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[
"Women from less educated background",
"Women from rural areas",
"Women from Islamic countries",
"Women from cities"
]
| _ is likely to marry late. | Since its foundation in 1954, the United Nations has written into its major covenants the need to establish minimum ages for marriage. But the custom of marriage is a highly sensitive cultural issue, mainly because it is so unpleasantly involved with women's rights and societal traditions and practices, and rules on marriage vary widely between countries. Some countries, particularly in West Africa, still do not have a legal minimum age for marriage.
In the West, a 13-year-old is still considered a child. Even getting married in one's late teens is not usually encouraged because married life is likely to interfere with a young woman's education and consequently restrict opportunities in later life. And there are also physical dangers in giving birth so young. The World Health Organization has over the past ten years identified early childbirth as a major cause of female mortality in many countries.
Under Islamic religious law, the age of consent for sex and marriage is puberty, which Muslims say is in harmony with the biological transition from childhood into adulthood. In Muslim countries such as Saudi Arabia, Iran and Pakistan, the age of puberty at around 13 or 14 is the legal age for marriage, but in Turkey it is 15, and in Egypt and Tunisia, 18 the same minimum age as in many Western countries. It is argued that by allowing earlier marriages, Islamic law is promoting stable relationships, while Western laws are encouraging promiscuity among young people.
In many countries, the trends of urbanization and education for girls have seen a drop in the number of child brides. However, early marriages continue to occur in poor rural areas, where society works very much on personal arrangement between families, villages and communities. And it doesn‘t only happen in countries which don‘t have a legal minimum age. In India, for example, the legal age of marriage for a girl is 18 and to a boy, 21. Yet, according to government statistics, 18 percent of ten to fourteen-year old girls in the poor, rural state of Rajasthan in the northwest of the country are married. There are obvious social and economical advantages for doing this: by marrying off their daughters early, families no longer have to provide for them ; and the younger the bride the smaller the dowry, or wedding price, demanded by the groom's family.
It is clear, then, that child marriages are connected with poverty, lack of education and rural customs such as dowries; there don't tend to be any child marriages in urban or rich areas. So, unless these real causes are addressed, it will be extremely hard to enforce change, even when change is dictated by a country‘s governing body. | 3972.txt | 3 |
[
"social position",
"rural customs",
"personal arrangements",
"religion"
]
| Child marriages are NOT related to _ according to the passage. | Since its foundation in 1954, the United Nations has written into its major covenants the need to establish minimum ages for marriage. But the custom of marriage is a highly sensitive cultural issue, mainly because it is so unpleasantly involved with women's rights and societal traditions and practices, and rules on marriage vary widely between countries. Some countries, particularly in West Africa, still do not have a legal minimum age for marriage.
In the West, a 13-year-old is still considered a child. Even getting married in one's late teens is not usually encouraged because married life is likely to interfere with a young woman's education and consequently restrict opportunities in later life. And there are also physical dangers in giving birth so young. The World Health Organization has over the past ten years identified early childbirth as a major cause of female mortality in many countries.
Under Islamic religious law, the age of consent for sex and marriage is puberty, which Muslims say is in harmony with the biological transition from childhood into adulthood. In Muslim countries such as Saudi Arabia, Iran and Pakistan, the age of puberty at around 13 or 14 is the legal age for marriage, but in Turkey it is 15, and in Egypt and Tunisia, 18 the same minimum age as in many Western countries. It is argued that by allowing earlier marriages, Islamic law is promoting stable relationships, while Western laws are encouraging promiscuity among young people.
In many countries, the trends of urbanization and education for girls have seen a drop in the number of child brides. However, early marriages continue to occur in poor rural areas, where society works very much on personal arrangement between families, villages and communities. And it doesn‘t only happen in countries which don‘t have a legal minimum age. In India, for example, the legal age of marriage for a girl is 18 and to a boy, 21. Yet, according to government statistics, 18 percent of ten to fourteen-year old girls in the poor, rural state of Rajasthan in the northwest of the country are married. There are obvious social and economical advantages for doing this: by marrying off their daughters early, families no longer have to provide for them ; and the younger the bride the smaller the dowry, or wedding price, demanded by the groom's family.
It is clear, then, that child marriages are connected with poverty, lack of education and rural customs such as dowries; there don't tend to be any child marriages in urban or rich areas. So, unless these real causes are addressed, it will be extremely hard to enforce change, even when change is dictated by a country‘s governing body. | 3972.txt | 0 |
[
"reducing a young woman's education",
"limiting a young woman's chances",
"causing infant death",
"doing harm to a young woman's health"
]
| According to the passage, getting married early does all of the following EXCEPT _ . | Since its foundation in 1954, the United Nations has written into its major covenants the need to establish minimum ages for marriage. But the custom of marriage is a highly sensitive cultural issue, mainly because it is so unpleasantly involved with women's rights and societal traditions and practices, and rules on marriage vary widely between countries. Some countries, particularly in West Africa, still do not have a legal minimum age for marriage.
In the West, a 13-year-old is still considered a child. Even getting married in one's late teens is not usually encouraged because married life is likely to interfere with a young woman's education and consequently restrict opportunities in later life. And there are also physical dangers in giving birth so young. The World Health Organization has over the past ten years identified early childbirth as a major cause of female mortality in many countries.
Under Islamic religious law, the age of consent for sex and marriage is puberty, which Muslims say is in harmony with the biological transition from childhood into adulthood. In Muslim countries such as Saudi Arabia, Iran and Pakistan, the age of puberty at around 13 or 14 is the legal age for marriage, but in Turkey it is 15, and in Egypt and Tunisia, 18 the same minimum age as in many Western countries. It is argued that by allowing earlier marriages, Islamic law is promoting stable relationships, while Western laws are encouraging promiscuity among young people.
In many countries, the trends of urbanization and education for girls have seen a drop in the number of child brides. However, early marriages continue to occur in poor rural areas, where society works very much on personal arrangement between families, villages and communities. And it doesn‘t only happen in countries which don‘t have a legal minimum age. In India, for example, the legal age of marriage for a girl is 18 and to a boy, 21. Yet, according to government statistics, 18 percent of ten to fourteen-year old girls in the poor, rural state of Rajasthan in the northwest of the country are married. There are obvious social and economical advantages for doing this: by marrying off their daughters early, families no longer have to provide for them ; and the younger the bride the smaller the dowry, or wedding price, demanded by the groom's family.
It is clear, then, that child marriages are connected with poverty, lack of education and rural customs such as dowries; there don't tend to be any child marriages in urban or rich areas. So, unless these real causes are addressed, it will be extremely hard to enforce change, even when change is dictated by a country‘s governing body. | 3972.txt | 2 |
[
"Hagner wastes much time helping her children's lessons",
"Hagner doesn't spend much time on her full-time job",
"Hagner is interested in sports and music",
"Hagner busies herself by following a trend"
]
| From the second paragraph of this passage we can find that _ . | LONDON - Life for Cathy Hagner and her three children is set to permanent fast-forward.
Their full school day and her job as a lawyer's assistant are busy enough. But Hanger also has to take the two boys to soccer or hockey or basketball while dropping off her daughter at piano lessons or Girl Scout Club.
Often, the exhausted family doesn't get home until 7 pm. There is just time for a quick supper before homework. In today's world, middle-class American and British parents treat their children as if they are competitors racing for some finishing line.
Parents take their children from activity to activity in order to make their future bright. It seems that raising a genius has become a more important goal than raising a happy and well-balanced child.
"Doctors across the country are reporting a growing number of children suffering from stomachaches and headaches due to exhaustion and stress," says child expert William Doherty of the University of Minnesota.
Teachers are dealing with exhausted kids in the classroom. It's a very serious problem. Many children attend after-school clubs by necessity. But competitive pressures also create an explosion of activities. They include sports, language, music and math classes for children as young as four.
"There is a new parenting trend under way which says that you have to tap all your child's potential at a young age; otherwise you will let him down," says Terry Apter, a Cambridge-based child and adolescent psychiatrist.
"It isn't entirely new: there have always been pushy parents. But what was previously seen as strange behaviour is now well accepted." | 2880.txt | 3 |
[
"treat their children as sports players",
"pay no attention to their children's lessons",
"bring up their children in a simple way",
"give their children little time to develop freely"
]
| British parents, as the writer described in this passage, _ . | LONDON - Life for Cathy Hagner and her three children is set to permanent fast-forward.
Their full school day and her job as a lawyer's assistant are busy enough. But Hanger also has to take the two boys to soccer or hockey or basketball while dropping off her daughter at piano lessons or Girl Scout Club.
Often, the exhausted family doesn't get home until 7 pm. There is just time for a quick supper before homework. In today's world, middle-class American and British parents treat their children as if they are competitors racing for some finishing line.
Parents take their children from activity to activity in order to make their future bright. It seems that raising a genius has become a more important goal than raising a happy and well-balanced child.
"Doctors across the country are reporting a growing number of children suffering from stomachaches and headaches due to exhaustion and stress," says child expert William Doherty of the University of Minnesota.
Teachers are dealing with exhausted kids in the classroom. It's a very serious problem. Many children attend after-school clubs by necessity. But competitive pressures also create an explosion of activities. They include sports, language, music and math classes for children as young as four.
"There is a new parenting trend under way which says that you have to tap all your child's potential at a young age; otherwise you will let him down," says Terry Apter, a Cambridge-based child and adolescent psychiatrist.
"It isn't entirely new: there have always been pushy parents. But what was previously seen as strange behaviour is now well accepted." | 2880.txt | 3 |
[
"activities in the country are too competitive",
"children should attend four clubs at a time",
"some clubs result in competitive pressures",
"clubs should have more subjects for school children"
]
| The writer's opinion about after-school clubs is that _ . | LONDON - Life for Cathy Hagner and her three children is set to permanent fast-forward.
Their full school day and her job as a lawyer's assistant are busy enough. But Hanger also has to take the two boys to soccer or hockey or basketball while dropping off her daughter at piano lessons or Girl Scout Club.
Often, the exhausted family doesn't get home until 7 pm. There is just time for a quick supper before homework. In today's world, middle-class American and British parents treat their children as if they are competitors racing for some finishing line.
Parents take their children from activity to activity in order to make their future bright. It seems that raising a genius has become a more important goal than raising a happy and well-balanced child.
"Doctors across the country are reporting a growing number of children suffering from stomachaches and headaches due to exhaustion and stress," says child expert William Doherty of the University of Minnesota.
Teachers are dealing with exhausted kids in the classroom. It's a very serious problem. Many children attend after-school clubs by necessity. But competitive pressures also create an explosion of activities. They include sports, language, music and math classes for children as young as four.
"There is a new parenting trend under way which says that you have to tap all your child's potential at a young age; otherwise you will let him down," says Terry Apter, a Cambridge-based child and adolescent psychiatrist.
"It isn't entirely new: there have always been pushy parents. But what was previously seen as strange behaviour is now well accepted." | 2880.txt | 2 |
[
"parents used to take their children to every club",
"parents used to be wise on how to raise children",
"parents have all benefited from children's clubs",
"parents have come to know the standard of education"
]
| The last paragraph tells us that in Britain _ . | LONDON - Life for Cathy Hagner and her three children is set to permanent fast-forward.
Their full school day and her job as a lawyer's assistant are busy enough. But Hanger also has to take the two boys to soccer or hockey or basketball while dropping off her daughter at piano lessons or Girl Scout Club.
Often, the exhausted family doesn't get home until 7 pm. There is just time for a quick supper before homework. In today's world, middle-class American and British parents treat their children as if they are competitors racing for some finishing line.
Parents take their children from activity to activity in order to make their future bright. It seems that raising a genius has become a more important goal than raising a happy and well-balanced child.
"Doctors across the country are reporting a growing number of children suffering from stomachaches and headaches due to exhaustion and stress," says child expert William Doherty of the University of Minnesota.
Teachers are dealing with exhausted kids in the classroom. It's a very serious problem. Many children attend after-school clubs by necessity. But competitive pressures also create an explosion of activities. They include sports, language, music and math classes for children as young as four.
"There is a new parenting trend under way which says that you have to tap all your child's potential at a young age; otherwise you will let him down," says Terry Apter, a Cambridge-based child and adolescent psychiatrist.
"It isn't entirely new: there have always been pushy parents. But what was previously seen as strange behaviour is now well accepted." | 2880.txt | 1 |
[
"moderate.",
"enforce.",
"release.",
"meditate."
]
| The word "mitigate" (Line 4, Paragraph 1) most probably means _ | It is a curious irony that Europe, which often takes a dim view of market forces, lets them rip in sport, while America, usually the world's most enthusiastic exponent of commerce and its consequences for society, has all sorts of arrangements in place to mitigate its effects on the nation's favourite pastimes. But these days, the American model is gaining adherents in Europe. Sports ministers in many countries are arguing that football needs to be exempted from competition law in order to allow governing bodies to equalise the resources of clubs without risking prosecution. The European Commission's strategy paper on sport, published on July 11th, ignored those calls; but the pressure will not go away.
Professional sport differs from other businesses in one important respect. Rival teams need each other to produce a sellable product: a match. In most businesses co-operation between rivals would attract the ire of antitrust authorities. But in sport, an element of collusion is unavoidable. The balance between collusion and individualism is a hard one to strike, but has been managed reasonably well by Europe's trustbusters. The collective selling of television rights, now the main source of income for football's elite, has usually been sanctioned by the European Commission's antitrust arm. Joint marketing is defensible, because sports contests are by their nature a collaboration.
Egalitarians quibble that the bulk of the money ends up with rich well-supported clubs. The English Premier League, for instance, collectively sells its television rights and splits the proceeds between clubs. But a club's share partly depends on how many of its games are broadcast and how high it finishes in the league, so Chelsea and Manchester United get a bigger slice. The worry is that the continued dominance of national championships by a few clubs will drive away supporters.
In the United States the baseball, basketball, hockey and American football leagues try to mitigate the effects of competition and inequality through revenue- and talent-sharing agreements, such as "the draft" (baseball even has a specific exemption from antitrust law). But it is not clear that this is either necessary or desirable. Measures to increase equality within a league take the edge off competition-and therefore, presumably, off the terror that drives sportsmen to excellence.
There is more to sport than watching too well-matched teams vie for supremacy. Professional basketball in America has lost some of its shine since one of Michael Jordan's many retirements ended the Chicago Bulls' dominance of the sport. The lesson from this and from golf's popularity since the emergence of Tiger Woods is that sporting prowess matters more to fans than strict competitive balance.
European football has never been a balanced affair. The very first professional league championship in 1889 was a cakewalk for Preston North End, which went through a 22-game season without losing a match (it won in 1890 too, though never since). Championships in Portugal, Greece, the Netherlands and Scotland are nearly always won by just two or three clubs. Leagues in bigger countries are scarcely less open. Manchester United has won nine out of 15 league titles since the English Premier League was set up in 1992. None of this has impeded the global popularity of football, which has done far better as an export industry than America's more equal sports. | 3634.txt | 0 |
[
"the government begins to make use of market forces to influence sport.",
"the government intend to sanction relevant football laws so that all clubs can share resources equally.",
"the factors of both cooperation and collision are better managed in the sport field.",
"it becomes widely expected that sport could be independent of the market forces."
]
| In the field of sport, a change or tendency is taking place gradually in Europe that _ | It is a curious irony that Europe, which often takes a dim view of market forces, lets them rip in sport, while America, usually the world's most enthusiastic exponent of commerce and its consequences for society, has all sorts of arrangements in place to mitigate its effects on the nation's favourite pastimes. But these days, the American model is gaining adherents in Europe. Sports ministers in many countries are arguing that football needs to be exempted from competition law in order to allow governing bodies to equalise the resources of clubs without risking prosecution. The European Commission's strategy paper on sport, published on July 11th, ignored those calls; but the pressure will not go away.
Professional sport differs from other businesses in one important respect. Rival teams need each other to produce a sellable product: a match. In most businesses co-operation between rivals would attract the ire of antitrust authorities. But in sport, an element of collusion is unavoidable. The balance between collusion and individualism is a hard one to strike, but has been managed reasonably well by Europe's trustbusters. The collective selling of television rights, now the main source of income for football's elite, has usually been sanctioned by the European Commission's antitrust arm. Joint marketing is defensible, because sports contests are by their nature a collaboration.
Egalitarians quibble that the bulk of the money ends up with rich well-supported clubs. The English Premier League, for instance, collectively sells its television rights and splits the proceeds between clubs. But a club's share partly depends on how many of its games are broadcast and how high it finishes in the league, so Chelsea and Manchester United get a bigger slice. The worry is that the continued dominance of national championships by a few clubs will drive away supporters.
In the United States the baseball, basketball, hockey and American football leagues try to mitigate the effects of competition and inequality through revenue- and talent-sharing agreements, such as "the draft" (baseball even has a specific exemption from antitrust law). But it is not clear that this is either necessary or desirable. Measures to increase equality within a league take the edge off competition-and therefore, presumably, off the terror that drives sportsmen to excellence.
There is more to sport than watching too well-matched teams vie for supremacy. Professional basketball in America has lost some of its shine since one of Michael Jordan's many retirements ended the Chicago Bulls' dominance of the sport. The lesson from this and from golf's popularity since the emergence of Tiger Woods is that sporting prowess matters more to fans than strict competitive balance.
European football has never been a balanced affair. The very first professional league championship in 1889 was a cakewalk for Preston North End, which went through a 22-game season without losing a match (it won in 1890 too, though never since). Championships in Portugal, Greece, the Netherlands and Scotland are nearly always won by just two or three clubs. Leagues in bigger countries are scarcely less open. Manchester United has won nine out of 15 league titles since the English Premier League was set up in 1992. None of this has impeded the global popularity of football, which has done far better as an export industry than America's more equal sports. | 3634.txt | 3 |
[
"it is exempted from the influence of antirust authorities.",
"collusion in sport is not counted as a kind of trust.",
"joint marketing could defend sport from being influenced by antitrust laws.",
"the European Commission support the coalition in sport."
]
| Professional sport differs from other businesses in the following aspects except _ | It is a curious irony that Europe, which often takes a dim view of market forces, lets them rip in sport, while America, usually the world's most enthusiastic exponent of commerce and its consequences for society, has all sorts of arrangements in place to mitigate its effects on the nation's favourite pastimes. But these days, the American model is gaining adherents in Europe. Sports ministers in many countries are arguing that football needs to be exempted from competition law in order to allow governing bodies to equalise the resources of clubs without risking prosecution. The European Commission's strategy paper on sport, published on July 11th, ignored those calls; but the pressure will not go away.
Professional sport differs from other businesses in one important respect. Rival teams need each other to produce a sellable product: a match. In most businesses co-operation between rivals would attract the ire of antitrust authorities. But in sport, an element of collusion is unavoidable. The balance between collusion and individualism is a hard one to strike, but has been managed reasonably well by Europe's trustbusters. The collective selling of television rights, now the main source of income for football's elite, has usually been sanctioned by the European Commission's antitrust arm. Joint marketing is defensible, because sports contests are by their nature a collaboration.
Egalitarians quibble that the bulk of the money ends up with rich well-supported clubs. The English Premier League, for instance, collectively sells its television rights and splits the proceeds between clubs. But a club's share partly depends on how many of its games are broadcast and how high it finishes in the league, so Chelsea and Manchester United get a bigger slice. The worry is that the continued dominance of national championships by a few clubs will drive away supporters.
In the United States the baseball, basketball, hockey and American football leagues try to mitigate the effects of competition and inequality through revenue- and talent-sharing agreements, such as "the draft" (baseball even has a specific exemption from antitrust law). But it is not clear that this is either necessary or desirable. Measures to increase equality within a league take the edge off competition-and therefore, presumably, off the terror that drives sportsmen to excellence.
There is more to sport than watching too well-matched teams vie for supremacy. Professional basketball in America has lost some of its shine since one of Michael Jordan's many retirements ended the Chicago Bulls' dominance of the sport. The lesson from this and from golf's popularity since the emergence of Tiger Woods is that sporting prowess matters more to fans than strict competitive balance.
European football has never been a balanced affair. The very first professional league championship in 1889 was a cakewalk for Preston North End, which went through a 22-game season without losing a match (it won in 1890 too, though never since). Championships in Portugal, Greece, the Netherlands and Scotland are nearly always won by just two or three clubs. Leagues in bigger countries are scarcely less open. Manchester United has won nine out of 15 league titles since the English Premier League was set up in 1992. None of this has impeded the global popularity of football, which has done far better as an export industry than America's more equal sports. | 3634.txt | 2 |
[
"Europe should not be too eager to take more measures for the sake of increasing equality within a league.",
"it is unnecessary to mitigate the effects of competition and inequality.",
"it is somewhat intricate whether this is necessary or desirable to seek competitive balance.",
"too much stress on the equality within a league will reduce the sport prowess."
]
| Towards the pursue for the equality within a league, the author's attitude is that _ | It is a curious irony that Europe, which often takes a dim view of market forces, lets them rip in sport, while America, usually the world's most enthusiastic exponent of commerce and its consequences for society, has all sorts of arrangements in place to mitigate its effects on the nation's favourite pastimes. But these days, the American model is gaining adherents in Europe. Sports ministers in many countries are arguing that football needs to be exempted from competition law in order to allow governing bodies to equalise the resources of clubs without risking prosecution. The European Commission's strategy paper on sport, published on July 11th, ignored those calls; but the pressure will not go away.
Professional sport differs from other businesses in one important respect. Rival teams need each other to produce a sellable product: a match. In most businesses co-operation between rivals would attract the ire of antitrust authorities. But in sport, an element of collusion is unavoidable. The balance between collusion and individualism is a hard one to strike, but has been managed reasonably well by Europe's trustbusters. The collective selling of television rights, now the main source of income for football's elite, has usually been sanctioned by the European Commission's antitrust arm. Joint marketing is defensible, because sports contests are by their nature a collaboration.
Egalitarians quibble that the bulk of the money ends up with rich well-supported clubs. The English Premier League, for instance, collectively sells its television rights and splits the proceeds between clubs. But a club's share partly depends on how many of its games are broadcast and how high it finishes in the league, so Chelsea and Manchester United get a bigger slice. The worry is that the continued dominance of national championships by a few clubs will drive away supporters.
In the United States the baseball, basketball, hockey and American football leagues try to mitigate the effects of competition and inequality through revenue- and talent-sharing agreements, such as "the draft" (baseball even has a specific exemption from antitrust law). But it is not clear that this is either necessary or desirable. Measures to increase equality within a league take the edge off competition-and therefore, presumably, off the terror that drives sportsmen to excellence.
There is more to sport than watching too well-matched teams vie for supremacy. Professional basketball in America has lost some of its shine since one of Michael Jordan's many retirements ended the Chicago Bulls' dominance of the sport. The lesson from this and from golf's popularity since the emergence of Tiger Woods is that sporting prowess matters more to fans than strict competitive balance.
European football has never been a balanced affair. The very first professional league championship in 1889 was a cakewalk for Preston North End, which went through a 22-game season without losing a match (it won in 1890 too, though never since). Championships in Portugal, Greece, the Netherlands and Scotland are nearly always won by just two or three clubs. Leagues in bigger countries are scarcely less open. Manchester United has won nine out of 15 league titles since the English Premier League was set up in 1992. None of this has impeded the global popularity of football, which has done far better as an export industry than America's more equal sports. | 3634.txt | 1 |
[
"European football is characterized by all sorts of many inequalities.",
"it is impossible to get the absolute competition balance within a league.",
"the charm of sport itself is more important than competition balance within a league.",
"there is no need for Europe to imitate the American model since the latter is commercially unsuccessful in practice"
]
| From the cases described in the last paragraph, it can be inferred that _ | It is a curious irony that Europe, which often takes a dim view of market forces, lets them rip in sport, while America, usually the world's most enthusiastic exponent of commerce and its consequences for society, has all sorts of arrangements in place to mitigate its effects on the nation's favourite pastimes. But these days, the American model is gaining adherents in Europe. Sports ministers in many countries are arguing that football needs to be exempted from competition law in order to allow governing bodies to equalise the resources of clubs without risking prosecution. The European Commission's strategy paper on sport, published on July 11th, ignored those calls; but the pressure will not go away.
Professional sport differs from other businesses in one important respect. Rival teams need each other to produce a sellable product: a match. In most businesses co-operation between rivals would attract the ire of antitrust authorities. But in sport, an element of collusion is unavoidable. The balance between collusion and individualism is a hard one to strike, but has been managed reasonably well by Europe's trustbusters. The collective selling of television rights, now the main source of income for football's elite, has usually been sanctioned by the European Commission's antitrust arm. Joint marketing is defensible, because sports contests are by their nature a collaboration.
Egalitarians quibble that the bulk of the money ends up with rich well-supported clubs. The English Premier League, for instance, collectively sells its television rights and splits the proceeds between clubs. But a club's share partly depends on how many of its games are broadcast and how high it finishes in the league, so Chelsea and Manchester United get a bigger slice. The worry is that the continued dominance of national championships by a few clubs will drive away supporters.
In the United States the baseball, basketball, hockey and American football leagues try to mitigate the effects of competition and inequality through revenue- and talent-sharing agreements, such as "the draft" (baseball even has a specific exemption from antitrust law). But it is not clear that this is either necessary or desirable. Measures to increase equality within a league take the edge off competition-and therefore, presumably, off the terror that drives sportsmen to excellence.
There is more to sport than watching too well-matched teams vie for supremacy. Professional basketball in America has lost some of its shine since one of Michael Jordan's many retirements ended the Chicago Bulls' dominance of the sport. The lesson from this and from golf's popularity since the emergence of Tiger Woods is that sporting prowess matters more to fans than strict competitive balance.
European football has never been a balanced affair. The very first professional league championship in 1889 was a cakewalk for Preston North End, which went through a 22-game season without losing a match (it won in 1890 too, though never since). Championships in Portugal, Greece, the Netherlands and Scotland are nearly always won by just two or three clubs. Leagues in bigger countries are scarcely less open. Manchester United has won nine out of 15 league titles since the English Premier League was set up in 1992. None of this has impeded the global popularity of football, which has done far better as an export industry than America's more equal sports. | 3634.txt | 2 |
[
"Thirty three per cent of the workers will be out of work.",
"More people will be employed than necessary.",
"More jobs will be created by the government.",
"The unions will try to increase productivity."
]
| What happens when disputes over job opportunities arise among British unions? | For any given task in Britain there are more men than are needed. Strong unions keep them there in Fleet Street, home of some London's biggest dailies, it is understood that when two unions quarrel over three jobs, the argument is settled by giving each union two. That means 33 per cent overmanning, 33 per cent less productivity than could be obtained.
A reporter who has visited plants throughout Europe has an impression that the pace of work is much slower here. Nobody tries too hard. Tea breaks do matter and are frequent. It is hard to measure intensity of work, but Britons give a distinct impression of going at their tasks in a more leisurely way.
But is all this so terrible? It certainly does not improve the gross national product or output per worker. Those observant visitors, however, have noticed something else about Britain. It is a pleasant place.
Street crowds in Stockholm. Paris and New York move quickly and silently heads down, all in a hurry. London crowds tend to walk at an easy pace (except in the profitable, efficient City, the financial district).
Every stranger is struck by the patient and orderly way in which Britons queue for a bus: if the saleswoman is slow and out of stock she will likely say, ‘oh dear, what a pity'; the rubbish collectors stop to chat and call the housewives "Luv." Crime rises here as in every city but there still remains a gentle tone and temper that is unmatched in Berlin, Milan or Detroit.
In short, what is wrong with Britain may also be what is right. Having reached a tolerable standard, Britons appear to be choosing leisure over goods. | 3753.txt | 1 |
[
"Tea breaks do not affect the intensity of work in Britain.",
"Britons do their work in an unhurried sort of way.",
"The pace of work in Continental Europe is much slower than in Britain.",
"Britons give the impression of working intensively."
]
| What does the reporter who has visited plants throughout Europe think about Britain? ________. | For any given task in Britain there are more men than are needed. Strong unions keep them there in Fleet Street, home of some London's biggest dailies, it is understood that when two unions quarrel over three jobs, the argument is settled by giving each union two. That means 33 per cent overmanning, 33 per cent less productivity than could be obtained.
A reporter who has visited plants throughout Europe has an impression that the pace of work is much slower here. Nobody tries too hard. Tea breaks do matter and are frequent. It is hard to measure intensity of work, but Britons give a distinct impression of going at their tasks in a more leisurely way.
But is all this so terrible? It certainly does not improve the gross national product or output per worker. Those observant visitors, however, have noticed something else about Britain. It is a pleasant place.
Street crowds in Stockholm. Paris and New York move quickly and silently heads down, all in a hurry. London crowds tend to walk at an easy pace (except in the profitable, efficient City, the financial district).
Every stranger is struck by the patient and orderly way in which Britons queue for a bus: if the saleswoman is slow and out of stock she will likely say, ‘oh dear, what a pity'; the rubbish collectors stop to chat and call the housewives "Luv." Crime rises here as in every city but there still remains a gentle tone and temper that is unmatched in Berlin, Milan or Detroit.
In short, what is wrong with Britain may also be what is right. Having reached a tolerable standard, Britons appear to be choosing leisure over goods. | 3753.txt | 1 |
[
"they are an important aspect of the British way of life",
"they are greatly enjoyed by British workers",
"they can be used by the workers as an excuse to take time off from work",
"they help the workers to be on good terms with each other"
]
| "The breaks matter" (Para. 2, Line 2) indicates that ________. | For any given task in Britain there are more men than are needed. Strong unions keep them there in Fleet Street, home of some London's biggest dailies, it is understood that when two unions quarrel over three jobs, the argument is settled by giving each union two. That means 33 per cent overmanning, 33 per cent less productivity than could be obtained.
A reporter who has visited plants throughout Europe has an impression that the pace of work is much slower here. Nobody tries too hard. Tea breaks do matter and are frequent. It is hard to measure intensity of work, but Britons give a distinct impression of going at their tasks in a more leisurely way.
But is all this so terrible? It certainly does not improve the gross national product or output per worker. Those observant visitors, however, have noticed something else about Britain. It is a pleasant place.
Street crowds in Stockholm. Paris and New York move quickly and silently heads down, all in a hurry. London crowds tend to walk at an easy pace (except in the profitable, efficient City, the financial district).
Every stranger is struck by the patient and orderly way in which Britons queue for a bus: if the saleswoman is slow and out of stock she will likely say, ‘oh dear, what a pity'; the rubbish collectors stop to chat and call the housewives "Luv." Crime rises here as in every city but there still remains a gentle tone and temper that is unmatched in Berlin, Milan or Detroit.
In short, what is wrong with Britain may also be what is right. Having reached a tolerable standard, Britons appear to be choosing leisure over goods. | 3753.txt | 0 |
[
"there are more men on any given job than are needed",
"33 per cent overmanning leads to 33 per cent less productivity",
"it is difficult to measure the intensity of work",
"Britons generally do not want to work too hard"
]
| The word "this" (Para. 3, Line 1) the author means to say that ________. | For any given task in Britain there are more men than are needed. Strong unions keep them there in Fleet Street, home of some London's biggest dailies, it is understood that when two unions quarrel over three jobs, the argument is settled by giving each union two. That means 33 per cent overmanning, 33 per cent less productivity than could be obtained.
A reporter who has visited plants throughout Europe has an impression that the pace of work is much slower here. Nobody tries too hard. Tea breaks do matter and are frequent. It is hard to measure intensity of work, but Britons give a distinct impression of going at their tasks in a more leisurely way.
But is all this so terrible? It certainly does not improve the gross national product or output per worker. Those observant visitors, however, have noticed something else about Britain. It is a pleasant place.
Street crowds in Stockholm. Paris and New York move quickly and silently heads down, all in a hurry. London crowds tend to walk at an easy pace (except in the profitable, efficient City, the financial district).
Every stranger is struck by the patient and orderly way in which Britons queue for a bus: if the saleswoman is slow and out of stock she will likely say, ‘oh dear, what a pity'; the rubbish collectors stop to chat and call the housewives "Luv." Crime rises here as in every city but there still remains a gentle tone and temper that is unmatched in Berlin, Milan or Detroit.
In short, what is wrong with Britain may also be what is right. Having reached a tolerable standard, Britons appear to be choosing leisure over goods. | 3753.txt | 0 |
[
"quarrels between unions will help create jobs",
"a leisurely way of life helps Britons increase productivity",
"the gentle tone and temper of the people in Britain makes it a pleasant place",
"Britons will not sacrifice their leisure to further increase productivity"
]
| By "what is wrong with Britain may also be what is right" (Para. 6, Line 1) the author means to say that ________. | For any given task in Britain there are more men than are needed. Strong unions keep them there in Fleet Street, home of some London's biggest dailies, it is understood that when two unions quarrel over three jobs, the argument is settled by giving each union two. That means 33 per cent overmanning, 33 per cent less productivity than could be obtained.
A reporter who has visited plants throughout Europe has an impression that the pace of work is much slower here. Nobody tries too hard. Tea breaks do matter and are frequent. It is hard to measure intensity of work, but Britons give a distinct impression of going at their tasks in a more leisurely way.
But is all this so terrible? It certainly does not improve the gross national product or output per worker. Those observant visitors, however, have noticed something else about Britain. It is a pleasant place.
Street crowds in Stockholm. Paris and New York move quickly and silently heads down, all in a hurry. London crowds tend to walk at an easy pace (except in the profitable, efficient City, the financial district).
Every stranger is struck by the patient and orderly way in which Britons queue for a bus: if the saleswoman is slow and out of stock she will likely say, ‘oh dear, what a pity'; the rubbish collectors stop to chat and call the housewives "Luv." Crime rises here as in every city but there still remains a gentle tone and temper that is unmatched in Berlin, Milan or Detroit.
In short, what is wrong with Britain may also be what is right. Having reached a tolerable standard, Britons appear to be choosing leisure over goods. | 3753.txt | 3 |
[
"natural",
"final",
"specific",
"complex"
]
| The word "particular" in the passage(paragraph 1) is closest in meaning to | Plant communities assemble themselves flexibly, and their particular structure depends on the specific history of the area. Ecologists use the term "succession" to refer to the changes that happen in plant communities and ecosystems over time. The first community in a succession is called a pioneer community, while the long-lived community at the end of succession is called a climax community. Pioneer and successional plant communities are said to change over periods from 1 to 500 years. These changes-in plant numbers and the mix of species-are cumulative. Climax communities themselves change but over periods of time greater than about 500 years.
An ecologist who studies a pond today may well find it relatively unchanged in a year's time. Individual fish may be replaced, but the number of fish will tend to be the same from one year to the next. We can say that the properties of an ecosystem are more stable than the individual organisms that compose the ecosystem.
At one time, ecologists believed that species diversity made ecosystems stable. They believed that the greater the diversity the more stable the ecosystem. Support for this idea came from the observation that long-lasting climax communities usually have more complex food webs and more species diversity than pioneer communities. Ecologists concluded that the apparent stability of climax ecosystems depended on their complexity. To take an extreme example, farmlands dominated by a single crop are so unstable that one year of bad weather or the invasion of a single pest can destroy the entire crop. In contrast, a complex climax community, such as a temperate forest, will tolerate considerable damage from weather to pests.
The question of ecosystem stability is complicated, however. The first problem is that ecologists do not all agree what "stability" means. Stability can be defined as simply lack of change. In that case, the climax community would be considered the most stable, since, by definition, it changes the least over time. Alternatively, stability can be defined as the speed with which an ecosystem returns to a particular form following a major disturbance, such as a fire. This kind of stability is also called resilience. In that case, climax communities would be the most fragile and the least stable, since they can require hundreds of years to return to the climax state.
Even the kind of stability defined as simple lack of change is not always associated with maximum diversity. At least in temperate zones, maximum diversity is often found in mid-successional stages, not in the climax community. Once a redwood forest matures, for example, the kinds of species and the number of individuals growing on the forest floor are reduced. In general, diversity, by itself, does not ensure stability. Mathematical models of ecosystems likewise suggest that diversity does not guarantee ecosystem stability-just the opposite, in fact. A more complicated system is, in general, more likely than a simple system to break down. A fifteen-speed racing bicycle is more likely to break down than a child's tricycle.
Ecologists are especially interested to know what factors contribute to the resilience of communities because climax communities all over the world are being severely damaged or destroyed by human activities. The destruction caused by the volcanic explosion of Mount St. Helens, in the northwestern United States, for example, pales in comparison to the destruction caused by humans. We need to know what aspects of a community are most important to the community's resistance to destruction, as well as its recovery.
Many ecologists now think that the relative long-term stability of climax communities comes not from diversity but from the "patchiness" of the environment, an environment that varies from place to place supports more kinds of organisms than an environment that is uniform. A local population that goes extinct is quickly replaced by immigrants from an adjacent community. Even if the new population is of a different species, it can approximately fill the niche vacated by the extinct population and keep the food web intact. | 1305.txt | 2 |
[
"They occur at the end of a succession.",
"They last longer than any other type ofcommunity.",
"The numbers of plants in them and the mixof species do not change.",
"They remain stable for at least 500 yearsat a time."
]
| According to paragraph 1, which of the following is NOT true of climax communities? | Plant communities assemble themselves flexibly, and their particular structure depends on the specific history of the area. Ecologists use the term "succession" to refer to the changes that happen in plant communities and ecosystems over time. The first community in a succession is called a pioneer community, while the long-lived community at the end of succession is called a climax community. Pioneer and successional plant communities are said to change over periods from 1 to 500 years. These changes-in plant numbers and the mix of species-are cumulative. Climax communities themselves change but over periods of time greater than about 500 years.
An ecologist who studies a pond today may well find it relatively unchanged in a year's time. Individual fish may be replaced, but the number of fish will tend to be the same from one year to the next. We can say that the properties of an ecosystem are more stable than the individual organisms that compose the ecosystem.
At one time, ecologists believed that species diversity made ecosystems stable. They believed that the greater the diversity the more stable the ecosystem. Support for this idea came from the observation that long-lasting climax communities usually have more complex food webs and more species diversity than pioneer communities. Ecologists concluded that the apparent stability of climax ecosystems depended on their complexity. To take an extreme example, farmlands dominated by a single crop are so unstable that one year of bad weather or the invasion of a single pest can destroy the entire crop. In contrast, a complex climax community, such as a temperate forest, will tolerate considerable damage from weather to pests.
The question of ecosystem stability is complicated, however. The first problem is that ecologists do not all agree what "stability" means. Stability can be defined as simply lack of change. In that case, the climax community would be considered the most stable, since, by definition, it changes the least over time. Alternatively, stability can be defined as the speed with which an ecosystem returns to a particular form following a major disturbance, such as a fire. This kind of stability is also called resilience. In that case, climax communities would be the most fragile and the least stable, since they can require hundreds of years to return to the climax state.
Even the kind of stability defined as simple lack of change is not always associated with maximum diversity. At least in temperate zones, maximum diversity is often found in mid-successional stages, not in the climax community. Once a redwood forest matures, for example, the kinds of species and the number of individuals growing on the forest floor are reduced. In general, diversity, by itself, does not ensure stability. Mathematical models of ecosystems likewise suggest that diversity does not guarantee ecosystem stability-just the opposite, in fact. A more complicated system is, in general, more likely than a simple system to break down. A fifteen-speed racing bicycle is more likely to break down than a child's tricycle.
Ecologists are especially interested to know what factors contribute to the resilience of communities because climax communities all over the world are being severely damaged or destroyed by human activities. The destruction caused by the volcanic explosion of Mount St. Helens, in the northwestern United States, for example, pales in comparison to the destruction caused by humans. We need to know what aspects of a community are most important to the community's resistance to destruction, as well as its recovery.
Many ecologists now think that the relative long-term stability of climax communities comes not from diversity but from the "patchiness" of the environment, an environment that varies from place to place supports more kinds of organisms than an environment that is uniform. A local population that goes extinct is quickly replaced by immigrants from an adjacent community. Even if the new population is of a different species, it can approximately fill the niche vacated by the extinct population and keep the food web intact. | 1305.txt | 2 |
[
"Ecosystem properties change more slowly than individuals in the system.",
"The stability of an ecosystem tends tochange as individuals are replaced.",
"Individual organisms are stable from oneyear to the next.",
"A change in the members of an organism does not affect an ecosystem's properties."
]
| According to paragraph 2, which of the following principles of ecosystems can be learned bystudying a pond? | Plant communities assemble themselves flexibly, and their particular structure depends on the specific history of the area. Ecologists use the term "succession" to refer to the changes that happen in plant communities and ecosystems over time. The first community in a succession is called a pioneer community, while the long-lived community at the end of succession is called a climax community. Pioneer and successional plant communities are said to change over periods from 1 to 500 years. These changes-in plant numbers and the mix of species-are cumulative. Climax communities themselves change but over periods of time greater than about 500 years.
An ecologist who studies a pond today may well find it relatively unchanged in a year's time. Individual fish may be replaced, but the number of fish will tend to be the same from one year to the next. We can say that the properties of an ecosystem are more stable than the individual organisms that compose the ecosystem.
At one time, ecologists believed that species diversity made ecosystems stable. They believed that the greater the diversity the more stable the ecosystem. Support for this idea came from the observation that long-lasting climax communities usually have more complex food webs and more species diversity than pioneer communities. Ecologists concluded that the apparent stability of climax ecosystems depended on their complexity. To take an extreme example, farmlands dominated by a single crop are so unstable that one year of bad weather or the invasion of a single pest can destroy the entire crop. In contrast, a complex climax community, such as a temperate forest, will tolerate considerable damage from weather to pests.
The question of ecosystem stability is complicated, however. The first problem is that ecologists do not all agree what "stability" means. Stability can be defined as simply lack of change. In that case, the climax community would be considered the most stable, since, by definition, it changes the least over time. Alternatively, stability can be defined as the speed with which an ecosystem returns to a particular form following a major disturbance, such as a fire. This kind of stability is also called resilience. In that case, climax communities would be the most fragile and the least stable, since they can require hundreds of years to return to the climax state.
Even the kind of stability defined as simple lack of change is not always associated with maximum diversity. At least in temperate zones, maximum diversity is often found in mid-successional stages, not in the climax community. Once a redwood forest matures, for example, the kinds of species and the number of individuals growing on the forest floor are reduced. In general, diversity, by itself, does not ensure stability. Mathematical models of ecosystems likewise suggest that diversity does not guarantee ecosystem stability-just the opposite, in fact. A more complicated system is, in general, more likely than a simple system to break down. A fifteen-speed racing bicycle is more likely to break down than a child's tricycle.
Ecologists are especially interested to know what factors contribute to the resilience of communities because climax communities all over the world are being severely damaged or destroyed by human activities. The destruction caused by the volcanic explosion of Mount St. Helens, in the northwestern United States, for example, pales in comparison to the destruction caused by humans. We need to know what aspects of a community are most important to the community's resistance to destruction, as well as its recovery.
Many ecologists now think that the relative long-term stability of climax communities comes not from diversity but from the "patchiness" of the environment, an environment that varies from place to place supports more kinds of organisms than an environment that is uniform. A local population that goes extinct is quickly replaced by immigrants from an adjacent community. Even if the new population is of a different species, it can approximately fill the niche vacated by the extinct population and keep the food web intact. | 1305.txt | 0 |
[
"Pioneer communities",
"Climax communities",
"Single-crop farmlands",
"Successional plant communities"
]
| According to paragraph 3, ecologistsonce believed that which of the following illustratedthe most stableecosystems? | Plant communities assemble themselves flexibly, and their particular structure depends on the specific history of the area. Ecologists use the term "succession" to refer to the changes that happen in plant communities and ecosystems over time. The first community in a succession is called a pioneer community, while the long-lived community at the end of succession is called a climax community. Pioneer and successional plant communities are said to change over periods from 1 to 500 years. These changes-in plant numbers and the mix of species-are cumulative. Climax communities themselves change but over periods of time greater than about 500 years.
An ecologist who studies a pond today may well find it relatively unchanged in a year's time. Individual fish may be replaced, but the number of fish will tend to be the same from one year to the next. We can say that the properties of an ecosystem are more stable than the individual organisms that compose the ecosystem.
At one time, ecologists believed that species diversity made ecosystems stable. They believed that the greater the diversity the more stable the ecosystem. Support for this idea came from the observation that long-lasting climax communities usually have more complex food webs and more species diversity than pioneer communities. Ecologists concluded that the apparent stability of climax ecosystems depended on their complexity. To take an extreme example, farmlands dominated by a single crop are so unstable that one year of bad weather or the invasion of a single pest can destroy the entire crop. In contrast, a complex climax community, such as a temperate forest, will tolerate considerable damage from weather to pests.
The question of ecosystem stability is complicated, however. The first problem is that ecologists do not all agree what "stability" means. Stability can be defined as simply lack of change. In that case, the climax community would be considered the most stable, since, by definition, it changes the least over time. Alternatively, stability can be defined as the speed with which an ecosystem returns to a particular form following a major disturbance, such as a fire. This kind of stability is also called resilience. In that case, climax communities would be the most fragile and the least stable, since they can require hundreds of years to return to the climax state.
Even the kind of stability defined as simple lack of change is not always associated with maximum diversity. At least in temperate zones, maximum diversity is often found in mid-successional stages, not in the climax community. Once a redwood forest matures, for example, the kinds of species and the number of individuals growing on the forest floor are reduced. In general, diversity, by itself, does not ensure stability. Mathematical models of ecosystems likewise suggest that diversity does not guarantee ecosystem stability-just the opposite, in fact. A more complicated system is, in general, more likely than a simple system to break down. A fifteen-speed racing bicycle is more likely to break down than a child's tricycle.
Ecologists are especially interested to know what factors contribute to the resilience of communities because climax communities all over the world are being severely damaged or destroyed by human activities. The destruction caused by the volcanic explosion of Mount St. Helens, in the northwestern United States, for example, pales in comparison to the destruction caused by humans. We need to know what aspects of a community are most important to the community's resistance to destruction, as well as its recovery.
Many ecologists now think that the relative long-term stability of climax communities comes not from diversity but from the "patchiness" of the environment, an environment that varies from place to place supports more kinds of organisms than an environment that is uniform. A local population that goes extinct is quickly replaced by immigrants from an adjacent community. Even if the new population is of a different species, it can approximately fill the niche vacated by the extinct population and keep the food web intact. | 1305.txt | 1 |
[
"The reasons for ecosystem change are notalways clear.",
"Ecologists often confuse the word\"stability\" with the word \"resilience.\"",
"The exact meaning of the word \"stability\"is debated by ecologists.",
"There are many different answers toecological questions."
]
| According to paragraph 4, why is thequestion of ecosystem stability complicated? | Plant communities assemble themselves flexibly, and their particular structure depends on the specific history of the area. Ecologists use the term "succession" to refer to the changes that happen in plant communities and ecosystems over time. The first community in a succession is called a pioneer community, while the long-lived community at the end of succession is called a climax community. Pioneer and successional plant communities are said to change over periods from 1 to 500 years. These changes-in plant numbers and the mix of species-are cumulative. Climax communities themselves change but over periods of time greater than about 500 years.
An ecologist who studies a pond today may well find it relatively unchanged in a year's time. Individual fish may be replaced, but the number of fish will tend to be the same from one year to the next. We can say that the properties of an ecosystem are more stable than the individual organisms that compose the ecosystem.
At one time, ecologists believed that species diversity made ecosystems stable. They believed that the greater the diversity the more stable the ecosystem. Support for this idea came from the observation that long-lasting climax communities usually have more complex food webs and more species diversity than pioneer communities. Ecologists concluded that the apparent stability of climax ecosystems depended on their complexity. To take an extreme example, farmlands dominated by a single crop are so unstable that one year of bad weather or the invasion of a single pest can destroy the entire crop. In contrast, a complex climax community, such as a temperate forest, will tolerate considerable damage from weather to pests.
The question of ecosystem stability is complicated, however. The first problem is that ecologists do not all agree what "stability" means. Stability can be defined as simply lack of change. In that case, the climax community would be considered the most stable, since, by definition, it changes the least over time. Alternatively, stability can be defined as the speed with which an ecosystem returns to a particular form following a major disturbance, such as a fire. This kind of stability is also called resilience. In that case, climax communities would be the most fragile and the least stable, since they can require hundreds of years to return to the climax state.
Even the kind of stability defined as simple lack of change is not always associated with maximum diversity. At least in temperate zones, maximum diversity is often found in mid-successional stages, not in the climax community. Once a redwood forest matures, for example, the kinds of species and the number of individuals growing on the forest floor are reduced. In general, diversity, by itself, does not ensure stability. Mathematical models of ecosystems likewise suggest that diversity does not guarantee ecosystem stability-just the opposite, in fact. A more complicated system is, in general, more likely than a simple system to break down. A fifteen-speed racing bicycle is more likely to break down than a child's tricycle.
Ecologists are especially interested to know what factors contribute to the resilience of communities because climax communities all over the world are being severely damaged or destroyed by human activities. The destruction caused by the volcanic explosion of Mount St. Helens, in the northwestern United States, for example, pales in comparison to the destruction caused by humans. We need to know what aspects of a community are most important to the community's resistance to destruction, as well as its recovery.
Many ecologists now think that the relative long-term stability of climax communities comes not from diversity but from the "patchiness" of the environment, an environment that varies from place to place supports more kinds of organisms than an environment that is uniform. A local population that goes extinct is quickly replaced by immigrants from an adjacent community. Even if the new population is of a different species, it can approximately fill the niche vacated by the extinct population and keep the food web intact. | 1305.txt | 2 |
[
"They are more resilient than pioneercommunities.",
"They can be considered both the most andthe least stable communities.",
"They are stable because they recoverquickly after major disturbances.",
"They are the most resilient communitiesbecause they change the least over time."
]
| According to paragraph 4, which of the following is true of climax communities? | Plant communities assemble themselves flexibly, and their particular structure depends on the specific history of the area. Ecologists use the term "succession" to refer to the changes that happen in plant communities and ecosystems over time. The first community in a succession is called a pioneer community, while the long-lived community at the end of succession is called a climax community. Pioneer and successional plant communities are said to change over periods from 1 to 500 years. These changes-in plant numbers and the mix of species-are cumulative. Climax communities themselves change but over periods of time greater than about 500 years.
An ecologist who studies a pond today may well find it relatively unchanged in a year's time. Individual fish may be replaced, but the number of fish will tend to be the same from one year to the next. We can say that the properties of an ecosystem are more stable than the individual organisms that compose the ecosystem.
At one time, ecologists believed that species diversity made ecosystems stable. They believed that the greater the diversity the more stable the ecosystem. Support for this idea came from the observation that long-lasting climax communities usually have more complex food webs and more species diversity than pioneer communities. Ecologists concluded that the apparent stability of climax ecosystems depended on their complexity. To take an extreme example, farmlands dominated by a single crop are so unstable that one year of bad weather or the invasion of a single pest can destroy the entire crop. In contrast, a complex climax community, such as a temperate forest, will tolerate considerable damage from weather to pests.
The question of ecosystem stability is complicated, however. The first problem is that ecologists do not all agree what "stability" means. Stability can be defined as simply lack of change. In that case, the climax community would be considered the most stable, since, by definition, it changes the least over time. Alternatively, stability can be defined as the speed with which an ecosystem returns to a particular form following a major disturbance, such as a fire. This kind of stability is also called resilience. In that case, climax communities would be the most fragile and the least stable, since they can require hundreds of years to return to the climax state.
Even the kind of stability defined as simple lack of change is not always associated with maximum diversity. At least in temperate zones, maximum diversity is often found in mid-successional stages, not in the climax community. Once a redwood forest matures, for example, the kinds of species and the number of individuals growing on the forest floor are reduced. In general, diversity, by itself, does not ensure stability. Mathematical models of ecosystems likewise suggest that diversity does not guarantee ecosystem stability-just the opposite, in fact. A more complicated system is, in general, more likely than a simple system to break down. A fifteen-speed racing bicycle is more likely to break down than a child's tricycle.
Ecologists are especially interested to know what factors contribute to the resilience of communities because climax communities all over the world are being severely damaged or destroyed by human activities. The destruction caused by the volcanic explosion of Mount St. Helens, in the northwestern United States, for example, pales in comparison to the destruction caused by humans. We need to know what aspects of a community are most important to the community's resistance to destruction, as well as its recovery.
Many ecologists now think that the relative long-term stability of climax communities comes not from diversity but from the "patchiness" of the environment, an environment that varies from place to place supports more kinds of organisms than an environment that is uniform. A local population that goes extinct is quickly replaced by immigrants from an adjacent community. Even if the new population is of a different species, it can approximately fill the niche vacated by the extinct population and keep the food web intact. | 1305.txt | 1 |
[
"They become less stable as they mature.",
"They support many species when they reachclimax.",
"They are found in temperate zones.",
"They have reduced diversity duringmid-successional stages."
]
| Which of the following can be inferredfrom paragraph 5 about redwood forests? | Plant communities assemble themselves flexibly, and their particular structure depends on the specific history of the area. Ecologists use the term "succession" to refer to the changes that happen in plant communities and ecosystems over time. The first community in a succession is called a pioneer community, while the long-lived community at the end of succession is called a climax community. Pioneer and successional plant communities are said to change over periods from 1 to 500 years. These changes-in plant numbers and the mix of species-are cumulative. Climax communities themselves change but over periods of time greater than about 500 years.
An ecologist who studies a pond today may well find it relatively unchanged in a year's time. Individual fish may be replaced, but the number of fish will tend to be the same from one year to the next. We can say that the properties of an ecosystem are more stable than the individual organisms that compose the ecosystem.
At one time, ecologists believed that species diversity made ecosystems stable. They believed that the greater the diversity the more stable the ecosystem. Support for this idea came from the observation that long-lasting climax communities usually have more complex food webs and more species diversity than pioneer communities. Ecologists concluded that the apparent stability of climax ecosystems depended on their complexity. To take an extreme example, farmlands dominated by a single crop are so unstable that one year of bad weather or the invasion of a single pest can destroy the entire crop. In contrast, a complex climax community, such as a temperate forest, will tolerate considerable damage from weather to pests.
The question of ecosystem stability is complicated, however. The first problem is that ecologists do not all agree what "stability" means. Stability can be defined as simply lack of change. In that case, the climax community would be considered the most stable, since, by definition, it changes the least over time. Alternatively, stability can be defined as the speed with which an ecosystem returns to a particular form following a major disturbance, such as a fire. This kind of stability is also called resilience. In that case, climax communities would be the most fragile and the least stable, since they can require hundreds of years to return to the climax state.
Even the kind of stability defined as simple lack of change is not always associated with maximum diversity. At least in temperate zones, maximum diversity is often found in mid-successional stages, not in the climax community. Once a redwood forest matures, for example, the kinds of species and the number of individuals growing on the forest floor are reduced. In general, diversity, by itself, does not ensure stability. Mathematical models of ecosystems likewise suggest that diversity does not guarantee ecosystem stability-just the opposite, in fact. A more complicated system is, in general, more likely than a simple system to break down. A fifteen-speed racing bicycle is more likely to break down than a child's tricycle.
Ecologists are especially interested to know what factors contribute to the resilience of communities because climax communities all over the world are being severely damaged or destroyed by human activities. The destruction caused by the volcanic explosion of Mount St. Helens, in the northwestern United States, for example, pales in comparison to the destruction caused by humans. We need to know what aspects of a community are most important to the community's resistance to destruction, as well as its recovery.
Many ecologists now think that the relative long-term stability of climax communities comes not from diversity but from the "patchiness" of the environment, an environment that varies from place to place supports more kinds of organisms than an environment that is uniform. A local population that goes extinct is quickly replaced by immigrants from an adjacent community. Even if the new population is of a different species, it can approximately fill the niche vacated by the extinct population and keep the food web intact. | 1305.txt | 2 |
[
"increase",
"ensure",
"favor",
"complicate"
]
| The word "guarantee" in the passage(paragraph 5) is closest in meaning to | Plant communities assemble themselves flexibly, and their particular structure depends on the specific history of the area. Ecologists use the term "succession" to refer to the changes that happen in plant communities and ecosystems over time. The first community in a succession is called a pioneer community, while the long-lived community at the end of succession is called a climax community. Pioneer and successional plant communities are said to change over periods from 1 to 500 years. These changes-in plant numbers and the mix of species-are cumulative. Climax communities themselves change but over periods of time greater than about 500 years.
An ecologist who studies a pond today may well find it relatively unchanged in a year's time. Individual fish may be replaced, but the number of fish will tend to be the same from one year to the next. We can say that the properties of an ecosystem are more stable than the individual organisms that compose the ecosystem.
At one time, ecologists believed that species diversity made ecosystems stable. They believed that the greater the diversity the more stable the ecosystem. Support for this idea came from the observation that long-lasting climax communities usually have more complex food webs and more species diversity than pioneer communities. Ecologists concluded that the apparent stability of climax ecosystems depended on their complexity. To take an extreme example, farmlands dominated by a single crop are so unstable that one year of bad weather or the invasion of a single pest can destroy the entire crop. In contrast, a complex climax community, such as a temperate forest, will tolerate considerable damage from weather to pests.
The question of ecosystem stability is complicated, however. The first problem is that ecologists do not all agree what "stability" means. Stability can be defined as simply lack of change. In that case, the climax community would be considered the most stable, since, by definition, it changes the least over time. Alternatively, stability can be defined as the speed with which an ecosystem returns to a particular form following a major disturbance, such as a fire. This kind of stability is also called resilience. In that case, climax communities would be the most fragile and the least stable, since they can require hundreds of years to return to the climax state.
Even the kind of stability defined as simple lack of change is not always associated with maximum diversity. At least in temperate zones, maximum diversity is often found in mid-successional stages, not in the climax community. Once a redwood forest matures, for example, the kinds of species and the number of individuals growing on the forest floor are reduced. In general, diversity, by itself, does not ensure stability. Mathematical models of ecosystems likewise suggest that diversity does not guarantee ecosystem stability-just the opposite, in fact. A more complicated system is, in general, more likely than a simple system to break down. A fifteen-speed racing bicycle is more likely to break down than a child's tricycle.
Ecologists are especially interested to know what factors contribute to the resilience of communities because climax communities all over the world are being severely damaged or destroyed by human activities. The destruction caused by the volcanic explosion of Mount St. Helens, in the northwestern United States, for example, pales in comparison to the destruction caused by humans. We need to know what aspects of a community are most important to the community's resistance to destruction, as well as its recovery.
Many ecologists now think that the relative long-term stability of climax communities comes not from diversity but from the "patchiness" of the environment, an environment that varies from place to place supports more kinds of organisms than an environment that is uniform. A local population that goes extinct is quickly replaced by immigrants from an adjacent community. Even if the new population is of a different species, it can approximately fill the niche vacated by the extinct population and keep the food web intact. | 1305.txt | 1 |
[
"To illustrate a general principle aboutthe stability of systems by using an everyday example",
"To demonstrate that an understanding ofstability in ecosystems can be applied to help understand stability in othersituations",
"To make a comparison that supports theclaim that, in general, stability increases with diversity",
"To provide an example that contradictsmathematical models of ecosystems"
]
| In paragraph 5, why does the authorprovide the information that "A fifteen-speed racing bicycle is more likely tobreak down than a child's tricycle"? | Plant communities assemble themselves flexibly, and their particular structure depends on the specific history of the area. Ecologists use the term "succession" to refer to the changes that happen in plant communities and ecosystems over time. The first community in a succession is called a pioneer community, while the long-lived community at the end of succession is called a climax community. Pioneer and successional plant communities are said to change over periods from 1 to 500 years. These changes-in plant numbers and the mix of species-are cumulative. Climax communities themselves change but over periods of time greater than about 500 years.
An ecologist who studies a pond today may well find it relatively unchanged in a year's time. Individual fish may be replaced, but the number of fish will tend to be the same from one year to the next. We can say that the properties of an ecosystem are more stable than the individual organisms that compose the ecosystem.
At one time, ecologists believed that species diversity made ecosystems stable. They believed that the greater the diversity the more stable the ecosystem. Support for this idea came from the observation that long-lasting climax communities usually have more complex food webs and more species diversity than pioneer communities. Ecologists concluded that the apparent stability of climax ecosystems depended on their complexity. To take an extreme example, farmlands dominated by a single crop are so unstable that one year of bad weather or the invasion of a single pest can destroy the entire crop. In contrast, a complex climax community, such as a temperate forest, will tolerate considerable damage from weather to pests.
The question of ecosystem stability is complicated, however. The first problem is that ecologists do not all agree what "stability" means. Stability can be defined as simply lack of change. In that case, the climax community would be considered the most stable, since, by definition, it changes the least over time. Alternatively, stability can be defined as the speed with which an ecosystem returns to a particular form following a major disturbance, such as a fire. This kind of stability is also called resilience. In that case, climax communities would be the most fragile and the least stable, since they can require hundreds of years to return to the climax state.
Even the kind of stability defined as simple lack of change is not always associated with maximum diversity. At least in temperate zones, maximum diversity is often found in mid-successional stages, not in the climax community. Once a redwood forest matures, for example, the kinds of species and the number of individuals growing on the forest floor are reduced. In general, diversity, by itself, does not ensure stability. Mathematical models of ecosystems likewise suggest that diversity does not guarantee ecosystem stability-just the opposite, in fact. A more complicated system is, in general, more likely than a simple system to break down. A fifteen-speed racing bicycle is more likely to break down than a child's tricycle.
Ecologists are especially interested to know what factors contribute to the resilience of communities because climax communities all over the world are being severely damaged or destroyed by human activities. The destruction caused by the volcanic explosion of Mount St. Helens, in the northwestern United States, for example, pales in comparison to the destruction caused by humans. We need to know what aspects of a community are most important to the community's resistance to destruction, as well as its recovery.
Many ecologists now think that the relative long-term stability of climax communities comes not from diversity but from the "patchiness" of the environment, an environment that varies from place to place supports more kinds of organisms than an environment that is uniform. A local population that goes extinct is quickly replaced by immigrants from an adjacent community. Even if the new population is of a different species, it can approximately fill the niche vacated by the extinct population and keep the food web intact. | 1305.txt | 0 |
[
"increases proportionally",
"differs",
"loses significance",
"is common"
]
| The word "pales" in the passage(paragraph 6) is closest in meaning to | Plant communities assemble themselves flexibly, and their particular structure depends on the specific history of the area. Ecologists use the term "succession" to refer to the changes that happen in plant communities and ecosystems over time. The first community in a succession is called a pioneer community, while the long-lived community at the end of succession is called a climax community. Pioneer and successional plant communities are said to change over periods from 1 to 500 years. These changes-in plant numbers and the mix of species-are cumulative. Climax communities themselves change but over periods of time greater than about 500 years.
An ecologist who studies a pond today may well find it relatively unchanged in a year's time. Individual fish may be replaced, but the number of fish will tend to be the same from one year to the next. We can say that the properties of an ecosystem are more stable than the individual organisms that compose the ecosystem.
At one time, ecologists believed that species diversity made ecosystems stable. They believed that the greater the diversity the more stable the ecosystem. Support for this idea came from the observation that long-lasting climax communities usually have more complex food webs and more species diversity than pioneer communities. Ecologists concluded that the apparent stability of climax ecosystems depended on their complexity. To take an extreme example, farmlands dominated by a single crop are so unstable that one year of bad weather or the invasion of a single pest can destroy the entire crop. In contrast, a complex climax community, such as a temperate forest, will tolerate considerable damage from weather to pests.
The question of ecosystem stability is complicated, however. The first problem is that ecologists do not all agree what "stability" means. Stability can be defined as simply lack of change. In that case, the climax community would be considered the most stable, since, by definition, it changes the least over time. Alternatively, stability can be defined as the speed with which an ecosystem returns to a particular form following a major disturbance, such as a fire. This kind of stability is also called resilience. In that case, climax communities would be the most fragile and the least stable, since they can require hundreds of years to return to the climax state.
Even the kind of stability defined as simple lack of change is not always associated with maximum diversity. At least in temperate zones, maximum diversity is often found in mid-successional stages, not in the climax community. Once a redwood forest matures, for example, the kinds of species and the number of individuals growing on the forest floor are reduced. In general, diversity, by itself, does not ensure stability. Mathematical models of ecosystems likewise suggest that diversity does not guarantee ecosystem stability-just the opposite, in fact. A more complicated system is, in general, more likely than a simple system to break down. A fifteen-speed racing bicycle is more likely to break down than a child's tricycle.
Ecologists are especially interested to know what factors contribute to the resilience of communities because climax communities all over the world are being severely damaged or destroyed by human activities. The destruction caused by the volcanic explosion of Mount St. Helens, in the northwestern United States, for example, pales in comparison to the destruction caused by humans. We need to know what aspects of a community are most important to the community's resistance to destruction, as well as its recovery.
Many ecologists now think that the relative long-term stability of climax communities comes not from diversity but from the "patchiness" of the environment, an environment that varies from place to place supports more kinds of organisms than an environment that is uniform. A local population that goes extinct is quickly replaced by immigrants from an adjacent community. Even if the new population is of a different species, it can approximately fill the niche vacated by the extinct population and keep the food web intact. | 1305.txt | 2 |
[
"foreign",
"stable",
"fluid",
"neighboring"
]
| The word "adjacent" in the passage(paragraph 7) is closest in meaning to | Plant communities assemble themselves flexibly, and their particular structure depends on the specific history of the area. Ecologists use the term "succession" to refer to the changes that happen in plant communities and ecosystems over time. The first community in a succession is called a pioneer community, while the long-lived community at the end of succession is called a climax community. Pioneer and successional plant communities are said to change over periods from 1 to 500 years. These changes-in plant numbers and the mix of species-are cumulative. Climax communities themselves change but over periods of time greater than about 500 years.
An ecologist who studies a pond today may well find it relatively unchanged in a year's time. Individual fish may be replaced, but the number of fish will tend to be the same from one year to the next. We can say that the properties of an ecosystem are more stable than the individual organisms that compose the ecosystem.
At one time, ecologists believed that species diversity made ecosystems stable. They believed that the greater the diversity the more stable the ecosystem. Support for this idea came from the observation that long-lasting climax communities usually have more complex food webs and more species diversity than pioneer communities. Ecologists concluded that the apparent stability of climax ecosystems depended on their complexity. To take an extreme example, farmlands dominated by a single crop are so unstable that one year of bad weather or the invasion of a single pest can destroy the entire crop. In contrast, a complex climax community, such as a temperate forest, will tolerate considerable damage from weather to pests.
The question of ecosystem stability is complicated, however. The first problem is that ecologists do not all agree what "stability" means. Stability can be defined as simply lack of change. In that case, the climax community would be considered the most stable, since, by definition, it changes the least over time. Alternatively, stability can be defined as the speed with which an ecosystem returns to a particular form following a major disturbance, such as a fire. This kind of stability is also called resilience. In that case, climax communities would be the most fragile and the least stable, since they can require hundreds of years to return to the climax state.
Even the kind of stability defined as simple lack of change is not always associated with maximum diversity. At least in temperate zones, maximum diversity is often found in mid-successional stages, not in the climax community. Once a redwood forest matures, for example, the kinds of species and the number of individuals growing on the forest floor are reduced. In general, diversity, by itself, does not ensure stability. Mathematical models of ecosystems likewise suggest that diversity does not guarantee ecosystem stability-just the opposite, in fact. A more complicated system is, in general, more likely than a simple system to break down. A fifteen-speed racing bicycle is more likely to break down than a child's tricycle.
Ecologists are especially interested to know what factors contribute to the resilience of communities because climax communities all over the world are being severely damaged or destroyed by human activities. The destruction caused by the volcanic explosion of Mount St. Helens, in the northwestern United States, for example, pales in comparison to the destruction caused by humans. We need to know what aspects of a community are most important to the community's resistance to destruction, as well as its recovery.
Many ecologists now think that the relative long-term stability of climax communities comes not from diversity but from the "patchiness" of the environment, an environment that varies from place to place supports more kinds of organisms than an environment that is uniform. A local population that goes extinct is quickly replaced by immigrants from an adjacent community. Even if the new population is of a different species, it can approximately fill the niche vacated by the extinct population and keep the food web intact. | 1305.txt | 3 |
[
"complain personally to the manager",
"threaten to take the matter to court",
"write a firm letter of complaint to the store or purchase",
"show some written proof of the purchase to the store"
]
| When a consumer finds that his purchase has a fault in it, the first thing he should do is to _ . | When a consumer finds that an item she or he bought is faulty or in some way does not live up to the manufacturer's claim for it, the first step is to present the warranty, or any other records which might help, at the store of purchase. In most cases, this action will produce results. However, if it does not, there are various means the consumer may use to gain satisfaction.
A simple and common method used by many consumers is to complain directly to the store manager. In general, the "higher up" the consumer takes his or her complaint, the faster he or she can expect it to be settled. In such a case, it is usually settled in the consumer's favor, assuming he or she has a just claim.
Consumers should complain in person whenever possible, but if they cannot get to the place of purchase, it is acceptable to phone or write the complaint in a letter.
Complaining is usually most effective when it is done politely but firmly, and especially when the consumer can demonstrate what is wrong with the item in questions. If this cannot be done, the consumer will succeed best by presenting specific information as to what is wrong, rather than by making general statements. For example, "The left speaker does not work at all and the sound coming out of the right one is unclear" is better than "This stereo does not work."
The store manager may advise the consumer to write to the manufacturer. If so, the consumer should do this, stating the complaint as politely and as firmly as possible. But if a polite complaint does not achieve the desired result, the consumer can go a step further. She or he can threaten to take the seller to court or report the seller to a private or public organization responsible for protecting consumers' rights. | 3172.txt | 3 |
[
"a shop assistant",
"the store manager",
"the manufacturer",
"a public organization"
]
| If a consumer wants a quick settlement of his problem, it's better to complain to _ . | When a consumer finds that an item she or he bought is faulty or in some way does not live up to the manufacturer's claim for it, the first step is to present the warranty, or any other records which might help, at the store of purchase. In most cases, this action will produce results. However, if it does not, there are various means the consumer may use to gain satisfaction.
A simple and common method used by many consumers is to complain directly to the store manager. In general, the "higher up" the consumer takes his or her complaint, the faster he or she can expect it to be settled. In such a case, it is usually settled in the consumer's favor, assuming he or she has a just claim.
Consumers should complain in person whenever possible, but if they cannot get to the place of purchase, it is acceptable to phone or write the complaint in a letter.
Complaining is usually most effective when it is done politely but firmly, and especially when the consumer can demonstrate what is wrong with the item in questions. If this cannot be done, the consumer will succeed best by presenting specific information as to what is wrong, rather than by making general statements. For example, "The left speaker does not work at all and the sound coming out of the right one is unclear" is better than "This stereo does not work."
The store manager may advise the consumer to write to the manufacturer. If so, the consumer should do this, stating the complaint as politely and as firmly as possible. But if a polite complaint does not achieve the desired result, the consumer can go a step further. She or he can threaten to take the seller to court or report the seller to a private or public organization responsible for protecting consumers' rights. | 3172.txt | 1 |
[
"showing the faulty item to the manufacturer",
"explaining exactly what is wrong with the item",
"saying firmly that the item of poor quality",
"asking politely to change the item"
]
| The most effective complaint can be made by _ . | When a consumer finds that an item she or he bought is faulty or in some way does not live up to the manufacturer's claim for it, the first step is to present the warranty, or any other records which might help, at the store of purchase. In most cases, this action will produce results. However, if it does not, there are various means the consumer may use to gain satisfaction.
A simple and common method used by many consumers is to complain directly to the store manager. In general, the "higher up" the consumer takes his or her complaint, the faster he or she can expect it to be settled. In such a case, it is usually settled in the consumer's favor, assuming he or she has a just claim.
Consumers should complain in person whenever possible, but if they cannot get to the place of purchase, it is acceptable to phone or write the complaint in a letter.
Complaining is usually most effective when it is done politely but firmly, and especially when the consumer can demonstrate what is wrong with the item in questions. If this cannot be done, the consumer will succeed best by presenting specific information as to what is wrong, rather than by making general statements. For example, "The left speaker does not work at all and the sound coming out of the right one is unclear" is better than "This stereo does not work."
The store manager may advise the consumer to write to the manufacturer. If so, the consumer should do this, stating the complaint as politely and as firmly as possible. But if a polite complaint does not achieve the desired result, the consumer can go a step further. She or he can threaten to take the seller to court or report the seller to a private or public organization responsible for protecting consumers' rights. | 3172.txt | 1 |
[
"meet the standard of",
"realize the purpose of",
"fulfill the demands of",
"keep the promise of"
]
| The phrase "live up" (Para. 1, Line 2) in the context means _ . | When a consumer finds that an item she or he bought is faulty or in some way does not live up to the manufacturer's claim for it, the first step is to present the warranty, or any other records which might help, at the store of purchase. In most cases, this action will produce results. However, if it does not, there are various means the consumer may use to gain satisfaction.
A simple and common method used by many consumers is to complain directly to the store manager. In general, the "higher up" the consumer takes his or her complaint, the faster he or she can expect it to be settled. In such a case, it is usually settled in the consumer's favor, assuming he or she has a just claim.
Consumers should complain in person whenever possible, but if they cannot get to the place of purchase, it is acceptable to phone or write the complaint in a letter.
Complaining is usually most effective when it is done politely but firmly, and especially when the consumer can demonstrate what is wrong with the item in questions. If this cannot be done, the consumer will succeed best by presenting specific information as to what is wrong, rather than by making general statements. For example, "The left speaker does not work at all and the sound coming out of the right one is unclear" is better than "This stereo does not work."
The store manager may advise the consumer to write to the manufacturer. If so, the consumer should do this, stating the complaint as politely and as firmly as possible. But if a polite complaint does not achieve the desired result, the consumer can go a step further. She or he can threaten to take the seller to court or report the seller to a private or public organization responsible for protecting consumers' rights. | 3172.txt | 0 |
[
"how to settle a consumer's complaint about a faulty item",
"how to make an effective complaint about a faulty item",
"how to avoid buying a faulty item",
"how to deal with complaints from customers"
]
| The passage tells us _ . | When a consumer finds that an item she or he bought is faulty or in some way does not live up to the manufacturer's claim for it, the first step is to present the warranty, or any other records which might help, at the store of purchase. In most cases, this action will produce results. However, if it does not, there are various means the consumer may use to gain satisfaction.
A simple and common method used by many consumers is to complain directly to the store manager. In general, the "higher up" the consumer takes his or her complaint, the faster he or she can expect it to be settled. In such a case, it is usually settled in the consumer's favor, assuming he or she has a just claim.
Consumers should complain in person whenever possible, but if they cannot get to the place of purchase, it is acceptable to phone or write the complaint in a letter.
Complaining is usually most effective when it is done politely but firmly, and especially when the consumer can demonstrate what is wrong with the item in questions. If this cannot be done, the consumer will succeed best by presenting specific information as to what is wrong, rather than by making general statements. For example, "The left speaker does not work at all and the sound coming out of the right one is unclear" is better than "This stereo does not work."
The store manager may advise the consumer to write to the manufacturer. If so, the consumer should do this, stating the complaint as politely and as firmly as possible. But if a polite complaint does not achieve the desired result, the consumer can go a step further. She or he can threaten to take the seller to court or report the seller to a private or public organization responsible for protecting consumers' rights. | 3172.txt | 1 |
[
"the evolution of international politics in the United States",
"the broadcast media gives its primary concern on human rights",
"the global television communication has a huge impact on pet,pie's emotions",
"the broadcast media plays a growing role in international poli ics"
]
| The passage mainly discusses _ . | Because of satellite links which now enable broadcast news organizations to originate live programming from any part of the globe, the entire world is becoming one giant sound stage for television news. As a result, Shakespeare's famous line, "all the worh is a stage," has taken on an interesting new twist in meaning.
Even before today's worldwide satellite links were possible, the growing effect of broadcast news technology on national and international politics was becoming increasingly evident.
Because television is a close-up medium and a medium that seems to most readily involve emotions, it is most effective when it is revealing the plights of people; During the Vietnam War, reading about war was one thing, but war took on a deeper and more unsavory' ( ) dimension when it was exported directly into U. S. living rooms night after night by television. Public opinion eventually turned against the war and to some measure against President Johnson who was associated with it. As a result of the public opinion backlash during these tines, the Pentagon was there after much more careful to control what foreign correspondents and TV crews would be allowed to see and report.
It was during this time that President Carter brought the issue of human rights to the centre of his foreign policy, and, to some degree, to the centre of international politics. "Human rights is the soul of our foreign policy," Carter said. "Of all human rights the most basic s to be free of arbitrary violence, whether that violence comes from government, from terrorists, from criminals, or from self-appointed messiahs operating under the cover of politics or religion. "
Although political viewpoints have changed since then, because of the emotional nature of human rights, this has emerged as the "soul" of television news. The transgression of human rights has been the focus of many, if not most, major international television news stories. The reporting of these stories has created outrage in the world, prompted attempts at censorship by dictators, and in many cases resulted in the elimination of human rights abuses. | 1566.txt | 3 |
[
"the influence of news broadcast on people's emotions",
"the anger from the audiences of all nations",
"the extensive coverage of the War",
"the viewing of American army's cruel behaviors on TV"
]
| According to the passage, people were against the Vietnam War may be as a result of _ . | Because of satellite links which now enable broadcast news organizations to originate live programming from any part of the globe, the entire world is becoming one giant sound stage for television news. As a result, Shakespeare's famous line, "all the worh is a stage," has taken on an interesting new twist in meaning.
Even before today's worldwide satellite links were possible, the growing effect of broadcast news technology on national and international politics was becoming increasingly evident.
Because television is a close-up medium and a medium that seems to most readily involve emotions, it is most effective when it is revealing the plights of people; During the Vietnam War, reading about war was one thing, but war took on a deeper and more unsavory' ( ) dimension when it was exported directly into U. S. living rooms night after night by television. Public opinion eventually turned against the war and to some measure against President Johnson who was associated with it. As a result of the public opinion backlash during these tines, the Pentagon was there after much more careful to control what foreign correspondents and TV crews would be allowed to see and report.
It was during this time that President Carter brought the issue of human rights to the centre of his foreign policy, and, to some degree, to the centre of international politics. "Human rights is the soul of our foreign policy," Carter said. "Of all human rights the most basic s to be free of arbitrary violence, whether that violence comes from government, from terrorists, from criminals, or from self-appointed messiahs operating under the cover of politics or religion. "
Although political viewpoints have changed since then, because of the emotional nature of human rights, this has emerged as the "soul" of television news. The transgression of human rights has been the focus of many, if not most, major international television news stories. The reporting of these stories has created outrage in the world, prompted attempts at censorship by dictators, and in many cases resulted in the elimination of human rights abuses. | 1566.txt | 0 |
[
"They thereafter tried to control the news coverage.",
"They punished the correspondents and TV crews.",
"They put a ban on the discussion of the War.",
"They did nothing about it."
]
| What did the Pentagon do when faced with the public opinion backlash on the Vietnam War? | Because of satellite links which now enable broadcast news organizations to originate live programming from any part of the globe, the entire world is becoming one giant sound stage for television news. As a result, Shakespeare's famous line, "all the worh is a stage," has taken on an interesting new twist in meaning.
Even before today's worldwide satellite links were possible, the growing effect of broadcast news technology on national and international politics was becoming increasingly evident.
Because television is a close-up medium and a medium that seems to most readily involve emotions, it is most effective when it is revealing the plights of people; During the Vietnam War, reading about war was one thing, but war took on a deeper and more unsavory' ( ) dimension when it was exported directly into U. S. living rooms night after night by television. Public opinion eventually turned against the war and to some measure against President Johnson who was associated with it. As a result of the public opinion backlash during these tines, the Pentagon was there after much more careful to control what foreign correspondents and TV crews would be allowed to see and report.
It was during this time that President Carter brought the issue of human rights to the centre of his foreign policy, and, to some degree, to the centre of international politics. "Human rights is the soul of our foreign policy," Carter said. "Of all human rights the most basic s to be free of arbitrary violence, whether that violence comes from government, from terrorists, from criminals, or from self-appointed messiahs operating under the cover of politics or religion. "
Although political viewpoints have changed since then, because of the emotional nature of human rights, this has emerged as the "soul" of television news. The transgression of human rights has been the focus of many, if not most, major international television news stories. The reporting of these stories has created outrage in the world, prompted attempts at censorship by dictators, and in many cases resulted in the elimination of human rights abuses. | 1566.txt | 0 |
[
"The Pentagon failed to control the report of the media.",
"People turned their attention to the transgression of human rights.",
"All censorship of broadcast news was eliminated.",
"The Vietnam War was ended."
]
| What was a possible result when President Carter brought the issue of human rights to the centre of his foreign policy? | Because of satellite links which now enable broadcast news organizations to originate live programming from any part of the globe, the entire world is becoming one giant sound stage for television news. As a result, Shakespeare's famous line, "all the worh is a stage," has taken on an interesting new twist in meaning.
Even before today's worldwide satellite links were possible, the growing effect of broadcast news technology on national and international politics was becoming increasingly evident.
Because television is a close-up medium and a medium that seems to most readily involve emotions, it is most effective when it is revealing the plights of people; During the Vietnam War, reading about war was one thing, but war took on a deeper and more unsavory' ( ) dimension when it was exported directly into U. S. living rooms night after night by television. Public opinion eventually turned against the war and to some measure against President Johnson who was associated with it. As a result of the public opinion backlash during these tines, the Pentagon was there after much more careful to control what foreign correspondents and TV crews would be allowed to see and report.
It was during this time that President Carter brought the issue of human rights to the centre of his foreign policy, and, to some degree, to the centre of international politics. "Human rights is the soul of our foreign policy," Carter said. "Of all human rights the most basic s to be free of arbitrary violence, whether that violence comes from government, from terrorists, from criminals, or from self-appointed messiahs operating under the cover of politics or religion. "
Although political viewpoints have changed since then, because of the emotional nature of human rights, this has emerged as the "soul" of television news. The transgression of human rights has been the focus of many, if not most, major international television news stories. The reporting of these stories has created outrage in the world, prompted attempts at censorship by dictators, and in many cases resulted in the elimination of human rights abuses. | 1566.txt | 1 |
[
"Anger aroused on the transgression of human rights.",
"Better understanding and appreciation of different cultures.",
"Prompted attempts at censorship by dictators.",
"The elimination of human rights abuses."
]
| Which of the following has NOT been mentioned as a result of the television focus on the issue of human rights? | Because of satellite links which now enable broadcast news organizations to originate live programming from any part of the globe, the entire world is becoming one giant sound stage for television news. As a result, Shakespeare's famous line, "all the worh is a stage," has taken on an interesting new twist in meaning.
Even before today's worldwide satellite links were possible, the growing effect of broadcast news technology on national and international politics was becoming increasingly evident.
Because television is a close-up medium and a medium that seems to most readily involve emotions, it is most effective when it is revealing the plights of people; During the Vietnam War, reading about war was one thing, but war took on a deeper and more unsavory' ( ) dimension when it was exported directly into U. S. living rooms night after night by television. Public opinion eventually turned against the war and to some measure against President Johnson who was associated with it. As a result of the public opinion backlash during these tines, the Pentagon was there after much more careful to control what foreign correspondents and TV crews would be allowed to see and report.
It was during this time that President Carter brought the issue of human rights to the centre of his foreign policy, and, to some degree, to the centre of international politics. "Human rights is the soul of our foreign policy," Carter said. "Of all human rights the most basic s to be free of arbitrary violence, whether that violence comes from government, from terrorists, from criminals, or from self-appointed messiahs operating under the cover of politics or religion. "
Although political viewpoints have changed since then, because of the emotional nature of human rights, this has emerged as the "soul" of television news. The transgression of human rights has been the focus of many, if not most, major international television news stories. The reporting of these stories has created outrage in the world, prompted attempts at censorship by dictators, and in many cases resulted in the elimination of human rights abuses. | 1566.txt | 1 |
[
"it would allow them access to a better life in the West",
"Jewish children are born with excellent musical talent",
"they wanted their children to enter into the professional field",
"it would enable the family to get better treatment in their own country"
]
| Jewish parents in Eastern Europe longed for their children to attend music school because ________. | Violin prodigies , I learned, have come in distinct waves from distinct regions. Most of the great performers if the late 19th and early 20th centuries were born and brought up in Russia and Eastern Europe. I asked Isaac Stern, one of the world's greatest violinists the reason for this phenomenon. "It is very clear," he told me. "They were all Jews and Jews at the time were severely oppressed and ill-treated in that part of the world. They were not allowed into the professional fields, but they were allowed to achieve excellence on a concert stage." As a result, every Jewish parent's dream was to have a child in the music school because it was a passport to the West.
Another element in the emergence of prodigies, I found, is a society that values excellence in a certain field to nurture talent. Nowadays, the most nurturing societies seem to be in the Far East. "In Japan, a most competitive society, with stronger discipline than ours," says Isaac Stem, children are ready to test their limits every day in many fields, including music. When Western music came to Japan after World War II, that music not only became part of their daily lives, but it became a discipline as well. The Koreans and Chinese as we know, are just as highly motivated as the Japanese.
That's a good thing, because even prodigies must work hard. Next to hard work, biological inheritance plays an important role in the making of a prodigy. J. S. Bach, for example, was the top of several generations of musicians, and four of his sons had significant careers in music. | 4178.txt | 0 |
[
"enforce strong discipline on students who want to achieve excellence",
"treasure talent and provide opportunities for its full development",
"encourage people to compete with each other",
"promise talented children high positions"
]
| Nurturing societies as mentioned in the passage refer to societies that, ________. | Violin prodigies , I learned, have come in distinct waves from distinct regions. Most of the great performers if the late 19th and early 20th centuries were born and brought up in Russia and Eastern Europe. I asked Isaac Stern, one of the world's greatest violinists the reason for this phenomenon. "It is very clear," he told me. "They were all Jews and Jews at the time were severely oppressed and ill-treated in that part of the world. They were not allowed into the professional fields, but they were allowed to achieve excellence on a concert stage." As a result, every Jewish parent's dream was to have a child in the music school because it was a passport to the West.
Another element in the emergence of prodigies, I found, is a society that values excellence in a certain field to nurture talent. Nowadays, the most nurturing societies seem to be in the Far East. "In Japan, a most competitive society, with stronger discipline than ours," says Isaac Stem, children are ready to test their limits every day in many fields, including music. When Western music came to Japan after World War II, that music not only became part of their daily lives, but it became a discipline as well. The Koreans and Chinese as we know, are just as highly motivated as the Japanese.
That's a good thing, because even prodigies must work hard. Next to hard work, biological inheritance plays an important role in the making of a prodigy. J. S. Bach, for example, was the top of several generations of musicians, and four of his sons had significant careers in music. | 4178.txt | 1 |
[
"all-round development",
"the learning of Western music",
"strict training of children",
"variety in academic studies"
]
| Japan is described in the passage as a country that attaches importance to ________. | Violin prodigies , I learned, have come in distinct waves from distinct regions. Most of the great performers if the late 19th and early 20th centuries were born and brought up in Russia and Eastern Europe. I asked Isaac Stern, one of the world's greatest violinists the reason for this phenomenon. "It is very clear," he told me. "They were all Jews and Jews at the time were severely oppressed and ill-treated in that part of the world. They were not allowed into the professional fields, but they were allowed to achieve excellence on a concert stage." As a result, every Jewish parent's dream was to have a child in the music school because it was a passport to the West.
Another element in the emergence of prodigies, I found, is a society that values excellence in a certain field to nurture talent. Nowadays, the most nurturing societies seem to be in the Far East. "In Japan, a most competitive society, with stronger discipline than ours," says Isaac Stem, children are ready to test their limits every day in many fields, including music. When Western music came to Japan after World War II, that music not only became part of their daily lives, but it became a discipline as well. The Koreans and Chinese as we know, are just as highly motivated as the Japanese.
That's a good thing, because even prodigies must work hard. Next to hard work, biological inheritance plays an important role in the making of a prodigy. J. S. Bach, for example, was the top of several generations of musicians, and four of his sons had significant careers in music. | 4178.txt | 2 |
[
"A natural gift.",
"Extensive knowledge of music.",
"Very early training.",
"A prejudice-free society."
]
| Which of the following contributes to the emergence of musical prodigies according to the passage? | Violin prodigies , I learned, have come in distinct waves from distinct regions. Most of the great performers if the late 19th and early 20th centuries were born and brought up in Russia and Eastern Europe. I asked Isaac Stern, one of the world's greatest violinists the reason for this phenomenon. "It is very clear," he told me. "They were all Jews and Jews at the time were severely oppressed and ill-treated in that part of the world. They were not allowed into the professional fields, but they were allowed to achieve excellence on a concert stage." As a result, every Jewish parent's dream was to have a child in the music school because it was a passport to the West.
Another element in the emergence of prodigies, I found, is a society that values excellence in a certain field to nurture talent. Nowadays, the most nurturing societies seem to be in the Far East. "In Japan, a most competitive society, with stronger discipline than ours," says Isaac Stem, children are ready to test their limits every day in many fields, including music. When Western music came to Japan after World War II, that music not only became part of their daily lives, but it became a discipline as well. The Koreans and Chinese as we know, are just as highly motivated as the Japanese.
That's a good thing, because even prodigies must work hard. Next to hard work, biological inheritance plays an important role in the making of a prodigy. J. S. Bach, for example, was the top of several generations of musicians, and four of his sons had significant careers in music. | 4178.txt | 0 |
[
"Jewish Contribution to Music",
"Training of Musicians in the World",
"Music and Society",
"The Making of Prodigies"
]
| Which of the following titles best summarises the main idea of the passage? | Violin prodigies , I learned, have come in distinct waves from distinct regions. Most of the great performers if the late 19th and early 20th centuries were born and brought up in Russia and Eastern Europe. I asked Isaac Stern, one of the world's greatest violinists the reason for this phenomenon. "It is very clear," he told me. "They were all Jews and Jews at the time were severely oppressed and ill-treated in that part of the world. They were not allowed into the professional fields, but they were allowed to achieve excellence on a concert stage." As a result, every Jewish parent's dream was to have a child in the music school because it was a passport to the West.
Another element in the emergence of prodigies, I found, is a society that values excellence in a certain field to nurture talent. Nowadays, the most nurturing societies seem to be in the Far East. "In Japan, a most competitive society, with stronger discipline than ours," says Isaac Stem, children are ready to test their limits every day in many fields, including music. When Western music came to Japan after World War II, that music not only became part of their daily lives, but it became a discipline as well. The Koreans and Chinese as we know, are just as highly motivated as the Japanese.
That's a good thing, because even prodigies must work hard. Next to hard work, biological inheritance plays an important role in the making of a prodigy. J. S. Bach, for example, was the top of several generations of musicians, and four of his sons had significant careers in music. | 4178.txt | 3 |
[
"is transformed and transported in the Earth's atmosphere",
"is transported by ocean currents",
"can be measured and analyzed by scientists",
"moves about the Earth's equator"
]
| The passage mainly discusses how heat | Because the low latitudes of the Earth, the areas near the equator, receive more heat than the latitudes near the poles, and because the nature of heat is to expand and move, heat is transported from the tropics to the middle and high latitudes. Some of this heat is moved by winds and some by ocean currents, and some gets stored in the atmosphere in the form of latent heat. The term "latent heat" refers to the energy that has to be used to convert liquid water to water vapor. We know that if we warm a pan of water on a stove, it will evaporate, or turn into vapor, faster than if it is allowed to sit at room temperature. We also know that if we hang wet clothes outside in the summertime they will dry faster than in winter, when temperatures are colder. The energy used in both cases to change liquid water to water vapor is supplied by heat - supplied by the stove in the first case and by the Sun in the latter case. This energy is not lost. It is stored in water vapor in the atmosphere as latent heat. Eventually, the water stored as vapor in the atmosphere will condense to liquid again, and the energy will be released to the atmosphere.
In the atmosphere, a large portion of the Sun's incoming energy is used to evaporate water, primarily in the tropical oceans. Scientists have tried to quantify this proportion of the Sun's energy. By analyzing temperature, water vapor, and wind data around the globe, they have estimated the quantity to be about 90 watts per square meter, or nearly 30 percent of the Sun's energy. Once this latent heat is stored within the atmosphere, it can be transported, primarily to higher latitudes, by prevailing, large-scale winds. Or it can be transported vertically to higher levels in the atmosphere, where it forms clouds and subsequent storms, which then release the energy back to the atmosphere. | 394.txt | 0 |
[
"The height of cloud formation in the atmosphere.",
"The amount of heat they receive from the Sun.",
"The strength of their large scale winds.",
"The strength of their oceanic currents."
]
| The passage mentions that the tropics differ from the Earth's polar regions in which of the following ways? | Because the low latitudes of the Earth, the areas near the equator, receive more heat than the latitudes near the poles, and because the nature of heat is to expand and move, heat is transported from the tropics to the middle and high latitudes. Some of this heat is moved by winds and some by ocean currents, and some gets stored in the atmosphere in the form of latent heat. The term "latent heat" refers to the energy that has to be used to convert liquid water to water vapor. We know that if we warm a pan of water on a stove, it will evaporate, or turn into vapor, faster than if it is allowed to sit at room temperature. We also know that if we hang wet clothes outside in the summertime they will dry faster than in winter, when temperatures are colder. The energy used in both cases to change liquid water to water vapor is supplied by heat - supplied by the stove in the first case and by the Sun in the latter case. This energy is not lost. It is stored in water vapor in the atmosphere as latent heat. Eventually, the water stored as vapor in the atmosphere will condense to liquid again, and the energy will be released to the atmosphere.
In the atmosphere, a large portion of the Sun's incoming energy is used to evaporate water, primarily in the tropical oceans. Scientists have tried to quantify this proportion of the Sun's energy. By analyzing temperature, water vapor, and wind data around the globe, they have estimated the quantity to be about 90 watts per square meter, or nearly 30 percent of the Sun's energy. Once this latent heat is stored within the atmosphere, it can be transported, primarily to higher latitudes, by prevailing, large-scale winds. Or it can be transported vertically to higher levels in the atmosphere, where it forms clouds and subsequent storms, which then release the energy back to the atmosphere. | 394.txt | 1 |
[
"mix",
"change",
"adapt",
"reduce"
]
| The word "convert" in line 6 is closest in meaning to | Because the low latitudes of the Earth, the areas near the equator, receive more heat than the latitudes near the poles, and because the nature of heat is to expand and move, heat is transported from the tropics to the middle and high latitudes. Some of this heat is moved by winds and some by ocean currents, and some gets stored in the atmosphere in the form of latent heat. The term "latent heat" refers to the energy that has to be used to convert liquid water to water vapor. We know that if we warm a pan of water on a stove, it will evaporate, or turn into vapor, faster than if it is allowed to sit at room temperature. We also know that if we hang wet clothes outside in the summertime they will dry faster than in winter, when temperatures are colder. The energy used in both cases to change liquid water to water vapor is supplied by heat - supplied by the stove in the first case and by the Sun in the latter case. This energy is not lost. It is stored in water vapor in the atmosphere as latent heat. Eventually, the water stored as vapor in the atmosphere will condense to liquid again, and the energy will be released to the atmosphere.
In the atmosphere, a large portion of the Sun's incoming energy is used to evaporate water, primarily in the tropical oceans. Scientists have tried to quantify this proportion of the Sun's energy. By analyzing temperature, water vapor, and wind data around the globe, they have estimated the quantity to be about 90 watts per square meter, or nearly 30 percent of the Sun's energy. Once this latent heat is stored within the atmosphere, it can be transported, primarily to higher latitudes, by prevailing, large-scale winds. Or it can be transported vertically to higher levels in the atmosphere, where it forms clouds and subsequent storms, which then release the energy back to the atmosphere. | 394.txt | 1 |
[
"To describe the heat of the Sun.",
"To illustrate how water vapor is stored.",
"To show how energy is stored.",
"To give an example of a heat source."
]
| Why does the author mention "the stove" in line 10? | Because the low latitudes of the Earth, the areas near the equator, receive more heat than the latitudes near the poles, and because the nature of heat is to expand and move, heat is transported from the tropics to the middle and high latitudes. Some of this heat is moved by winds and some by ocean currents, and some gets stored in the atmosphere in the form of latent heat. The term "latent heat" refers to the energy that has to be used to convert liquid water to water vapor. We know that if we warm a pan of water on a stove, it will evaporate, or turn into vapor, faster than if it is allowed to sit at room temperature. We also know that if we hang wet clothes outside in the summertime they will dry faster than in winter, when temperatures are colder. The energy used in both cases to change liquid water to water vapor is supplied by heat - supplied by the stove in the first case and by the Sun in the latter case. This energy is not lost. It is stored in water vapor in the atmosphere as latent heat. Eventually, the water stored as vapor in the atmosphere will condense to liquid again, and the energy will be released to the atmosphere.
In the atmosphere, a large portion of the Sun's incoming energy is used to evaporate water, primarily in the tropical oceans. Scientists have tried to quantify this proportion of the Sun's energy. By analyzing temperature, water vapor, and wind data around the globe, they have estimated the quantity to be about 90 watts per square meter, or nearly 30 percent of the Sun's energy. Once this latent heat is stored within the atmosphere, it can be transported, primarily to higher latitudes, by prevailing, large-scale winds. Or it can be transported vertically to higher levels in the atmosphere, where it forms clouds and subsequent storms, which then release the energy back to the atmosphere. | 394.txt | 3 |
[
"around the higher latitudes",
"in the tropics",
"because of large-scale winds",
"because of strong ocean currents"
]
| According to the passage , most ocean water evaporation occurs especially | Because the low latitudes of the Earth, the areas near the equator, receive more heat than the latitudes near the poles, and because the nature of heat is to expand and move, heat is transported from the tropics to the middle and high latitudes. Some of this heat is moved by winds and some by ocean currents, and some gets stored in the atmosphere in the form of latent heat. The term "latent heat" refers to the energy that has to be used to convert liquid water to water vapor. We know that if we warm a pan of water on a stove, it will evaporate, or turn into vapor, faster than if it is allowed to sit at room temperature. We also know that if we hang wet clothes outside in the summertime they will dry faster than in winter, when temperatures are colder. The energy used in both cases to change liquid water to water vapor is supplied by heat - supplied by the stove in the first case and by the Sun in the latter case. This energy is not lost. It is stored in water vapor in the atmosphere as latent heat. Eventually, the water stored as vapor in the atmosphere will condense to liquid again, and the energy will be released to the atmosphere.
In the atmosphere, a large portion of the Sun's incoming energy is used to evaporate water, primarily in the tropical oceans. Scientists have tried to quantify this proportion of the Sun's energy. By analyzing temperature, water vapor, and wind data around the globe, they have estimated the quantity to be about 90 watts per square meter, or nearly 30 percent of the Sun's energy. Once this latent heat is stored within the atmosphere, it can be transported, primarily to higher latitudes, by prevailing, large-scale winds. Or it can be transported vertically to higher levels in the atmosphere, where it forms clouds and subsequent storms, which then release the energy back to the atmosphere. | 394.txt | 1 |
[
"is stored in clouds in the lower latitudes",
"is transported by ocean currents",
"never leaves the upper atmosphere",
"gets stored as latent heat"
]
| According to the passage , 30 percent of the Sun's incoming energy | Because the low latitudes of the Earth, the areas near the equator, receive more heat than the latitudes near the poles, and because the nature of heat is to expand and move, heat is transported from the tropics to the middle and high latitudes. Some of this heat is moved by winds and some by ocean currents, and some gets stored in the atmosphere in the form of latent heat. The term "latent heat" refers to the energy that has to be used to convert liquid water to water vapor. We know that if we warm a pan of water on a stove, it will evaporate, or turn into vapor, faster than if it is allowed to sit at room temperature. We also know that if we hang wet clothes outside in the summertime they will dry faster than in winter, when temperatures are colder. The energy used in both cases to change liquid water to water vapor is supplied by heat - supplied by the stove in the first case and by the Sun in the latter case. This energy is not lost. It is stored in water vapor in the atmosphere as latent heat. Eventually, the water stored as vapor in the atmosphere will condense to liquid again, and the energy will be released to the atmosphere.
In the atmosphere, a large portion of the Sun's incoming energy is used to evaporate water, primarily in the tropical oceans. Scientists have tried to quantify this proportion of the Sun's energy. By analyzing temperature, water vapor, and wind data around the globe, they have estimated the quantity to be about 90 watts per square meter, or nearly 30 percent of the Sun's energy. Once this latent heat is stored within the atmosphere, it can be transported, primarily to higher latitudes, by prevailing, large-scale winds. Or it can be transported vertically to higher levels in the atmosphere, where it forms clouds and subsequent storms, which then release the energy back to the atmosphere. | 394.txt | 3 |
[
"square meter",
"the Sun's energy",
"latent heat",
"the atmosphere"
]
| The word "it" in line 18 refers to | Because the low latitudes of the Earth, the areas near the equator, receive more heat than the latitudes near the poles, and because the nature of heat is to expand and move, heat is transported from the tropics to the middle and high latitudes. Some of this heat is moved by winds and some by ocean currents, and some gets stored in the atmosphere in the form of latent heat. The term "latent heat" refers to the energy that has to be used to convert liquid water to water vapor. We know that if we warm a pan of water on a stove, it will evaporate, or turn into vapor, faster than if it is allowed to sit at room temperature. We also know that if we hang wet clothes outside in the summertime they will dry faster than in winter, when temperatures are colder. The energy used in both cases to change liquid water to water vapor is supplied by heat - supplied by the stove in the first case and by the Sun in the latter case. This energy is not lost. It is stored in water vapor in the atmosphere as latent heat. Eventually, the water stored as vapor in the atmosphere will condense to liquid again, and the energy will be released to the atmosphere.
In the atmosphere, a large portion of the Sun's incoming energy is used to evaporate water, primarily in the tropical oceans. Scientists have tried to quantify this proportion of the Sun's energy. By analyzing temperature, water vapor, and wind data around the globe, they have estimated the quantity to be about 90 watts per square meter, or nearly 30 percent of the Sun's energy. Once this latent heat is stored within the atmosphere, it can be transported, primarily to higher latitudes, by prevailing, large-scale winds. Or it can be transported vertically to higher levels in the atmosphere, where it forms clouds and subsequent storms, which then release the energy back to the atmosphere. | 394.txt | 2 |
[
"chiefly",
"originally",
"basically",
"clearly"
]
| The word "primarily" in the line 19 is closest in meaning to | Because the low latitudes of the Earth, the areas near the equator, receive more heat than the latitudes near the poles, and because the nature of heat is to expand and move, heat is transported from the tropics to the middle and high latitudes. Some of this heat is moved by winds and some by ocean currents, and some gets stored in the atmosphere in the form of latent heat. The term "latent heat" refers to the energy that has to be used to convert liquid water to water vapor. We know that if we warm a pan of water on a stove, it will evaporate, or turn into vapor, faster than if it is allowed to sit at room temperature. We also know that if we hang wet clothes outside in the summertime they will dry faster than in winter, when temperatures are colder. The energy used in both cases to change liquid water to water vapor is supplied by heat - supplied by the stove in the first case and by the Sun in the latter case. This energy is not lost. It is stored in water vapor in the atmosphere as latent heat. Eventually, the water stored as vapor in the atmosphere will condense to liquid again, and the energy will be released to the atmosphere.
In the atmosphere, a large portion of the Sun's incoming energy is used to evaporate water, primarily in the tropical oceans. Scientists have tried to quantify this proportion of the Sun's energy. By analyzing temperature, water vapor, and wind data around the globe, they have estimated the quantity to be about 90 watts per square meter, or nearly 30 percent of the Sun's energy. Once this latent heat is stored within the atmosphere, it can be transported, primarily to higher latitudes, by prevailing, large-scale winds. Or it can be transported vertically to higher levels in the atmosphere, where it forms clouds and subsequent storms, which then release the energy back to the atmosphere. | 394.txt | 0 |
[
"essential",
"dominant",
"circular",
"closest"
]
| The word "prevailing" in line 19 is closest in meaning to | Because the low latitudes of the Earth, the areas near the equator, receive more heat than the latitudes near the poles, and because the nature of heat is to expand and move, heat is transported from the tropics to the middle and high latitudes. Some of this heat is moved by winds and some by ocean currents, and some gets stored in the atmosphere in the form of latent heat. The term "latent heat" refers to the energy that has to be used to convert liquid water to water vapor. We know that if we warm a pan of water on a stove, it will evaporate, or turn into vapor, faster than if it is allowed to sit at room temperature. We also know that if we hang wet clothes outside in the summertime they will dry faster than in winter, when temperatures are colder. The energy used in both cases to change liquid water to water vapor is supplied by heat - supplied by the stove in the first case and by the Sun in the latter case. This energy is not lost. It is stored in water vapor in the atmosphere as latent heat. Eventually, the water stored as vapor in the atmosphere will condense to liquid again, and the energy will be released to the atmosphere.
In the atmosphere, a large portion of the Sun's incoming energy is used to evaporate water, primarily in the tropical oceans. Scientists have tried to quantify this proportion of the Sun's energy. By analyzing temperature, water vapor, and wind data around the globe, they have estimated the quantity to be about 90 watts per square meter, or nearly 30 percent of the Sun's energy. Once this latent heat is stored within the atmosphere, it can be transported, primarily to higher latitudes, by prevailing, large-scale winds. Or it can be transported vertically to higher levels in the atmosphere, where it forms clouds and subsequent storms, which then release the energy back to the atmosphere. | 394.txt | 1 |
[
"low latitudes(line 1)",
"latent heat (line 5)",
"evaporate (line 7)",
"atmosphere (line 14)"
]
| All of the following words are defined in the passage EXCEPT | Because the low latitudes of the Earth, the areas near the equator, receive more heat than the latitudes near the poles, and because the nature of heat is to expand and move, heat is transported from the tropics to the middle and high latitudes. Some of this heat is moved by winds and some by ocean currents, and some gets stored in the atmosphere in the form of latent heat. The term "latent heat" refers to the energy that has to be used to convert liquid water to water vapor. We know that if we warm a pan of water on a stove, it will evaporate, or turn into vapor, faster than if it is allowed to sit at room temperature. We also know that if we hang wet clothes outside in the summertime they will dry faster than in winter, when temperatures are colder. The energy used in both cases to change liquid water to water vapor is supplied by heat - supplied by the stove in the first case and by the Sun in the latter case. This energy is not lost. It is stored in water vapor in the atmosphere as latent heat. Eventually, the water stored as vapor in the atmosphere will condense to liquid again, and the energy will be released to the atmosphere.
In the atmosphere, a large portion of the Sun's incoming energy is used to evaporate water, primarily in the tropical oceans. Scientists have tried to quantify this proportion of the Sun's energy. By analyzing temperature, water vapor, and wind data around the globe, they have estimated the quantity to be about 90 watts per square meter, or nearly 30 percent of the Sun's energy. Once this latent heat is stored within the atmosphere, it can be transported, primarily to higher latitudes, by prevailing, large-scale winds. Or it can be transported vertically to higher levels in the atmosphere, where it forms clouds and subsequent storms, which then release the energy back to the atmosphere. | 394.txt | 3 |
[
"She lent her some serious classics.",
"She cultivated her taste for music.",
"She discovered her talent for dancing.",
"She introduced her to adult plays."
]
| Which of the following did Aunt Myrtle do to the author during her childhood and youth? | The teacher who did the most to encourage me was, as it happened, my aunt. She was Myrtle
C. Manigault, the wife of my mother's brother Bill. She taught in second grade at all-black Summer School in Camden, New Jersey.
During my childhood and youth, Aunt Myrtle encouraged me to develop every aspect of my potential, without regard for what was considered practical or possible for black females. I liked to sing; she listened to my voice and pronounced it good. I couldn't dance; she taught me the basic dancing steps. She took me to the theatre _ not just children's theatre but adult comedies and dramas --- and her faith that I could appreciate adult plays was not disappointed.
My aunt also took down books from her extensive library and shared them with me. I had books at home, but they were all serious classics. Even as a child I had a strong liking for humor, and I'll never forget the joy of discovering Don Marquis's Archy & Mehitabel through her.
Most important, perhaps, Aunt Myrtle provided my first opportunity to write for publication. A writer herself for one of the black newspapers, she suggested my name to the editor as a "youth columnist". My column, begun when I was fourteen, was supposed to cover teenage social activities---and it did---but it also gave me the freedom to write on many other subjects as well as the habit of gathering material, the discipline of meeting deadlines, and, after graduation from college six years later, a solid collection of published material that carried my name and was my passport to a series of writing jobs.
Today Aunt Myrtle is still an enthusiastic supporter of her "favorite niece". Like a diamond, she has reflected a bright, multifaceted image of possibilities to every pupil who has crossed her path. | 2869.txt | 3 |
[
"A book of great fun.",
"A writer of high fame.",
"A serious masterpiece.",
"A heartbreaking play."
]
| What does Archy & Mehitabel in Paragraph 3 probably refer to? | The teacher who did the most to encourage me was, as it happened, my aunt. She was Myrtle
C. Manigault, the wife of my mother's brother Bill. She taught in second grade at all-black Summer School in Camden, New Jersey.
During my childhood and youth, Aunt Myrtle encouraged me to develop every aspect of my potential, without regard for what was considered practical or possible for black females. I liked to sing; she listened to my voice and pronounced it good. I couldn't dance; she taught me the basic dancing steps. She took me to the theatre _ not just children's theatre but adult comedies and dramas --- and her faith that I could appreciate adult plays was not disappointed.
My aunt also took down books from her extensive library and shared them with me. I had books at home, but they were all serious classics. Even as a child I had a strong liking for humor, and I'll never forget the joy of discovering Don Marquis's Archy & Mehitabel through her.
Most important, perhaps, Aunt Myrtle provided my first opportunity to write for publication. A writer herself for one of the black newspapers, she suggested my name to the editor as a "youth columnist". My column, begun when I was fourteen, was supposed to cover teenage social activities---and it did---but it also gave me the freedom to write on many other subjects as well as the habit of gathering material, the discipline of meeting deadlines, and, after graduation from college six years later, a solid collection of published material that carried my name and was my passport to a series of writing jobs.
Today Aunt Myrtle is still an enthusiastic supporter of her "favorite niece". Like a diamond, she has reflected a bright, multifaceted image of possibilities to every pupil who has crossed her path. | 2869.txt | 0 |
[
"develop her capabilities for writing.",
"give her a chance to collect material",
"involve her in teenage social activities",
"offer her a series of writing jobs."
]
| Aunt Myrtle recommended the author to a newspaper editor mainly to _ . | The teacher who did the most to encourage me was, as it happened, my aunt. She was Myrtle
C. Manigault, the wife of my mother's brother Bill. She taught in second grade at all-black Summer School in Camden, New Jersey.
During my childhood and youth, Aunt Myrtle encouraged me to develop every aspect of my potential, without regard for what was considered practical or possible for black females. I liked to sing; she listened to my voice and pronounced it good. I couldn't dance; she taught me the basic dancing steps. She took me to the theatre _ not just children's theatre but adult comedies and dramas --- and her faith that I could appreciate adult plays was not disappointed.
My aunt also took down books from her extensive library and shared them with me. I had books at home, but they were all serious classics. Even as a child I had a strong liking for humor, and I'll never forget the joy of discovering Don Marquis's Archy & Mehitabel through her.
Most important, perhaps, Aunt Myrtle provided my first opportunity to write for publication. A writer herself for one of the black newspapers, she suggested my name to the editor as a "youth columnist". My column, begun when I was fourteen, was supposed to cover teenage social activities---and it did---but it also gave me the freedom to write on many other subjects as well as the habit of gathering material, the discipline of meeting deadlines, and, after graduation from college six years later, a solid collection of published material that carried my name and was my passport to a series of writing jobs.
Today Aunt Myrtle is still an enthusiastic supporter of her "favorite niece". Like a diamond, she has reflected a bright, multifaceted image of possibilities to every pupil who has crossed her path. | 2869.txt | 0 |
[
"trained pupils to be diligent and well-disciplined",
"gave pupils confidence in exploiting their potential",
"emphasized what was practical or possible for pupils",
"helped pupils overcome difficulties in learning"
]
| We can conclude from the passage that Aunt Myrtle was a teacher who _ . | The teacher who did the most to encourage me was, as it happened, my aunt. She was Myrtle
C. Manigault, the wife of my mother's brother Bill. She taught in second grade at all-black Summer School in Camden, New Jersey.
During my childhood and youth, Aunt Myrtle encouraged me to develop every aspect of my potential, without regard for what was considered practical or possible for black females. I liked to sing; she listened to my voice and pronounced it good. I couldn't dance; she taught me the basic dancing steps. She took me to the theatre _ not just children's theatre but adult comedies and dramas --- and her faith that I could appreciate adult plays was not disappointed.
My aunt also took down books from her extensive library and shared them with me. I had books at home, but they were all serious classics. Even as a child I had a strong liking for humor, and I'll never forget the joy of discovering Don Marquis's Archy & Mehitabel through her.
Most important, perhaps, Aunt Myrtle provided my first opportunity to write for publication. A writer herself for one of the black newspapers, she suggested my name to the editor as a "youth columnist". My column, begun when I was fourteen, was supposed to cover teenage social activities---and it did---but it also gave me the freedom to write on many other subjects as well as the habit of gathering material, the discipline of meeting deadlines, and, after graduation from college six years later, a solid collection of published material that carried my name and was my passport to a series of writing jobs.
Today Aunt Myrtle is still an enthusiastic supporter of her "favorite niece". Like a diamond, she has reflected a bright, multifaceted image of possibilities to every pupil who has crossed her path. | 2869.txt | 1 |
[
"The Kemble family kept a huge amount of diaries and letters.",
"Fanny Kemble was a renowned actress of Shakespearean plays.",
"This passage mainly focuses on the life of Fanny Kemble.",
"The Kemble family was once a royal family separated from common people."
]
| What is implied in the first paragraph? | Fanny Kemble（1809-93）was the niece of two Shakespearean tragedians, Sarah Siddons and Siddons's brother, John Philip Kemble. Her father and her French mother were also actors. In fact her whole extended family constituted the foremost theatrical dynasty of the late 18th and early 19th centuries. Handsome and gifted, they crop up in letters and diaries throughout the period, and were generally regarded as a kind of royalty: a race apart.
The real competition for any biographer of Kemble is Kemble herself. As her friend Henry James noted:" in two hemispheres, she had seen everyone, had known everyone" . What's more, she recorded it all in many volumes of vividly written memoirs, all swarming with people, criticism, social commentary, anecdote, scenery, political opinion and superb set-pieces: the digging of Brunel's Thames tunnel, for instance.
Kemble's memoirs, especially her" Journal of a Residence on a Georgian Plantation" , are as important historically as they are engrossing. But what fascinates us now is the way that Fanny, clever and reckless as she was, broke the rules-or the way she appropriated and revised the role prescribed to her by gender politics. She never cared about such prescriptions. She spoke her mind and thought nothing of walking into a stream fully clothed if it was hot. It wasn't until her marriage that her gender collided with the realities of power and money. Though she was never intended for the stage, the looming bankruptcy of her father obliged her to try her chances. Overnight, she became the toast of London. Money flowed, and yet more on a tour of America, where she met a seductive young man, Pierce Butler, heir to huge rice and cotton slave-plantations in Georgia. Hoping to escape the shallow emotionalism of the theatre, assuming a companionship of equals and somehow managing to forget the slaves, she married him.
At a stroke she lost everything. Butler, deeply illiberal, exerted his rights. He appropriated her earnings, censored her writing and when she woke to the horrors of slavery, forbade her public opposition to it. She wept, she ran away, she returned. The birth of children, in whom she had no legal rights, further enchained her.
The rest of Kemble's life was sheer indomitability. The Butlers did divorce. She did lose the children. But on their majority, she recovered them. She made her own money again. Criss-crossing the Atlantic, she gave Shakespeare readings to packed audiences. Every summer, she climbed the Alps, startling the guides by singing loudly as she went. She met James in 1872 and he fell under her spellfascinated by her proud idealism, her eccentric honesty and above all by her talk of" old London" . " She reanimated the old drawing rooms," he wrote, " relighted the old lamps, retuned the old pianos." When at last she died, he felt it, he said, " like the end of some reign or the fall of some empire" ., | 456.txt | 2 |
[
"Fanny was a prolific autobiographer of herself who can compete with all her biographers",
"Fanny wrote biographers for her family members and historical events",
"Fanny's writings are both entertaining and of historical importance",
"Fanny was a better biographer than an actress"
]
| The author mentions Fanny's memoirs in the second paragraph to show that _ . | Fanny Kemble（1809-93）was the niece of two Shakespearean tragedians, Sarah Siddons and Siddons's brother, John Philip Kemble. Her father and her French mother were also actors. In fact her whole extended family constituted the foremost theatrical dynasty of the late 18th and early 19th centuries. Handsome and gifted, they crop up in letters and diaries throughout the period, and were generally regarded as a kind of royalty: a race apart.
The real competition for any biographer of Kemble is Kemble herself. As her friend Henry James noted:" in two hemispheres, she had seen everyone, had known everyone" . What's more, she recorded it all in many volumes of vividly written memoirs, all swarming with people, criticism, social commentary, anecdote, scenery, political opinion and superb set-pieces: the digging of Brunel's Thames tunnel, for instance.
Kemble's memoirs, especially her" Journal of a Residence on a Georgian Plantation" , are as important historically as they are engrossing. But what fascinates us now is the way that Fanny, clever and reckless as she was, broke the rules-or the way she appropriated and revised the role prescribed to her by gender politics. She never cared about such prescriptions. She spoke her mind and thought nothing of walking into a stream fully clothed if it was hot. It wasn't until her marriage that her gender collided with the realities of power and money. Though she was never intended for the stage, the looming bankruptcy of her father obliged her to try her chances. Overnight, she became the toast of London. Money flowed, and yet more on a tour of America, where she met a seductive young man, Pierce Butler, heir to huge rice and cotton slave-plantations in Georgia. Hoping to escape the shallow emotionalism of the theatre, assuming a companionship of equals and somehow managing to forget the slaves, she married him.
At a stroke she lost everything. Butler, deeply illiberal, exerted his rights. He appropriated her earnings, censored her writing and when she woke to the horrors of slavery, forbade her public opposition to it. She wept, she ran away, she returned. The birth of children, in whom she had no legal rights, further enchained her.
The rest of Kemble's life was sheer indomitability. The Butlers did divorce. She did lose the children. But on their majority, she recovered them. She made her own money again. Criss-crossing the Atlantic, she gave Shakespeare readings to packed audiences. Every summer, she climbed the Alps, startling the guides by singing loudly as she went. She met James in 1872 and he fell under her spellfascinated by her proud idealism, her eccentric honesty and above all by her talk of" old London" . " She reanimated the old drawing rooms," he wrote, " relighted the old lamps, retuned the old pianos." When at last she died, he felt it, he said, " like the end of some reign or the fall of some empire" ., | 456.txt | 0 |
[
"strong hatred",
"enthusiastic support",
"mild satire",
"objective"
]
| The author's attitude towards Fanny Kemble is probably one of _ . | Fanny Kemble（1809-93）was the niece of two Shakespearean tragedians, Sarah Siddons and Siddons's brother, John Philip Kemble. Her father and her French mother were also actors. In fact her whole extended family constituted the foremost theatrical dynasty of the late 18th and early 19th centuries. Handsome and gifted, they crop up in letters and diaries throughout the period, and were generally regarded as a kind of royalty: a race apart.
The real competition for any biographer of Kemble is Kemble herself. As her friend Henry James noted:" in two hemispheres, she had seen everyone, had known everyone" . What's more, she recorded it all in many volumes of vividly written memoirs, all swarming with people, criticism, social commentary, anecdote, scenery, political opinion and superb set-pieces: the digging of Brunel's Thames tunnel, for instance.
Kemble's memoirs, especially her" Journal of a Residence on a Georgian Plantation" , are as important historically as they are engrossing. But what fascinates us now is the way that Fanny, clever and reckless as she was, broke the rules-or the way she appropriated and revised the role prescribed to her by gender politics. She never cared about such prescriptions. She spoke her mind and thought nothing of walking into a stream fully clothed if it was hot. It wasn't until her marriage that her gender collided with the realities of power and money. Though she was never intended for the stage, the looming bankruptcy of her father obliged her to try her chances. Overnight, she became the toast of London. Money flowed, and yet more on a tour of America, where she met a seductive young man, Pierce Butler, heir to huge rice and cotton slave-plantations in Georgia. Hoping to escape the shallow emotionalism of the theatre, assuming a companionship of equals and somehow managing to forget the slaves, she married him.
At a stroke she lost everything. Butler, deeply illiberal, exerted his rights. He appropriated her earnings, censored her writing and when she woke to the horrors of slavery, forbade her public opposition to it. She wept, she ran away, she returned. The birth of children, in whom she had no legal rights, further enchained her.
The rest of Kemble's life was sheer indomitability. The Butlers did divorce. She did lose the children. But on their majority, she recovered them. She made her own money again. Criss-crossing the Atlantic, she gave Shakespeare readings to packed audiences. Every summer, she climbed the Alps, startling the guides by singing loudly as she went. She met James in 1872 and he fell under her spellfascinated by her proud idealism, her eccentric honesty and above all by her talk of" old London" . " She reanimated the old drawing rooms," he wrote, " relighted the old lamps, retuned the old pianos." When at last she died, he felt it, he said, " like the end of some reign or the fall of some empire" ., | 456.txt | 1 |
[
"she did not enjoy her career as an actress",
"she longed for an ordinary life with an equal company",
"she was attracted by the handsome Pierce Butler",
"she forgot the existence of slavery in American plantations"
]
| Fanny decided to marry Pierce Butler for the following reasons EXCEPT _ . | Fanny Kemble（1809-93）was the niece of two Shakespearean tragedians, Sarah Siddons and Siddons's brother, John Philip Kemble. Her father and her French mother were also actors. In fact her whole extended family constituted the foremost theatrical dynasty of the late 18th and early 19th centuries. Handsome and gifted, they crop up in letters and diaries throughout the period, and were generally regarded as a kind of royalty: a race apart.
The real competition for any biographer of Kemble is Kemble herself. As her friend Henry James noted:" in two hemispheres, she had seen everyone, had known everyone" . What's more, she recorded it all in many volumes of vividly written memoirs, all swarming with people, criticism, social commentary, anecdote, scenery, political opinion and superb set-pieces: the digging of Brunel's Thames tunnel, for instance.
Kemble's memoirs, especially her" Journal of a Residence on a Georgian Plantation" , are as important historically as they are engrossing. But what fascinates us now is the way that Fanny, clever and reckless as she was, broke the rules-or the way she appropriated and revised the role prescribed to her by gender politics. She never cared about such prescriptions. She spoke her mind and thought nothing of walking into a stream fully clothed if it was hot. It wasn't until her marriage that her gender collided with the realities of power and money. Though she was never intended for the stage, the looming bankruptcy of her father obliged her to try her chances. Overnight, she became the toast of London. Money flowed, and yet more on a tour of America, where she met a seductive young man, Pierce Butler, heir to huge rice and cotton slave-plantations in Georgia. Hoping to escape the shallow emotionalism of the theatre, assuming a companionship of equals and somehow managing to forget the slaves, she married him.
At a stroke she lost everything. Butler, deeply illiberal, exerted his rights. He appropriated her earnings, censored her writing and when she woke to the horrors of slavery, forbade her public opposition to it. She wept, she ran away, she returned. The birth of children, in whom she had no legal rights, further enchained her.
The rest of Kemble's life was sheer indomitability. The Butlers did divorce. She did lose the children. But on their majority, she recovered them. She made her own money again. Criss-crossing the Atlantic, she gave Shakespeare readings to packed audiences. Every summer, she climbed the Alps, startling the guides by singing loudly as she went. She met James in 1872 and he fell under her spellfascinated by her proud idealism, her eccentric honesty and above all by her talk of" old London" . " She reanimated the old drawing rooms," he wrote, " relighted the old lamps, retuned the old pianos." When at last she died, he felt it, he said, " like the end of some reign or the fall of some empire" ., | 456.txt | 3 |
[
"Fanny Kemble had a life that is full of adversities and misfortunes",
"Fanny Kemble seldom enjoyed her life because of continuous financial restraints",
"Fanny Kemble held an optimistic attitude towards the ups and downs of her life",
"Fanny Kemble went through a dramatic life in which she remained in the dominant position"
]
| The text intends to express the idea that _ . | Fanny Kemble（1809-93）was the niece of two Shakespearean tragedians, Sarah Siddons and Siddons's brother, John Philip Kemble. Her father and her French mother were also actors. In fact her whole extended family constituted the foremost theatrical dynasty of the late 18th and early 19th centuries. Handsome and gifted, they crop up in letters and diaries throughout the period, and were generally regarded as a kind of royalty: a race apart.
The real competition for any biographer of Kemble is Kemble herself. As her friend Henry James noted:" in two hemispheres, she had seen everyone, had known everyone" . What's more, she recorded it all in many volumes of vividly written memoirs, all swarming with people, criticism, social commentary, anecdote, scenery, political opinion and superb set-pieces: the digging of Brunel's Thames tunnel, for instance.
Kemble's memoirs, especially her" Journal of a Residence on a Georgian Plantation" , are as important historically as they are engrossing. But what fascinates us now is the way that Fanny, clever and reckless as she was, broke the rules-or the way she appropriated and revised the role prescribed to her by gender politics. She never cared about such prescriptions. She spoke her mind and thought nothing of walking into a stream fully clothed if it was hot. It wasn't until her marriage that her gender collided with the realities of power and money. Though she was never intended for the stage, the looming bankruptcy of her father obliged her to try her chances. Overnight, she became the toast of London. Money flowed, and yet more on a tour of America, where she met a seductive young man, Pierce Butler, heir to huge rice and cotton slave-plantations in Georgia. Hoping to escape the shallow emotionalism of the theatre, assuming a companionship of equals and somehow managing to forget the slaves, she married him.
At a stroke she lost everything. Butler, deeply illiberal, exerted his rights. He appropriated her earnings, censored her writing and when she woke to the horrors of slavery, forbade her public opposition to it. She wept, she ran away, she returned. The birth of children, in whom she had no legal rights, further enchained her.
The rest of Kemble's life was sheer indomitability. The Butlers did divorce. She did lose the children. But on their majority, she recovered them. She made her own money again. Criss-crossing the Atlantic, she gave Shakespeare readings to packed audiences. Every summer, she climbed the Alps, startling the guides by singing loudly as she went. She met James in 1872 and he fell under her spellfascinated by her proud idealism, her eccentric honesty and above all by her talk of" old London" . " She reanimated the old drawing rooms," he wrote, " relighted the old lamps, retuned the old pianos." When at last she died, he felt it, he said, " like the end of some reign or the fall of some empire" ., | 456.txt | 2 |
[
"Big Cities Facing Big Disasters",
"Big Disasters in the Future",
"The Increase of Natural Disasters",
"Solutions to Natural Disasters"
]
| Which of the following would be the best title for the passage? | There has been a dramatic increase in the number of natural disasters over the past few years，and it is assumed that global warming and climate change could cause even more disasters in the future. Some of the world's leading cities are facing disasters like floods and heat waves.
London
London's flood defences are getting older. Since 1982, the Thames Barrierhas protected the city from the threat of flooding，but it was only designed to last until 2030 and close once every two or three years. About 21 years later the barrier now closes five or six times a year and according to Environment Agency predictions, by 2050 the barrier will be closed on almost every tide if the problem is not addressed.
There are 26 underground stations, 400 schools, 16 hospitals，an airport and 80 billion worth of property in London's flood risk area, so large scale flooding would be disastrous.
Paris
Over a six??week period in July and August 2008，more than 11400-mainly elderly people-died in France from dehydration and extremely high body temperature in a deadly heat wave. Heat waves of similar intensityare expected every seven years by 2050, so what can be done to make sure such a disaster does not happen again?
One solution is to have air??conditioners installed in elderly care homes. But this is considered a short??term solution, as the increase in demand for electricity also increases carbon emissions.
In Paris the local authorities are encouraging architects to design new types of buildings such as the building "Flower Tower"， which uses a covering of bamboo to act as a natural air??conditioner.
Shanghai
Shanghai is the fastest growing city on Earth. It has a population of 18 million and is only 4 meters above sea level. Sea levels are predicted to rise by 20 cm within the next century.
An estimated 250,000 people move to Shanghai every year in search of work, placing extra demands on energy consumption. China relies heavily on coal??fired power stations, but these emissions increase temperatures and, in turn, warmer seas increase the risk of typhoons. | 3031.txt | 0 |
[
"How to protect the city's property.",
"Where to build its flood defences.",
"How to use the Thames Barrier to protect the city.",
"How to improve the function of the old flood defences."
]
| What problem should be settled now in London? | There has been a dramatic increase in the number of natural disasters over the past few years，and it is assumed that global warming and climate change could cause even more disasters in the future. Some of the world's leading cities are facing disasters like floods and heat waves.
London
London's flood defences are getting older. Since 1982, the Thames Barrierhas protected the city from the threat of flooding，but it was only designed to last until 2030 and close once every two or three years. About 21 years later the barrier now closes five or six times a year and according to Environment Agency predictions, by 2050 the barrier will be closed on almost every tide if the problem is not addressed.
There are 26 underground stations, 400 schools, 16 hospitals，an airport and 80 billion worth of property in London's flood risk area, so large scale flooding would be disastrous.
Paris
Over a six??week period in July and August 2008，more than 11400-mainly elderly people-died in France from dehydration and extremely high body temperature in a deadly heat wave. Heat waves of similar intensityare expected every seven years by 2050, so what can be done to make sure such a disaster does not happen again?
One solution is to have air??conditioners installed in elderly care homes. But this is considered a short??term solution, as the increase in demand for electricity also increases carbon emissions.
In Paris the local authorities are encouraging architects to design new types of buildings such as the building "Flower Tower"， which uses a covering of bamboo to act as a natural air??conditioner.
Shanghai
Shanghai is the fastest growing city on Earth. It has a population of 18 million and is only 4 meters above sea level. Sea levels are predicted to rise by 20 cm within the next century.
An estimated 250,000 people move to Shanghai every year in search of work, placing extra demands on energy consumption. China relies heavily on coal??fired power stations, but these emissions increase temperatures and, in turn, warmer seas increase the risk of typhoons. | 3031.txt | 3 |
[
"Putting up new types of buildings with a covering of bamboo.",
"Having air??conditioners installed in elderly care homes.",
"Forbidding the city to build \"Flower Tower\".",
"Encouraging architects to design new types of buildings."
]
| Which of the following measures can't solve the heat wave disaster in Paris? | There has been a dramatic increase in the number of natural disasters over the past few years，and it is assumed that global warming and climate change could cause even more disasters in the future. Some of the world's leading cities are facing disasters like floods and heat waves.
London
London's flood defences are getting older. Since 1982, the Thames Barrierhas protected the city from the threat of flooding，but it was only designed to last until 2030 and close once every two or three years. About 21 years later the barrier now closes five or six times a year and according to Environment Agency predictions, by 2050 the barrier will be closed on almost every tide if the problem is not addressed.
There are 26 underground stations, 400 schools, 16 hospitals，an airport and 80 billion worth of property in London's flood risk area, so large scale flooding would be disastrous.
Paris
Over a six??week period in July and August 2008，more than 11400-mainly elderly people-died in France from dehydration and extremely high body temperature in a deadly heat wave. Heat waves of similar intensityare expected every seven years by 2050, so what can be done to make sure such a disaster does not happen again?
One solution is to have air??conditioners installed in elderly care homes. But this is considered a short??term solution, as the increase in demand for electricity also increases carbon emissions.
In Paris the local authorities are encouraging architects to design new types of buildings such as the building "Flower Tower"， which uses a covering of bamboo to act as a natural air??conditioner.
Shanghai
Shanghai is the fastest growing city on Earth. It has a population of 18 million and is only 4 meters above sea level. Sea levels are predicted to rise by 20 cm within the next century.
An estimated 250,000 people move to Shanghai every year in search of work, placing extra demands on energy consumption. China relies heavily on coal??fired power stations, but these emissions increase temperatures and, in turn, warmer seas increase the risk of typhoons. | 3031.txt | 2 |
[
"increasing population and coal??fired power stations",
"rising sea levels and typhoons",
"extremely high temperature and rising sea levels",
"extra demands on energy consumption and typhoons"
]
| The major threats to Shanghai are _ . | There has been a dramatic increase in the number of natural disasters over the past few years，and it is assumed that global warming and climate change could cause even more disasters in the future. Some of the world's leading cities are facing disasters like floods and heat waves.
London
London's flood defences are getting older. Since 1982, the Thames Barrierhas protected the city from the threat of flooding，but it was only designed to last until 2030 and close once every two or three years. About 21 years later the barrier now closes five or six times a year and according to Environment Agency predictions, by 2050 the barrier will be closed on almost every tide if the problem is not addressed.
There are 26 underground stations, 400 schools, 16 hospitals，an airport and 80 billion worth of property in London's flood risk area, so large scale flooding would be disastrous.
Paris
Over a six??week period in July and August 2008，more than 11400-mainly elderly people-died in France from dehydration and extremely high body temperature in a deadly heat wave. Heat waves of similar intensityare expected every seven years by 2050, so what can be done to make sure such a disaster does not happen again?
One solution is to have air??conditioners installed in elderly care homes. But this is considered a short??term solution, as the increase in demand for electricity also increases carbon emissions.
In Paris the local authorities are encouraging architects to design new types of buildings such as the building "Flower Tower"， which uses a covering of bamboo to act as a natural air??conditioner.
Shanghai
Shanghai is the fastest growing city on Earth. It has a population of 18 million and is only 4 meters above sea level. Sea levels are predicted to rise by 20 cm within the next century.
An estimated 250,000 people move to Shanghai every year in search of work, placing extra demands on energy consumption. China relies heavily on coal??fired power stations, but these emissions increase temperatures and, in turn, warmer seas increase the risk of typhoons. | 3031.txt | 1 |
[
"to tell us how to protect the big cities",
"to give advice on how to defend natural disasters",
"to explain what causes flood and heat waves",
"to warn us of the increasing natural disasters in big cities"
]
| The purpose of the passage is _ . | There has been a dramatic increase in the number of natural disasters over the past few years，and it is assumed that global warming and climate change could cause even more disasters in the future. Some of the world's leading cities are facing disasters like floods and heat waves.
London
London's flood defences are getting older. Since 1982, the Thames Barrierhas protected the city from the threat of flooding，but it was only designed to last until 2030 and close once every two or three years. About 21 years later the barrier now closes five or six times a year and according to Environment Agency predictions, by 2050 the barrier will be closed on almost every tide if the problem is not addressed.
There are 26 underground stations, 400 schools, 16 hospitals，an airport and 80 billion worth of property in London's flood risk area, so large scale flooding would be disastrous.
Paris
Over a six??week period in July and August 2008，more than 11400-mainly elderly people-died in France from dehydration and extremely high body temperature in a deadly heat wave. Heat waves of similar intensityare expected every seven years by 2050, so what can be done to make sure such a disaster does not happen again?
One solution is to have air??conditioners installed in elderly care homes. But this is considered a short??term solution, as the increase in demand for electricity also increases carbon emissions.
In Paris the local authorities are encouraging architects to design new types of buildings such as the building "Flower Tower"， which uses a covering of bamboo to act as a natural air??conditioner.
Shanghai
Shanghai is the fastest growing city on Earth. It has a population of 18 million and is only 4 meters above sea level. Sea levels are predicted to rise by 20 cm within the next century.
An estimated 250,000 people move to Shanghai every year in search of work, placing extra demands on energy consumption. China relies heavily on coal??fired power stations, but these emissions increase temperatures and, in turn, warmer seas increase the risk of typhoons. | 3031.txt | 3 |
[
"have never discussed who is the world's greatest dramatist",
"never discuss any issue concerning the world's greatest dramatist",
"are sure who is the world's greatest dramatist",
"do not care who is the world's greatest poet and dramatist"
]
| English people _ . | For any Englishman，there can never be any discussion as to who is the world's greatest dramatist.Only one name can possibly suggest itself to him：that of William Shakespeare Every Englishman has some knowledge，however slight，of the work of our greatest writer.All of US use words，phrases and quotations from Shakespeare's writings that have become part of the common property of the English-speaking people.Most of the time we are probably unaware of the source of the words we used，rather like the old lady who was taken to see a performance of Hamlet and complained that it was full of well-known proverbs and quotations.
Shakespeare，more perhaps than any other writer，makes full use of the great resources of the English language.Most of US use about five thousand words in our normal use of English;Shakespeare in his works used about twenty-five thousand.
There is probably no better way for a foreigner to appreciate the richness and variety of the English language than by studying the various ways in which Shakespeare used it.Such a study is well worth the effort(it is not，of course，recommended to beginners)even though some aspects of English usage，and the meaning of many words，have changed since Shakespeare's day. | 2404.txt | 2 |
[
"more or less about Shakespeare",
"Shakespeare，but only slightly",
"all Shakespeare's writings",
"only the name of the greatest English writer"
]
| Every Englishman knows _ . | For any Englishman，there can never be any discussion as to who is the world's greatest dramatist.Only one name can possibly suggest itself to him：that of William Shakespeare Every Englishman has some knowledge，however slight，of the work of our greatest writer.All of US use words，phrases and quotations from Shakespeare's writings that have become part of the common property of the English-speaking people.Most of the time we are probably unaware of the source of the words we used，rather like the old lady who was taken to see a performance of Hamlet and complained that it was full of well-known proverbs and quotations.
Shakespeare，more perhaps than any other writer，makes full use of the great resources of the English language.Most of US use about five thousand words in our normal use of English;Shakespeare in his works used about twenty-five thousand.
There is probably no better way for a foreigner to appreciate the richness and variety of the English language than by studying the various ways in which Shakespeare used it.Such a study is well worth the effort(it is not，of course，recommended to beginners)even though some aspects of English usage，and the meaning of many words，have changed since Shakespeare's day. | 2404.txt | 0 |
[
"We use all the words，phrases and quotations from Shakespeare's writings.",
"Shakespeare's writings have become the property of those who are learning to speak English.",
"It is likely to be true that people often do not know the origins of the words they use",
"All the words people use are taken from the writings of Shakespeare"
]
| Which of the following is true? | For any Englishman，there can never be any discussion as to who is the world's greatest dramatist.Only one name can possibly suggest itself to him：that of William Shakespeare Every Englishman has some knowledge，however slight，of the work of our greatest writer.All of US use words，phrases and quotations from Shakespeare's writings that have become part of the common property of the English-speaking people.Most of the time we are probably unaware of the source of the words we used，rather like the old lady who was taken to see a performance of Hamlet and complained that it was full of well-known proverbs and quotations.
Shakespeare，more perhaps than any other writer，makes full use of the great resources of the English language.Most of US use about five thousand words in our normal use of English;Shakespeare in his works used about twenty-five thousand.
There is probably no better way for a foreigner to appreciate the richness and variety of the English language than by studying the various ways in which Shakespeare used it.Such a study is well worth the effort(it is not，of course，recommended to beginners)even though some aspects of English usage，and the meaning of many words，have changed since Shakespeare's day. | 2404.txt | 2 |
[
"Familiar sayings",
"Shakespeare's plays.",
"Complaints.",
"Actors and actresses."
]
| What does the word "proverb" mean? | For any Englishman，there can never be any discussion as to who is the world's greatest dramatist.Only one name can possibly suggest itself to him：that of William Shakespeare Every Englishman has some knowledge，however slight，of the work of our greatest writer.All of US use words，phrases and quotations from Shakespeare's writings that have become part of the common property of the English-speaking people.Most of the time we are probably unaware of the source of the words we used，rather like the old lady who was taken to see a performance of Hamlet and complained that it was full of well-known proverbs and quotations.
Shakespeare，more perhaps than any other writer，makes full use of the great resources of the English language.Most of US use about five thousand words in our normal use of English;Shakespeare in his works used about twenty-five thousand.
There is probably no better way for a foreigner to appreciate the richness and variety of the English language than by studying the various ways in which Shakespeare used it.Such a study is well worth the effort(it is not，of course，recommended to beginners)even though some aspects of English usage，and the meaning of many words，have changed since Shakespeare's day. | 2404.txt | 0 |
[
"English words have changed a lot since Shakespeare's time.",
"By doing SO one can be fully aware of the richness of the English language",
"English words are now being used in the same way as in Shakespeare's time",
"Beginners may have difficulty learning some aspects of English usage"
]
| Why is it worthwhile to study the various ways in which Shakespeare used English? | For any Englishman，there can never be any discussion as to who is the world's greatest dramatist.Only one name can possibly suggest itself to him：that of William Shakespeare Every Englishman has some knowledge，however slight，of the work of our greatest writer.All of US use words，phrases and quotations from Shakespeare's writings that have become part of the common property of the English-speaking people.Most of the time we are probably unaware of the source of the words we used，rather like the old lady who was taken to see a performance of Hamlet and complained that it was full of well-known proverbs and quotations.
Shakespeare，more perhaps than any other writer，makes full use of the great resources of the English language.Most of US use about five thousand words in our normal use of English;Shakespeare in his works used about twenty-five thousand.
There is probably no better way for a foreigner to appreciate the richness and variety of the English language than by studying the various ways in which Shakespeare used it.Such a study is well worth the effort(it is not，of course，recommended to beginners)even though some aspects of English usage，and the meaning of many words，have changed since Shakespeare's day. | 2404.txt | 1 |
[
"connected to France all the time",
"separated from France with a tunnel",
"separated from France all the time",
"joined to France with the tunnel"
]
| The island of Great Britain is _ . | Napoleon agreed to plans for a tunnel under the English Channel in 1802. The British began digging one in 1880. Neither tunnel was completed. Europe has had to wait until the end of the 20th century for the Channel Tunnel. After nearly two centuries of dreaming, the island of Great Britain is connected to Continental Europe for the first time since the Ice Age, when the two land masses moved apart.
On May 6, 1994, Britain's Queen Elizabeth and France's President Mitterrand carried out the official opening. The Queen was accompanied on her train journey through the historic tunnel by one of her Rolls-Royce cars which was placed on the train. The following day saw celebration taking place in Folkestone and Calais. Regular public services did not start until the latter part of 1994. | 966.txt | 3 |
[
"took her car Rolls-Royce through the tunnel",
"took her car which was placed on her train through the tunnel",
"took her train through the tunnel",
"took Mitterrand's train through the tunnel"
]
| Queen Elizabeth _ at the opening. | Napoleon agreed to plans for a tunnel under the English Channel in 1802. The British began digging one in 1880. Neither tunnel was completed. Europe has had to wait until the end of the 20th century for the Channel Tunnel. After nearly two centuries of dreaming, the island of Great Britain is connected to Continental Europe for the first time since the Ice Age, when the two land masses moved apart.
On May 6, 1994, Britain's Queen Elizabeth and France's President Mitterrand carried out the official opening. The Queen was accompanied on her train journey through the historic tunnel by one of her Rolls-Royce cars which was placed on the train. The following day saw celebration taking place in Folkestone and Calais. Regular public services did not start until the latter part of 1994. | 966.txt | 2 |
[
"only by ship",
"by ship or plane",
"by car or train",
"by ship, car or train"
]
| Before 1994, one could go to Britain from France _ . | Napoleon agreed to plans for a tunnel under the English Channel in 1802. The British began digging one in 1880. Neither tunnel was completed. Europe has had to wait until the end of the 20th century for the Channel Tunnel. After nearly two centuries of dreaming, the island of Great Britain is connected to Continental Europe for the first time since the Ice Age, when the two land masses moved apart.
On May 6, 1994, Britain's Queen Elizabeth and France's President Mitterrand carried out the official opening. The Queen was accompanied on her train journey through the historic tunnel by one of her Rolls-Royce cars which was placed on the train. The following day saw celebration taking place in Folkestone and Calais. Regular public services did not start until the latter part of 1994. | 966.txt | 1 |
[
"Napoleon made plans for the tunnel.",
"The public could pass through the tunnel by train after May 6, 1994.",
"The tunnel was built for two centuries.",
"The tunnel will do great good to Britain and France."
]
| Which of the following is right? | Napoleon agreed to plans for a tunnel under the English Channel in 1802. The British began digging one in 1880. Neither tunnel was completed. Europe has had to wait until the end of the 20th century for the Channel Tunnel. After nearly two centuries of dreaming, the island of Great Britain is connected to Continental Europe for the first time since the Ice Age, when the two land masses moved apart.
On May 6, 1994, Britain's Queen Elizabeth and France's President Mitterrand carried out the official opening. The Queen was accompanied on her train journey through the historic tunnel by one of her Rolls-Royce cars which was placed on the train. The following day saw celebration taking place in Folkestone and Calais. Regular public services did not start until the latter part of 1994. | 966.txt | 3 |
[
"Many of them are used to taking charge.",
"Few of them are equal to their positions.",
"Many of them fail to fully develop their potential.",
"Few of them are familiar with leadership literature."
]
| What does the author think of the leaders he knows? | Reading leadership literature, you'd sometimes think that everyone has the potential to be an effective leader.
I don't believe that to be true. In fact, I see way fewer truly effective leaders than I see people stuck in positions of leadership who are sadly incompetent and seriously misguided about their own abilities.
Part of the reason this happens is a lack of honest self-assessment by those who aspire to（） leadership in the first place.
We've all met the type of individual who simply must take charge. Whether it's a decision-making session, a basketball game, or a family outing, they can't help grabbing the lead dog position and clinging on to it for dear life. They believe they've natural born leaders.
Truth is, they're nothing of the sort. True leaders don^ assume that ifs their divine right to take charge every time two or more people get together. Quite the opposite. A great leader will assess each situation on its merits, and will only take charge when their position, the situation, and/or the needs of the moment demand it.
Many business executives confuse leadership with action. They believe that constant motion somehow generates leadership as a byproduct. Faced with any situation that can't be solved by the sheer force of activity, they generate a dust cloud of impatience. Their one leadership tool is volume: if they think you aren't working as hard as they think you should, their demands become increasingly louder and harsher.
True leaders understand the value of action, of course, but it isn't their only tool. In fact, it isn't even their primary tool. Great leaders see more than everyone else answers, solutions, patterns, problems, opportunities. They know it's vitally important to do, but they also know that thinking, understanding, reflection and interpretation are equally important.
If you're too concerned with outcomes to the extent that you manipulate and intimidate others to achieve those outcomes, then you aren't leading at all, you're dictating. A true leader is someone who develops his or her team so that they can and do hit their targets and achieve their goals. | 2156.txt | 1 |
[
"They believe they have the natural gift to lead.",
"They believe in what leadership literature says.",
"They have proved competent in many situations.",
"They derive great satisfaction from being leaders."
]
| Why are some people eager to grab leadership positions? | Reading leadership literature, you'd sometimes think that everyone has the potential to be an effective leader.
I don't believe that to be true. In fact, I see way fewer truly effective leaders than I see people stuck in positions of leadership who are sadly incompetent and seriously misguided about their own abilities.
Part of the reason this happens is a lack of honest self-assessment by those who aspire to（） leadership in the first place.
We've all met the type of individual who simply must take charge. Whether it's a decision-making session, a basketball game, or a family outing, they can't help grabbing the lead dog position and clinging on to it for dear life. They believe they've natural born leaders.
Truth is, they're nothing of the sort. True leaders don^ assume that ifs their divine right to take charge every time two or more people get together. Quite the opposite. A great leader will assess each situation on its merits, and will only take charge when their position, the situation, and/or the needs of the moment demand it.
Many business executives confuse leadership with action. They believe that constant motion somehow generates leadership as a byproduct. Faced with any situation that can't be solved by the sheer force of activity, they generate a dust cloud of impatience. Their one leadership tool is volume: if they think you aren't working as hard as they think you should, their demands become increasingly louder and harsher.
True leaders understand the value of action, of course, but it isn't their only tool. In fact, it isn't even their primary tool. Great leaders see more than everyone else answers, solutions, patterns, problems, opportunities. They know it's vitally important to do, but they also know that thinking, understanding, reflection and interpretation are equally important.
If you're too concerned with outcomes to the extent that you manipulate and intimidate others to achieve those outcomes, then you aren't leading at all, you're dictating. A true leader is someone who develops his or her team so that they can and do hit their targets and achieve their goals. | 2156.txt | 0 |
[
"Being able to take prompt action when chances present themselves.",
"Having a whole-hearted dedication to their divine responsibilities.",
"Having a full understanding of their own merits and weaknesses.",
"Being able to assess the situation carefully before taking charge."
]
| What characterizes a great leader according to the author? | Reading leadership literature, you'd sometimes think that everyone has the potential to be an effective leader.
I don't believe that to be true. In fact, I see way fewer truly effective leaders than I see people stuck in positions of leadership who are sadly incompetent and seriously misguided about their own abilities.
Part of the reason this happens is a lack of honest self-assessment by those who aspire to（） leadership in the first place.
We've all met the type of individual who simply must take charge. Whether it's a decision-making session, a basketball game, or a family outing, they can't help grabbing the lead dog position and clinging on to it for dear life. They believe they've natural born leaders.
Truth is, they're nothing of the sort. True leaders don^ assume that ifs their divine right to take charge every time two or more people get together. Quite the opposite. A great leader will assess each situation on its merits, and will only take charge when their position, the situation, and/or the needs of the moment demand it.
Many business executives confuse leadership with action. They believe that constant motion somehow generates leadership as a byproduct. Faced with any situation that can't be solved by the sheer force of activity, they generate a dust cloud of impatience. Their one leadership tool is volume: if they think you aren't working as hard as they think you should, their demands become increasingly louder and harsher.
True leaders understand the value of action, of course, but it isn't their only tool. In fact, it isn't even their primary tool. Great leaders see more than everyone else answers, solutions, patterns, problems, opportunities. They know it's vitally important to do, but they also know that thinking, understanding, reflection and interpretation are equally important.
If you're too concerned with outcomes to the extent that you manipulate and intimidate others to achieve those outcomes, then you aren't leading at all, you're dictating. A true leader is someone who develops his or her team so that they can and do hit their targets and achieve their goals. | 2156.txt | 3 |
[
"They reassess the situation at hand.",
"They resort to any tool available.",
"They become impatient and rude.",
"They blame their team members."
]
| How will many business executives respond when their command fails to generate action? | Reading leadership literature, you'd sometimes think that everyone has the potential to be an effective leader.
I don't believe that to be true. In fact, I see way fewer truly effective leaders than I see people stuck in positions of leadership who are sadly incompetent and seriously misguided about their own abilities.
Part of the reason this happens is a lack of honest self-assessment by those who aspire to（） leadership in the first place.
We've all met the type of individual who simply must take charge. Whether it's a decision-making session, a basketball game, or a family outing, they can't help grabbing the lead dog position and clinging on to it for dear life. They believe they've natural born leaders.
Truth is, they're nothing of the sort. True leaders don^ assume that ifs their divine right to take charge every time two or more people get together. Quite the opposite. A great leader will assess each situation on its merits, and will only take charge when their position, the situation, and/or the needs of the moment demand it.
Many business executives confuse leadership with action. They believe that constant motion somehow generates leadership as a byproduct. Faced with any situation that can't be solved by the sheer force of activity, they generate a dust cloud of impatience. Their one leadership tool is volume: if they think you aren't working as hard as they think you should, their demands become increasingly louder and harsher.
True leaders understand the value of action, of course, but it isn't their only tool. In fact, it isn't even their primary tool. Great leaders see more than everyone else answers, solutions, patterns, problems, opportunities. They know it's vitally important to do, but they also know that thinking, understanding, reflection and interpretation are equally important.
If you're too concerned with outcomes to the extent that you manipulate and intimidate others to achieve those outcomes, then you aren't leading at all, you're dictating. A true leader is someone who develops his or her team so that they can and do hit their targets and achieve their goals. | 2156.txt | 1 |
[
"Concentrate on one specific task at a time.",
"Use different tools to achieve different goals.",
"Build up a strong team to achieve their goals.",
"Show determination when faced with tough tasks."
]
| What is the author's advice to leaders? | Reading leadership literature, you'd sometimes think that everyone has the potential to be an effective leader.
I don't believe that to be true. In fact, I see way fewer truly effective leaders than I see people stuck in positions of leadership who are sadly incompetent and seriously misguided about their own abilities.
Part of the reason this happens is a lack of honest self-assessment by those who aspire to（） leadership in the first place.
We've all met the type of individual who simply must take charge. Whether it's a decision-making session, a basketball game, or a family outing, they can't help grabbing the lead dog position and clinging on to it for dear life. They believe they've natural born leaders.
Truth is, they're nothing of the sort. True leaders don^ assume that ifs their divine right to take charge every time two or more people get together. Quite the opposite. A great leader will assess each situation on its merits, and will only take charge when their position, the situation, and/or the needs of the moment demand it.
Many business executives confuse leadership with action. They believe that constant motion somehow generates leadership as a byproduct. Faced with any situation that can't be solved by the sheer force of activity, they generate a dust cloud of impatience. Their one leadership tool is volume: if they think you aren't working as hard as they think you should, their demands become increasingly louder and harsher.
True leaders understand the value of action, of course, but it isn't their only tool. In fact, it isn't even their primary tool. Great leaders see more than everyone else answers, solutions, patterns, problems, opportunities. They know it's vitally important to do, but they also know that thinking, understanding, reflection and interpretation are equally important.
If you're too concerned with outcomes to the extent that you manipulate and intimidate others to achieve those outcomes, then you aren't leading at all, you're dictating. A true leader is someone who develops his or her team so that they can and do hit their targets and achieve their goals. | 2156.txt | 2 |
[
"European Commission",
"PIP",
"Afssaps",
"Xavier"
]
| _ is the manufacturer of the breast implants under scrutiny. | The European Commission said on Thursday it would toughen the regulation of medical devices as a result of concerns raised by breast implants produced by the defunct French company PIP, even as a scientifi c expert review it ordered concluded there was currently "insuffi cient evidence" that women using its products faced greater health risks than others.
John Dalli, health and consumer policy commissioner, pledged to examine surveillance and operation of the "notifi ed bodies" that scrutinise medical devices across the EU in a current review of legislation, stressing: "The capacity to detect and minimise the risk of fraud must be increased."
His comments followed an offi cial report released on Wednesday in France that called for national and EU-wide co-operation including random inspections and sampling of medical devices to prevent a repeat of the fraudulent use of substandard non-medical-grade silicone by PIP in implants sold to up to 400,000 women around the world.
Xavier Bertrand, France's minister of health, called for enhanced action in France and across Europe in the wake of the study, which highlighted that Afssaps, the French medical regulator, did not inspect PIP from 2001 until a tip-off led offi cials to inspect and close down the company in 2010. Jean-Claude Mas, its founder, is under police investigation for manslaughter.
Mr. Bertrand has pledged to hire more health inspectors and undertake random checks on medical device companies following growing concerns over its regulatory system highlighted by the widespread use of PIP's substandard breast implants.
A French decision at the end of last year to offer all women free removal of PIP implants triggered similar proposals in the UK, Germany and the Czech Republic and has helped spark a fresh debate over tougher EU regulation of medical devices, which are subject to far less scrutiny than pharmaceuticals.
However, a review released on Thursday by the EU's own Scientifi c Committee on Emerging and Newly Identifi ed Health Risks concluded: "Breast implants can fail, regardless of manufacturer, and the probability of failure increases with time since implantation. In most cases, breast implant failure appears to be without identifi able health consequences for the patient with the exception of possible local complications."
It stressed that limited data meant that while there was no link between breast implants and cancer, there was a need for further work to understand the specifi c risks from the PIP products.
Mr. Bertrand has endorsed calls for a parliamentary inquiry in France as well as a report from the country's social affairs inspectorate, mirroring similar moves that led to tough new requirements for the pharmaceutical industry introduced last year in the wake of concerns about Servier's drug Mediator.
Medical device manufacturers have called for reforms to ensure that the national "notifi ed bodies" which audit the quality of their products across Europe are of a consistently high standard, while cautioning that tough new regulatory requirements could harm the EU's competitive advantage.
The French study showed that Afssaps had received multiple warnings over the relatively high failure rate of PIP implants compared with those made by other companies, even though the overall proportion remained modest.
From Financial Times, February 2, 2012 | 1362.txt | 1 |
[
"proposing legislation, implementing decisions in European Union",
"producing and marketing the medical devices across the EU",
"providing some scientifi c advice to the European Commission",
"assessing whether a product meets certain preordained standards"
]
| According to the passage, "notifi ed bodies" in Paragraph 2 are responsible for _ . | The European Commission said on Thursday it would toughen the regulation of medical devices as a result of concerns raised by breast implants produced by the defunct French company PIP, even as a scientifi c expert review it ordered concluded there was currently "insuffi cient evidence" that women using its products faced greater health risks than others.
John Dalli, health and consumer policy commissioner, pledged to examine surveillance and operation of the "notifi ed bodies" that scrutinise medical devices across the EU in a current review of legislation, stressing: "The capacity to detect and minimise the risk of fraud must be increased."
His comments followed an offi cial report released on Wednesday in France that called for national and EU-wide co-operation including random inspections and sampling of medical devices to prevent a repeat of the fraudulent use of substandard non-medical-grade silicone by PIP in implants sold to up to 400,000 women around the world.
Xavier Bertrand, France's minister of health, called for enhanced action in France and across Europe in the wake of the study, which highlighted that Afssaps, the French medical regulator, did not inspect PIP from 2001 until a tip-off led offi cials to inspect and close down the company in 2010. Jean-Claude Mas, its founder, is under police investigation for manslaughter.
Mr. Bertrand has pledged to hire more health inspectors and undertake random checks on medical device companies following growing concerns over its regulatory system highlighted by the widespread use of PIP's substandard breast implants.
A French decision at the end of last year to offer all women free removal of PIP implants triggered similar proposals in the UK, Germany and the Czech Republic and has helped spark a fresh debate over tougher EU regulation of medical devices, which are subject to far less scrutiny than pharmaceuticals.
However, a review released on Thursday by the EU's own Scientifi c Committee on Emerging and Newly Identifi ed Health Risks concluded: "Breast implants can fail, regardless of manufacturer, and the probability of failure increases with time since implantation. In most cases, breast implant failure appears to be without identifi able health consequences for the patient with the exception of possible local complications."
It stressed that limited data meant that while there was no link between breast implants and cancer, there was a need for further work to understand the specifi c risks from the PIP products.
Mr. Bertrand has endorsed calls for a parliamentary inquiry in France as well as a report from the country's social affairs inspectorate, mirroring similar moves that led to tough new requirements for the pharmaceutical industry introduced last year in the wake of concerns about Servier's drug Mediator.
Medical device manufacturers have called for reforms to ensure that the national "notifi ed bodies" which audit the quality of their products across Europe are of a consistently high standard, while cautioning that tough new regulatory requirements could harm the EU's competitive advantage.
The French study showed that Afssaps had received multiple warnings over the relatively high failure rate of PIP implants compared with those made by other companies, even though the overall proportion remained modest.
From Financial Times, February 2, 2012 | 1362.txt | 3 |
[
"Women using the breast implants faced greater health risks.",
"The capacity to detect the risk of fraud should be increased.",
"An offi cial report called for cooperation in France and in other parts of EU.",
"France's minister of health has pledged to hire more health inspectors."
]
| Which of the following statements is INCORRECT according to the passage? | The European Commission said on Thursday it would toughen the regulation of medical devices as a result of concerns raised by breast implants produced by the defunct French company PIP, even as a scientifi c expert review it ordered concluded there was currently "insuffi cient evidence" that women using its products faced greater health risks than others.
John Dalli, health and consumer policy commissioner, pledged to examine surveillance and operation of the "notifi ed bodies" that scrutinise medical devices across the EU in a current review of legislation, stressing: "The capacity to detect and minimise the risk of fraud must be increased."
His comments followed an offi cial report released on Wednesday in France that called for national and EU-wide co-operation including random inspections and sampling of medical devices to prevent a repeat of the fraudulent use of substandard non-medical-grade silicone by PIP in implants sold to up to 400,000 women around the world.
Xavier Bertrand, France's minister of health, called for enhanced action in France and across Europe in the wake of the study, which highlighted that Afssaps, the French medical regulator, did not inspect PIP from 2001 until a tip-off led offi cials to inspect and close down the company in 2010. Jean-Claude Mas, its founder, is under police investigation for manslaughter.
Mr. Bertrand has pledged to hire more health inspectors and undertake random checks on medical device companies following growing concerns over its regulatory system highlighted by the widespread use of PIP's substandard breast implants.
A French decision at the end of last year to offer all women free removal of PIP implants triggered similar proposals in the UK, Germany and the Czech Republic and has helped spark a fresh debate over tougher EU regulation of medical devices, which are subject to far less scrutiny than pharmaceuticals.
However, a review released on Thursday by the EU's own Scientifi c Committee on Emerging and Newly Identifi ed Health Risks concluded: "Breast implants can fail, regardless of manufacturer, and the probability of failure increases with time since implantation. In most cases, breast implant failure appears to be without identifi able health consequences for the patient with the exception of possible local complications."
It stressed that limited data meant that while there was no link between breast implants and cancer, there was a need for further work to understand the specifi c risks from the PIP products.
Mr. Bertrand has endorsed calls for a parliamentary inquiry in France as well as a report from the country's social affairs inspectorate, mirroring similar moves that led to tough new requirements for the pharmaceutical industry introduced last year in the wake of concerns about Servier's drug Mediator.
Medical device manufacturers have called for reforms to ensure that the national "notifi ed bodies" which audit the quality of their products across Europe are of a consistently high standard, while cautioning that tough new regulatory requirements could harm the EU's competitive advantage.
The French study showed that Afssaps had received multiple warnings over the relatively high failure rate of PIP implants compared with those made by other companies, even though the overall proportion remained modest.
From Financial Times, February 2, 2012 | 1362.txt | 0 |
[
"France, Germany, UK",
"Germany, UK, Czech",
"US, Germany, Czech",
"Germany, France, Czech"
]
| Which of the following countries have not all proposed to offer women free removal of PIP implants? | The European Commission said on Thursday it would toughen the regulation of medical devices as a result of concerns raised by breast implants produced by the defunct French company PIP, even as a scientifi c expert review it ordered concluded there was currently "insuffi cient evidence" that women using its products faced greater health risks than others.
John Dalli, health and consumer policy commissioner, pledged to examine surveillance and operation of the "notifi ed bodies" that scrutinise medical devices across the EU in a current review of legislation, stressing: "The capacity to detect and minimise the risk of fraud must be increased."
His comments followed an offi cial report released on Wednesday in France that called for national and EU-wide co-operation including random inspections and sampling of medical devices to prevent a repeat of the fraudulent use of substandard non-medical-grade silicone by PIP in implants sold to up to 400,000 women around the world.
Xavier Bertrand, France's minister of health, called for enhanced action in France and across Europe in the wake of the study, which highlighted that Afssaps, the French medical regulator, did not inspect PIP from 2001 until a tip-off led offi cials to inspect and close down the company in 2010. Jean-Claude Mas, its founder, is under police investigation for manslaughter.
Mr. Bertrand has pledged to hire more health inspectors and undertake random checks on medical device companies following growing concerns over its regulatory system highlighted by the widespread use of PIP's substandard breast implants.
A French decision at the end of last year to offer all women free removal of PIP implants triggered similar proposals in the UK, Germany and the Czech Republic and has helped spark a fresh debate over tougher EU regulation of medical devices, which are subject to far less scrutiny than pharmaceuticals.
However, a review released on Thursday by the EU's own Scientifi c Committee on Emerging and Newly Identifi ed Health Risks concluded: "Breast implants can fail, regardless of manufacturer, and the probability of failure increases with time since implantation. In most cases, breast implant failure appears to be without identifi able health consequences for the patient with the exception of possible local complications."
It stressed that limited data meant that while there was no link between breast implants and cancer, there was a need for further work to understand the specifi c risks from the PIP products.
Mr. Bertrand has endorsed calls for a parliamentary inquiry in France as well as a report from the country's social affairs inspectorate, mirroring similar moves that led to tough new requirements for the pharmaceutical industry introduced last year in the wake of concerns about Servier's drug Mediator.
Medical device manufacturers have called for reforms to ensure that the national "notifi ed bodies" which audit the quality of their products across Europe are of a consistently high standard, while cautioning that tough new regulatory requirements could harm the EU's competitive advantage.
The French study showed that Afssaps had received multiple warnings over the relatively high failure rate of PIP implants compared with those made by other companies, even though the overall proportion remained modest.
From Financial Times, February 2, 2012 | 1362.txt | 2 |
[
"There is a consensus on the EU regulation of medical devices in the European Union.",
"All breast implant failure appears to be without identifi able health consequences.",
"Tough new regulatory requirements could harm the EU's competitive advantage.",
"The overall proportion of the implant failure is relatively high compared with others."
]
| Which of the following statements is true according to the passage? | The European Commission said on Thursday it would toughen the regulation of medical devices as a result of concerns raised by breast implants produced by the defunct French company PIP, even as a scientifi c expert review it ordered concluded there was currently "insuffi cient evidence" that women using its products faced greater health risks than others.
John Dalli, health and consumer policy commissioner, pledged to examine surveillance and operation of the "notifi ed bodies" that scrutinise medical devices across the EU in a current review of legislation, stressing: "The capacity to detect and minimise the risk of fraud must be increased."
His comments followed an offi cial report released on Wednesday in France that called for national and EU-wide co-operation including random inspections and sampling of medical devices to prevent a repeat of the fraudulent use of substandard non-medical-grade silicone by PIP in implants sold to up to 400,000 women around the world.
Xavier Bertrand, France's minister of health, called for enhanced action in France and across Europe in the wake of the study, which highlighted that Afssaps, the French medical regulator, did not inspect PIP from 2001 until a tip-off led offi cials to inspect and close down the company in 2010. Jean-Claude Mas, its founder, is under police investigation for manslaughter.
Mr. Bertrand has pledged to hire more health inspectors and undertake random checks on medical device companies following growing concerns over its regulatory system highlighted by the widespread use of PIP's substandard breast implants.
A French decision at the end of last year to offer all women free removal of PIP implants triggered similar proposals in the UK, Germany and the Czech Republic and has helped spark a fresh debate over tougher EU regulation of medical devices, which are subject to far less scrutiny than pharmaceuticals.
However, a review released on Thursday by the EU's own Scientifi c Committee on Emerging and Newly Identifi ed Health Risks concluded: "Breast implants can fail, regardless of manufacturer, and the probability of failure increases with time since implantation. In most cases, breast implant failure appears to be without identifi able health consequences for the patient with the exception of possible local complications."
It stressed that limited data meant that while there was no link between breast implants and cancer, there was a need for further work to understand the specifi c risks from the PIP products.
Mr. Bertrand has endorsed calls for a parliamentary inquiry in France as well as a report from the country's social affairs inspectorate, mirroring similar moves that led to tough new requirements for the pharmaceutical industry introduced last year in the wake of concerns about Servier's drug Mediator.
Medical device manufacturers have called for reforms to ensure that the national "notifi ed bodies" which audit the quality of their products across Europe are of a consistently high standard, while cautioning that tough new regulatory requirements could harm the EU's competitive advantage.
The French study showed that Afssaps had received multiple warnings over the relatively high failure rate of PIP implants compared with those made by other companies, even though the overall proportion remained modest.
From Financial Times, February 2, 2012 | 1362.txt | 2 |
[
"natural to.",
"different from all other.",
"quite common among.",
"familiar to."
]
| The phrase "unique among" in the passage(Paragraph 1) is closest in meaning to | When it comes to physiology, the leatherback turtle is, in some ways, more like a reptilian whale than a turtle. It swims farther into the cold of the northern and southern oceans than any other sea turtle, and it deals with the chilly waters in a way unique among reptiles.
A warm-blooded turtle may seem to be a contradiction in terms. Nonetheless, an adult leatherback can maintain a body temperature of between 25 and 26°C (77-79°F) in seawater that is only 8°C (46.4°F). Accomplishing this feat requires adaptations both to generate heat in the turtle's body and to keep it from escaping into the surrounding waters. Leatherbacks apparently do not generate internal heat the way we do, or the way birds do, as a by-product of cellular metabolism. A leatherback may be able to pick up some body heat by basking at the surface; its dark, almost black body color may help it to absorb solar radiation. However, most of its internal heat comes from the action of its muscles.
Leatherbacks keep their body heat in three different ways. The first, and simplest, is size. The bigger the animal is, the lower its surface-to-volume ratio; for every ounce of body mass, there is proportionately less surface through which heat can escape. An adult leatherback is twice the size of the biggest cheloniid sea turtles and will therefore take longer to cool off. Maintaining a high body temperature through sheer bulk is called gigantothermy. It works for elephants, for whales, and, perhaps, it worked for many of the larger dinosaurs. It apparently works, in a smaller way, for some other sea turtles. Large loggerhead and green turtles can maintain their body temperature at a degree or two above that of the surrounding water, and gigantothermy is probably the way they do it. Muscular activity helps, too, and an actively swimming green turtle may be 7°C (12.6°F) warmer than the waters it swims through.
Gigantothermy, though, would not be enough to keep a leatherback warm in cold northern waters. It is not enough for whales, which supplement it with a thick layer of insulating blubber (fat). Leatherbacks do not have blubber, but they do have a reptilian equivalent: thick, oil-saturated skin, with a layer of fibrous, fatty tissue just beneath it. Insulation protects the leatherback everywhere but on its head and flippers. Because the flippers are comparatively thin and blade-like, they are the one part of the leatherback that is likely to become chilled. There is not much that the turtle can do about this without compromising the aerodynamic shape of the flipper. The problem is that as blood flows through the turtle's flippers, it risks losing enough heat to lower the animal's central body temperature when it returns. The solution is to allow the flippers to cool down without drawing heat away from the rest of the turtle's body. The leatherback accomplishes this by arranging the blood vessels in the base of its flipper into a countercurrent exchange system.
In a countercurrent exchange system, the blood vessels carrying cooled blood from the flippers run close enough to the blood vessels carrying warm blood from the body to pick up some heat from the warmer blood vessels; thus, the heat is transferred from the outgoing to the ingoing vessels before it reaches the flipper itself. This is the same arrangement found in an old-fashioned steam radiator, in which the coiled pipes pass heat back and forth as water courses through them. The leatherback is certainly not the only animal with such an arrangement; gulls have a countercurrent exchange in their legs. That is why a gull can stand on an ice floe without freezing.
All this applies, of course, only to an adult leatherback. Hatchlings are simply too small to conserve body heat, even with insulation and countercurrent exchange systems. We do not know how old, or how large, a leatherback has to be before it can switch from a cold-blooded to a warm-blooded mode of life. Leatherbacks reach their immense size in a much shorter time than it takes other sea turtles to grow. Perhaps their rush to adulthood is driven by a simple need to keep warm. | 693.txt | 1 |
[
"They are considered by some to be reptiles.",
"Their bodies are built in a way that helps them manage extremely cold temperatures.",
"They are distantly related to leatherback turtles.",
"They can swim farther than leatherback turtles."
]
| What can be inferred about whales from paragraph 1? | When it comes to physiology, the leatherback turtle is, in some ways, more like a reptilian whale than a turtle. It swims farther into the cold of the northern and southern oceans than any other sea turtle, and it deals with the chilly waters in a way unique among reptiles.
A warm-blooded turtle may seem to be a contradiction in terms. Nonetheless, an adult leatherback can maintain a body temperature of between 25 and 26°C (77-79°F) in seawater that is only 8°C (46.4°F). Accomplishing this feat requires adaptations both to generate heat in the turtle's body and to keep it from escaping into the surrounding waters. Leatherbacks apparently do not generate internal heat the way we do, or the way birds do, as a by-product of cellular metabolism. A leatherback may be able to pick up some body heat by basking at the surface; its dark, almost black body color may help it to absorb solar radiation. However, most of its internal heat comes from the action of its muscles.
Leatherbacks keep their body heat in three different ways. The first, and simplest, is size. The bigger the animal is, the lower its surface-to-volume ratio; for every ounce of body mass, there is proportionately less surface through which heat can escape. An adult leatherback is twice the size of the biggest cheloniid sea turtles and will therefore take longer to cool off. Maintaining a high body temperature through sheer bulk is called gigantothermy. It works for elephants, for whales, and, perhaps, it worked for many of the larger dinosaurs. It apparently works, in a smaller way, for some other sea turtles. Large loggerhead and green turtles can maintain their body temperature at a degree or two above that of the surrounding water, and gigantothermy is probably the way they do it. Muscular activity helps, too, and an actively swimming green turtle may be 7°C (12.6°F) warmer than the waters it swims through.
Gigantothermy, though, would not be enough to keep a leatherback warm in cold northern waters. It is not enough for whales, which supplement it with a thick layer of insulating blubber (fat). Leatherbacks do not have blubber, but they do have a reptilian equivalent: thick, oil-saturated skin, with a layer of fibrous, fatty tissue just beneath it. Insulation protects the leatherback everywhere but on its head and flippers. Because the flippers are comparatively thin and blade-like, they are the one part of the leatherback that is likely to become chilled. There is not much that the turtle can do about this without compromising the aerodynamic shape of the flipper. The problem is that as blood flows through the turtle's flippers, it risks losing enough heat to lower the animal's central body temperature when it returns. The solution is to allow the flippers to cool down without drawing heat away from the rest of the turtle's body. The leatherback accomplishes this by arranging the blood vessels in the base of its flipper into a countercurrent exchange system.
In a countercurrent exchange system, the blood vessels carrying cooled blood from the flippers run close enough to the blood vessels carrying warm blood from the body to pick up some heat from the warmer blood vessels; thus, the heat is transferred from the outgoing to the ingoing vessels before it reaches the flipper itself. This is the same arrangement found in an old-fashioned steam radiator, in which the coiled pipes pass heat back and forth as water courses through them. The leatherback is certainly not the only animal with such an arrangement; gulls have a countercurrent exchange in their legs. That is why a gull can stand on an ice floe without freezing.
All this applies, of course, only to an adult leatherback. Hatchlings are simply too small to conserve body heat, even with insulation and countercurrent exchange systems. We do not know how old, or how large, a leatherback has to be before it can switch from a cold-blooded to a warm-blooded mode of life. Leatherbacks reach their immense size in a much shorter time than it takes other sea turtles to grow. Perhaps their rush to adulthood is driven by a simple need to keep warm. | 693.txt | 1 |
[
"remarkable achievement.",
"common transformation.",
"daily activity.",
"complex solution."
]
| The word "feat" in the passage is closest in meaning to | When it comes to physiology, the leatherback turtle is, in some ways, more like a reptilian whale than a turtle. It swims farther into the cold of the northern and southern oceans than any other sea turtle, and it deals with the chilly waters in a way unique among reptiles.
A warm-blooded turtle may seem to be a contradiction in terms. Nonetheless, an adult leatherback can maintain a body temperature of between 25 and 26°C (77-79°F) in seawater that is only 8°C (46.4°F). Accomplishing this feat requires adaptations both to generate heat in the turtle's body and to keep it from escaping into the surrounding waters. Leatherbacks apparently do not generate internal heat the way we do, or the way birds do, as a by-product of cellular metabolism. A leatherback may be able to pick up some body heat by basking at the surface; its dark, almost black body color may help it to absorb solar radiation. However, most of its internal heat comes from the action of its muscles.
Leatherbacks keep their body heat in three different ways. The first, and simplest, is size. The bigger the animal is, the lower its surface-to-volume ratio; for every ounce of body mass, there is proportionately less surface through which heat can escape. An adult leatherback is twice the size of the biggest cheloniid sea turtles and will therefore take longer to cool off. Maintaining a high body temperature through sheer bulk is called gigantothermy. It works for elephants, for whales, and, perhaps, it worked for many of the larger dinosaurs. It apparently works, in a smaller way, for some other sea turtles. Large loggerhead and green turtles can maintain their body temperature at a degree or two above that of the surrounding water, and gigantothermy is probably the way they do it. Muscular activity helps, too, and an actively swimming green turtle may be 7°C (12.6°F) warmer than the waters it swims through.
Gigantothermy, though, would not be enough to keep a leatherback warm in cold northern waters. It is not enough for whales, which supplement it with a thick layer of insulating blubber (fat). Leatherbacks do not have blubber, but they do have a reptilian equivalent: thick, oil-saturated skin, with a layer of fibrous, fatty tissue just beneath it. Insulation protects the leatherback everywhere but on its head and flippers. Because the flippers are comparatively thin and blade-like, they are the one part of the leatherback that is likely to become chilled. There is not much that the turtle can do about this without compromising the aerodynamic shape of the flipper. The problem is that as blood flows through the turtle's flippers, it risks losing enough heat to lower the animal's central body temperature when it returns. The solution is to allow the flippers to cool down without drawing heat away from the rest of the turtle's body. The leatherback accomplishes this by arranging the blood vessels in the base of its flipper into a countercurrent exchange system.
In a countercurrent exchange system, the blood vessels carrying cooled blood from the flippers run close enough to the blood vessels carrying warm blood from the body to pick up some heat from the warmer blood vessels; thus, the heat is transferred from the outgoing to the ingoing vessels before it reaches the flipper itself. This is the same arrangement found in an old-fashioned steam radiator, in which the coiled pipes pass heat back and forth as water courses through them. The leatherback is certainly not the only animal with such an arrangement; gulls have a countercurrent exchange in their legs. That is why a gull can stand on an ice floe without freezing.
All this applies, of course, only to an adult leatherback. Hatchlings are simply too small to conserve body heat, even with insulation and countercurrent exchange systems. We do not know how old, or how large, a leatherback has to be before it can switch from a cold-blooded to a warm-blooded mode of life. Leatherbacks reach their immense size in a much shorter time than it takes other sea turtles to grow. Perhaps their rush to adulthood is driven by a simple need to keep warm. | 693.txt | 0 |
[
"Their muscles produce heat for maintaining body temperature.",
"Their dark bodies help trap solar radiation.",
"Their cellular metabolism produces heat as a by-product.",
"Basking at the water's surface helps them obtain heat."
]
| Paragraph 2 mentions all of the following as true about the body heat of adult leatherback turtles EXCEPT: | When it comes to physiology, the leatherback turtle is, in some ways, more like a reptilian whale than a turtle. It swims farther into the cold of the northern and southern oceans than any other sea turtle, and it deals with the chilly waters in a way unique among reptiles.
A warm-blooded turtle may seem to be a contradiction in terms. Nonetheless, an adult leatherback can maintain a body temperature of between 25 and 26°C (77-79°F) in seawater that is only 8°C (46.4°F). Accomplishing this feat requires adaptations both to generate heat in the turtle's body and to keep it from escaping into the surrounding waters. Leatherbacks apparently do not generate internal heat the way we do, or the way birds do, as a by-product of cellular metabolism. A leatherback may be able to pick up some body heat by basking at the surface; its dark, almost black body color may help it to absorb solar radiation. However, most of its internal heat comes from the action of its muscles.
Leatherbacks keep their body heat in three different ways. The first, and simplest, is size. The bigger the animal is, the lower its surface-to-volume ratio; for every ounce of body mass, there is proportionately less surface through which heat can escape. An adult leatherback is twice the size of the biggest cheloniid sea turtles and will therefore take longer to cool off. Maintaining a high body temperature through sheer bulk is called gigantothermy. It works for elephants, for whales, and, perhaps, it worked for many of the larger dinosaurs. It apparently works, in a smaller way, for some other sea turtles. Large loggerhead and green turtles can maintain their body temperature at a degree or two above that of the surrounding water, and gigantothermy is probably the way they do it. Muscular activity helps, too, and an actively swimming green turtle may be 7°C (12.6°F) warmer than the waters it swims through.
Gigantothermy, though, would not be enough to keep a leatherback warm in cold northern waters. It is not enough for whales, which supplement it with a thick layer of insulating blubber (fat). Leatherbacks do not have blubber, but they do have a reptilian equivalent: thick, oil-saturated skin, with a layer of fibrous, fatty tissue just beneath it. Insulation protects the leatherback everywhere but on its head and flippers. Because the flippers are comparatively thin and blade-like, they are the one part of the leatherback that is likely to become chilled. There is not much that the turtle can do about this without compromising the aerodynamic shape of the flipper. The problem is that as blood flows through the turtle's flippers, it risks losing enough heat to lower the animal's central body temperature when it returns. The solution is to allow the flippers to cool down without drawing heat away from the rest of the turtle's body. The leatherback accomplishes this by arranging the blood vessels in the base of its flipper into a countercurrent exchange system.
In a countercurrent exchange system, the blood vessels carrying cooled blood from the flippers run close enough to the blood vessels carrying warm blood from the body to pick up some heat from the warmer blood vessels; thus, the heat is transferred from the outgoing to the ingoing vessels before it reaches the flipper itself. This is the same arrangement found in an old-fashioned steam radiator, in which the coiled pipes pass heat back and forth as water courses through them. The leatherback is certainly not the only animal with such an arrangement; gulls have a countercurrent exchange in their legs. That is why a gull can stand on an ice floe without freezing.
All this applies, of course, only to an adult leatherback. Hatchlings are simply too small to conserve body heat, even with insulation and countercurrent exchange systems. We do not know how old, or how large, a leatherback has to be before it can switch from a cold-blooded to a warm-blooded mode of life. Leatherbacks reach their immense size in a much shorter time than it takes other sea turtles to grow. Perhaps their rush to adulthood is driven by a simple need to keep warm. | 693.txt | 2 |
[
"strength.",
"effort.",
"activity.",
"mass."
]
| The word "bulk"(Paragraph 3)in the passage is closest in meaning to | When it comes to physiology, the leatherback turtle is, in some ways, more like a reptilian whale than a turtle. It swims farther into the cold of the northern and southern oceans than any other sea turtle, and it deals with the chilly waters in a way unique among reptiles.
A warm-blooded turtle may seem to be a contradiction in terms. Nonetheless, an adult leatherback can maintain a body temperature of between 25 and 26°C (77-79°F) in seawater that is only 8°C (46.4°F). Accomplishing this feat requires adaptations both to generate heat in the turtle's body and to keep it from escaping into the surrounding waters. Leatherbacks apparently do not generate internal heat the way we do, or the way birds do, as a by-product of cellular metabolism. A leatherback may be able to pick up some body heat by basking at the surface; its dark, almost black body color may help it to absorb solar radiation. However, most of its internal heat comes from the action of its muscles.
Leatherbacks keep their body heat in three different ways. The first, and simplest, is size. The bigger the animal is, the lower its surface-to-volume ratio; for every ounce of body mass, there is proportionately less surface through which heat can escape. An adult leatherback is twice the size of the biggest cheloniid sea turtles and will therefore take longer to cool off. Maintaining a high body temperature through sheer bulk is called gigantothermy. It works for elephants, for whales, and, perhaps, it worked for many of the larger dinosaurs. It apparently works, in a smaller way, for some other sea turtles. Large loggerhead and green turtles can maintain their body temperature at a degree or two above that of the surrounding water, and gigantothermy is probably the way they do it. Muscular activity helps, too, and an actively swimming green turtle may be 7°C (12.6°F) warmer than the waters it swims through.
Gigantothermy, though, would not be enough to keep a leatherback warm in cold northern waters. It is not enough for whales, which supplement it with a thick layer of insulating blubber (fat). Leatherbacks do not have blubber, but they do have a reptilian equivalent: thick, oil-saturated skin, with a layer of fibrous, fatty tissue just beneath it. Insulation protects the leatherback everywhere but on its head and flippers. Because the flippers are comparatively thin and blade-like, they are the one part of the leatherback that is likely to become chilled. There is not much that the turtle can do about this without compromising the aerodynamic shape of the flipper. The problem is that as blood flows through the turtle's flippers, it risks losing enough heat to lower the animal's central body temperature when it returns. The solution is to allow the flippers to cool down without drawing heat away from the rest of the turtle's body. The leatherback accomplishes this by arranging the blood vessels in the base of its flipper into a countercurrent exchange system.
In a countercurrent exchange system, the blood vessels carrying cooled blood from the flippers run close enough to the blood vessels carrying warm blood from the body to pick up some heat from the warmer blood vessels; thus, the heat is transferred from the outgoing to the ingoing vessels before it reaches the flipper itself. This is the same arrangement found in an old-fashioned steam radiator, in which the coiled pipes pass heat back and forth as water courses through them. The leatherback is certainly not the only animal with such an arrangement; gulls have a countercurrent exchange in their legs. That is why a gull can stand on an ice floe without freezing.
All this applies, of course, only to an adult leatherback. Hatchlings are simply too small to conserve body heat, even with insulation and countercurrent exchange systems. We do not know how old, or how large, a leatherback has to be before it can switch from a cold-blooded to a warm-blooded mode of life. Leatherbacks reach their immense size in a much shorter time than it takes other sea turtles to grow. Perhaps their rush to adulthood is driven by a simple need to keep warm. | 693.txt | 3 |
[
"the problem.",
"blood.",
"the turtle.",
"body temperature."
]
| The word "it"(Paragraph 4)in paragraph 4 refers to | When it comes to physiology, the leatherback turtle is, in some ways, more like a reptilian whale than a turtle. It swims farther into the cold of the northern and southern oceans than any other sea turtle, and it deals with the chilly waters in a way unique among reptiles.
A warm-blooded turtle may seem to be a contradiction in terms. Nonetheless, an adult leatherback can maintain a body temperature of between 25 and 26°C (77-79°F) in seawater that is only 8°C (46.4°F). Accomplishing this feat requires adaptations both to generate heat in the turtle's body and to keep it from escaping into the surrounding waters. Leatherbacks apparently do not generate internal heat the way we do, or the way birds do, as a by-product of cellular metabolism. A leatherback may be able to pick up some body heat by basking at the surface; its dark, almost black body color may help it to absorb solar radiation. However, most of its internal heat comes from the action of its muscles.
Leatherbacks keep their body heat in three different ways. The first, and simplest, is size. The bigger the animal is, the lower its surface-to-volume ratio; for every ounce of body mass, there is proportionately less surface through which heat can escape. An adult leatherback is twice the size of the biggest cheloniid sea turtles and will therefore take longer to cool off. Maintaining a high body temperature through sheer bulk is called gigantothermy. It works for elephants, for whales, and, perhaps, it worked for many of the larger dinosaurs. It apparently works, in a smaller way, for some other sea turtles. Large loggerhead and green turtles can maintain their body temperature at a degree or two above that of the surrounding water, and gigantothermy is probably the way they do it. Muscular activity helps, too, and an actively swimming green turtle may be 7°C (12.6°F) warmer than the waters it swims through.
Gigantothermy, though, would not be enough to keep a leatherback warm in cold northern waters. It is not enough for whales, which supplement it with a thick layer of insulating blubber (fat). Leatherbacks do not have blubber, but they do have a reptilian equivalent: thick, oil-saturated skin, with a layer of fibrous, fatty tissue just beneath it. Insulation protects the leatherback everywhere but on its head and flippers. Because the flippers are comparatively thin and blade-like, they are the one part of the leatherback that is likely to become chilled. There is not much that the turtle can do about this without compromising the aerodynamic shape of the flipper. The problem is that as blood flows through the turtle's flippers, it risks losing enough heat to lower the animal's central body temperature when it returns. The solution is to allow the flippers to cool down without drawing heat away from the rest of the turtle's body. The leatherback accomplishes this by arranging the blood vessels in the base of its flipper into a countercurrent exchange system.
In a countercurrent exchange system, the blood vessels carrying cooled blood from the flippers run close enough to the blood vessels carrying warm blood from the body to pick up some heat from the warmer blood vessels; thus, the heat is transferred from the outgoing to the ingoing vessels before it reaches the flipper itself. This is the same arrangement found in an old-fashioned steam radiator, in which the coiled pipes pass heat back and forth as water courses through them. The leatherback is certainly not the only animal with such an arrangement; gulls have a countercurrent exchange in their legs. That is why a gull can stand on an ice floe without freezing.
All this applies, of course, only to an adult leatherback. Hatchlings are simply too small to conserve body heat, even with insulation and countercurrent exchange systems. We do not know how old, or how large, a leatherback has to be before it can switch from a cold-blooded to a warm-blooded mode of life. Leatherbacks reach their immense size in a much shorter time than it takes other sea turtles to grow. Perhaps their rush to adulthood is driven by a simple need to keep warm. | 693.txt | 1 |
[
"An insulating layer of blubber.",
"A thick, oily skin covering fatty tissue.",
"The aerodynamic shape of its flippers.",
"A well-insulated head."
]
| According to paragraph 4, which of the following features enables the leatherback turtle to stay warm? | When it comes to physiology, the leatherback turtle is, in some ways, more like a reptilian whale than a turtle. It swims farther into the cold of the northern and southern oceans than any other sea turtle, and it deals with the chilly waters in a way unique among reptiles.
A warm-blooded turtle may seem to be a contradiction in terms. Nonetheless, an adult leatherback can maintain a body temperature of between 25 and 26°C (77-79°F) in seawater that is only 8°C (46.4°F). Accomplishing this feat requires adaptations both to generate heat in the turtle's body and to keep it from escaping into the surrounding waters. Leatherbacks apparently do not generate internal heat the way we do, or the way birds do, as a by-product of cellular metabolism. A leatherback may be able to pick up some body heat by basking at the surface; its dark, almost black body color may help it to absorb solar radiation. However, most of its internal heat comes from the action of its muscles.
Leatherbacks keep their body heat in three different ways. The first, and simplest, is size. The bigger the animal is, the lower its surface-to-volume ratio; for every ounce of body mass, there is proportionately less surface through which heat can escape. An adult leatherback is twice the size of the biggest cheloniid sea turtles and will therefore take longer to cool off. Maintaining a high body temperature through sheer bulk is called gigantothermy. It works for elephants, for whales, and, perhaps, it worked for many of the larger dinosaurs. It apparently works, in a smaller way, for some other sea turtles. Large loggerhead and green turtles can maintain their body temperature at a degree or two above that of the surrounding water, and gigantothermy is probably the way they do it. Muscular activity helps, too, and an actively swimming green turtle may be 7°C (12.6°F) warmer than the waters it swims through.
Gigantothermy, though, would not be enough to keep a leatherback warm in cold northern waters. It is not enough for whales, which supplement it with a thick layer of insulating blubber (fat). Leatherbacks do not have blubber, but they do have a reptilian equivalent: thick, oil-saturated skin, with a layer of fibrous, fatty tissue just beneath it. Insulation protects the leatherback everywhere but on its head and flippers. Because the flippers are comparatively thin and blade-like, they are the one part of the leatherback that is likely to become chilled. There is not much that the turtle can do about this without compromising the aerodynamic shape of the flipper. The problem is that as blood flows through the turtle's flippers, it risks losing enough heat to lower the animal's central body temperature when it returns. The solution is to allow the flippers to cool down without drawing heat away from the rest of the turtle's body. The leatherback accomplishes this by arranging the blood vessels in the base of its flipper into a countercurrent exchange system.
In a countercurrent exchange system, the blood vessels carrying cooled blood from the flippers run close enough to the blood vessels carrying warm blood from the body to pick up some heat from the warmer blood vessels; thus, the heat is transferred from the outgoing to the ingoing vessels before it reaches the flipper itself. This is the same arrangement found in an old-fashioned steam radiator, in which the coiled pipes pass heat back and forth as water courses through them. The leatherback is certainly not the only animal with such an arrangement; gulls have a countercurrent exchange in their legs. That is why a gull can stand on an ice floe without freezing.
All this applies, of course, only to an adult leatherback. Hatchlings are simply too small to conserve body heat, even with insulation and countercurrent exchange systems. We do not know how old, or how large, a leatherback has to be before it can switch from a cold-blooded to a warm-blooded mode of life. Leatherbacks reach their immense size in a much shorter time than it takes other sea turtles to grow. Perhaps their rush to adulthood is driven by a simple need to keep warm. | 693.txt | 1 |
[
"To argue that a turtle's central heating system is not as highly evolved as that of other warm blooded animals.",
"To provide a useful comparison with which to illustrate how a countercurrent exchange system works.",
"To suggest that steam radiators were modeled after the sophisticated heating system of turtles.",
"To establish the importance of the movement of water in countercurrent exchange systems."
]
| Why does the author mention old-fashioned steam radiator (Paragraph 5)in the discussion of countercurrent exchange systems? | When it comes to physiology, the leatherback turtle is, in some ways, more like a reptilian whale than a turtle. It swims farther into the cold of the northern and southern oceans than any other sea turtle, and it deals with the chilly waters in a way unique among reptiles.
A warm-blooded turtle may seem to be a contradiction in terms. Nonetheless, an adult leatherback can maintain a body temperature of between 25 and 26°C (77-79°F) in seawater that is only 8°C (46.4°F). Accomplishing this feat requires adaptations both to generate heat in the turtle's body and to keep it from escaping into the surrounding waters. Leatherbacks apparently do not generate internal heat the way we do, or the way birds do, as a by-product of cellular metabolism. A leatherback may be able to pick up some body heat by basking at the surface; its dark, almost black body color may help it to absorb solar radiation. However, most of its internal heat comes from the action of its muscles.
Leatherbacks keep their body heat in three different ways. The first, and simplest, is size. The bigger the animal is, the lower its surface-to-volume ratio; for every ounce of body mass, there is proportionately less surface through which heat can escape. An adult leatherback is twice the size of the biggest cheloniid sea turtles and will therefore take longer to cool off. Maintaining a high body temperature through sheer bulk is called gigantothermy. It works for elephants, for whales, and, perhaps, it worked for many of the larger dinosaurs. It apparently works, in a smaller way, for some other sea turtles. Large loggerhead and green turtles can maintain their body temperature at a degree or two above that of the surrounding water, and gigantothermy is probably the way they do it. Muscular activity helps, too, and an actively swimming green turtle may be 7°C (12.6°F) warmer than the waters it swims through.
Gigantothermy, though, would not be enough to keep a leatherback warm in cold northern waters. It is not enough for whales, which supplement it with a thick layer of insulating blubber (fat). Leatherbacks do not have blubber, but they do have a reptilian equivalent: thick, oil-saturated skin, with a layer of fibrous, fatty tissue just beneath it. Insulation protects the leatherback everywhere but on its head and flippers. Because the flippers are comparatively thin and blade-like, they are the one part of the leatherback that is likely to become chilled. There is not much that the turtle can do about this without compromising the aerodynamic shape of the flipper. The problem is that as blood flows through the turtle's flippers, it risks losing enough heat to lower the animal's central body temperature when it returns. The solution is to allow the flippers to cool down without drawing heat away from the rest of the turtle's body. The leatherback accomplishes this by arranging the blood vessels in the base of its flipper into a countercurrent exchange system.
In a countercurrent exchange system, the blood vessels carrying cooled blood from the flippers run close enough to the blood vessels carrying warm blood from the body to pick up some heat from the warmer blood vessels; thus, the heat is transferred from the outgoing to the ingoing vessels before it reaches the flipper itself. This is the same arrangement found in an old-fashioned steam radiator, in which the coiled pipes pass heat back and forth as water courses through them. The leatherback is certainly not the only animal with such an arrangement; gulls have a countercurrent exchange in their legs. That is why a gull can stand on an ice floe without freezing.
All this applies, of course, only to an adult leatherback. Hatchlings are simply too small to conserve body heat, even with insulation and countercurrent exchange systems. We do not know how old, or how large, a leatherback has to be before it can switch from a cold-blooded to a warm-blooded mode of life. Leatherbacks reach their immense size in a much shorter time than it takes other sea turtles to grow. Perhaps their rush to adulthood is driven by a simple need to keep warm. | 693.txt | 1 |
[
"rises through.",
"heats up in.",
"runs through.",
"collects in."
]
| The phrase "courses through" in the passage(Paragraph 5) is closest in meaning to | When it comes to physiology, the leatherback turtle is, in some ways, more like a reptilian whale than a turtle. It swims farther into the cold of the northern and southern oceans than any other sea turtle, and it deals with the chilly waters in a way unique among reptiles.
A warm-blooded turtle may seem to be a contradiction in terms. Nonetheless, an adult leatherback can maintain a body temperature of between 25 and 26°C (77-79°F) in seawater that is only 8°C (46.4°F). Accomplishing this feat requires adaptations both to generate heat in the turtle's body and to keep it from escaping into the surrounding waters. Leatherbacks apparently do not generate internal heat the way we do, or the way birds do, as a by-product of cellular metabolism. A leatherback may be able to pick up some body heat by basking at the surface; its dark, almost black body color may help it to absorb solar radiation. However, most of its internal heat comes from the action of its muscles.
Leatherbacks keep their body heat in three different ways. The first, and simplest, is size. The bigger the animal is, the lower its surface-to-volume ratio; for every ounce of body mass, there is proportionately less surface through which heat can escape. An adult leatherback is twice the size of the biggest cheloniid sea turtles and will therefore take longer to cool off. Maintaining a high body temperature through sheer bulk is called gigantothermy. It works for elephants, for whales, and, perhaps, it worked for many of the larger dinosaurs. It apparently works, in a smaller way, for some other sea turtles. Large loggerhead and green turtles can maintain their body temperature at a degree or two above that of the surrounding water, and gigantothermy is probably the way they do it. Muscular activity helps, too, and an actively swimming green turtle may be 7°C (12.6°F) warmer than the waters it swims through.
Gigantothermy, though, would not be enough to keep a leatherback warm in cold northern waters. It is not enough for whales, which supplement it with a thick layer of insulating blubber (fat). Leatherbacks do not have blubber, but they do have a reptilian equivalent: thick, oil-saturated skin, with a layer of fibrous, fatty tissue just beneath it. Insulation protects the leatherback everywhere but on its head and flippers. Because the flippers are comparatively thin and blade-like, they are the one part of the leatherback that is likely to become chilled. There is not much that the turtle can do about this without compromising the aerodynamic shape of the flipper. The problem is that as blood flows through the turtle's flippers, it risks losing enough heat to lower the animal's central body temperature when it returns. The solution is to allow the flippers to cool down without drawing heat away from the rest of the turtle's body. The leatherback accomplishes this by arranging the blood vessels in the base of its flipper into a countercurrent exchange system.
In a countercurrent exchange system, the blood vessels carrying cooled blood from the flippers run close enough to the blood vessels carrying warm blood from the body to pick up some heat from the warmer blood vessels; thus, the heat is transferred from the outgoing to the ingoing vessels before it reaches the flipper itself. This is the same arrangement found in an old-fashioned steam radiator, in which the coiled pipes pass heat back and forth as water courses through them. The leatherback is certainly not the only animal with such an arrangement; gulls have a countercurrent exchange in their legs. That is why a gull can stand on an ice floe without freezing.
All this applies, of course, only to an adult leatherback. Hatchlings are simply too small to conserve body heat, even with insulation and countercurrent exchange systems. We do not know how old, or how large, a leatherback has to be before it can switch from a cold-blooded to a warm-blooded mode of life. Leatherbacks reach their immense size in a much shorter time than it takes other sea turtles to grow. Perhaps their rush to adulthood is driven by a simple need to keep warm. | 693.txt | 2 |
[
"They lack the countercurrent exchange systems that develop in adulthood.",
"Their rate of growth is slower than that of other sea turtles.",
"They lose heat easily even with insulation and countercurrent exchange systems.",
"They switch between cold-blooded and warm-blooded modes throughout their hatchling stage."
]
| According to paragraph 6, which of the following statements is most accurate about young leatherback turtles? | When it comes to physiology, the leatherback turtle is, in some ways, more like a reptilian whale than a turtle. It swims farther into the cold of the northern and southern oceans than any other sea turtle, and it deals with the chilly waters in a way unique among reptiles.
A warm-blooded turtle may seem to be a contradiction in terms. Nonetheless, an adult leatherback can maintain a body temperature of between 25 and 26°C (77-79°F) in seawater that is only 8°C (46.4°F). Accomplishing this feat requires adaptations both to generate heat in the turtle's body and to keep it from escaping into the surrounding waters. Leatherbacks apparently do not generate internal heat the way we do, or the way birds do, as a by-product of cellular metabolism. A leatherback may be able to pick up some body heat by basking at the surface; its dark, almost black body color may help it to absorb solar radiation. However, most of its internal heat comes from the action of its muscles.
Leatherbacks keep their body heat in three different ways. The first, and simplest, is size. The bigger the animal is, the lower its surface-to-volume ratio; for every ounce of body mass, there is proportionately less surface through which heat can escape. An adult leatherback is twice the size of the biggest cheloniid sea turtles and will therefore take longer to cool off. Maintaining a high body temperature through sheer bulk is called gigantothermy. It works for elephants, for whales, and, perhaps, it worked for many of the larger dinosaurs. It apparently works, in a smaller way, for some other sea turtles. Large loggerhead and green turtles can maintain their body temperature at a degree or two above that of the surrounding water, and gigantothermy is probably the way they do it. Muscular activity helps, too, and an actively swimming green turtle may be 7°C (12.6°F) warmer than the waters it swims through.
Gigantothermy, though, would not be enough to keep a leatherback warm in cold northern waters. It is not enough for whales, which supplement it with a thick layer of insulating blubber (fat). Leatherbacks do not have blubber, but they do have a reptilian equivalent: thick, oil-saturated skin, with a layer of fibrous, fatty tissue just beneath it. Insulation protects the leatherback everywhere but on its head and flippers. Because the flippers are comparatively thin and blade-like, they are the one part of the leatherback that is likely to become chilled. There is not much that the turtle can do about this without compromising the aerodynamic shape of the flipper. The problem is that as blood flows through the turtle's flippers, it risks losing enough heat to lower the animal's central body temperature when it returns. The solution is to allow the flippers to cool down without drawing heat away from the rest of the turtle's body. The leatherback accomplishes this by arranging the blood vessels in the base of its flipper into a countercurrent exchange system.
In a countercurrent exchange system, the blood vessels carrying cooled blood from the flippers run close enough to the blood vessels carrying warm blood from the body to pick up some heat from the warmer blood vessels; thus, the heat is transferred from the outgoing to the ingoing vessels before it reaches the flipper itself. This is the same arrangement found in an old-fashioned steam radiator, in which the coiled pipes pass heat back and forth as water courses through them. The leatherback is certainly not the only animal with such an arrangement; gulls have a countercurrent exchange in their legs. That is why a gull can stand on an ice floe without freezing.
All this applies, of course, only to an adult leatherback. Hatchlings are simply too small to conserve body heat, even with insulation and countercurrent exchange systems. We do not know how old, or how large, a leatherback has to be before it can switch from a cold-blooded to a warm-blooded mode of life. Leatherbacks reach their immense size in a much shorter time than it takes other sea turtles to grow. Perhaps their rush to adulthood is driven by a simple need to keep warm. | 693.txt | 2 |
[
"more people can participate",
"it is an international sport",
"it needs special training",
"violence is involved in playing the game"
]
| Many think soccer has important advantages over football and baseball because _ . | There are those who point with alarm at Americans' relative lack of interest in the world's most popular games, soccer, a sport many feel has important advantag es over football and baseball. Football and baseball of their very nature preven t mass participation; their popularity must therefore bear some of the responsib ility for turning America into a nation of spectators. The violence of football makes necessary specialized conditioning and elaborate equipment if injury is to be avoided; even so there are crippling accidents and deaths each year. Basebal l (hardball, that is) is so difficult that few can participate; throwing a ball demands special talents and training, while hitting is also difficult that a gam e with unskillful players is hardly worth the bother. Soccer, on the other hand, is a game anyone can play and enjoy.
Since soccer's superiority in encouraging active participation is so obvious, an d since soccer's ability to arouse intense feeling of identification among spect ators is at least equal to football's, why has it failed to become a major sport on the professional and college level? Soccer's worldwide popularity may be jus t what is keeping it from becoming popular. Baseball is also an international sp ort, played in Canada, Latin America, Japan, Korea and, in a minor way, Europe. There are professional leagues in the Caribbean, Central and South America, and Japan, but about all this the American public neither knows nor cares. Spectator s here are interested only when American teams play other American teams. The ma jor league baseball teams from Toronto and Montreal hardly destroy this generali zation. | 16.txt | 0 |
[
"The excellent performance of the players.",
"Mass participation.",
"Violence on the playground.",
"Elaborate equipment."
]
| What made the U.S. a nation of spectator? | There are those who point with alarm at Americans' relative lack of interest in the world's most popular games, soccer, a sport many feel has important advantag es over football and baseball. Football and baseball of their very nature preven t mass participation; their popularity must therefore bear some of the responsib ility for turning America into a nation of spectators. The violence of football makes necessary specialized conditioning and elaborate equipment if injury is to be avoided; even so there are crippling accidents and deaths each year. Basebal l (hardball, that is) is so difficult that few can participate; throwing a ball demands special talents and training, while hitting is also difficult that a gam e with unskillful players is hardly worth the bother. Soccer, on the other hand, is a game anyone can play and enjoy.
Since soccer's superiority in encouraging active participation is so obvious, an d since soccer's ability to arouse intense feeling of identification among spect ators is at least equal to football's, why has it failed to become a major sport on the professional and college level? Soccer's worldwide popularity may be jus t what is keeping it from becoming popular. Baseball is also an international sp ort, played in Canada, Latin America, Japan, Korea and, in a minor way, Europe. There are professional leagues in the Caribbean, Central and South America, and Japan, but about all this the American public neither knows nor cares. Spectator s here are interested only when American teams play other American teams. The ma jor league baseball teams from Toronto and Montreal hardly destroy this generali zation. | 16.txt | 0 |
[
"The Americans have a different idea of value in regard to the sports.",
"Some games are more professionalized in the U.S.",
"Football can arouse intense feelings among spectators.",
"Baseball teams from other countries do not play in the U.S."
]
| Which of the following statements CANNOT be concluded from the passage? | There are those who point with alarm at Americans' relative lack of interest in the world's most popular games, soccer, a sport many feel has important advantag es over football and baseball. Football and baseball of their very nature preven t mass participation; their popularity must therefore bear some of the responsib ility for turning America into a nation of spectators. The violence of football makes necessary specialized conditioning and elaborate equipment if injury is to be avoided; even so there are crippling accidents and deaths each year. Basebal l (hardball, that is) is so difficult that few can participate; throwing a ball demands special talents and training, while hitting is also difficult that a gam e with unskillful players is hardly worth the bother. Soccer, on the other hand, is a game anyone can play and enjoy.
Since soccer's superiority in encouraging active participation is so obvious, an d since soccer's ability to arouse intense feeling of identification among spect ators is at least equal to football's, why has it failed to become a major sport on the professional and college level? Soccer's worldwide popularity may be jus t what is keeping it from becoming popular. Baseball is also an international sp ort, played in Canada, Latin America, Japan, Korea and, in a minor way, Europe. There are professional leagues in the Caribbean, Central and South America, and Japan, but about all this the American public neither knows nor cares. Spectator s here are interested only when American teams play other American teams. The ma jor league baseball teams from Toronto and Montreal hardly destroy this generali zation. | 16.txt | 3 |
[
"a formula for determining the relationship between the depth and width of craters.",
"a valley that is filled in when a spatial body has impact with the moon or the earth.",
"a planetoid (small planet) created when a meteorite, upon striking the moon, breaks off a partof the moon.",
"a dark spot on the moon, once supposed to be a sea, now a plain."
]
| A mare basin is | Exploration on the Origin of Continents
The origin of continental nuclei has long been a puzzle.Theories advanced so far have generally failed to explain the firststep in continent growth, or have been subject to seriousobjections. It is the purpose of this article to examine thepossible role of the impact of large meteorites or asteroids in theproduction of continental nuclei. Unfortunately, the geologicalevolution of the Earth's surface has had an obliterating effect onthe original composition and structure of the continents to such an extent that further terrestrialinvestigations have small chance of arriving at an unambiguous answer to the question ofcontinental origin. Paradoxically, clues to the origin and early history of the surface features of theEarth may be found on the Moon and planets, rather than on the Earth, because some of thesebodies appear to have had a much less active geological history. As a result, relatively primitivesurface features are preserved for study and analysis. In the case of both the Moon and Mars, it isgenerally concluded from the appearance of their heavily cratered surfaces that they have beensubjected to bombardment by large meteoroids during their geological history. Likewise, it wouldappear a reasonable hypothesis that the Earth has also been subjected to meteoroidbombardment in the past, and that very large bodies struck the Earth early in its geologicalhistory.
The large crater on the Moon listed by Baldwin has a diameter of 285 km. However, if weaccept the hypotheses of formation of some of the mare basins by impact, the maximum lunarimpact crater diameter is probably as large as 650km. Based on a lunar analogy, one might expectseveral impact craters of at least 500km diameter to have been formed on Earth. By applyingBaldwin's equation, the depth of such a crater should be about 20km. Baldwin admits that hisequation gives excessive depths for large craters so that the actual depth should be somewhatsmaller. Based on the measured depth of smaller lunar crater. Baldwin's equation gives the depth ofthe zone of brecciation for such a crater as about 75km. The plasticity of the Earth's mantle at thedepth makes it impossible to speak of "bracciation" in the usual sense. However, local stresses maybe temporarily sustained at that depth, as shown by the existence of deep-focus earthquakes.Thus, short-term effects might be expected to a depth of more than 50km in the mantle.
Even without knowing the precise effects, there is little doubt that the formation of a 500-km crater would be a major geological event. Numerous authors have considered the geologicalimplications of such an event. Donn et al. have, for example, called on the impact of continent-sizebodies of sialic composition to from the original continents. Two major difficulties inherent in thisconcept are the lack of any known sialic meteorites, and the high probability that the energy ofimpact would result in a wide dissemination of sialic material, rather than its concentration at thepoint of impact.
Gilvarry, on the other hand, called on meteoroid impact to explain the production of oceanbasins. The major difficulties with this model are that the morphology of most of the ocean basinsis not consistent with impact, and that the origin and growth of continents is not adequatelyexplained.
We agree with Donn at al. that the impact of large meteorites or asteroids may havecaused continent formation, but would rather think in terms of the localized addition of energy tothe system, rather than in terms of the addition of actual sialic material. | 209.txt | 3 |
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