in turn had further implications. Improvements in road construction and sailing had occurred, but shipping heavy freight over land remained expensive, even with the use of rivers and canals wherever possible. Parallel rails had long been used in mining operations to move bigger loads, but horses were still the primary source of power. However, the arrival of the steam engine initiated a complete transformation in rail transportation, entrenching and expanding the Industrial Revolution. As transportation improved, distant and larger markets within the nation could be reached, thereby encouraging the development of larger factories to keep pace with increasing sales. Greater productivity and rising demands provided entrepreneurs with profits that could be reinvested to take advantage of new technologies to further expand capacity, or to seek alternative investment opportunities. Also, the availability of jobs in railway construction attracted many rural laborers accustomed to seasonal and temporary employment. When the work was completed, many moved to other construction jobs or to factory work in cities and towns, where they became part of an expanding working class. | 4062.txt | 1 |
[
"the emergence of the evolutionary theory",
"the historical approach to man",
"new insight into human behavior",
"the philosophical analysis of slavery"
]
| The traditional view of "human nature" was strongly challenged by ________. | For most thinkers since the Greek philosophers, it was self-evident that the re is something called human nature, something that constitutes the essence of man. There were various views about what constitutes it, but there was agreement that such an essence exists-that is to say, that there is something by virtue of which man is man. Thus man was defined as a rational being, as a social animal, an animal that can make tools, or a symbol-making animal.
More recently, this traditional view has begun to be questioned. One reason for this change was the increasing emphasis given to the historical approach to man. An examination of the history of humanity suggested that man in our epoch is so different from man in previous times that it seemed unrealistic to assume that men in every age have had in common something that can be called "human nature." The historical approach was reinforced, particularly in the United States, by studies in the field of cultural anthropology . The study of primitive peoples has discovered such a diversity of customs, values, feelings, and thoughts that many anthropologists arrived at the concept that man is born as a blank sheet of paper on which each culture writes its text. Another factor contributing to the tendency to deny the assumption of a fixed human nature was that the concept has so often been abused as a shield behind which the most inhuman acts are committed. In the name of human nature, for example, Aristotle and most thinkers up to the eighteenth century defended slavery. Or in order to prove the rationality and necessity of the capitalist form of society, scholars have tried to make a case for acquisitiveness, competitiveness, and selfishness as innate human traits. Popularly, one refers cynically to "human nature" in accepting the inevitability of such undesirable human behavior as greed, murder, cheating and lying.
Another reason for skepticism about the concept of human nature probably lies in the influence of evolutionary thinking. Once man came to be seen as developing in the process of evolution, the idea of a substance which is contained in his essence seemed untenable. Yet I believe it is precisely from an evolutionary standpoint that we can expect new insight into the problem of the nature of man. | 365.txt | 0 |
[
"have some traits in common",
"are born with diverse cultures",
"are born without a fixed nature",
"change their characters as they grow up"
]
| According to the passage, anthropologists believe that human beings ________. | For most thinkers since the Greek philosophers, it was self-evident that the re is something called human nature, something that constitutes the essence of man. There were various views about what constitutes it, but there was agreement that such an essence exists-that is to say, that there is something by virtue of which man is man. Thus man was defined as a rational being, as a social animal, an animal that can make tools, or a symbol-making animal.
More recently, this traditional view has begun to be questioned. One reason for this change was the increasing emphasis given to the historical approach to man. An examination of the history of humanity suggested that man in our epoch is so different from man in previous times that it seemed unrealistic to assume that men in every age have had in common something that can be called "human nature." The historical approach was reinforced, particularly in the United States, by studies in the field of cultural anthropology . The study of primitive peoples has discovered such a diversity of customs, values, feelings, and thoughts that many anthropologists arrived at the concept that man is born as a blank sheet of paper on which each culture writes its text. Another factor contributing to the tendency to deny the assumption of a fixed human nature was that the concept has so often been abused as a shield behind which the most inhuman acts are committed. In the name of human nature, for example, Aristotle and most thinkers up to the eighteenth century defended slavery. Or in order to prove the rationality and necessity of the capitalist form of society, scholars have tried to make a case for acquisitiveness, competitiveness, and selfishness as innate human traits. Popularly, one refers cynically to "human nature" in accepting the inevitability of such undesirable human behavior as greed, murder, cheating and lying.
Another reason for skepticism about the concept of human nature probably lies in the influence of evolutionary thinking. Once man came to be seen as developing in the process of evolution, the idea of a substance which is contained in his essence seemed untenable. Yet I believe it is precisely from an evolutionary standpoint that we can expect new insight into the problem of the nature of man. | 365.txt | 2 |
[
"emphasize that he contributed a lot to defining the concept of \"human nature\"",
"show that the concept of \"human nature\" was used to justify social evils",
"prove that he had a profound influence on the concept of \"human nature\"",
"support the idea that some human traits are acquired"
]
| The author mentioned Aristotle, a great ancient thinker, in order to ________. | For most thinkers since the Greek philosophers, it was self-evident that the re is something called human nature, something that constitutes the essence of man. There were various views about what constitutes it, but there was agreement that such an essence exists-that is to say, that there is something by virtue of which man is man. Thus man was defined as a rational being, as a social animal, an animal that can make tools, or a symbol-making animal.
More recently, this traditional view has begun to be questioned. One reason for this change was the increasing emphasis given to the historical approach to man. An examination of the history of humanity suggested that man in our epoch is so different from man in previous times that it seemed unrealistic to assume that men in every age have had in common something that can be called "human nature." The historical approach was reinforced, particularly in the United States, by studies in the field of cultural anthropology . The study of primitive peoples has discovered such a diversity of customs, values, feelings, and thoughts that many anthropologists arrived at the concept that man is born as a blank sheet of paper on which each culture writes its text. Another factor contributing to the tendency to deny the assumption of a fixed human nature was that the concept has so often been abused as a shield behind which the most inhuman acts are committed. In the name of human nature, for example, Aristotle and most thinkers up to the eighteenth century defended slavery. Or in order to prove the rationality and necessity of the capitalist form of society, scholars have tried to make a case for acquisitiveness, competitiveness, and selfishness as innate human traits. Popularly, one refers cynically to "human nature" in accepting the inevitability of such undesirable human behavior as greed, murder, cheating and lying.
Another reason for skepticism about the concept of human nature probably lies in the influence of evolutionary thinking. Once man came to be seen as developing in the process of evolution, the idea of a substance which is contained in his essence seemed untenable. Yet I believe it is precisely from an evolutionary standpoint that we can expect new insight into the problem of the nature of man. | 365.txt | 3 |
[
"invaluable",
"imaginable",
"changeable",
"indefensible"
]
| The word "untenable" (Line 3) in the last paragraph of the passage most probably means ________. | For most thinkers since the Greek philosophers, it was self-evident that the re is something called human nature, something that constitutes the essence of man. There were various views about what constitutes it, but there was agreement that such an essence exists-that is to say, that there is something by virtue of which man is man. Thus man was defined as a rational being, as a social animal, an animal that can make tools, or a symbol-making animal.
More recently, this traditional view has begun to be questioned. One reason for this change was the increasing emphasis given to the historical approach to man. An examination of the history of humanity suggested that man in our epoch is so different from man in previous times that it seemed unrealistic to assume that men in every age have had in common something that can be called "human nature." The historical approach was reinforced, particularly in the United States, by studies in the field of cultural anthropology . The study of primitive peoples has discovered such a diversity of customs, values, feelings, and thoughts that many anthropologists arrived at the concept that man is born as a blank sheet of paper on which each culture writes its text. Another factor contributing to the tendency to deny the assumption of a fixed human nature was that the concept has so often been abused as a shield behind which the most inhuman acts are committed. In the name of human nature, for example, Aristotle and most thinkers up to the eighteenth century defended slavery. Or in order to prove the rationality and necessity of the capitalist form of society, scholars have tried to make a case for acquisitiveness, competitiveness, and selfishness as innate human traits. Popularly, one refers cynically to "human nature" in accepting the inevitability of such undesirable human behavior as greed, murder, cheating and lying.
Another reason for skepticism about the concept of human nature probably lies in the influence of evolutionary thinking. Once man came to be seen as developing in the process of evolution, the idea of a substance which is contained in his essence seemed untenable. Yet I believe it is precisely from an evolutionary standpoint that we can expect new insight into the problem of the nature of man. | 365.txt | 3 |
[
"is the quality distinguishing man from other animals",
"consists of competitiveness and selfishness",
"is something partly innate and partly acquired",
"consists of rationality and undesirable behavior"
]
| Most philosophers believed that human nature ________. | For most thinkers since the Greek philosophers, it was self-evident that the re is something called human nature, something that constitutes the essence of man. There were various views about what constitutes it, but there was agreement that such an essence exists-that is to say, that there is something by virtue of which man is man. Thus man was defined as a rational being, as a social animal, an animal that can make tools, or a symbol-making animal.
More recently, this traditional view has begun to be questioned. One reason for this change was the increasing emphasis given to the historical approach to man. An examination of the history of humanity suggested that man in our epoch is so different from man in previous times that it seemed unrealistic to assume that men in every age have had in common something that can be called "human nature." The historical approach was reinforced, particularly in the United States, by studies in the field of cultural anthropology . The study of primitive peoples has discovered such a diversity of customs, values, feelings, and thoughts that many anthropologists arrived at the concept that man is born as a blank sheet of paper on which each culture writes its text. Another factor contributing to the tendency to deny the assumption of a fixed human nature was that the concept has so often been abused as a shield behind which the most inhuman acts are committed. In the name of human nature, for example, Aristotle and most thinkers up to the eighteenth century defended slavery. Or in order to prove the rationality and necessity of the capitalist form of society, scholars have tried to make a case for acquisitiveness, competitiveness, and selfishness as innate human traits. Popularly, one refers cynically to "human nature" in accepting the inevitability of such undesirable human behavior as greed, murder, cheating and lying.
Another reason for skepticism about the concept of human nature probably lies in the influence of evolutionary thinking. Once man came to be seen as developing in the process of evolution, the idea of a substance which is contained in his essence seemed untenable. Yet I believe it is precisely from an evolutionary standpoint that we can expect new insight into the problem of the nature of man. | 365.txt | 0 |
[
"food remaining after a meal",
"things left undone",
"meals made of vegetables",
"pizza topped with fruit"
]
| The word "leftovers" in Paragraph 1 probably means _ . | I know what you're thinking : pizza ? For breakfast? But the truth is that you can have last night's leftovers in the a. m. if you want to
I know lots of women who skip breakfast , and they have a ton of different excuses for doing it. Some say they don't have time. others think they're "saving" calories , still others just don't like breakfast food.
But the bottom line is that eating in the morning is very important when you're trying to lose weight. "Eating just about anything from 300 to 400 calories would be better than nothing at all," says Katherine Brooking , R , D , who developed the super-easy eating plan for this year's "SELF CHALLENGE". And even pizza can be healthy if it's loaded with vegetables, and you stick to one small piece.
Breakfast is one meal I never miss, and the same goes for most weight loss success stories. Research shows that eating breakfast keeps you from overeating later in the day. Researchers at the University of Southem California found that breakfast skippers have a bigger chance of gaining weight than those who regularly have a morning meal.
So eat something in the morning, anything. I know plenty of friends who end up having no breakfast altogether, and have just coffee or orange juice. I say, try heating up last night's leftovers-it may sound crazy, but if it works for you, do it! I find if I tell myself, "You can always eat it tomorrow," I put away the leftovers instead of eating more that night. Try it…you may save yourself some pre-bedtime calories. And watch your body gain the fat-burning effects. | 3500.txt | 0 |
[
"Working women usually have breakfast in a hurry.",
"Many people have wrong ideas about breakfast.",
"There are some easy ways of cooking a meal.",
"Eating vegetables helps save energy."
]
| What can we infer from the text? | I know what you're thinking : pizza ? For breakfast? But the truth is that you can have last night's leftovers in the a. m. if you want to
I know lots of women who skip breakfast , and they have a ton of different excuses for doing it. Some say they don't have time. others think they're "saving" calories , still others just don't like breakfast food.
But the bottom line is that eating in the morning is very important when you're trying to lose weight. "Eating just about anything from 300 to 400 calories would be better than nothing at all," says Katherine Brooking , R , D , who developed the super-easy eating plan for this year's "SELF CHALLENGE". And even pizza can be healthy if it's loaded with vegetables, and you stick to one small piece.
Breakfast is one meal I never miss, and the same goes for most weight loss success stories. Research shows that eating breakfast keeps you from overeating later in the day. Researchers at the University of Southem California found that breakfast skippers have a bigger chance of gaining weight than those who regularly have a morning meal.
So eat something in the morning, anything. I know plenty of friends who end up having no breakfast altogether, and have just coffee or orange juice. I say, try heating up last night's leftovers-it may sound crazy, but if it works for you, do it! I find if I tell myself, "You can always eat it tomorrow," I put away the leftovers instead of eating more that night. Try it…you may save yourself some pre-bedtime calories. And watch your body gain the fat-burning effects. | 3500.txt | 1 |
[
"eat something for breakfast",
"be careful about what you eat",
"heat up food before eating it",
"eat calorie-controlled food"
]
| According to the last paragraph, it is important to _ . | I know what you're thinking : pizza ? For breakfast? But the truth is that you can have last night's leftovers in the a. m. if you want to
I know lots of women who skip breakfast , and they have a ton of different excuses for doing it. Some say they don't have time. others think they're "saving" calories , still others just don't like breakfast food.
But the bottom line is that eating in the morning is very important when you're trying to lose weight. "Eating just about anything from 300 to 400 calories would be better than nothing at all," says Katherine Brooking , R , D , who developed the super-easy eating plan for this year's "SELF CHALLENGE". And even pizza can be healthy if it's loaded with vegetables, and you stick to one small piece.
Breakfast is one meal I never miss, and the same goes for most weight loss success stories. Research shows that eating breakfast keeps you from overeating later in the day. Researchers at the University of Southem California found that breakfast skippers have a bigger chance of gaining weight than those who regularly have a morning meal.
So eat something in the morning, anything. I know plenty of friends who end up having no breakfast altogether, and have just coffee or orange juice. I say, try heating up last night's leftovers-it may sound crazy, but if it works for you, do it! I find if I tell myself, "You can always eat it tomorrow," I put away the leftovers instead of eating more that night. Try it…you may save yourself some pre-bedtime calories. And watch your body gain the fat-burning effects. | 3500.txt | 0 |
[
"who go to work early",
"who want to lose weight",
"who stay up late",
"who eat before sleep"
]
| The text is written mainly for those _ . | I know what you're thinking : pizza ? For breakfast? But the truth is that you can have last night's leftovers in the a. m. if you want to
I know lots of women who skip breakfast , and they have a ton of different excuses for doing it. Some say they don't have time. others think they're "saving" calories , still others just don't like breakfast food.
But the bottom line is that eating in the morning is very important when you're trying to lose weight. "Eating just about anything from 300 to 400 calories would be better than nothing at all," says Katherine Brooking , R , D , who developed the super-easy eating plan for this year's "SELF CHALLENGE". And even pizza can be healthy if it's loaded with vegetables, and you stick to one small piece.
Breakfast is one meal I never miss, and the same goes for most weight loss success stories. Research shows that eating breakfast keeps you from overeating later in the day. Researchers at the University of Southem California found that breakfast skippers have a bigger chance of gaining weight than those who regularly have a morning meal.
So eat something in the morning, anything. I know plenty of friends who end up having no breakfast altogether, and have just coffee or orange juice. I say, try heating up last night's leftovers-it may sound crazy, but if it works for you, do it! I find if I tell myself, "You can always eat it tomorrow," I put away the leftovers instead of eating more that night. Try it…you may save yourself some pre-bedtime calories. And watch your body gain the fat-burning effects. | 3500.txt | 1 |
[
"Children should obey their parents quickly.",
"Children should share with others.",
"The author remembers many of her grandma's wonderful stories.",
"The grandma's stories helped teach the children morals and good manners."
]
| What is the main idea of this passage? | Grandma was a wonderful story-teller, and she had a set of priceless, individually tailored stories with which American grandparents of her day brought up children. There was the story of the little boys who had been taught complete, quick obedience . One day when they were out on the grassy plain, their father shouted. "Fall down on your faces!" They did, and the terrible prairie fire swept over them and they weren't hurt. There was also the story of three boys at school, each of whom received a cake sent from home. One saved his, and the mice ate it; one ate all of his , and he got sick; and who do you think had the best time? -Why, of course, the one who shared his cake with his friends. | 2058.txt | 3 |
[
"The children were saved from the fire because they followed directions.",
"Grandma told a story of three boys at school.",
"Each of the three boys got a cake sent from home.",
"The big prairie fire soon spread over to the village."
]
| Which of the following details supports the main idea of the passage? | Grandma was a wonderful story-teller, and she had a set of priceless, individually tailored stories with which American grandparents of her day brought up children. There was the story of the little boys who had been taught complete, quick obedience . One day when they were out on the grassy plain, their father shouted. "Fall down on your faces!" They did, and the terrible prairie fire swept over them and they weren't hurt. There was also the story of three boys at school, each of whom received a cake sent from home. One saved his, and the mice ate it; one ate all of his , and he got sick; and who do you think had the best time? -Why, of course, the one who shared his cake with his friends. | 2058.txt | 0 |
[
"The author was saved from the fire.",
"The author was brought up from his grandmother.",
"Grandma was good at telling children stories.",
"Grandma told stories to children just for fun."
]
| Which of the following statements is true? | Grandma was a wonderful story-teller, and she had a set of priceless, individually tailored stories with which American grandparents of her day brought up children. There was the story of the little boys who had been taught complete, quick obedience . One day when they were out on the grassy plain, their father shouted. "Fall down on your faces!" They did, and the terrible prairie fire swept over them and they weren't hurt. There was also the story of three boys at school, each of whom received a cake sent from home. One saved his, and the mice ate it; one ate all of his , and he got sick; and who do you think had the best time? -Why, of course, the one who shared his cake with his friends. | 2058.txt | 2 |
[
"the boy who shared his cake with others",
"the boy who ate up all his cake by himself",
"the boy who kept the cake for the future",
"the boys who didn't obey their parents"
]
| All of the following were not praised by the author except _ . | Grandma was a wonderful story-teller, and she had a set of priceless, individually tailored stories with which American grandparents of her day brought up children. There was the story of the little boys who had been taught complete, quick obedience . One day when they were out on the grassy plain, their father shouted. "Fall down on your faces!" They did, and the terrible prairie fire swept over them and they weren't hurt. There was also the story of three boys at school, each of whom received a cake sent from home. One saved his, and the mice ate it; one ate all of his , and he got sick; and who do you think had the best time? -Why, of course, the one who shared his cake with his friends. | 2058.txt | 0 |
[
"he was a driver",
"he worked in a factory",
"he had a lot of work to do",
"he had worked there for a long time"
]
| Mr. Lang was paid much because _ . | Mr. Lang worked in a factory. As a driver, he was busy but he was paid much. His wife was an able woman and did all the housework. When he came back, she took good care of him and he never did anything at home. So he had enough time when he had a holiday. A few friends of his liked gambling and he learned it soon. So he was interested in it and hardly forgot anything except gambling. He lost all his money and later he began to sell the television, watches and so on. His wife told him not to do it but he didn't listen to her. She had to tell the police. He and his friends were punished for it. And he was hardly sent away. After he came out of lockup, he hated her very much and the woman had to leave him.
It was New Year's Day. Mr. Lang didn't go to work. He felt lonely and wanted to gamble again. He called his friends and they came soon. But they were afraid the police would come. He told his five-year-old son to go to find out if there were the policemen outside. They waited for a long time and didn't think the police would come and began to gamble. Suddenly opened the door and in came a few policemen.
"I saw there weren't any policemen outside, daddy," said the boy, "so I went to the crossing and asked some to come." | 958.txt | 2 |
[
"she couldn't find any work",
"she thought her husband was tired",
"her husband spent all time in gambling",
"she wouldn't stop her husband gambling"
]
| Mrs. Lang did all housework because _ . | Mr. Lang worked in a factory. As a driver, he was busy but he was paid much. His wife was an able woman and did all the housework. When he came back, she took good care of him and he never did anything at home. So he had enough time when he had a holiday. A few friends of his liked gambling and he learned it soon. So he was interested in it and hardly forgot anything except gambling. He lost all his money and later he began to sell the television, watches and so on. His wife told him not to do it but he didn't listen to her. She had to tell the police. He and his friends were punished for it. And he was hardly sent away. After he came out of lockup, he hated her very much and the woman had to leave him.
It was New Year's Day. Mr. Lang didn't go to work. He felt lonely and wanted to gamble again. He called his friends and they came soon. But they were afraid the police would come. He told his five-year-old son to go to find out if there were the policemen outside. They waited for a long time and didn't think the police would come and began to gamble. Suddenly opened the door and in came a few policemen.
"I saw there weren't any policemen outside, daddy," said the boy, "so I went to the crossing and asked some to come." | 958.txt | 1 |
[
"Mr. Lang often gambled",
"Mr. Lang was late for work",
"Mr. Lang didn't help his wife at home",
"Mr. Lang wasn't polite to the police"
]
| _ , so he was put into lockup. | Mr. Lang worked in a factory. As a driver, he was busy but he was paid much. His wife was an able woman and did all the housework. When he came back, she took good care of him and he never did anything at home. So he had enough time when he had a holiday. A few friends of his liked gambling and he learned it soon. So he was interested in it and hardly forgot anything except gambling. He lost all his money and later he began to sell the television, watches and so on. His wife told him not to do it but he didn't listen to her. She had to tell the police. He and his friends were punished for it. And he was hardly sent away. After he came out of lockup, he hated her very much and the woman had to leave him.
It was New Year's Day. Mr. Lang didn't go to work. He felt lonely and wanted to gamble again. He called his friends and they came soon. But they were afraid the police would come. He told his five-year-old son to go to find out if there were the policemen outside. They waited for a long time and didn't think the police would come and began to gamble. Suddenly opened the door and in came a few policemen.
"I saw there weren't any policemen outside, daddy," said the boy, "so I went to the crossing and asked some to come." | 958.txt | 0 |
[
"he didn't love her any longer",
"he wouldn't stop gambling",
"he had been put into lockup",
"he was hardly sent away by the factory"
]
| The woman had to leave Mr. Lang because _ . | Mr. Lang worked in a factory. As a driver, he was busy but he was paid much. His wife was an able woman and did all the housework. When he came back, she took good care of him and he never did anything at home. So he had enough time when he had a holiday. A few friends of his liked gambling and he learned it soon. So he was interested in it and hardly forgot anything except gambling. He lost all his money and later he began to sell the television, watches and so on. His wife told him not to do it but he didn't listen to her. She had to tell the police. He and his friends were punished for it. And he was hardly sent away. After he came out of lockup, he hated her very much and the woman had to leave him.
It was New Year's Day. Mr. Lang didn't go to work. He felt lonely and wanted to gamble again. He called his friends and they came soon. But they were afraid the police would come. He told his five-year-old son to go to find out if there were the policemen outside. They waited for a long time and didn't think the police would come and began to gamble. Suddenly opened the door and in came a few policemen.
"I saw there weren't any policemen outside, daddy," said the boy, "so I went to the crossing and asked some to come." | 958.txt | 0 |
[
"The boy hoped his father to be put into lockup again.",
"The boy thought his father needed some policemen.",
"The boy hoped his father to stop gambling soon.",
"The boy hoped his mother to come back."
]
| Which of the following is right? | Mr. Lang worked in a factory. As a driver, he was busy but he was paid much. His wife was an able woman and did all the housework. When he came back, she took good care of him and he never did anything at home. So he had enough time when he had a holiday. A few friends of his liked gambling and he learned it soon. So he was interested in it and hardly forgot anything except gambling. He lost all his money and later he began to sell the television, watches and so on. His wife told him not to do it but he didn't listen to her. She had to tell the police. He and his friends were punished for it. And he was hardly sent away. After he came out of lockup, he hated her very much and the woman had to leave him.
It was New Year's Day. Mr. Lang didn't go to work. He felt lonely and wanted to gamble again. He called his friends and they came soon. But they were afraid the police would come. He told his five-year-old son to go to find out if there were the policemen outside. They waited for a long time and didn't think the police would come and began to gamble. Suddenly opened the door and in came a few policemen.
"I saw there weren't any policemen outside, daddy," said the boy, "so I went to the crossing and asked some to come." | 958.txt | 1 |
[
"it protects him against the harmful rays from space",
"it provides sufficient light for plant growth",
"it supplies the heat necessary for human survival",
"it screens off the falling meteors"
]
| According to the first paragraph, the atmosphere is essential to man in that ________. | Space is a dangerous place, not only because of meteors but also because of rays from the sun and other stars. The atmosphere again acts as our protective blanket on earth. Light gets through, and this is essential for plants to make the food, which we eat. Heat, too, makes our environment endurable. Various kinds of rays come through the air from outer space, but enormous quantities of radiation from the sun are screened off. As soon as men leave the atmosphere they are exposed to this radiation but their spacesuits or the walls of their spacecraft, if they are inside, do prevent a lot of radiation damage.
Radiation is the greatest known danger to explorers in space. The unit of radiation is called rem. Scientists have reason to think that a man can put up with far more radiation than 0.1 rem without being damaged; the figure of 60 rems has been agreed on. The trouble is that it is extremely difficult to be sure about radiation damage-a person may feel perfectly well, but the cells of his or her sex organs may be damaged, and this will not be discovered until the birth of deformed children or even grandchildren. Missions of the Apollo flights have had to cross belts of high radiation and, during the outward and return journeys, the Apollo crew accumulated a large amount of rems. So far, no dangerous amounts of radiation have been reported, but the Apollo missions have been quite short. We simply do not know yet how men are going to get on when they spend weeks and months outside the protection of the atmosphere, working in a space laboratory. Drugs might help to decrease the damage done by radiation, but no really effective ones have been found so far. | 3858.txt | 0 |
[
"exposure to even tiny amounts of radiation is fatal",
"the effect of exposure to radiation is slow in coming",
"radiation is avoidable in space exploration",
"astronauts in spacesuits needn't worry about radiation damage"
]
| We know from the passage that ________. | Space is a dangerous place, not only because of meteors but also because of rays from the sun and other stars. The atmosphere again acts as our protective blanket on earth. Light gets through, and this is essential for plants to make the food, which we eat. Heat, too, makes our environment endurable. Various kinds of rays come through the air from outer space, but enormous quantities of radiation from the sun are screened off. As soon as men leave the atmosphere they are exposed to this radiation but their spacesuits or the walls of their spacecraft, if they are inside, do prevent a lot of radiation damage.
Radiation is the greatest known danger to explorers in space. The unit of radiation is called rem. Scientists have reason to think that a man can put up with far more radiation than 0.1 rem without being damaged; the figure of 60 rems has been agreed on. The trouble is that it is extremely difficult to be sure about radiation damage-a person may feel perfectly well, but the cells of his or her sex organs may be damaged, and this will not be discovered until the birth of deformed children or even grandchildren. Missions of the Apollo flights have had to cross belts of high radiation and, during the outward and return journeys, the Apollo crew accumulated a large amount of rems. So far, no dangerous amounts of radiation have been reported, but the Apollo missions have been quite short. We simply do not know yet how men are going to get on when they spend weeks and months outside the protection of the atmosphere, working in a space laboratory. Drugs might help to decrease the damage done by radiation, but no really effective ones have been found so far. | 3858.txt | 1 |
[
"is insignificant",
"seems overestimated",
"is enormous",
"remains unknown"
]
| The harm radiation has done to the Apollo crew members ________. | Space is a dangerous place, not only because of meteors but also because of rays from the sun and other stars. The atmosphere again acts as our protective blanket on earth. Light gets through, and this is essential for plants to make the food, which we eat. Heat, too, makes our environment endurable. Various kinds of rays come through the air from outer space, but enormous quantities of radiation from the sun are screened off. As soon as men leave the atmosphere they are exposed to this radiation but their spacesuits or the walls of their spacecraft, if they are inside, do prevent a lot of radiation damage.
Radiation is the greatest known danger to explorers in space. The unit of radiation is called rem. Scientists have reason to think that a man can put up with far more radiation than 0.1 rem without being damaged; the figure of 60 rems has been agreed on. The trouble is that it is extremely difficult to be sure about radiation damage-a person may feel perfectly well, but the cells of his or her sex organs may be damaged, and this will not be discovered until the birth of deformed children or even grandchildren. Missions of the Apollo flights have had to cross belts of high radiation and, during the outward and return journeys, the Apollo crew accumulated a large amount of rems. So far, no dangerous amounts of radiation have been reported, but the Apollo missions have been quite short. We simply do not know yet how men are going to get on when they spend weeks and months outside the protection of the atmosphere, working in a space laboratory. Drugs might help to decrease the damage done by radiation, but no really effective ones have been found so far. | 3858.txt | 3 |
[
"the Apollo mission was very successful",
"protection from space radiation is no easy job",
"astronauts will have deformed children or grandchildren",
"radiation is not a threat to well-protected space explorers"
]
| It can be inferred from the passage that ________. | Space is a dangerous place, not only because of meteors but also because of rays from the sun and other stars. The atmosphere again acts as our protective blanket on earth. Light gets through, and this is essential for plants to make the food, which we eat. Heat, too, makes our environment endurable. Various kinds of rays come through the air from outer space, but enormous quantities of radiation from the sun are screened off. As soon as men leave the atmosphere they are exposed to this radiation but their spacesuits or the walls of their spacecraft, if they are inside, do prevent a lot of radiation damage.
Radiation is the greatest known danger to explorers in space. The unit of radiation is called rem. Scientists have reason to think that a man can put up with far more radiation than 0.1 rem without being damaged; the figure of 60 rems has been agreed on. The trouble is that it is extremely difficult to be sure about radiation damage-a person may feel perfectly well, but the cells of his or her sex organs may be damaged, and this will not be discovered until the birth of deformed children or even grandchildren. Missions of the Apollo flights have had to cross belts of high radiation and, during the outward and return journeys, the Apollo crew accumulated a large amount of rems. So far, no dangerous amounts of radiation have been reported, but the Apollo missions have been quite short. We simply do not know yet how men are going to get on when they spend weeks and months outside the protection of the atmosphere, working in a space laboratory. Drugs might help to decrease the damage done by radiation, but no really effective ones have been found so far. | 3858.txt | 1 |
[
"The Atmosphere and Our Environment",
"Research on Radiation",
"Effects of Space Radiation",
"Importance Protection Against Radiation"
]
| The best title for this passage would be ________. | Space is a dangerous place, not only because of meteors but also because of rays from the sun and other stars. The atmosphere again acts as our protective blanket on earth. Light gets through, and this is essential for plants to make the food, which we eat. Heat, too, makes our environment endurable. Various kinds of rays come through the air from outer space, but enormous quantities of radiation from the sun are screened off. As soon as men leave the atmosphere they are exposed to this radiation but their spacesuits or the walls of their spacecraft, if they are inside, do prevent a lot of radiation damage.
Radiation is the greatest known danger to explorers in space. The unit of radiation is called rem. Scientists have reason to think that a man can put up with far more radiation than 0.1 rem without being damaged; the figure of 60 rems has been agreed on. The trouble is that it is extremely difficult to be sure about radiation damage-a person may feel perfectly well, but the cells of his or her sex organs may be damaged, and this will not be discovered until the birth of deformed children or even grandchildren. Missions of the Apollo flights have had to cross belts of high radiation and, during the outward and return journeys, the Apollo crew accumulated a large amount of rems. So far, no dangerous amounts of radiation have been reported, but the Apollo missions have been quite short. We simply do not know yet how men are going to get on when they spend weeks and months outside the protection of the atmosphere, working in a space laboratory. Drugs might help to decrease the damage done by radiation, but no really effective ones have been found so far. | 3858.txt | 2 |
[
"twenty-four tablets a day.",
"eight tablets a day.",
"six tablets a day.",
"three tablets a day."
]
| The directions on this medicine bottle clearly warn the patient not to take more than. | Read the following directions on a bottle of medicine：
"Take two tabletswith water, followed by one tablet every eight hours, as required, For maximum night-time and early morning relief, take two tablets at bed - time, Do not take more than six tablets in twenty-four hours.
For children six to twelve years old, give half the amount for a grownup. For children under six years old, ask for your doctor's advice.
Reduce the amount if nervousness, restlessness, or sleeplessness occurs," | 1319.txt | 2 |
[
"the medicine could cause some people to feel nervous.",
"children may take the same amount that grown-ups take.",
"one may not take this medicine before going to bed.",
"the medicine is a liquid."
]
| We can infer from the directions that. | Read the following directions on a bottle of medicine：
"Take two tabletswith water, followed by one tablet every eight hours, as required, For maximum night-time and early morning relief, take two tablets at bed - time, Do not take more than six tablets in twenty-four hours.
For children six to twelve years old, give half the amount for a grownup. For children under six years old, ask for your doctor's advice.
Reduce the amount if nervousness, restlessness, or sleeplessness occurs," | 1319.txt | 0 |
[
"take two tablets before going to bed.",
"take less than two tablets before going to bed.",
"stop taking the medicine.",
"ask advice of a doctor."
]
| If one cannot sleep, it is suggested that he. | Read the following directions on a bottle of medicine：
"Take two tabletswith water, followed by one tablet every eight hours, as required, For maximum night-time and early morning relief, take two tablets at bed - time, Do not take more than six tablets in twenty-four hours.
For children six to twelve years old, give half the amount for a grownup. For children under six years old, ask for your doctor's advice.
Reduce the amount if nervousness, restlessness, or sleeplessness occurs," | 1319.txt | 1 |
[
"may be dangerous to small children.",
"cannot be taken by children under twelve years old.",
"may be taken by children but not by grown-ups.",
"may be taken by grown-ups but not by children."
]
| Obviously the medicine. | Read the following directions on a bottle of medicine：
"Take two tabletswith water, followed by one tablet every eight hours, as required, For maximum night-time and early morning relief, take two tablets at bed - time, Do not take more than six tablets in twenty-four hours.
For children six to twelve years old, give half the amount for a grownup. For children under six years old, ask for your doctor's advice.
Reduce the amount if nervousness, restlessness, or sleeplessness occurs," | 1319.txt | 0 |
[
"It will delay the occurrence of skin cancer.",
"It will protect them from sunburn.",
"It will keep their skin smooth and fair.",
"It will work for people of any skin color."
]
| What is people's common expectation of a high-factor sunscreen? | If you think a high-factor sunscreen keeps you safe from harmful rays, you may bewrong.Research in this week's Nature shows that while factor 50 reduces the number ofmelanomasand delays their occurrence, it can't prevent them.Melanomas are the mostaggressive skin cancers.You have a higher risk if you have red or blond hair, fair skin, blue orgreen eyes, or sunburn easily, or if a close relative has had one.Melanomas are more common ifyou have periodic intense exposure to the sun.Other skin cancers are increasingly likely withlong-term exposure.
There is continuing debate as to how effective sunscreen is in reducing melanomas theevidence is weaker than it is for preventing other types of skin cancer.A 2011 Australian studyof 1,621 people found that people randomly selected to apply sunscreen daily had half the rateof melanomas of people who used cream as needed.A second study, comparing 1,167 peoplewith melanomas to 1,101 who didn't have the cancer, found that using sunscreen routinely,alongside other protection such as hats,long sleeves or staying in the shade, did give someprotection.This study said other forms of sun protection not sunscreen seemed mostbeneficial.The study relied on people remembering what they had done over each decade oftheir lives, so it's not entirely reliable.But it seems reasonable to think sunscreen givespeople a false sense of security in the sun.
Many people also don't use sunscreen properly applying insufficient amounts, failing toreapply after a couple of hours and staying in the sun too long.It is sunburn that is mostworrying recent research shows five episodes of sunburn in the teenage years increases the riskof all skin cancers.
The good news is that a combination of sunscreen and covering up can reduce melanomarates, as shown by Australian figures from their slip-slop-slap campaign.So if there is a heatwave this summer, it would be best for us, too, to slip on a shirt, slop on sunscreen andslap on a hat. | 2184.txt | 1 |
[
"It is ineffective in preventing melanomas.",
"It is ineffective in case of intense sunlight.",
"It is ineffective with long-term exposure.",
"It is ineffective for people with fair skin."
]
| What does the research in Nature say about a high-factor sunscreen? | If you think a high-factor sunscreen keeps you safe from harmful rays, you may bewrong.Research in this week's Nature shows that while factor 50 reduces the number ofmelanomasand delays their occurrence, it can't prevent them.Melanomas are the mostaggressive skin cancers.You have a higher risk if you have red or blond hair, fair skin, blue orgreen eyes, or sunburn easily, or if a close relative has had one.Melanomas are more common ifyou have periodic intense exposure to the sun.Other skin cancers are increasingly likely withlong-term exposure.
There is continuing debate as to how effective sunscreen is in reducing melanomas theevidence is weaker than it is for preventing other types of skin cancer.A 2011 Australian studyof 1,621 people found that people randomly selected to apply sunscreen daily had half the rateof melanomas of people who used cream as needed.A second study, comparing 1,167 peoplewith melanomas to 1,101 who didn't have the cancer, found that using sunscreen routinely,alongside other protection such as hats,long sleeves or staying in the shade, did give someprotection.This study said other forms of sun protection not sunscreen seemed mostbeneficial.The study relied on people remembering what they had done over each decade oftheir lives, so it's not entirely reliable.But it seems reasonable to think sunscreen givespeople a false sense of security in the sun.
Many people also don't use sunscreen properly applying insufficient amounts, failing toreapply after a couple of hours and staying in the sun too long.It is sunburn that is mostworrying recent research shows five episodes of sunburn in the teenage years increases the riskof all skin cancers.
The good news is that a combination of sunscreen and covering up can reduce melanomarates, as shown by Australian figures from their slip-slop-slap campaign.So if there is a heatwave this summer, it would be best for us, too, to slip on a shirt, slop on sunscreen andslap on a hat. | 2184.txt | 0 |
[
"Sunscreen should be applied alongside other protection measures.",
"High-risk people benefit the most from the application of sunscreen.",
"Irregular application of sunscreen does women more harm than good.",
"Daily application of sunscreen helps reduce the incidence of melanomas."
]
| What do we learn from the 2011 Australian study of 1,621 people? | If you think a high-factor sunscreen keeps you safe from harmful rays, you may bewrong.Research in this week's Nature shows that while factor 50 reduces the number ofmelanomasand delays their occurrence, it can't prevent them.Melanomas are the mostaggressive skin cancers.You have a higher risk if you have red or blond hair, fair skin, blue orgreen eyes, or sunburn easily, or if a close relative has had one.Melanomas are more common ifyou have periodic intense exposure to the sun.Other skin cancers are increasingly likely withlong-term exposure.
There is continuing debate as to how effective sunscreen is in reducing melanomas theevidence is weaker than it is for preventing other types of skin cancer.A 2011 Australian studyof 1,621 people found that people randomly selected to apply sunscreen daily had half the rateof melanomas of people who used cream as needed.A second study, comparing 1,167 peoplewith melanomas to 1,101 who didn't have the cancer, found that using sunscreen routinely,alongside other protection such as hats,long sleeves or staying in the shade, did give someprotection.This study said other forms of sun protection not sunscreen seemed mostbeneficial.The study relied on people remembering what they had done over each decade oftheir lives, so it's not entirely reliable.But it seems reasonable to think sunscreen givespeople a false sense of security in the sun.
Many people also don't use sunscreen properly applying insufficient amounts, failing toreapply after a couple of hours and staying in the sun too long.It is sunburn that is mostworrying recent research shows five episodes of sunburn in the teenage years increases the riskof all skin cancers.
The good news is that a combination of sunscreen and covering up can reduce melanomarates, as shown by Australian figures from their slip-slop-slap campaign.So if there is a heatwave this summer, it would be best for us, too, to slip on a shirt, slop on sunscreen andslap on a hat. | 2184.txt | 3 |
[
"It misleads people to rely on sunscreen for protection.",
"It helps people to select the most effective sunscreen.",
"It is not based on direct observation of the subjects.",
"It confirms the results of the first Australian study."
]
| What does the author say about the second Australian study? | If you think a high-factor sunscreen keeps you safe from harmful rays, you may bewrong.Research in this week's Nature shows that while factor 50 reduces the number ofmelanomasand delays their occurrence, it can't prevent them.Melanomas are the mostaggressive skin cancers.You have a higher risk if you have red or blond hair, fair skin, blue orgreen eyes, or sunburn easily, or if a close relative has had one.Melanomas are more common ifyou have periodic intense exposure to the sun.Other skin cancers are increasingly likely withlong-term exposure.
There is continuing debate as to how effective sunscreen is in reducing melanomas theevidence is weaker than it is for preventing other types of skin cancer.A 2011 Australian studyof 1,621 people found that people randomly selected to apply sunscreen daily had half the rateof melanomas of people who used cream as needed.A second study, comparing 1,167 peoplewith melanomas to 1,101 who didn't have the cancer, found that using sunscreen routinely,alongside other protection such as hats,long sleeves or staying in the shade, did give someprotection.This study said other forms of sun protection not sunscreen seemed mostbeneficial.The study relied on people remembering what they had done over each decade oftheir lives, so it's not entirely reliable.But it seems reasonable to think sunscreen givespeople a false sense of security in the sun.
Many people also don't use sunscreen properly applying insufficient amounts, failing toreapply after a couple of hours and staying in the sun too long.It is sunburn that is mostworrying recent research shows five episodes of sunburn in the teenage years increases the riskof all skin cancers.
The good news is that a combination of sunscreen and covering up can reduce melanomarates, as shown by Australian figures from their slip-slop-slap campaign.So if there is a heatwave this summer, it would be best for us, too, to slip on a shirt, slop on sunscreen andslap on a hat. | 2184.txt | 2 |
[
"Using both covering up and sunscreen.",
"Staying in the shade whenever possible.",
"Using covering up instead of sunscreen.",
"Applying the right amount of sunscreen."
]
| What does the author suggest to reduce melanoma rates? | If you think a high-factor sunscreen keeps you safe from harmful rays, you may bewrong.Research in this week's Nature shows that while factor 50 reduces the number ofmelanomasand delays their occurrence, it can't prevent them.Melanomas are the mostaggressive skin cancers.You have a higher risk if you have red or blond hair, fair skin, blue orgreen eyes, or sunburn easily, or if a close relative has had one.Melanomas are more common ifyou have periodic intense exposure to the sun.Other skin cancers are increasingly likely withlong-term exposure.
There is continuing debate as to how effective sunscreen is in reducing melanomas theevidence is weaker than it is for preventing other types of skin cancer.A 2011 Australian studyof 1,621 people found that people randomly selected to apply sunscreen daily had half the rateof melanomas of people who used cream as needed.A second study, comparing 1,167 peoplewith melanomas to 1,101 who didn't have the cancer, found that using sunscreen routinely,alongside other protection such as hats,long sleeves or staying in the shade, did give someprotection.This study said other forms of sun protection not sunscreen seemed mostbeneficial.The study relied on people remembering what they had done over each decade oftheir lives, so it's not entirely reliable.But it seems reasonable to think sunscreen givespeople a false sense of security in the sun.
Many people also don't use sunscreen properly applying insufficient amounts, failing toreapply after a couple of hours and staying in the sun too long.It is sunburn that is mostworrying recent research shows five episodes of sunburn in the teenage years increases the riskof all skin cancers.
The good news is that a combination of sunscreen and covering up can reduce melanomarates, as shown by Australian figures from their slip-slop-slap campaign.So if there is a heatwave this summer, it would be best for us, too, to slip on a shirt, slop on sunscreen andslap on a hat. | 2184.txt | 0 |
[
"showing that a certain interpretation is better supported by the evidence than is an alternative explanation",
"developing an alternative interpretation by using sources of evidence that formerly had been unavailable",
"questioning the accuracy of the evidence that most scholars have used to counter the author's own interpretation",
"reviewing the evidence that formerly had been thought to obscure a valid interpretation"
]
| The author is primarily concerned with | The historian Frederick J. Turner wrote in the 1890's that the agrarian discontent that had been developing steadily in the United States since about 1870 had been precipitated by the closing of the internal frontier--that is, the depletion of available new land needed for further expansion of the American farming system. Not only was Turner's thesis influential at the time, it was later adopted and elaborated by other scholars, such as John D. Hicks in The Populist Revolt (1931). Actually, however, new lands were taken up for farming in the United States throughout and beyond the nineteenth century. In the 1890's, when agrarian discontent had become most acute, 1,100,000 new farms were settled, which was 500,000 more than had been settled during the previous decade. After 1890, under the terms of the Homestead Act and its successors, more new land was taken up for farming than had been taken up for this purpose in the United States up until that time. It is true that a high proportion of the newly farmed land was suitable only for grazing and dry farming, but agricultural practices had become sufficiently advanced to make it possible to increase the profitability of farming by utilizing even these relatively barren lands.
The emphasis given by both scholars and statesmen to the presumed disappearance of the American frontier helped to obscure the great importance of changes in the conditions and consequences of international trade that occurred during the second half of the nineteenth century. In 1869 the Suez Canal was opened and the first transcontinental railroad in the United States was completed. An extensive network of telegraph and telephone communications was spun: Europe was connected by submarine cable with the United States in 1866 and with South America in 1874. By about 1870 improvements in agricultural technology made possible the full exploitation of areas that were most suitable for extensive farming on a mechanized basis. Huge tracts of land were being settled and farmed in Argentina, Australia, Canada, and in the American West, and these areas were joined with one another and with the countries of Europe into an interdependent market system. As a consequence, agrarian depressions no longer were local or national in scope, and they struck several nations whose internal frontiers had not vanished or were not about to vanish. Between the early 1870's and the 1890's, the mounting agrarian discontent in America paralleled the almost uninterrupted decline in the prices of American agricultural products on foreign markets. Those staple-growing farmers in the United States who exhibited the greatest discontent were those who had become most dependent on foreign markets for the sale of their products. Insofar as Americans had been deterred from taking up new land for farming, it was because market conditions had made this period a perilous time in which to do so. | 2021.txt | 0 |
[
"underestimation of the amount of new land that was being famed in the United States",
"underutilization of relatively small but rich plots of land",
"overexpansion of the world transportation network for shipping agricultural products",
"extension of agrarian depressions beyond national boundaries"
]
| According to the author, changes in the conditions of international trade resulted in an | The historian Frederick J. Turner wrote in the 1890's that the agrarian discontent that had been developing steadily in the United States since about 1870 had been precipitated by the closing of the internal frontier--that is, the depletion of available new land needed for further expansion of the American farming system. Not only was Turner's thesis influential at the time, it was later adopted and elaborated by other scholars, such as John D. Hicks in The Populist Revolt (1931). Actually, however, new lands were taken up for farming in the United States throughout and beyond the nineteenth century. In the 1890's, when agrarian discontent had become most acute, 1,100,000 new farms were settled, which was 500,000 more than had been settled during the previous decade. After 1890, under the terms of the Homestead Act and its successors, more new land was taken up for farming than had been taken up for this purpose in the United States up until that time. It is true that a high proportion of the newly farmed land was suitable only for grazing and dry farming, but agricultural practices had become sufficiently advanced to make it possible to increase the profitability of farming by utilizing even these relatively barren lands.
The emphasis given by both scholars and statesmen to the presumed disappearance of the American frontier helped to obscure the great importance of changes in the conditions and consequences of international trade that occurred during the second half of the nineteenth century. In 1869 the Suez Canal was opened and the first transcontinental railroad in the United States was completed. An extensive network of telegraph and telephone communications was spun: Europe was connected by submarine cable with the United States in 1866 and with South America in 1874. By about 1870 improvements in agricultural technology made possible the full exploitation of areas that were most suitable for extensive farming on a mechanized basis. Huge tracts of land were being settled and farmed in Argentina, Australia, Canada, and in the American West, and these areas were joined with one another and with the countries of Europe into an interdependent market system. As a consequence, agrarian depressions no longer were local or national in scope, and they struck several nations whose internal frontiers had not vanished or were not about to vanish. Between the early 1870's and the 1890's, the mounting agrarian discontent in America paralleled the almost uninterrupted decline in the prices of American agricultural products on foreign markets. Those staple-growing farmers in the United States who exhibited the greatest discontent were those who had become most dependent on foreign markets for the sale of their products. Insofar as Americans had been deterred from taking up new land for farming, it was because market conditions had made this period a perilous time in which to do so. | 2021.txt | 3 |
[
"costs of cultivating the land were prohibitive within the United States",
"development of the first transcontinental railroad in the United States occurred at the expense of the American farmer",
"American farming system was about to run out of the new farmland that was required for its expansion.",
"proceeds from the sales of American agricultural products on foreign markets were unsatisfactory"
]
| The author implies that the change in the state of the American farmer's morale during the latter part of the nineteenth century was traceable to the American farmer's increasing perception that the | The historian Frederick J. Turner wrote in the 1890's that the agrarian discontent that had been developing steadily in the United States since about 1870 had been precipitated by the closing of the internal frontier--that is, the depletion of available new land needed for further expansion of the American farming system. Not only was Turner's thesis influential at the time, it was later adopted and elaborated by other scholars, such as John D. Hicks in The Populist Revolt (1931). Actually, however, new lands were taken up for farming in the United States throughout and beyond the nineteenth century. In the 1890's, when agrarian discontent had become most acute, 1,100,000 new farms were settled, which was 500,000 more than had been settled during the previous decade. After 1890, under the terms of the Homestead Act and its successors, more new land was taken up for farming than had been taken up for this purpose in the United States up until that time. It is true that a high proportion of the newly farmed land was suitable only for grazing and dry farming, but agricultural practices had become sufficiently advanced to make it possible to increase the profitability of farming by utilizing even these relatively barren lands.
The emphasis given by both scholars and statesmen to the presumed disappearance of the American frontier helped to obscure the great importance of changes in the conditions and consequences of international trade that occurred during the second half of the nineteenth century. In 1869 the Suez Canal was opened and the first transcontinental railroad in the United States was completed. An extensive network of telegraph and telephone communications was spun: Europe was connected by submarine cable with the United States in 1866 and with South America in 1874. By about 1870 improvements in agricultural technology made possible the full exploitation of areas that were most suitable for extensive farming on a mechanized basis. Huge tracts of land were being settled and farmed in Argentina, Australia, Canada, and in the American West, and these areas were joined with one another and with the countries of Europe into an interdependent market system. As a consequence, agrarian depressions no longer were local or national in scope, and they struck several nations whose internal frontiers had not vanished or were not about to vanish. Between the early 1870's and the 1890's, the mounting agrarian discontent in America paralleled the almost uninterrupted decline in the prices of American agricultural products on foreign markets. Those staple-growing farmers in the United States who exhibited the greatest discontent were those who had become most dependent on foreign markets for the sale of their products. Insofar as Americans had been deterred from taking up new land for farming, it was because market conditions had made this period a perilous time in which to do so. | 2021.txt | 3 |
[
"Frederick J. Turner's thesis regarding the American frontier became influential.",
"The Homestead Act led to an increase in the amount of newly farmed land in the United States",
"The manufacturers of technologically advanced agricultural machinery rapidly increased their marketing efforts.",
"Technological advances made it fruitful to farm extensively on a mechanized basis."
]
| According to the passage, which of the following occurred prior to 1890? | The historian Frederick J. Turner wrote in the 1890's that the agrarian discontent that had been developing steadily in the United States since about 1870 had been precipitated by the closing of the internal frontier--that is, the depletion of available new land needed for further expansion of the American farming system. Not only was Turner's thesis influential at the time, it was later adopted and elaborated by other scholars, such as John D. Hicks in The Populist Revolt (1931). Actually, however, new lands were taken up for farming in the United States throughout and beyond the nineteenth century. In the 1890's, when agrarian discontent had become most acute, 1,100,000 new farms were settled, which was 500,000 more than had been settled during the previous decade. After 1890, under the terms of the Homestead Act and its successors, more new land was taken up for farming than had been taken up for this purpose in the United States up until that time. It is true that a high proportion of the newly farmed land was suitable only for grazing and dry farming, but agricultural practices had become sufficiently advanced to make it possible to increase the profitability of farming by utilizing even these relatively barren lands.
The emphasis given by both scholars and statesmen to the presumed disappearance of the American frontier helped to obscure the great importance of changes in the conditions and consequences of international trade that occurred during the second half of the nineteenth century. In 1869 the Suez Canal was opened and the first transcontinental railroad in the United States was completed. An extensive network of telegraph and telephone communications was spun: Europe was connected by submarine cable with the United States in 1866 and with South America in 1874. By about 1870 improvements in agricultural technology made possible the full exploitation of areas that were most suitable for extensive farming on a mechanized basis. Huge tracts of land were being settled and farmed in Argentina, Australia, Canada, and in the American West, and these areas were joined with one another and with the countries of Europe into an interdependent market system. As a consequence, agrarian depressions no longer were local or national in scope, and they struck several nations whose internal frontiers had not vanished or were not about to vanish. Between the early 1870's and the 1890's, the mounting agrarian discontent in America paralleled the almost uninterrupted decline in the prices of American agricultural products on foreign markets. Those staple-growing farmers in the United States who exhibited the greatest discontent were those who had become most dependent on foreign markets for the sale of their products. Insofar as Americans had been deterred from taking up new land for farming, it was because market conditions had made this period a perilous time in which to do so. | 2021.txt | 3 |
[
"spread to several nations, excluding those in which the internal frontier remained open",
"manifested themselves in several nations, including those in which new land remained available for farming",
"slowed down the pace of new technological developments in international communications and transportation",
"affected the local and national prices of the nonagricultural products of several nations"
]
| The author implies that, after certain territories and countries had been joined into an interdependent market system in the nineteenth century, agrarian depressions within that system | The historian Frederick J. Turner wrote in the 1890's that the agrarian discontent that had been developing steadily in the United States since about 1870 had been precipitated by the closing of the internal frontier--that is, the depletion of available new land needed for further expansion of the American farming system. Not only was Turner's thesis influential at the time, it was later adopted and elaborated by other scholars, such as John D. Hicks in The Populist Revolt (1931). Actually, however, new lands were taken up for farming in the United States throughout and beyond the nineteenth century. In the 1890's, when agrarian discontent had become most acute, 1,100,000 new farms were settled, which was 500,000 more than had been settled during the previous decade. After 1890, under the terms of the Homestead Act and its successors, more new land was taken up for farming than had been taken up for this purpose in the United States up until that time. It is true that a high proportion of the newly farmed land was suitable only for grazing and dry farming, but agricultural practices had become sufficiently advanced to make it possible to increase the profitability of farming by utilizing even these relatively barren lands.
The emphasis given by both scholars and statesmen to the presumed disappearance of the American frontier helped to obscure the great importance of changes in the conditions and consequences of international trade that occurred during the second half of the nineteenth century. In 1869 the Suez Canal was opened and the first transcontinental railroad in the United States was completed. An extensive network of telegraph and telephone communications was spun: Europe was connected by submarine cable with the United States in 1866 and with South America in 1874. By about 1870 improvements in agricultural technology made possible the full exploitation of areas that were most suitable for extensive farming on a mechanized basis. Huge tracts of land were being settled and farmed in Argentina, Australia, Canada, and in the American West, and these areas were joined with one another and with the countries of Europe into an interdependent market system. As a consequence, agrarian depressions no longer were local or national in scope, and they struck several nations whose internal frontiers had not vanished or were not about to vanish. Between the early 1870's and the 1890's, the mounting agrarian discontent in America paralleled the almost uninterrupted decline in the prices of American agricultural products on foreign markets. Those staple-growing farmers in the United States who exhibited the greatest discontent were those who had become most dependent on foreign markets for the sale of their products. Insofar as Americans had been deterred from taking up new land for farming, it was because market conditions had made this period a perilous time in which to do so. | 2021.txt | 1 |
[
"A proposal by Frederick J. Turner that was later disputed by John D. Hicks",
"An elaboration by John D. Hicks of a thesis that formerly had been questioned by Frederick J. Turner",
"The established view that was disputed by those scholars who adopted the thesis of Frederick J. Turner",
"The view that the American frontier did not become closed during the nineteenth century or soon thereafter"
]
| The author provides information concerning newly farmed lands in the United States (lines 14-34) as evidence in direct support of which of the following? | The historian Frederick J. Turner wrote in the 1890's that the agrarian discontent that had been developing steadily in the United States since about 1870 had been precipitated by the closing of the internal frontier--that is, the depletion of available new land needed for further expansion of the American farming system. Not only was Turner's thesis influential at the time, it was later adopted and elaborated by other scholars, such as John D. Hicks in The Populist Revolt (1931). Actually, however, new lands were taken up for farming in the United States throughout and beyond the nineteenth century. In the 1890's, when agrarian discontent had become most acute, 1,100,000 new farms were settled, which was 500,000 more than had been settled during the previous decade. After 1890, under the terms of the Homestead Act and its successors, more new land was taken up for farming than had been taken up for this purpose in the United States up until that time. It is true that a high proportion of the newly farmed land was suitable only for grazing and dry farming, but agricultural practices had become sufficiently advanced to make it possible to increase the profitability of farming by utilizing even these relatively barren lands.
The emphasis given by both scholars and statesmen to the presumed disappearance of the American frontier helped to obscure the great importance of changes in the conditions and consequences of international trade that occurred during the second half of the nineteenth century. In 1869 the Suez Canal was opened and the first transcontinental railroad in the United States was completed. An extensive network of telegraph and telephone communications was spun: Europe was connected by submarine cable with the United States in 1866 and with South America in 1874. By about 1870 improvements in agricultural technology made possible the full exploitation of areas that were most suitable for extensive farming on a mechanized basis. Huge tracts of land were being settled and farmed in Argentina, Australia, Canada, and in the American West, and these areas were joined with one another and with the countries of Europe into an interdependent market system. As a consequence, agrarian depressions no longer were local or national in scope, and they struck several nations whose internal frontiers had not vanished or were not about to vanish. Between the early 1870's and the 1890's, the mounting agrarian discontent in America paralleled the almost uninterrupted decline in the prices of American agricultural products on foreign markets. Those staple-growing farmers in the United States who exhibited the greatest discontent were those who had become most dependent on foreign markets for the sale of their products. Insofar as Americans had been deterred from taking up new land for farming, it was because market conditions had made this period a perilous time in which to do so. | 2021.txt | 3 |
[
"masked by the vagueness of the official records on newly settled farms",
"vershadowed by disputes on the reliability of the existing historical evidence",
"misidentified as a result of influential but erroneous theorizing",
"overlooked because of a preoccupation with market conditions"
]
| The author implies that the cause of the agrarian discontent was | The historian Frederick J. Turner wrote in the 1890's that the agrarian discontent that had been developing steadily in the United States since about 1870 had been precipitated by the closing of the internal frontier--that is, the depletion of available new land needed for further expansion of the American farming system. Not only was Turner's thesis influential at the time, it was later adopted and elaborated by other scholars, such as John D. Hicks in The Populist Revolt (1931). Actually, however, new lands were taken up for farming in the United States throughout and beyond the nineteenth century. In the 1890's, when agrarian discontent had become most acute, 1,100,000 new farms were settled, which was 500,000 more than had been settled during the previous decade. After 1890, under the terms of the Homestead Act and its successors, more new land was taken up for farming than had been taken up for this purpose in the United States up until that time. It is true that a high proportion of the newly farmed land was suitable only for grazing and dry farming, but agricultural practices had become sufficiently advanced to make it possible to increase the profitability of farming by utilizing even these relatively barren lands.
The emphasis given by both scholars and statesmen to the presumed disappearance of the American frontier helped to obscure the great importance of changes in the conditions and consequences of international trade that occurred during the second half of the nineteenth century. In 1869 the Suez Canal was opened and the first transcontinental railroad in the United States was completed. An extensive network of telegraph and telephone communications was spun: Europe was connected by submarine cable with the United States in 1866 and with South America in 1874. By about 1870 improvements in agricultural technology made possible the full exploitation of areas that were most suitable for extensive farming on a mechanized basis. Huge tracts of land were being settled and farmed in Argentina, Australia, Canada, and in the American West, and these areas were joined with one another and with the countries of Europe into an interdependent market system. As a consequence, agrarian depressions no longer were local or national in scope, and they struck several nations whose internal frontiers had not vanished or were not about to vanish. Between the early 1870's and the 1890's, the mounting agrarian discontent in America paralleled the almost uninterrupted decline in the prices of American agricultural products on foreign markets. Those staple-growing farmers in the United States who exhibited the greatest discontent were those who had become most dependent on foreign markets for the sale of their products. Insofar as Americans had been deterred from taking up new land for farming, it was because market conditions had made this period a perilous time in which to do so. | 2021.txt | 2 |
[
"much smaller and in the same direction",
"much smaller but in the opposite direction",
"slightly smaller and in the same direction",
"similar in size but in the opposite direction"
]
| The author's argument implies that, compared to the yearly price changes that actually occurred on foreign agricultural markets during the 1880's, American farmers would have most preferred yearly price changes that were | The historian Frederick J. Turner wrote in the 1890's that the agrarian discontent that had been developing steadily in the United States since about 1870 had been precipitated by the closing of the internal frontier--that is, the depletion of available new land needed for further expansion of the American farming system. Not only was Turner's thesis influential at the time, it was later adopted and elaborated by other scholars, such as John D. Hicks in The Populist Revolt (1931). Actually, however, new lands were taken up for farming in the United States throughout and beyond the nineteenth century. In the 1890's, when agrarian discontent had become most acute, 1,100,000 new farms were settled, which was 500,000 more than had been settled during the previous decade. After 1890, under the terms of the Homestead Act and its successors, more new land was taken up for farming than had been taken up for this purpose in the United States up until that time. It is true that a high proportion of the newly farmed land was suitable only for grazing and dry farming, but agricultural practices had become sufficiently advanced to make it possible to increase the profitability of farming by utilizing even these relatively barren lands.
The emphasis given by both scholars and statesmen to the presumed disappearance of the American frontier helped to obscure the great importance of changes in the conditions and consequences of international trade that occurred during the second half of the nineteenth century. In 1869 the Suez Canal was opened and the first transcontinental railroad in the United States was completed. An extensive network of telegraph and telephone communications was spun: Europe was connected by submarine cable with the United States in 1866 and with South America in 1874. By about 1870 improvements in agricultural technology made possible the full exploitation of areas that were most suitable for extensive farming on a mechanized basis. Huge tracts of land were being settled and farmed in Argentina, Australia, Canada, and in the American West, and these areas were joined with one another and with the countries of Europe into an interdependent market system. As a consequence, agrarian depressions no longer were local or national in scope, and they struck several nations whose internal frontiers had not vanished or were not about to vanish. Between the early 1870's and the 1890's, the mounting agrarian discontent in America paralleled the almost uninterrupted decline in the prices of American agricultural products on foreign markets. Those staple-growing farmers in the United States who exhibited the greatest discontent were those who had become most dependent on foreign markets for the sale of their products. Insofar as Americans had been deterred from taking up new land for farming, it was because market conditions had made this period a perilous time in which to do so. | 2021.txt | 3 |
[
"the problem of global warming will have been quite solved by 2020",
"gas emissions have been effectively reduced in developed countries",
"the Paris Agreements is more influential than the Kyoto Protocol",
"humans have made continuous efforts to slow down global warming"
]
| It can be concluded from paragraph 1 that _ . | Is there link between humans and climate change or not? This question was first studied in the early 1900s. Since then, many scientists have thought that our actions do make a difference. In 1997, the Kyoto Protocol explained our role in the Earth's changing atmosphere and set international limits for gas emissions from 2008 to 2012. Some countries have decided to continue these reductions until 2020. More recently, the Paris Agreement, stuck by nearly 200 countries, also aims to limit global warming. But just now how much warmer it will get depends on how deeply countries cut carbon emissions.
This is how much temperatures would rise by 2100 even if nations live up to the initial Paris promises to reduce carbon emissions; this rise could still put coastal cities under water and drive over half of all species to extinction.
To meet this minimum goal, the Agreement requires countries to tighten emissions targets every five years. Even this increase could sink some islands, worse drought and drive a decline of up to a third in the number of species.
This is the most ambitious goal for temperature rise set by the Paris Agreement, after a push by low-lying island nations like Kiribati, which say limiting temperature rise to 1.5℃ could save them from sinking.
This is how much temperatures have risen since the industrial age began, putting us 40% of the way to the 2℃ point.
The baseline here is average global temperature before the start of the industrial age. | 589.txt | 3 |
[
"The human population would increase by one third.",
"Little over 50% of all species would still exist.",
"Nations would not need to tighten their emissions targets.",
"The Agreement's minimum goal would not be reached."
]
| If nations could only keep the initial promises of the Paris Agreement, what would happen by the year 2100? | Is there link between humans and climate change or not? This question was first studied in the early 1900s. Since then, many scientists have thought that our actions do make a difference. In 1997, the Kyoto Protocol explained our role in the Earth's changing atmosphere and set international limits for gas emissions from 2008 to 2012. Some countries have decided to continue these reductions until 2020. More recently, the Paris Agreement, stuck by nearly 200 countries, also aims to limit global warming. But just now how much warmer it will get depends on how deeply countries cut carbon emissions.
This is how much temperatures would rise by 2100 even if nations live up to the initial Paris promises to reduce carbon emissions; this rise could still put coastal cities under water and drive over half of all species to extinction.
To meet this minimum goal, the Agreement requires countries to tighten emissions targets every five years. Even this increase could sink some islands, worse drought and drive a decline of up to a third in the number of species.
This is the most ambitious goal for temperature rise set by the Paris Agreement, after a push by low-lying island nations like Kiribati, which say limiting temperature rise to 1.5℃ could save them from sinking.
This is how much temperatures have risen since the industrial age began, putting us 40% of the way to the 2℃ point.
The baseline here is average global temperature before the start of the industrial age. | 589.txt | 1 |
[
"0.8℃",
"1.5℃",
"2℃",
"3.5℃"
]
| If those island nations not far above sea level are to survive, the maximum temperature rise, since the start of the industrial age, should be _ . | Is there link between humans and climate change or not? This question was first studied in the early 1900s. Since then, many scientists have thought that our actions do make a difference. In 1997, the Kyoto Protocol explained our role in the Earth's changing atmosphere and set international limits for gas emissions from 2008 to 2012. Some countries have decided to continue these reductions until 2020. More recently, the Paris Agreement, stuck by nearly 200 countries, also aims to limit global warming. But just now how much warmer it will get depends on how deeply countries cut carbon emissions.
This is how much temperatures would rise by 2100 even if nations live up to the initial Paris promises to reduce carbon emissions; this rise could still put coastal cities under water and drive over half of all species to extinction.
To meet this minimum goal, the Agreement requires countries to tighten emissions targets every five years. Even this increase could sink some islands, worse drought and drive a decline of up to a third in the number of species.
This is the most ambitious goal for temperature rise set by the Paris Agreement, after a push by low-lying island nations like Kiribati, which say limiting temperature rise to 1.5℃ could save them from sinking.
This is how much temperatures have risen since the industrial age began, putting us 40% of the way to the 2℃ point.
The baseline here is average global temperature before the start of the industrial age. | 589.txt | 0 |
[
"Overhead bridges are found in every part of Beijing.",
"Overhead bridges are only found in the centre of Beijing.",
"Overhead bridges are found in many parts of small cities in China.",
"Overhead bridges are found in places where traffic is heavy."
]
| Which of the following statements is true? | Overhead bridges are found in many parts of Beijing, especially in places where traffic is very heavy and crossing the road is dangerous.
The purpose of these bridges is to enable pedestriansto cross roads safely. Overhead bridges are used in very much the same way as zebra crossings. They are more efficient although less convenient because people have to climb up a long flight of steps. This is inconvenient especially to older people. When pedestrians use an overhead bridge,they do not hold up traffic. However,when they cross a busy road using a zebra crossing, traffic is held up, this is why the government has built many overhead bridges to help pedestrians and to keep traffic moving at the same time.
The government of Beijing has spent a large amount of money in building these bridges. For their own safety,pedestrians should be encouraged to use them instead of risking their lives by dashing across the road. Old people,however, may find it a little difficult to climb up and down the steps,but it is still much safer than walking across the road with all the danger of moving traffic.
Overhead bridges serve a very useful purpose. Pedestrians,both old and young,should make it a habit to use them. This will prevent unnecessary accidents and loss of life. | 2661.txt | 3 |
[
"To visit the volcano.",
"To shop and eat there.",
"To watch sports and plays.",
"To see how Pompeiians lived."
]
| Why do large numbers of people come to Pompeii each year? | Every year thousands of tourists visit Pompeii, Italy.They see the sights that Pompeii is famous for-itsstadium and theatres, its shops and restaurants. Thetourists do not, however, see Pompeii's people. Theydo not see them because Pompeii has no people. Noone has lived in Pompeii for almost 2000 years.
Once, Pompeii was a busy city of 22000 people. It layat the foot of Mount Vesuvius, a grass-covered volcano. Mount Vesuvius had noteruptedfor centuries, so the people of Pompeii felt safe. But they were not.
In August of AD 79, Mount Vesuvius erupted. The entire top of the mountain exploded, and ahuge black cloud rose into the air. Soon stones and hot ash began to fall on Pompeii. When theeruption ended two days later, Pompeii was buried under 20 feet of stones and ashes. Almostall of its people were dead.
For centuries, Pompeii lay buried under stone and ash. Then, in the year 1861, an Italianscientist named Ginseppe began to uncover Pompeii. Slowly, carefully, Ginseppe and his mendug. The city looked almost the same as it had looked in AD 79. There were streets andfountains, houses and shops. There was a stadium with 20000 seats. Perhaps the mostimportant of all, there were everyday objects, which tell us a great deal about the people wholived in Pompeii. Many glasses and jars had some dark blue colour in the bottom, so we knowthat the people of Pompeii liked wine. They liked bread, too; metal bread pans were in everybakery. In one bakery there were 81 round, flat loaves of bread ?a type of bread that is still soldin Italy today. Tiny boxes filled with a dark, shiny powder tell us that women liked to wear eye-makeup.
Ginseppe has died, but his work continues. One-fourth has not been uncovered yet. Scientistsare still digging, still making discoveries that draw the tourists to Pompeii. | 2358.txt | 3 |
[
"The city nearby offered all kinds of fun.",
"The area produced the finest wine in Italy.",
"Few people expected the volcano to erupt again.",
"The mountain was beautiful and covered with grass."
]
| Why had so many Pompeiians remained by volcanic Mount Vesuvius? | Every year thousands of tourists visit Pompeii, Italy.They see the sights that Pompeii is famous for-itsstadium and theatres, its shops and restaurants. Thetourists do not, however, see Pompeii's people. Theydo not see them because Pompeii has no people. Noone has lived in Pompeii for almost 2000 years.
Once, Pompeii was a busy city of 22000 people. It layat the foot of Mount Vesuvius, a grass-covered volcano. Mount Vesuvius had noteruptedfor centuries, so the people of Pompeii felt safe. But they were not.
In August of AD 79, Mount Vesuvius erupted. The entire top of the mountain exploded, and ahuge black cloud rose into the air. Soon stones and hot ash began to fall on Pompeii. When theeruption ended two days later, Pompeii was buried under 20 feet of stones and ashes. Almostall of its people were dead.
For centuries, Pompeii lay buried under stone and ash. Then, in the year 1861, an Italianscientist named Ginseppe began to uncover Pompeii. Slowly, carefully, Ginseppe and his mendug. The city looked almost the same as it had looked in AD 79. There were streets andfountains, houses and shops. There was a stadium with 20000 seats. Perhaps the mostimportant of all, there were everyday objects, which tell us a great deal about the people wholived in Pompeii. Many glasses and jars had some dark blue colour in the bottom, so we knowthat the people of Pompeii liked wine. They liked bread, too; metal bread pans were in everybakery. In one bakery there were 81 round, flat loaves of bread ?a type of bread that is still soldin Italy today. Tiny boxes filled with a dark, shiny powder tell us that women liked to wear eye-makeup.
Ginseppe has died, but his work continues. One-fourth has not been uncovered yet. Scientistsare still digging, still making discoveries that draw the tourists to Pompeii. | 2358.txt | 2 |
[
"Because Ginseppe and his men dug it slowly and carefully.",
"Because the city was buried alive and remained untouched.",
"Because scientists successfully rebuilt the city with everyday objects.",
"Because nobody had lived in the city ever since the volcano erupted."
]
| Why did the city uncovered look almost the same as it had looked in AD 79? | Every year thousands of tourists visit Pompeii, Italy.They see the sights that Pompeii is famous for-itsstadium and theatres, its shops and restaurants. Thetourists do not, however, see Pompeii's people. Theydo not see them because Pompeii has no people. Noone has lived in Pompeii for almost 2000 years.
Once, Pompeii was a busy city of 22000 people. It layat the foot of Mount Vesuvius, a grass-covered volcano. Mount Vesuvius had noteruptedfor centuries, so the people of Pompeii felt safe. But they were not.
In August of AD 79, Mount Vesuvius erupted. The entire top of the mountain exploded, and ahuge black cloud rose into the air. Soon stones and hot ash began to fall on Pompeii. When theeruption ended two days later, Pompeii was buried under 20 feet of stones and ashes. Almostall of its people were dead.
For centuries, Pompeii lay buried under stone and ash. Then, in the year 1861, an Italianscientist named Ginseppe began to uncover Pompeii. Slowly, carefully, Ginseppe and his mendug. The city looked almost the same as it had looked in AD 79. There were streets andfountains, houses and shops. There was a stadium with 20000 seats. Perhaps the mostimportant of all, there were everyday objects, which tell us a great deal about the people wholived in Pompeii. Many glasses and jars had some dark blue colour in the bottom, so we knowthat the people of Pompeii liked wine. They liked bread, too; metal bread pans were in everybakery. In one bakery there were 81 round, flat loaves of bread ?a type of bread that is still soldin Italy today. Tiny boxes filled with a dark, shiny powder tell us that women liked to wear eye-makeup.
Ginseppe has died, but his work continues. One-fourth has not been uncovered yet. Scientistsare still digging, still making discoveries that draw the tourists to Pompeii. | 2358.txt | 1 |
[
"They lived more or less the same as Italians now do.",
"They liked women wearing all kinds of makeup.",
"They enjoyed a lazy life with drinking and eating.",
"They went back to Pompeii after the eruption in AD 79."
]
| What do we know about the Pompeiians who lived 2000 years ago? | Every year thousands of tourists visit Pompeii, Italy.They see the sights that Pompeii is famous for-itsstadium and theatres, its shops and restaurants. Thetourists do not, however, see Pompeii's people. Theydo not see them because Pompeii has no people. Noone has lived in Pompeii for almost 2000 years.
Once, Pompeii was a busy city of 22000 people. It layat the foot of Mount Vesuvius, a grass-covered volcano. Mount Vesuvius had noteruptedfor centuries, so the people of Pompeii felt safe. But they were not.
In August of AD 79, Mount Vesuvius erupted. The entire top of the mountain exploded, and ahuge black cloud rose into the air. Soon stones and hot ash began to fall on Pompeii. When theeruption ended two days later, Pompeii was buried under 20 feet of stones and ashes. Almostall of its people were dead.
For centuries, Pompeii lay buried under stone and ash. Then, in the year 1861, an Italianscientist named Ginseppe began to uncover Pompeii. Slowly, carefully, Ginseppe and his mendug. The city looked almost the same as it had looked in AD 79. There were streets andfountains, houses and shops. There was a stadium with 20000 seats. Perhaps the mostimportant of all, there were everyday objects, which tell us a great deal about the people wholived in Pompeii. Many glasses and jars had some dark blue colour in the bottom, so we knowthat the people of Pompeii liked wine. They liked bread, too; metal bread pans were in everybakery. In one bakery there were 81 round, flat loaves of bread ?a type of bread that is still soldin Italy today. Tiny boxes filled with a dark, shiny powder tell us that women liked to wear eye-makeup.
Ginseppe has died, but his work continues. One-fourth has not been uncovered yet. Scientistsare still digging, still making discoveries that draw the tourists to Pompeii. | 2358.txt | 0 |
[
"drawing an analogy between asymmetry in lobsters and handedness in humans",
"developing a method for predicting whether crusher claws in lobsters will appear on the left or right side",
"explaining differences between lobsters' crusher claws and cutter claws",
"discussing a possible explanation for the way bilateral asymmetry is determined in lobsters"
]
| The passage is primarily concerned with | The two claws of the mature American lobster are decidedly different from each other. The crusher claw is short and stout;the cutter claw is long and slender. Such bilateral asymmetry, in which the right side of the body is,in all other respects, a mirror image of the left side,is not unlike handedness in humans. But where the majority of humans are right-handed, in lobsters the crusher claw appears with equal probability on either the right or left side of the body.
Bilateral asymmetry of the claws comes about gradually. In the juvenile fourth and fifth stages of development, the paired claws are symmetrical and cutter like. Asymmetry begins to appear in the juvenile sixth stage of development, and the paired claws further diverge toward well-defined cutter and crusher claws during succeeding stages. An intriguing aspect of this development was discovered by Victor Emmel. He found that if one of the paired claws is removed during the fourth or fifth stage, the intact claw invariably becomes a crusher.while the regenerated claw becomes a cutter. Removal of a claw during a liter juvenile stage or during adulthood, when asymmetry is present,does not alter the asymmetry; the intact and the regenerate claws retain their original structures.
These observations indicate that the conditions that trigger differentiation must operate in a random,manner when the paired claws are intact but in a nonrandom manner when one of the claws is lost. One possible explanation is that differential use of the claws determines their asymmetry. Perhaps the claw that is used more becomes the crusher.This would explain why, when one of the claws is missing during the fourth or fifth stage, the intact claw always becomes a crusher. With two intact claws, initial use of one claw might prompt the animal to use it more than the other throughout the juvenile fourth and fifth stages, causing it to become a crusher.
To test this hypothesis, researchers raised lobsters in the juvenile fourth and fifth stages of development in a laboratory environment in which the lobsters could manipulate oyster chips. (Not coincidentally, at this stage of development lobsters typically change from a habitat where they drift passively, to the ocean floor where they have the opportunity to be more active by burrowing in the substrate.Under these conditions, the lobsters developed asymmetric claws, half with crusher claws on the left, and half with crusher claws on the right. In contrast, when juvenile lobsters were reared in a smooth tank without the oyster chips, the majority developed two cutter claws. This unusual configuration of symmetrical cutter claws did not change when the lobsters were subsequently placed in a manipulatable environment or when they lost and regenerated one or both claws. | 1901.txt | 3 |
[
"It can be stopped on one side and begun on the other after the juvenile sixth stage.",
"It occurs gradually over a number of stages.",
"It is initially apparent in the juvenile sixth stage.",
"It can occur even when a prospective crusher claw is removed in the juvenile sixth stage."
]
| Each of the following statements about the development of a lobster's crusher claw is supported by information in the passage EXCEPT: | The two claws of the mature American lobster are decidedly different from each other. The crusher claw is short and stout;the cutter claw is long and slender. Such bilateral asymmetry, in which the right side of the body is,in all other respects, a mirror image of the left side,is not unlike handedness in humans. But where the majority of humans are right-handed, in lobsters the crusher claw appears with equal probability on either the right or left side of the body.
Bilateral asymmetry of the claws comes about gradually. In the juvenile fourth and fifth stages of development, the paired claws are symmetrical and cutter like. Asymmetry begins to appear in the juvenile sixth stage of development, and the paired claws further diverge toward well-defined cutter and crusher claws during succeeding stages. An intriguing aspect of this development was discovered by Victor Emmel. He found that if one of the paired claws is removed during the fourth or fifth stage, the intact claw invariably becomes a crusher.while the regenerated claw becomes a cutter. Removal of a claw during a liter juvenile stage or during adulthood, when asymmetry is present,does not alter the asymmetry; the intact and the regenerate claws retain their original structures.
These observations indicate that the conditions that trigger differentiation must operate in a random,manner when the paired claws are intact but in a nonrandom manner when one of the claws is lost. One possible explanation is that differential use of the claws determines their asymmetry. Perhaps the claw that is used more becomes the crusher.This would explain why, when one of the claws is missing during the fourth or fifth stage, the intact claw always becomes a crusher. With two intact claws, initial use of one claw might prompt the animal to use it more than the other throughout the juvenile fourth and fifth stages, causing it to become a crusher.
To test this hypothesis, researchers raised lobsters in the juvenile fourth and fifth stages of development in a laboratory environment in which the lobsters could manipulate oyster chips. (Not coincidentally, at this stage of development lobsters typically change from a habitat where they drift passively, to the ocean floor where they have the opportunity to be more active by burrowing in the substrate.Under these conditions, the lobsters developed asymmetric claws, half with crusher claws on the left, and half with crusher claws on the right. In contrast, when juvenile lobsters were reared in a smooth tank without the oyster chips, the majority developed two cutter claws. This unusual configuration of symmetrical cutter claws did not change when the lobsters were subsequently placed in a manipulatable environment or when they lost and regenerated one or both claws. | 1901.txt | 0 |
[
"A left cutterlike claw is removed in the fifth stage and a crusher claw develops on the right side.",
"A left cutterlike claw is removed in the fourth stage and a crusher claw develops on the left side.",
"A left cutterlike claw is removed in the sixth stage and a crusher claw develops on the right side.",
"Both cutterlike claws are removed in the fifth stage and a crusher claw develops on the left side."
]
| Which of the following experimental results, if observed, would most clearly contradict the findings of Victor Emmel? | The two claws of the mature American lobster are decidedly different from each other. The crusher claw is short and stout;the cutter claw is long and slender. Such bilateral asymmetry, in which the right side of the body is,in all other respects, a mirror image of the left side,is not unlike handedness in humans. But where the majority of humans are right-handed, in lobsters the crusher claw appears with equal probability on either the right or left side of the body.
Bilateral asymmetry of the claws comes about gradually. In the juvenile fourth and fifth stages of development, the paired claws are symmetrical and cutter like. Asymmetry begins to appear in the juvenile sixth stage of development, and the paired claws further diverge toward well-defined cutter and crusher claws during succeeding stages. An intriguing aspect of this development was discovered by Victor Emmel. He found that if one of the paired claws is removed during the fourth or fifth stage, the intact claw invariably becomes a crusher.while the regenerated claw becomes a cutter. Removal of a claw during a liter juvenile stage or during adulthood, when asymmetry is present,does not alter the asymmetry; the intact and the regenerate claws retain their original structures.
These observations indicate that the conditions that trigger differentiation must operate in a random,manner when the paired claws are intact but in a nonrandom manner when one of the claws is lost. One possible explanation is that differential use of the claws determines their asymmetry. Perhaps the claw that is used more becomes the crusher.This would explain why, when one of the claws is missing during the fourth or fifth stage, the intact claw always becomes a crusher. With two intact claws, initial use of one claw might prompt the animal to use it more than the other throughout the juvenile fourth and fifth stages, causing it to become a crusher.
To test this hypothesis, researchers raised lobsters in the juvenile fourth and fifth stages of development in a laboratory environment in which the lobsters could manipulate oyster chips. (Not coincidentally, at this stage of development lobsters typically change from a habitat where they drift passively, to the ocean floor where they have the opportunity to be more active by burrowing in the substrate.Under these conditions, the lobsters developed asymmetric claws, half with crusher claws on the left, and half with crusher claws on the right. In contrast, when juvenile lobsters were reared in a smooth tank without the oyster chips, the majority developed two cutter claws. This unusual configuration of symmetrical cutter claws did not change when the lobsters were subsequently placed in a manipulatable environment or when they lost and regenerated one or both claws. | 1901.txt | 1 |
[
"prove that the presence of oyster chips was not necessary for the development of a crusher claw",
"prove that the relative length of time that the lobsters were exposed to the oyster-chip environment had little impact on the development of a crusher claw",
"eliminate the environment as a possible influence in the development of a crusher claw",
"simulate the conditions that lobsters encounter in their natural environment"
]
| It can be inferred that of the two laboratory environments mentioned in the passage, the one with oyster chips was designed to | The two claws of the mature American lobster are decidedly different from each other. The crusher claw is short and stout;the cutter claw is long and slender. Such bilateral asymmetry, in which the right side of the body is,in all other respects, a mirror image of the left side,is not unlike handedness in humans. But where the majority of humans are right-handed, in lobsters the crusher claw appears with equal probability on either the right or left side of the body.
Bilateral asymmetry of the claws comes about gradually. In the juvenile fourth and fifth stages of development, the paired claws are symmetrical and cutter like. Asymmetry begins to appear in the juvenile sixth stage of development, and the paired claws further diverge toward well-defined cutter and crusher claws during succeeding stages. An intriguing aspect of this development was discovered by Victor Emmel. He found that if one of the paired claws is removed during the fourth or fifth stage, the intact claw invariably becomes a crusher.while the regenerated claw becomes a cutter. Removal of a claw during a liter juvenile stage or during adulthood, when asymmetry is present,does not alter the asymmetry; the intact and the regenerate claws retain their original structures.
These observations indicate that the conditions that trigger differentiation must operate in a random,manner when the paired claws are intact but in a nonrandom manner when one of the claws is lost. One possible explanation is that differential use of the claws determines their asymmetry. Perhaps the claw that is used more becomes the crusher.This would explain why, when one of the claws is missing during the fourth or fifth stage, the intact claw always becomes a crusher. With two intact claws, initial use of one claw might prompt the animal to use it more than the other throughout the juvenile fourth and fifth stages, causing it to become a crusher.
To test this hypothesis, researchers raised lobsters in the juvenile fourth and fifth stages of development in a laboratory environment in which the lobsters could manipulate oyster chips. (Not coincidentally, at this stage of development lobsters typically change from a habitat where they drift passively, to the ocean floor where they have the opportunity to be more active by burrowing in the substrate.Under these conditions, the lobsters developed asymmetric claws, half with crusher claws on the left, and half with crusher claws on the right. In contrast, when juvenile lobsters were reared in a smooth tank without the oyster chips, the majority developed two cutter claws. This unusual configuration of symmetrical cutter claws did not change when the lobsters were subsequently placed in a manipulatable environment or when they lost and regenerated one or both claws. | 1901.txt | 3 |
[
"likely to be less active",
"likely to be less symmetrical",
"more likely to lose a claw",
"more likely to replace a crusher claw with a cutter claw"
]
| It can be inferred from the passage that one difference between lobsters in the earlier stages of development and those in the juvenile fourth and fifth stages is that lobsters in the early stages are | The two claws of the mature American lobster are decidedly different from each other. The crusher claw is short and stout;the cutter claw is long and slender. Such bilateral asymmetry, in which the right side of the body is,in all other respects, a mirror image of the left side,is not unlike handedness in humans. But where the majority of humans are right-handed, in lobsters the crusher claw appears with equal probability on either the right or left side of the body.
Bilateral asymmetry of the claws comes about gradually. In the juvenile fourth and fifth stages of development, the paired claws are symmetrical and cutter like. Asymmetry begins to appear in the juvenile sixth stage of development, and the paired claws further diverge toward well-defined cutter and crusher claws during succeeding stages. An intriguing aspect of this development was discovered by Victor Emmel. He found that if one of the paired claws is removed during the fourth or fifth stage, the intact claw invariably becomes a crusher.while the regenerated claw becomes a cutter. Removal of a claw during a liter juvenile stage or during adulthood, when asymmetry is present,does not alter the asymmetry; the intact and the regenerate claws retain their original structures.
These observations indicate that the conditions that trigger differentiation must operate in a random,manner when the paired claws are intact but in a nonrandom manner when one of the claws is lost. One possible explanation is that differential use of the claws determines their asymmetry. Perhaps the claw that is used more becomes the crusher.This would explain why, when one of the claws is missing during the fourth or fifth stage, the intact claw always becomes a crusher. With two intact claws, initial use of one claw might prompt the animal to use it more than the other throughout the juvenile fourth and fifth stages, causing it to become a crusher.
To test this hypothesis, researchers raised lobsters in the juvenile fourth and fifth stages of development in a laboratory environment in which the lobsters could manipulate oyster chips. (Not coincidentally, at this stage of development lobsters typically change from a habitat where they drift passively, to the ocean floor where they have the opportunity to be more active by burrowing in the substrate.Under these conditions, the lobsters developed asymmetric claws, half with crusher claws on the left, and half with crusher claws on the right. In contrast, when juvenile lobsters were reared in a smooth tank without the oyster chips, the majority developed two cutter claws. This unusual configuration of symmetrical cutter claws did not change when the lobsters were subsequently placed in a manipulatable environment or when they lost and regenerated one or both claws. | 1901.txt | 0 |
[
"The loss of a claw during the third or earlier stage of development",
"The loss of a claw during the fourth or fifth stage of development",
"The loss of a claw during the sixth stage of development",
"Development in an environment devoid of material that can be manipulated"
]
| Which of the following conditions does the passage suggest is a possible cause for the failure of a lobster to develop a crusher claw? | The two claws of the mature American lobster are decidedly different from each other. The crusher claw is short and stout;the cutter claw is long and slender. Such bilateral asymmetry, in which the right side of the body is,in all other respects, a mirror image of the left side,is not unlike handedness in humans. But where the majority of humans are right-handed, in lobsters the crusher claw appears with equal probability on either the right or left side of the body.
Bilateral asymmetry of the claws comes about gradually. In the juvenile fourth and fifth stages of development, the paired claws are symmetrical and cutter like. Asymmetry begins to appear in the juvenile sixth stage of development, and the paired claws further diverge toward well-defined cutter and crusher claws during succeeding stages. An intriguing aspect of this development was discovered by Victor Emmel. He found that if one of the paired claws is removed during the fourth or fifth stage, the intact claw invariably becomes a crusher.while the regenerated claw becomes a cutter. Removal of a claw during a liter juvenile stage or during adulthood, when asymmetry is present,does not alter the asymmetry; the intact and the regenerate claws retain their original structures.
These observations indicate that the conditions that trigger differentiation must operate in a random,manner when the paired claws are intact but in a nonrandom manner when one of the claws is lost. One possible explanation is that differential use of the claws determines their asymmetry. Perhaps the claw that is used more becomes the crusher.This would explain why, when one of the claws is missing during the fourth or fifth stage, the intact claw always becomes a crusher. With two intact claws, initial use of one claw might prompt the animal to use it more than the other throughout the juvenile fourth and fifth stages, causing it to become a crusher.
To test this hypothesis, researchers raised lobsters in the juvenile fourth and fifth stages of development in a laboratory environment in which the lobsters could manipulate oyster chips. (Not coincidentally, at this stage of development lobsters typically change from a habitat where they drift passively, to the ocean floor where they have the opportunity to be more active by burrowing in the substrate.Under these conditions, the lobsters developed asymmetric claws, half with crusher claws on the left, and half with crusher claws on the right. In contrast, when juvenile lobsters were reared in a smooth tank without the oyster chips, the majority developed two cutter claws. This unusual configuration of symmetrical cutter claws did not change when the lobsters were subsequently placed in a manipulatable environment or when they lost and regenerated one or both claws. | 1901.txt | 3 |
[
"irrefutable considering the authoritative nature of Emmel's observations",
"likely in view of present evidence",
"contradictory to conventional thinking on lobster-claw differentiation",
"purely speculative because it is based on scattered research and experimentation"
]
| The author regards the idea that differentiation is triggered randomly when paired claws remain intact as | The two claws of the mature American lobster are decidedly different from each other. The crusher claw is short and stout;the cutter claw is long and slender. Such bilateral asymmetry, in which the right side of the body is,in all other respects, a mirror image of the left side,is not unlike handedness in humans. But where the majority of humans are right-handed, in lobsters the crusher claw appears with equal probability on either the right or left side of the body.
Bilateral asymmetry of the claws comes about gradually. In the juvenile fourth and fifth stages of development, the paired claws are symmetrical and cutter like. Asymmetry begins to appear in the juvenile sixth stage of development, and the paired claws further diverge toward well-defined cutter and crusher claws during succeeding stages. An intriguing aspect of this development was discovered by Victor Emmel. He found that if one of the paired claws is removed during the fourth or fifth stage, the intact claw invariably becomes a crusher.while the regenerated claw becomes a cutter. Removal of a claw during a liter juvenile stage or during adulthood, when asymmetry is present,does not alter the asymmetry; the intact and the regenerate claws retain their original structures.
These observations indicate that the conditions that trigger differentiation must operate in a random,manner when the paired claws are intact but in a nonrandom manner when one of the claws is lost. One possible explanation is that differential use of the claws determines their asymmetry. Perhaps the claw that is used more becomes the crusher.This would explain why, when one of the claws is missing during the fourth or fifth stage, the intact claw always becomes a crusher. With two intact claws, initial use of one claw might prompt the animal to use it more than the other throughout the juvenile fourth and fifth stages, causing it to become a crusher.
To test this hypothesis, researchers raised lobsters in the juvenile fourth and fifth stages of development in a laboratory environment in which the lobsters could manipulate oyster chips. (Not coincidentally, at this stage of development lobsters typically change from a habitat where they drift passively, to the ocean floor where they have the opportunity to be more active by burrowing in the substrate.Under these conditions, the lobsters developed asymmetric claws, half with crusher claws on the left, and half with crusher claws on the right. In contrast, when juvenile lobsters were reared in a smooth tank without the oyster chips, the majority developed two cutter claws. This unusual configuration of symmetrical cutter claws did not change when the lobsters were subsequently placed in a manipulatable environment or when they lost and regenerated one or both claws. | 1901.txt | 1 |
[
"a Nepalese doctor",
"a foreign tourist",
"a Nepalese traveler",
"a foreign doctor"
]
| The writer of the passage must be _ . | Last year I went to Nepal for three months to work in a hospital. I think it's important to see as much of a country as you can, but it is difficult to travel around Nepal. The hospital let me have a few days' holiday, so I decided to go into the jungle and I asked a Nepalese guide, Kamal Rai, to go with me. We started our trip at six in the morning with two elephants carrying our equipment. It was hot, but Kamal made me wear shoes and trousers to protect me from snakes. In the jungle there was a lot of wildlife, but we were trying to find big cats, especially tigers. We climbed onto the elephants backs to see better, but it is unusual to find tigers in the afternoon because they sleep in the daytime.
Then, in the distance, we saw a tiger, and Kamal told me to be very quiet. We moved nearer and found a dead deer. This was the tiger's lunch! I started to feel very frightened.
We heard the tiger a second before we saw it. It jumped out suddenly, five hundred kilos plus and four meters long. It grabbed Kamal's leg between its teeth, but I succeeded in pulling Kamal away. One of our elephants ran at the tiger and made it go back into the grass, so we quickly escaped to let the tiger eat its lunch. That night it was impossible to sleep. | 664.txt | 3 |
[
"He heard the noise of the tiger.",
"He saw the tiger in the distance.",
"He realized that they were in danger.",
"He knew that the tiger was in danger."
]
| What made the writer suddenly start to feel very frightened? | Last year I went to Nepal for three months to work in a hospital. I think it's important to see as much of a country as you can, but it is difficult to travel around Nepal. The hospital let me have a few days' holiday, so I decided to go into the jungle and I asked a Nepalese guide, Kamal Rai, to go with me. We started our trip at six in the morning with two elephants carrying our equipment. It was hot, but Kamal made me wear shoes and trousers to protect me from snakes. In the jungle there was a lot of wildlife, but we were trying to find big cats, especially tigers. We climbed onto the elephants backs to see better, but it is unusual to find tigers in the afternoon because they sleep in the daytime.
Then, in the distance, we saw a tiger, and Kamal told me to be very quiet. We moved nearer and found a dead deer. This was the tiger's lunch! I started to feel very frightened.
We heard the tiger a second before we saw it. It jumped out suddenly, five hundred kilos plus and four meters long. It grabbed Kamal's leg between its teeth, but I succeeded in pulling Kamal away. One of our elephants ran at the tiger and made it go back into the grass, so we quickly escaped to let the tiger eat its lunch. That night it was impossible to sleep. | 664.txt | 2 |
[
"It hunted a deer on a hot afternoon.",
"It was 500 kilos plus and four meters long.",
"It was afraid of an elephant.",
"It almost killed the Nepalese guide."
]
| What was unusual about the tiger? | Last year I went to Nepal for three months to work in a hospital. I think it's important to see as much of a country as you can, but it is difficult to travel around Nepal. The hospital let me have a few days' holiday, so I decided to go into the jungle and I asked a Nepalese guide, Kamal Rai, to go with me. We started our trip at six in the morning with two elephants carrying our equipment. It was hot, but Kamal made me wear shoes and trousers to protect me from snakes. In the jungle there was a lot of wildlife, but we were trying to find big cats, especially tigers. We climbed onto the elephants backs to see better, but it is unusual to find tigers in the afternoon because they sleep in the daytime.
Then, in the distance, we saw a tiger, and Kamal told me to be very quiet. We moved nearer and found a dead deer. This was the tiger's lunch! I started to feel very frightened.
We heard the tiger a second before we saw it. It jumped out suddenly, five hundred kilos plus and four meters long. It grabbed Kamal's leg between its teeth, but I succeeded in pulling Kamal away. One of our elephants ran at the tiger and made it go back into the grass, so we quickly escaped to let the tiger eat its lunch. That night it was impossible to sleep. | 664.txt | 0 |
[
"Use federal student loans.",
"Seek part-time jobs to get money.",
"Promote the prominence of credit cards.",
"Ask parents to help them pay the debt."
]
| Which is NOT one of the strategies American students may use to deal with their credit card debt? | U.S. college students are increasingly burdened with credit card debt, according to a study released Tuesday, and the consequences can be seriousranging from higher drop-out rates to future employment problems and even suicide.
Based on hundreds of face-to-face interviews and surveys with students, sociologist Robert Manning of Georgetown University concluded both the number with credit card debt and their indebtedness had been "systematically underreported" in previous studies which failed to reflect the "survival strategies" many used to cope with their debts. These included the use of federal student loans to pay off credit cards, effectively shifting the debt, appeals to parents for loans, cutting back on course work to increase time at paid jobs, or even dropping out altogether to work full time. "Official drop-out rates include growing numbers of students who are unable to cope with the stress of their debts and/or part time jobs for servicing their credit cards," the study said.
Even then, debts can haunt students. "Student credit card debts are increasingly scrutinized during the recruitment process and may be an important factor in evaluating prospective. employee," it noted. And the stress can also manifest in far more tragic ways. Janne O'Donnell's 2g-year-old son, a junior at the University of Oklahoma, committed O'Donnell and Manning agreed students should bear some responsibility for reckless use of credit, but said credit card companies also had to be held accountable for making it so easy for them to get into debt. Manning said one of the most disturbing aspects of the student credit card issue was "the seduction of college and university administrators by the credit card industry." Card issuers were sponsoring school programs, funding activities and even entering into business partnerships with schools involving college-branded "affinity" cards, he said. "As a result, rather than protecting the economic and educational interests of their students, college administrators are playing an active and often disingenuous role in promoting the prominence of credit cards in collegiate life." | 2728.txt | 2 |
[
"High drop-out rates.",
"Enter into business partnerships with schools.",
"Commit suicide.",
"Future employment problems."
]
| Which may NOT be the consequence of students' credit card debt? | U.S. college students are increasingly burdened with credit card debt, according to a study released Tuesday, and the consequences can be seriousranging from higher drop-out rates to future employment problems and even suicide.
Based on hundreds of face-to-face interviews and surveys with students, sociologist Robert Manning of Georgetown University concluded both the number with credit card debt and their indebtedness had been "systematically underreported" in previous studies which failed to reflect the "survival strategies" many used to cope with their debts. These included the use of federal student loans to pay off credit cards, effectively shifting the debt, appeals to parents for loans, cutting back on course work to increase time at paid jobs, or even dropping out altogether to work full time. "Official drop-out rates include growing numbers of students who are unable to cope with the stress of their debts and/or part time jobs for servicing their credit cards," the study said.
Even then, debts can haunt students. "Student credit card debts are increasingly scrutinized during the recruitment process and may be an important factor in evaluating prospective. employee," it noted. And the stress can also manifest in far more tragic ways. Janne O'Donnell's 2g-year-old son, a junior at the University of Oklahoma, committed O'Donnell and Manning agreed students should bear some responsibility for reckless use of credit, but said credit card companies also had to be held accountable for making it so easy for them to get into debt. Manning said one of the most disturbing aspects of the student credit card issue was "the seduction of college and university administrators by the credit card industry." Card issuers were sponsoring school programs, funding activities and even entering into business partnerships with schools involving college-branded "affinity" cards, he said. "As a result, rather than protecting the economic and educational interests of their students, college administrators are playing an active and often disingenuous role in promoting the prominence of credit cards in collegiate life." | 2728.txt | 1 |
[
"Parents.",
"Students themselves.",
"College and university administrators.",
"Credit card issuers."
]
| Who should be least criticized for negative consequences of students' credit card debt according to the passage? | U.S. college students are increasingly burdened with credit card debt, according to a study released Tuesday, and the consequences can be seriousranging from higher drop-out rates to future employment problems and even suicide.
Based on hundreds of face-to-face interviews and surveys with students, sociologist Robert Manning of Georgetown University concluded both the number with credit card debt and their indebtedness had been "systematically underreported" in previous studies which failed to reflect the "survival strategies" many used to cope with their debts. These included the use of federal student loans to pay off credit cards, effectively shifting the debt, appeals to parents for loans, cutting back on course work to increase time at paid jobs, or even dropping out altogether to work full time. "Official drop-out rates include growing numbers of students who are unable to cope with the stress of their debts and/or part time jobs for servicing their credit cards," the study said.
Even then, debts can haunt students. "Student credit card debts are increasingly scrutinized during the recruitment process and may be an important factor in evaluating prospective. employee," it noted. And the stress can also manifest in far more tragic ways. Janne O'Donnell's 2g-year-old son, a junior at the University of Oklahoma, committed O'Donnell and Manning agreed students should bear some responsibility for reckless use of credit, but said credit card companies also had to be held accountable for making it so easy for them to get into debt. Manning said one of the most disturbing aspects of the student credit card issue was "the seduction of college and university administrators by the credit card industry." Card issuers were sponsoring school programs, funding activities and even entering into business partnerships with schools involving college-branded "affinity" cards, he said. "As a result, rather than protecting the economic and educational interests of their students, college administrators are playing an active and often disingenuous role in promoting the prominence of credit cards in collegiate life." | 2728.txt | 0 |
[
"negative consequences of students' using credit card",
"college administrators are playing their proper roles in promoting credit cards",
"card issuers or college administrators promoted credit card",
"reasons for high drop-out rates in universities"
]
| The main idea of this passage is _ . | U.S. college students are increasingly burdened with credit card debt, according to a study released Tuesday, and the consequences can be seriousranging from higher drop-out rates to future employment problems and even suicide.
Based on hundreds of face-to-face interviews and surveys with students, sociologist Robert Manning of Georgetown University concluded both the number with credit card debt and their indebtedness had been "systematically underreported" in previous studies which failed to reflect the "survival strategies" many used to cope with their debts. These included the use of federal student loans to pay off credit cards, effectively shifting the debt, appeals to parents for loans, cutting back on course work to increase time at paid jobs, or even dropping out altogether to work full time. "Official drop-out rates include growing numbers of students who are unable to cope with the stress of their debts and/or part time jobs for servicing their credit cards," the study said.
Even then, debts can haunt students. "Student credit card debts are increasingly scrutinized during the recruitment process and may be an important factor in evaluating prospective. employee," it noted. And the stress can also manifest in far more tragic ways. Janne O'Donnell's 2g-year-old son, a junior at the University of Oklahoma, committed O'Donnell and Manning agreed students should bear some responsibility for reckless use of credit, but said credit card companies also had to be held accountable for making it so easy for them to get into debt. Manning said one of the most disturbing aspects of the student credit card issue was "the seduction of college and university administrators by the credit card industry." Card issuers were sponsoring school programs, funding activities and even entering into business partnerships with schools involving college-branded "affinity" cards, he said. "As a result, rather than protecting the economic and educational interests of their students, college administrators are playing an active and often disingenuous role in promoting the prominence of credit cards in collegiate life." | 2728.txt | 0 |
[
"students should not have part-time jobs",
"credit cards should not be used",
"if there is no credit card, college students may not commit suicide",
"college students should learn to wisely manage their personal finances"
]
| We can infer from the passage that _ . | U.S. college students are increasingly burdened with credit card debt, according to a study released Tuesday, and the consequences can be seriousranging from higher drop-out rates to future employment problems and even suicide.
Based on hundreds of face-to-face interviews and surveys with students, sociologist Robert Manning of Georgetown University concluded both the number with credit card debt and their indebtedness had been "systematically underreported" in previous studies which failed to reflect the "survival strategies" many used to cope with their debts. These included the use of federal student loans to pay off credit cards, effectively shifting the debt, appeals to parents for loans, cutting back on course work to increase time at paid jobs, or even dropping out altogether to work full time. "Official drop-out rates include growing numbers of students who are unable to cope with the stress of their debts and/or part time jobs for servicing their credit cards," the study said.
Even then, debts can haunt students. "Student credit card debts are increasingly scrutinized during the recruitment process and may be an important factor in evaluating prospective. employee," it noted. And the stress can also manifest in far more tragic ways. Janne O'Donnell's 2g-year-old son, a junior at the University of Oklahoma, committed O'Donnell and Manning agreed students should bear some responsibility for reckless use of credit, but said credit card companies also had to be held accountable for making it so easy for them to get into debt. Manning said one of the most disturbing aspects of the student credit card issue was "the seduction of college and university administrators by the credit card industry." Card issuers were sponsoring school programs, funding activities and even entering into business partnerships with schools involving college-branded "affinity" cards, he said. "As a result, rather than protecting the economic and educational interests of their students, college administrators are playing an active and often disingenuous role in promoting the prominence of credit cards in collegiate life." | 2728.txt | 3 |
[
"Child brides.",
"Early marriages.",
"Minimum age for marriage.",
"Different attitudes towards early marriages."
]
| What is the topic of this passage? | Since its foundation in 1954, the United Nations has written into its major covenants the need to establish minimum ages for marriage. But the custom of marriage is a highly sensitive cultural issue, mainly because it is so unpleasantly involved with women's rights and societal traditions and practices, and rules on marriage vary widely between countries. Some countries, particularly in West Africa, still do not have a legal minimum age for marriage.
In the West, a 13-year-old is still considered a child. Even getting married in one's late teens is not usually encouraged because married life is likely to interfere with a young woman's education and consequently restrict opportunities in later life. And there are also physical dangers in giving birth so young. The World Health Organization has over the past ten years identified early childbirth as a major cause of female mortality in many countries.
Under Islamic religious law, the age of consent for sex and marriage is puberty, which Muslims say is in harmony with the biological transition from childhood into adulthood. In Muslim countries such as Saudi Arabia, Iran and Pakistan, the age of puberty at around 13 or 14 is the legal age for marriage, but in Turkey it is 15, and in Egypt and Tunisia, 18 the same minimum age as in many Western countries. It is argued that by allowing earlier marriages, Islamic law is promoting stable relationships, while Western laws are encouraging promiscuity among young people.
In many countries, the trends of urbanization and education for girls have seen a drop in the number of child brides. However, early marriages continue to occur in poor rural areas, where society works very much on personal arrangement between families, villages and communities. And it doesn‘t only happen in countries which don‘t have a legal minimum age. In India, for example, the legal age of marriage for a girl is 18 and to a boy, 21. Yet, according to government statistics, 18 percent of ten to fourteen-year old girls in the poor, rural state of Rajasthan in the northwest of the country are married. There are obvious social and economical advantages for doing this: by marrying off their daughters early, families no longer have to provide for them ; and the younger the bride the smaller the dowry, or wedding price, demanded by the groom's family.
It is clear, then, that child marriages are connected with poverty, lack of education and rural customs such as dowries; there don't tend to be any child marriages in urban or rich areas. So, unless these real causes are addressed, it will be extremely hard to enforce change, even when change is dictated by a country‘s governing body. | 3972.txt | 1 |
[
"unstable partnership",
"firm partnership",
"diverse relationship",
"single relationship"
]
| The word " promiscuity" (Line 9, Para. 3) means _ . | Since its foundation in 1954, the United Nations has written into its major covenants the need to establish minimum ages for marriage. But the custom of marriage is a highly sensitive cultural issue, mainly because it is so unpleasantly involved with women's rights and societal traditions and practices, and rules on marriage vary widely between countries. Some countries, particularly in West Africa, still do not have a legal minimum age for marriage.
In the West, a 13-year-old is still considered a child. Even getting married in one's late teens is not usually encouraged because married life is likely to interfere with a young woman's education and consequently restrict opportunities in later life. And there are also physical dangers in giving birth so young. The World Health Organization has over the past ten years identified early childbirth as a major cause of female mortality in many countries.
Under Islamic religious law, the age of consent for sex and marriage is puberty, which Muslims say is in harmony with the biological transition from childhood into adulthood. In Muslim countries such as Saudi Arabia, Iran and Pakistan, the age of puberty at around 13 or 14 is the legal age for marriage, but in Turkey it is 15, and in Egypt and Tunisia, 18 the same minimum age as in many Western countries. It is argued that by allowing earlier marriages, Islamic law is promoting stable relationships, while Western laws are encouraging promiscuity among young people.
In many countries, the trends of urbanization and education for girls have seen a drop in the number of child brides. However, early marriages continue to occur in poor rural areas, where society works very much on personal arrangement between families, villages and communities. And it doesn‘t only happen in countries which don‘t have a legal minimum age. In India, for example, the legal age of marriage for a girl is 18 and to a boy, 21. Yet, according to government statistics, 18 percent of ten to fourteen-year old girls in the poor, rural state of Rajasthan in the northwest of the country are married. There are obvious social and economical advantages for doing this: by marrying off their daughters early, families no longer have to provide for them ; and the younger the bride the smaller the dowry, or wedding price, demanded by the groom's family.
It is clear, then, that child marriages are connected with poverty, lack of education and rural customs such as dowries; there don't tend to be any child marriages in urban or rich areas. So, unless these real causes are addressed, it will be extremely hard to enforce change, even when change is dictated by a country‘s governing body. | 3972.txt | 2 |
Subsets and Splits
No community queries yet
The top public SQL queries from the community will appear here once available.